Table of Contents

BOOKS IV OF THE HISTORIES OF JOHN CANTACUZENUS.

ARGUMENT OF BOOK FOUR

701 The historian testifies that he will faithfully narrate what has been done. The Empress, standing with her sons before the image of the Mother of God, thus silently implores the mercy of the victor. Cantacuzenus swears there that he is innocent of the charge. He betroths his daughter Helena to the young Emperor John. The oath is administered to the subjects. The nobles, though resisting, are compelled to swear to both emperors: a sanction regarding movable goods alienated by the war. Helena is hailed as Empress. Nuptials are prepared. In the empire, there is the utmost tranquility from seditions and arms. A Marquis from Lombardy thinks to occupy Byzantium, Thessalonica, and Aenus, as if rightfully owed to him by paternal inheritance: two epistles of the legates of Bartholomew, one to the Roman Pontiff Clement VI, the other to the Dauphin of Vienne, concerning the praises of the Emperor Cantacuzenus. Meeting Patriarch John, he objects to him his past wicked deeds against himself and the republic, along with the impiety of his dogmas; the patriarch is condemned by a synod, and Isidorus takes his place. His praise. Monks are reprimanded for the ambition of the patriarchate. By Isidorus, the Emperor is publicly absolved from the anathema. He is visited by Orchanes and his family: he is again crowned in the Blachernae for just causes. A wife is joined to Emperor John. Concerning the collapse of a great part of the church of Sophia, and its restoration. The Crales, though appealed to once and again, refuses to restore the cities taken after the peace treaty was struck. Troops are sent against him with Persian auxiliaries. The Persians, since the towns were held by the Triballi, plunder them and return to their own lands, although they should have devastated and looted the Triballi. The Emperor honors both his son and his wife's brothers with gifts. He adopts a plan for money to be exacted per capita, and again defends himself in an assembly against the sycophants, of whom he complains gravely; he purges himself regarding the Barbarians called in for support; he casts the blame upon his adversaries; he asks for opinions on protecting the republic. The response of the leading citizens, in which they declare their own duty, and that of the Emperor, the soldier, the merchant, and the craftsman. The cause of the monetary exaction. The malignity and calumny of his enemies against the Emperor. Why he spared them and abandoned the business. New plots of certain nobles, and thoughts of renewing the war. They are given into custody, then pardoned, and returned to their former duties. The complaint of the nobles that they were compelled to pledge faith to Anna and her son; the Emperor defends both and excuses those who did not think they would be faithful to either. He argues that he accessed the empire of necessity, and that he is not hostile 702 to the Empress and her sons. The seditious are also repelled by his wife Irene; princes solicit his son Matthew to defect from his father and to establish a principality for himself, having reduced several cities into his power. Why they defected to him. Matthew subjects certain towns to himself. The mother recalls her son to sanity. Praise of this woman. Andronicus, the youngest of the three sons, dies of the plague; an elegant description of this pestilence. What benefits that scourge brought to the minds of men. The Emperor tours the cities of Thrace with his son-in-law, and rejoices in his aptitude for military service. An embassy to Pope Clement, by which he excuses himself regarding the Barbarians taken in for aid; he pledges his own help if he should wish to undertake a war against the Barbarians with Christian princes. He is praised by the Pope. The legates record the words of Cantacuzenus in a journal. The Pope gives thanks for his care toward the young Emperor and his mother; he urges him to reconcile the concord of the Churches. The Emperor asks for a council from him; it is promised, but the matter is deferred by the Italian war, and meanwhile the pontiff dies; thus, from a prepared situation, it turns out unprepared. Tomprotizas surrenders the city. The Persian plunderers are slain and captured; the remnants flee to a hill. The dangerous temerity of the Despot Nicephorus. The Persians, having been given gifts, are sent home. The noble spirit of Matthew's son in the conflict. Reports of victories on both sides. The Emperor's calculation, and his virtue in sickness. Why the Galatae made war on the Emperor; they cunningly seek space of territory above the city, but do not obtain it; they are compared to asses. The damage inflicted by them upon the Byzantines by fire. They erect a tower on a mound; they intercept space with a wall. Merchants and craftsmen pray to be avenged on the Galatae. Their stone-throwing machine. Stones hurled from Constantinople are discharged into Galata by siege engines. A merchant ship with a machine is sunk. A Genoese merchant ship is intercepted. Naval war. The Emperor, having been conquered, retains a lofty spirit.

^A He restores his fleet. The victors celebrate their triumph; their insolence in despising the conquered. They restore the place which the Emperor grants to them. Concerning the excessive and false taxation. The causes of the unusual tributes. The Genoese finally restore Chios. Calothetus is sent as prefect to Phocaea. The miserable state of the Peloponnese. Manuel, the son of the Empress, is designated praetor and what he achieved there. He overcomes enemies and shows forgiveness. The Latins holding Achaea become friends and allies. Praise of the same Manuel for his gentle and upright character. Lazarus the Hierosolymite is accused, removed from his rank; he is afflicted by hunger; invited by the Galatae to the communion of the faith, he refuses; he despises the insults; he is handed over to his enemies. The patriarch’s both kindness and inhumanity toward him. A legate is sent by Cantacuzenus to the Sultan of Egypt on behalf of the Christians and for his own restoration. The Sultan’s letter of response; in the end, praise for Cantacuzenus. Gerasimus, preparing to accuse Lazarus again before the Sultan, dies on his way. The Sultan’s successor, at the urging of the arch-satrap Sichuntis, rages against the Christians. Why Sichum spared the Jacobite heretics. Lazarus is scourged; the Christians are condemned to infamy, although otherwise immune from punishments. Palamas is created Bishop of Thessalonica and is rejected by the prefects, who attempt to make the city their own. The audacity of Andreas Palaeologus toward the Emperor. Callistus succeeds Isidore as patriarch. The Emperor ^B contemplates monastic life with his wife. The Thessalonians beg for aid as supplicants. They drive Palaeologus from the city, which they desire to betray to the Zelotes Crales. The custom of the barbarians in killing those who vie for the empire. Merzianes, suborned by Orchanes to assassinate the young Emperor, is apprehended. The Empress Anna does not wish her son to be left at Thessalonica. Precaution is taken against the plundering of Macedonia. The prefect of Anactoropolis claims the city for himself, being hostile to other regions. The Emperor burns his ships. Orchanes recalls his son with his allies; upon returning, they ravage Moesia. The kindness of the Amphipolitan prefects toward the Emperor. Internal strife in Thessalonica; the matter is brought to a successful conclusion. The Venetians obtain no aid against the Genoese. The Emperor enters into a pact with the chief of the shepherds, while he asks for the release of his captive son. By what means Crales fortified Berrhoea. Concerning the ships hindered in the crossing of the river, and freed by the tide of the sea. Berrhoea is captured. The Persians are granted the power to plunder the region of Crales. The Emperor moves to Edessa, and is frustrated in his hope. Several small towns surrender. An expedition into the lands of the Serbs. A description of the town. The passage of the suburban districts. The city is besieged. Excellent cities, and Scopia itself, the seat of Crales, seek the Emperor. He is also summoned by the Triballian dynasts. Two defect. The return of the Emperor to Thessalonica. The journey to Gynaecocastrum. The perfidy of the prefect of that same place. Before Thessalonica, a parley between Crales and the Emperor: where the Emperor defends himself, ^C and shows him to be a perjurer and the cause of the war; nevertheless, he praises his kindness and humanity toward himself and his wife. Crales confesses the perfidy; he does not return what was taken: he fears the Emperor incredibly. Why he desires to retain the cities he occupied. The Emperor again reproaches him for his dishonesty. A partition of cities. Peace and feasting. Concerning the perfidy of Crales. Troops drawn up on both sides, and led back without a battle. The Emperor admonishes the younger Emperor, namely John, to be on guard against Crales, who captures Edessa by treachery. The punishment and death of the Lyzician prefect. The destruction of Edessa. The Emperor clears himself to the King of the Moesi regarding the incursion of the barbarians into his kingdom; he gives counsel on how to prevent them from entering Moesia and Thrace. A portent by which Alexander is roused against Crales. The navy is purified. The inconstancy of the Moesi, whom the Emperor tries in vain to recall. A synod because of the heresy of Barlaam and Acindynus. Why Acindynus hid himself. Four days are spent in debate. The bishops of Ephesus and Gani are deposed. Concerning the three volumes written. Silence is imposed upon the followers of Barlaam and Acindynus; they are held in custody. Concerning Nicephorus Gregoras as a seditious, lying man, and one who speaks evil against the Byzantine Church, the Emperor, and the monks. The fable of Atlantis adapted for holy monks. Why the Emperor set out for Mount Athos; why he returned from there; why he undertook the empire. His diligence in caring for the peace of the Church. Again, it is discoursed against Gregoras. The Venetians seek aid against the Genoese. The origin of the temporary alliance of the Venetians with the Emperor. The pride of the Galatae is compared with the arrogance of the Lacedaemonians. ^D They throw stones at Byzantium twice; war is declared against them. The Emperor enters into an alliance with the Venetians against the Genoese. Why these two republics are hostile to one another. The siege of Galata. The audacity of the prefect of the Venetian fleet. Three machines prepared in vain. A messenger concerning the seventy Genoese triremes. The mobs of the Genoese people against the nobles, at whose expense those ships were built. The sloth of the Venetian commander. Galata is besieged in vain. Tarchaniota’s arm is severely wounded. The Venetian, sailing back home, barely escapes the Genoese. The younger Emperor is incited against his father-in-law by the slanders of evil men. The same men deceive Andronicus most cunningly, so that in his absence they might be more wicked. The Empress Anna is sent by Cantacuzenus to reconcile her son, which she succeeds in doing. He chides Crales with his wife. The Genoese besiege the town of Euboea in vain. Concerning the fortification of Byzantium, and the foolish plan of a certain Martin to besiege it. The Emperor sends subsidies to the cities near the Pontus. Sozopolis rejects them proudly, and is captured by the Latins. The nobles redeem its destruction with money. Philotheus, Bishop of Heraclea, frees his captives from the Galatae. The timidity of Nicholas, commander of the Venetian fleet. The Genoese are conquered. The imposture of the Galatae toward the Catalans. The slaughter of the Genoese, Venetians, and Catalans. The great spirit of the Genoese commander. Nicholas disgraces the victory. The anger of the Emperor and the Catalan commander against him. The memorable charity of the Byzantines in caring for the sick Catalans. The Genoese implore aid from Orchanes. Why he is hostile toward the Venetians. Nicholas is reprimanded again. The commander of the Catalans dies of grief: he is succeeded by Monean, whom

the emperor vainly incites to battle. Nicholas is left as a fool; he repairs the fleet. Grimoaldus Pagani, successor to the commander of the Genoese, is defeated near Sardinia. Afflicted by the Venetians, the Genoese submit themselves to the prince of the Milanese on certain conditions. The Venetians are defeated by Pagani near Methone. Peace between both sides. The exile of Pagani and the nobles. The status of the Genoese is restored. Palæologus departs for Didymotichum with his wife and one of his sons. Irene departs for the same place with the bishops to reconcile Matthew to him. Palæologus refuses to confirm in writing the absolute governance to Matthew, and takes up arms against his father-in-law. He besieges Matthew at Adrianople; he yields Zernomianum out of fear of the incoming father-in-law. The Adrianopolitans, resisting Cantacuzenus, 704 are defeated and plundered. The Zernomianenses are attacked as reckless. Palæologus gives his brother as a hostage for aid from the Kral; he sends reinforcements of the Moesi to the same. Cantacuzenus contends for aid from Orchanes. The Persians flee the Moesi, by whom the Triballi and Romans are partly cut down, partly captured. The Persians return to Asia, having brought devastation upon the fields of the Moesi. Cantacuzenus, peace having been obtained from Palæologus, is hostile to his towns. He attacks Chalcidice on account of the Morrhæi. A wise comparison for Palæologus, who petitions for peace, to which he strives to subtract the bad counselors who prevent peace. Palæologus, despairing, flees to Tenedos with his wife. The highest praise of his wife. His cities accept Cantacuzenus as lord. Irene keeps watch over Byzantium with care. Palæologus, coming to the walls and disappointed of his hope, turns aside to Galata: sailing again from there to Tenedos, he conceals the curses of the rowers against Cantacuzenus. The tumult of the nobility of Byzantium, and the expostulation with Cantacuzenus, and the petition regarding the designating of Matthew as emperor. Patriarch Callistus opposes this, and is rebuked as if he had spoken of alien matters. In a long oration, as often, the emperor repels the suspicion of tyranny from himself, and courts the praise of justice and integrity. He accuses Palæologus on several counts, then proves that his son Matthew is not unjustly named emperor. Palæologus purges himself of two counts. Matthew is declared emperor. He is sent to Adrianople. The obstinacy of Callistus in not returning to the see. Deliberation regarding his successor. The canons are cited. The emperor confesses his sin. Philotheus becomes patriarch. Callistus flees from Galata to Tenedos. The coronation of Matthew and his wife. The seditious Tenedian of Pergamon, the author of the defection, is sent bound to Thessalonica. Regarding the Persians, bringing money out of Thrace. A huge earthquake strikes down the cities, which the Barbarians occupy as if they were deserted. The treachery of Suliman. The emperor demands back the cities from Orchanes, and he induces his son to return them. The reason why Cantacuzenus wished to set out to his son-in-law in Tenedos. Suliman captures two Galatian cities in Scythia. Palæologus comes to Byzantium, the people are in an uproar. Cantacuzenus discusses taking up the monastic life with his wife. Battle with Palæologus. The warning of Philotheus about not summoning the Barbarians for aid; the emperor obeys. The rage of the people is rekindled. Philotheus hides himself. An oath is sworn on certain conditions. The fortification at the Golden Gate is described. Regarding the driving of the Barbarians from Thrace, against whom Cantacuzenus dissuades war. The differing judgment regarding his oration. The detraction of the juniors. The guards at the Golden Gate refuse to surrender themselves to Palæologus: the cunning of the Italian soldiers. The threats of Cantacuzenus. They ask for pardon, and surrender the fortress. Palæologus is invited into the palace; he himself invites his father-in-law to a banquet. The tumult of the commons on account of Cantacuzenus is calmed. The father-in-law reveals to his son-in-law his will to profess monasticism, and together with his wife becomes a monk; and both change their names. Palæologus asks that he reconcile the concord between himself and his son Matthew. Callistus is returned to the throne. The despot Nicephorus breaks his faith. A treaty between the emperors. The nobles of John are impostors; because of them war breaks out again; he purges himself to Matthew. The death of the Kral. Helena the Kralena holds power. The factions of the nobles. Nicephorus the Duke holds Thessaly: the crimes of his servants. The queen, wife of Nicephorus, flees to Byzantium, then to her husband; she flees to her brother in the Peloponnese. Her husband is killed in battle by the Albani; she herself lives as a nun in Byzantium with her mother. Palæologus releases Orchanes' son, captured by pirates, having paid a large sum of money. The friendship of the Triballian princes with Cantacuzenus and his son. Into what straits Matthew is reduced. A description of the city of Philippopolis. Matthew is captured by the Philippopolitans in a marsh. Palæologus captures Gratianopolis with his wife and children. Matthew is sold to Palæologus for money by the Triballian Boichna. Whether his eyes ought to be gouged out. The mercy of Palæologus toward him is praised; liberty is promised to the captive. Cantacuzenus gives thanks, and exerts himself to obtain him from custody. The poisonous calumny of Ziani against the nun Eugenia, the former wife of Cantacuzenus. Something is demanded for the freeing of Matthew; he answers ambitiously. A most prudent oration, by which the father strives to turn his son away from the desire for empire. Matthew obeys, and swears an oath. Palæologus 705 conducts himself amicably with him. Cantacuzenus, with him and his whole family, seeks the Peloponnese to flee the new dissension between him and his son-in-law, and there commends him to his brother Manuel the prefect; and at length he placates Manuel, who had been provoked against him by calumniators. Patriarch Callistus, sent as an ambassador of the emperor to the Kralena, dies there with his companions. His body is refused by the monks of Mount Athos; Mesembria is besieged. Peace. Philotheus returns to the patriarchate. An epilogue of the whole history. Notable matters in this final book: The second coronation of Cantacuzenus in Constantinople, for the first took place in Adrianople. The praise, collapse, and restoration of the Church of Sophia. The wedding of the emperor Palæologus with Helena, daughter of Cantacuzenus. Letters and embassies between Pope Clement VI and Cantacuzenus regarding the attacking of the Barbarians and the concord of the Churches. Naval war with the Galatians. The island of Chios recovered by the Genoese. Deeds in the Peloponnese. The embassy of Cantacuzenus to the sultan of Egypt, and his response.

hurches. Naval war with the Galatians. The island of Chios recovered by the Genoese. Deeds in the Peloponnese. The embassy of Cantacuzenus to the sultan of Egypt, and his response.

BOOK FOUR. CHAPTER ONE.

Thessalonian affairs. A synod against Barlaam and Acindynus. The persecution of Nicephorus Gregoras. The war bursting forth again between father-in-law and son-in-law, repressed by the prudence and authority of Empress Anna. Laudable charity toward wounded Catalans and sick citizens of Byzantium. Controversy between Matthew and Palaeologus regarding Adrianople and neighboring cities. Concerning the demand for Matthew to be made emperor. Peace and treaty between the emperors. Events between Palaeologus and Matthew. The unhappy end of Matthew. The monastic life of Cantacuzenus and his wife.

He attests to his fidelity in narrating. The argument of the book. The Empress with her children before the image of the Theotokos. The emperor swears, as he often did before. He gives thanks to God for being freed from slanders. Helena, daughter of Cantacuzenus, is betrothed to the young John, whom he commends. An oath is demanded of the subjects. Certain nobles refuse, desiring to be subject to Cantacuzenus alone: which he does not permit. An ordinance concerning the goods of the soil. Emperor John marries Helena, daughter of Cantacuzenus. The highest peace from discords and arms. A marquis from Lombardy schemes to occupy Byzantium, Thessalonica, and Aenus, as if they were hereditary cities.

^A Such a war among the Romans themselves was kindled for five years, and they inflicted upon each other so many and so grievous disasters that the Roman empire was nearly overthrown and destroyed to its foundations. We have explained precisely all these things exactly as they occurred, passing over nothing, keeping the ancient promise to say nothing for the sake of favor or out of hatred, but only what is accurately true. It remains now, therefore, to record those things which Cantacuzenus did while reigning as monarch, and the dispute and dissension that again arose between him and his son-in-law, the Emperor Palaeologus. For after he had discharged his oath and entered the palace, he found the Empress standing before the image of the Theotokos Hodegetria with her children, so that she might more effectively move the emperor to mercy and cause him to lay aside the memory of all the grievous and hateful events that had occurred during the war. ^B He first worshipped the icon of the Mother of God as a suppliant, and then swore before the icon, in the hearing of all, that he had neither meditated nor done anything whatsoever against her and her children before the war was moved by them; nor had he ever thought in any way to despoil her and the emperor her son of their rule, but that all things were mere fabrications of tale-bearers and invented slanders. His purpose from the beginning, he declared, had been to undergo any labor, and to spend whatever wealth he possessed for the common benefit of the Empress, her children, and his own glory, remaining in his monastic habit. Afterward, he rendered exquisite thanks to God that he had arrived living to that day, which would most clearly free him from slanders and unjust accusations, having made manifest by the very deeds both the wickedness of his detractors and his own moderation. Then, together with the Empress— ^C

Augustus and his son, the emperor, withdrew into the private apartment prepared for the emperor’s reception. There, a conversation was held concerning public affairs, and his daughter Helena was betrothed to the young emperor. For the elder emperor had at once been entirely won over, not only because of his affection for the young man’s father, but also because he saw him to be, if one may ^A say, a vessel of every kind of grace. For he displayed not only a stature worthy of the empire, but also a disposition not ignoble, showing forth seeds of courage and wisdom, both of which later blossomed in accordance with those hopes. In wisdom, indeed, he was second to none of his imperial ancestors, and he had often demonstrated to his enemies a noble confidence in daring. The following day, the emperor ordered those who were with him outside the city ^B and the nobles, soldiers, and other prominent men who were with the empress to pledge their faith to both emperors by oath, so that there might be no discord or division, and that all might be ordered under one empire. Those who were within with the empress gave thanks to the emperor and willingly took the oaths. But most of those outside, particularly the most prominent men, would not agree; they declared that they would obey only the emperor Cantacuzenus, and no other. For they said it was terrible if, after having endured so many great labors in the war, ^C and having sacrificed their wealth, their kinsmen, and themselves in order to defeat their enemies, they were then, just when they seemed to have prevailed, suddenly seen to be utterly conquered and defeated, and subject to those to whom they could have been subject before, if they had wished, while remaining free of many hardships. For three days they strove not to do the same as the others, nor to submit themselves to the servitude under the new emperor. But the emperor Cantacuzenus, seeing their resistance, delivered a brief and stern decision. He ordered those who did not wish to yield to his son-in-law to depart from his presence ^D as well. He said he did not wish to force anyone to serve him, just as he had not done previously; but if anyone wished to be assigned under him, it was absolutely necessary that he also acknowledge his son-in-law, the emperor, as lord. If they did not wish to yield to him, they should also take their leave of his own presence, as there was no other way for these dissensions and strife to be removed. The emperor spoke these things in anger. Those who had been resisting him, fearing the emperor’s threat, gave in and took the oaths as the emperor had commanded. After this, he issued a decree that no one should harass another[.]

...and if they were stripped of their fortunes, he relieved their poverty by other means. In this way, in a short space of time, he cut off all disputes and occasions for riots, and the well-ordered ^A republic once again enjoyed peace and tranquility. These things accomplished, he summoned his wife and daughters from Adrianople. When they arrived at the temple of the Mother of God, situated before the city (which, as it is called a fountain by name, so in reality is a fountain of healing for many diseases), Empress Anna went out to meet them. With the emperors present, along with the magistrates and the entire nobility, Helena, who was to be married to the young emperor, by the command of her father and Empress Anna, was adorned in imperial attire and hailed as empress. Then, all of them having gathered together with the emperors in the palace, the wedding was prepared, and all were relieved from the miseries of war and hoped for better things. ^B Indeed, not only did the Romans desist from mutual contentions and factions, but even foreign enemies, hearing that the entire Roman Empire was now subjected to the authority of Cantacuzenus, laid down their arms. For previously even the neighboring dynasts were laboring to scrape something away from it. The Marquis of Lombardy, a prince who was a grandson of the Emperor Andronicus the Elder through his son, and who claimed the empire for himself as if it were his due above all others (whose father, Theodore, had also litigated concerning the same with Andronicus the Younger), having learned that Cantacuzenus was ruling over the Romans and that, except for Byzantium, Thessalonica, and Ainos, he had taken away the entire remaining empire from the sons of the deceased emperor, ^C was considering how he might bring a fleet and take possession of these three cities for himself, as they were owed to him by paternal inheritance rather than to Cantacuzenus. He was greatly incited to this by the Cardinal Coumintzes, his wife’s brother, who was contributing no small amount of money for the building of ships, and otherwise providing no moderate sum for military preparations. And he was already equipped, so that at the beginning of the spring of that year, he would attack the Byzantines with a great naval force.

CHAPTER II

Truly, however, learning from a certain ^D Bartholomew that Emperor Cantacuzenus had already brought Byzantium and the entire empire under his control, he desisted from his undertaking. For this very Bartholomew, having been sent as an envoy by the Dauphin of Vienna to Empress Anna, when...

^A in the meantime he was discharging his embassy, and Cantacuzenus the Emperor had occupied Constantinople, he met with him. Having admired his prudence, he wrote letters to Pope Clement and to the Dauphin, by whom he had been sent; which letters, just as we had them, we have inserted word for word into this history. The one which is to the Pope is as follows: “Let the whole people of the Roman Empire exult, and let the entire world rejoice for the sake of the victory of such a great emperor. For a day sanctified for all Christians dawned on the third of the Nones of February, on which indeed God sent forth His angel to prepare His way before him, and with His own most radiant light to dispel far off the darkness of war, bringing peace as a branch of green olive. For this is the king of peace, a second Solomon, whose face all the earth desires to see. For behold, in order that the Lord might show that it was not by the strength of a horse, nor by the power of man, but by the power of God that this trophy was erected by the most excellent and most invincible lord, John Cantacuzenus, Augustus and Emperor, He opened the treasuries of His own power and poured out upon him the gifts of His own charisms; ^B giving over to him this queen of cities, I mean Constantinople, and the entire empire, by heavenly virtue and the power of arms and an outstretched arm, so that in him the perennial rivers of His gifts and mercy might appear more clearly. For this is he of whom the Scripture says: ‘Who could have transgressed, and hath not transgressed? And could do evil, and hath not done it.’ Indeed, truly imitating Christ, he rendered good for evil; mindful of mercy, and unmindful of iniquity. Who has also been a good soldier, according to the example of the first athlete, Stephen, who prayed for the persecutors who were stoning him, saying: ‘Lord, lay not this sin to their charge, for they know not what they do.’ Never since the world began has such singular and incredible virtue been heard of in a man, not in Octavian the Emperor, nor in Theodosius, ^C nor indeed in Augustus Caesar: that those whom he was able to lay low on the ground by the power of arms, to those he should grant his own kind mercy, forgetting all the evils committed against him. These things, therefore, and rejoice, most holy Lord, in such a fortunate, such triumphant entry, bloodless and in no way harmful to the Christian people; and again rejoice, because truth has been received through truth. For the truth of Christ has shown the truth of this innocent emperor, because truth and mercy have met together, and justice and peace have kissed each other. Indeed, I trust that this pertains to peace and the best state of the entire Christian people and to the increase of the trophy against the enemies of the cross of Christ: just as not without a moderate ^D

amount of harm has the discord increased over a very long time for the emperors of the Romans. Therefore, even if certain unspeakable crimes have been reported to your Holiness regarding the aforementioned most serene emperor and august lord, John Cantacuzenus (who is also now the father of the most serene emperor and august lord of the Romans, John Palaeologus), they ought by no means to be admitted or believed in any way whatsoever. For I believe that your Holiness will learn of these matters more fittingly, more truly, and more clearly from these very lords and emperors themselves, whether through envoys or through letters. These things Bartholomew wrote to Pope Clement VI concerning the emperors. ^A To Imbert, the Dauphin of Viennois, from whom an envoy also came to the Empress Anna, he gave this letter in these words: "Let the whole people of the faithful rejoice joyfully; let the chorus of Christians sing; let the most illustrious feast days be renewed in the sacrosanct churches; let them strike the stars with psalms; let the instruments of the monks sing to heaven; let these pleasant festivals roll through the mouths of all, and let them spread through the whole region, so that the clamor of those who rejoice may be heard, not only by those on earth, but also by the heavenly citizens. Hear, therefore, O heavens, what I shall speak, and let the earth hear the words of my mouth. But indeed, who would not listen gladly, who would not carefully apply his mind to these words, that the hand of the Lord has surely been ^B made over the Roman Empire, because day has illuminated night, and splendor has put darkness to flight, and for those sitting in darkness and the shadow of death, a light from the heavens has arisen? See how this light has arisen from above, so that He who sits above all, the Most High, might deliver this queen of all cities—not by magnificent military preparation, but by His own power—to the great and most illustrious emperor, Lord John Cantacuzenus, the father of the empire and of the emperor himself, and that up to this point the just judge has preserved this empire for him as a gift, so that it might be clearly evident to all that this was done by the Lord God, and not by man. For the most wise Solomon says: 'To everything there is a time under heaven, and all things are good in their time. A time to weep, and a time to rejoice.' So also at one time Christ said, 'My hour is not yet come.' And elsewhere, 'Father, the hour is come, and now is the time that Your Son may be glorified'; and immediately the paternal voice replied to the Son, 'I have both glorified it, and will glorify it again.' Also in the Gospel we read that our Lord Christ said at the Jordan, 'I ought to be baptized by thee, and thou comest to me,' and Christ replied, 'Suffer it to be so; for so it becomes us to fulfill all justice.' Those words, 'Suffer it to be so,' signified that the time of exaltation and glory was not yet present, since the hour of blessing and grace had not yet come. This hour of light, therefore, has been reserved for the Roman Empire, lest, if this gift were suddenly and unexpectedly exhibited to the faithful, it might be held in low esteem. This is he who makes the heaven and the tempests serene. This is he who, after lamentation and tears, brings joy.

^A For which of the holy Fathers was raised in glory who had not first undergone tribulations? As the Scripture clearly cries out: "And He scourges every son whom He receives," and God says: "Those whom I love, I rebuke and chastise." Thus also the Psalmist, that heavenly citharoedist David, sang: "The Lord has chastened me sorely, but He has not given me over to death." And in another place: "My father and my mother and all my acquaintances have forsaken me, but the Lord has taken me up." Do you therefore also take up, most beloved duke, this aforementioned emperor, whom God has taken up into the establishment of the empire, and rank him among the most prominent, whom God has preserved for the empire. "For all power is ordained by the Lord God for some good end; and he who resists the power of the ruling authority, according to the Apostle, resists the ordinance of God." ^B And see to it that you are not found to be one of those of that order who are rebuked by the righteous Job with these words: "These are those who rebel against the light; they are deserters of the light, which shines in the darkness without blame, since the darkness did not comprehend it." And set forth an example worthy of eternal memory to the worshippers of Christ, in how this great emperor bears within himself the image of the clemency of great Constantine: by which he forbade those infants in whose blood he was to be cured of leprosy from being slaughtered. And he has surpassed the humanity of him who ruled after Julius Caesar, Octavian (on account of whom he is called the king of humanity), our emperor, being equal to, if not greater than, the best emperor, Theodosius, in piety. ^C He has surpassed the equity and goodness of Scipio Africanus, who made Africa tributary to us Italians. For while many mortals of diverse ways and dispositions had offended such an emperor, and deservedly might have feared the penalty of death, as soon as he was within the walls by force of war, he did not harm any of them with any evil; but he desires to deserve well of all, good and bad alike, in this imitating God, who makes His sun rise on the good and the evil. How then should I not wish for these goods to be poured into the heart of these Christians? And how should I not place in the middle of my heart the lineage of the Romans, which worships Christ who was crucified (whom the Old and New Testament recognizes and follows), for the sake of whom neither are swords stained with human blood, nor is evil repaid with evil, ^D but rather is evil overcome by good? Since these things are so, I urge your ducal power to bind this Emperor John, whose name signifies the grace of God, to yourself with the tight bonds of friendship, and to endure neither doing nor hearing anything new against him. For this John is called grace, 712

^A and rightly so, being altogether gracious; and with the Apostle he is able to say: "By the grace of God I am what I am, and His grace in me has not been void, but remains with me at all times." For since the tree is known by its fruit, and the fruit receives its praise from the tree, I trust in the power of Christ that the emperor thus set forth will be known by the fruit of his good works. For he listens with patience to all who report to him, answers with gentleness, examines with wisdom, and judges righteously. These are the four ^B that those who rule are duty-bound most strictly to possess; these are the virtues sought in the governance of wise leaders, regarding whom Plato the philosopher says that public affairs are in a happy state when their administrators are adorned with wisdom. Truly, the dignity of this wisdom is great, which has even made the Athenian Socrates equal to the supreme God. I, therefore, bear hopes that this man's reign will be for the peace of the Christians and the repelling of the Ishmaelites, and will be for the justice of the people through mercy for all his subjects, as it is written in the one hundred and twentieth chapter of Proverbs: "Mercy and truth preserve the king, and his throne will be established in righteousness." ^C Such things he wrote to Inimbertus.

Chapter III

themselves to the history, but that I might demonstrate how, by these praises of the emperor, the Marquis was persuaded not to attack the Romans with a great fleet. For previously, hearing many and terrible things about the emperor, all those who held power in Italy were authorizing the expedition to the marquis. But when these letters reached him from a man of sufficient credibility in their eyes, and the others were dissuading him from the expedition, the Marquis himself became less eager, not only out of respect for the virtue of the emperor, but also because he had already abandoned the hope of achieving something great, now that the emperor held the entire Roman sovereignty, as he was heard by all to be a great strategist. That man, therefore, was prevented by these things and was dissolving the army.

CHAPTER III.

The Emperor, since the patriarch John was still dwelling in the palace and was idle, went to him, greeted him gently, and then reminded him of what he had discussed with him after the death of the emperor, before the war was set in motion: namely, about those who were intending to concoct calumnies against him, and how he had begged him to show every effort on behalf of justice and the public good, and not to allow the empress to be persuaded by the slanderers and a civil war to be stirred up; but that he should drive them away like a plague and a common blight upon the Roman prosperity. And he reproached him not only because he had shown no spirit befitting him in the face of the slanders, but also because he had cooperated with the slanderers and was himself stirring up the war more than the others, knowing most clearly that they were lying and slandering. And the greatest thing of all was that, even after such great calamity ensuing from the war, the shedding of infinite blood, the enslavements, the confiscations, the prisons, and the common destruction, he had manifested no pity for those who were perishing, nor had he let up on his bitterness toward him until the end; but though he [the emperor] wrote many times and begged for peace throughout the whole duration of the war, not only was he not persuaded, nor would he listen to what was said, but he moved every stone and persuaded the others not to put an end to the war. Then he said, "Let us leave these things for now as they are not fitting for the present time; for I did not intend to speak now to reproach you for your ingratitude, but so that all might know that, even before they happened, I had precisely conjectured all that would come to pass through my experience with affairs. Now, had you not been deposed from the throne by the bishops before I entered Constantinople, no one would have harassed you concerning such things, nor would you have remained in the position you were in. But as for the perversity of the dogmas of which you are accused by the bishops, I would have judged and passed sentence if you appeared to be convicted of the charges; but if you had avoided the trial, nothing would have prevented you from being back on the throne. But since it has turned out in this way, that I cannot restore you to the throne once the bishops have passed judgment, yet I do grant a right of appeal, so that you may respond to the charges before me." The patriarch, [acknowledging] the emperor's... ^{B C}

gentleness and benevolence toward him, almost thought he was dreaming, given the unexpected outcome of events. For he had been anticipating some unusual form of death and awaiting all manner of mockery and supreme insults, reflecting upon how many wicked things he had committed against [the emperor] during the war. Then, now supported by better hope and refreshed from the fear that had gripped him, he praised the emperor greatly for his mildness and for the forgetting of past wrongs, and he offered profuse thanks for the sympathy and forgiveness he had been granted. He asked for time to deliberate on what he should answer the bishops, should he wish to defend his cause; the emperor granted this.

Three days later, the emperor returned to him, and while cheering him with very kind and festive words, he also inquired about the judgment, asking whether he wished for his case to be examined. The patriarch again praised the emperor profusely and affirmed that the judgment was according to his own wish; for he claimed he would wash away the charges once he stood before it. The emperor ^B immediately communicated the patriarch's request to the bishops and confirmed that, in his opinion, the request was just; this indeed seemed very agreeable to the bishops as well, for they maintained that it was not their desire for the patriarch to be driven from his throne unless he were shown to follow perverse doctrines that greatly diverged from the Orthodox religion. They fixed a day on which all were to gather at the palace to inquire into his dogmas.

When that day arrived, the bishops, the most prominent of the monks, and the most distinguished of the senators met. The patriarch was summoned; he delayed and declared he would not come. After being called a second and third time according to custom, he continued to evade the judgment. The bishops decided to ratify the decreed deposition, in accordance with the ^C sanctions of the Fathers regarding these matters. The emperor, however, did not permit it, but went to the patriarch himself and asked if he wished to appear to speak to the charges. When he openly refused the trial even with the emperor presiding, all the bishops by common consent put his abdication into writing. They issued a *tomus* concerning the dogmas, in which they all confessed that Acindynus and his sect—with whom the patriarch John, holding the same opinions, had been in fellowship, for which reason he was also cast out from his see—held perverse and impious views concerning religion, whereas Palamas and his followers ^D both understood and professed what was in agreement with the views of the divine theologians. In this way was patriarch John ejected from the throne, even before the emperor entered Byzantium. Yet he did not quiet down, but conspiring with certain ecclesiastics, bishops, and private individuals, he stirred up disturbances again and began to cast about.

Notes of Jacobi Pontani

Notes of Jacobi Gretser

BOOK IV

^A It was agreed by all that Acindynus and his faction, whom the patriarch John, having been deposed, favored, were thinking improperly and wickedly concerning the divine dogmas, while Palamas and those of like mind were speaking and thinking in accordance with the God-inspired theologians. Thus, then, was the patriarch John cast from the throne even before the Emperor Cantacuzenus had come to Byzantium. Yet he did not remain quiet after his expulsion, but by affiliating with himself certain persons, both from the bishops and from the laity, he again began to stir up tumult, insisting that he had been wronged by the verdict and accused the bishops who had deposed him. Hence, all of them—except those who sided with him—approached the Emperor and requested that he be cast out of Byzantium, so that the sedition and disturbance in the Church might thereby cease. It seemed best to the Emperor also that this would resolve the sedition, and he was sent to Didymoteichon. ^B But not long afterwards, being unable to bear such a change—for he had been cast down from a height of supreme good fortune to the opposite extreme—he first grew ill, and then lost his sanity, although not all at once; for sometimes, having regained his reason, he would again be deprived of it. When the Emperor heard this, he ordered that he be brought back to Byzantium so that he might receive care from physicians, but after he returned, he did not survive for long; rather, overcome by his disease and his distress of mind, he perished. But these things happened afterwards.

At that time, however, immediately after the deposition of John, there was much talk regarding who would be set over the Church. All the others, for their part, immediately considered no one more worthy than Palamas to be raised to the throne, not only because of his virtue and his philosophy of life, and his accuracy and experience in divine dogmas, but because he had clearly, from the very beginning, stood against the Emperor who had warred against them, claiming that he had unjustly stirred up the war to the ruin and destruction of the common good, for which reason he had been condemned to dwell in prison from start to finish. ^C But among the bishops and other prominent monks there was much dispute regarding the matter. For many of the more learned—and especially those who were distinguished for having exerted themselves on behalf of the Emperor during the time of the war, some having been confined in their houses, others in prisons, and others having been harshly treated in other ways—all hoped that the throne would be the reward for their labors; and each one proposed himself over the others. Seeing this contention, and forecasting that some sedition would arise in the Church from this unseemly rivalry, the Emperor resolved to do nothing of his own authority, but to leave the choice of a leader to the bishops. The majority, having agreed, chose Isidore, a man of good character and gentle, and one who was naturally adept at attaining all holiness, and fully trained in the disciplines of letters and the deep knowledge of dogmas. The Emperor immediately approved the election, and not long after he was ordained. ^D Now, while all the others, with the exception of none, were willing to be subject to him, those who had previously pledged the throne to themselves could not digest the fact that they had been passed over; and finally, through a love of power, they arrived at such wickedness that, having no other way to avenge themselves upon the Emperor and the bishops by whom they considered themselves slighted, they gave their names to the followers of Acindynus. Breaking away from the Church with a multitude of others, they vehemently disfigured it, even though a little while before they had removed John from the throne for that very same cause. And those who had previously seemed to be such great guardians of the dogmas, being passed over, were suddenly changed, becoming the defenders of those of whom they had been the accusers. One might rightly attribute this to him who, from the foundation of the world, has been the common enemy of the human race.

emerged. ^A For it was incumbent upon those prudent and, above all, honorable men, if nothing else, at least to consider this: that while there were many who were deemed suitable for the administration of this office, it was necessary that one be brought forward to rule, and the rest to be ruled. Now, blinded by excessive ambition and acting entirely against their own interests, they involved themselves and not a few others in the greatest ignominy and shipwreck regarding the faith. But these matters will be explained more clearly a little later, just as they occurred. The Emperor, learning how they had cut themselves off from the rest of the body of the Church, took it very hard and was grieved, not only because of the dissension by which they differed from others in the genuine doctrine of the faith, but because they were also his friends and, during the war, had endured many hardships for him; he believed that, although they were frustrated in their desire for the preeminent dignity of the patriarchate, they should nevertheless be rewarded with gifts and benefits as much as possible. But they, once driven headlong by the memory of the injury, and believing that their labors and zeal toward the Emperor could not be compensated by any other reward since they had not been deemed worthy of the patriarchal throne, simultaneously withdrawing themselves from him and from the truth, lacerated him with curses and, patronizing this lie, corrupted it, following in the footsteps of the false dogmas of Barlaam and Acindynus. Furthermore, Patriarch Isidore, shortly after his inauguration, having with him other bishops—as many as were present—while at the very beginning of the war Patriarch John was pronouncing the hymn of devotion over John Cantacuzenus, contrary to all law and justice, ^B having them, I say, with him, and ascending the so-called ambo so that he might be heard more clearly by all, rescinded the anathema in the presence of the people, even though John himself, when the Emperor came to him after occupying Byzantium, had annulled it in the presence of many. Nevertheless, it pleased Isidore that the same thing be done again for greater security.

CHAPTER IV

Orchanes, the Emperor's son-in-law, after he learned that his father-in-law had gained Byzantium and now certainly possessed the whole Roman Empire, such as it was, ^C came with his whole household to Scutari (as it is called by the natives), situated across from Byzantium, to congratulate him on his victory.

^A His victory concluded, the emperor immediately crossed over to him in triremes, and for not a few days they enjoyed each other’s company, passing the time in hunting, drinking parties, and tokens of friendship. The emperor and Orchanes, his son-in-law, dined at the same table, while his four sons, born to him of other wives, reclined on carpets at another table not far from the emperor, so that they might be seen by him, while the other illustrious Persians and Romans reclined in their view to eat. When they had enjoyed each other’s company for a sufficient time, Orchanes remained in the camp, but the emperor, accompanied by his daughter Theodora, the wife of Orchanes, and followed by the children of Orchanes and the rest of the household, returned to Byzantium. ^B Having spent three days there with the Empress Mother and his siblings, she later returned to Bithynia with the sons of Orchanes and the others of her retinue who had been honorably enriched by the emperor, their father. On the thirteenth of May, in the spring of the same year, in the temple of the Mother of God at Blachernae, the Emperor Cantacuzenus was crowned again by Patriarch Isidore, in the presence of the Empress Anna and the young Emperor John. And everything customary for the feast was performed, with nothing left out. Then he also crowned his wife, the Empress Irene, according to custom; and having returned to the palace, they gave themselves over to the drinking parties and festivities and all the other things that are known to brighten a feast. ^C Although he had previously been crowned at Hadrianopolis by Lazarus, the Patriarch of Jerusalem, and that anointing with the holy myron would have sufficed for those of sound mind, nevertheless, that he might give no pretext to detractors who might say he had not been crowned at Byzantium according to the ancient custom of the emperors, he decided to be crowned again. On the eighth day after that, that is, the twelfth of the Kalends of June, which is the day consecrated to the memory of the most illustrious emperors Constantine and Helena, the wife of the junior emperor was given to him in the same temple of the Mother of God at Blachernae. For the temple of the Sophia of God, which in beauty and size surpasses the temples of the whole world ^D and is as it were a common ornament and glory of the Roman empire, a most beautiful specimen of magnificent structure and ambitious design, had collapsed in a huge earthquake one year before Cantacuzenus took Byzantium—not the whole of it, but the great portico together with the tabernacle and more than two parts of the roof. Therefore, the sacred rites and ceremonies of the emperors were performed at Blachernae, as had once been the custom.

Notes by Jacobus Pontanus

^A Yet the Queen Anna, having returned, set to work to complete the great portico from the platform, and afterwards the Emperor Cantacuzenus erected the rest including the roof, and saw to the remaining adornment of the sanctuary, as much as concerned the marble work and the delicate arrangement of the mosaics. Anything that was still lacking for the completion was later added by the new Emperor Palaeologus, when he held the rule of the Roman Empire alone. Serving both Emperors in this noble undertaking was Astras, the Great Stratopedarch, a man of first rank and a distinguished architect, and with him was a certain John Peralta, a Latin subject of the Emperor. ^B But these things happened later. At that time, since that great marvel of the world, this renowned church, was something worthy of tears to those who loved beauty, the Emperor John was joined in marriage to Helena, the daughter of the Emperor Cantacuzenus, in the church of the Theotokos at Blachernae, under the Patriarch Isidore. He crowned his wife according to custom, having himself been crowned previously by the Patriarch John; there were feasts and cheers, and public festivals were held as was fitting for imperial weddings.

When matters at home had been well-ordered by the Emperor, he turned himself towards external enemies and, having sent envoys to the Kral, he gave him abundant thanks for the honor and zeal which he had shown towards him at the time he had taken up arms against his own kinsmen, and he promised—when the occasion should arise—to return the favor ^C with justice and merit; provided, however, that the treaties remained inviolate, for it would not be right for one to blame the other for being an avenger if those treaties were broken by either side. For no law forbids a man who has been wronged from seeking damages from the one who caused the injury. He demanded that the cities which had been taken away from the Roman Empire after the treaty had been ratified should be restored: for this, he said, was written in the oaths. For not only had [the Kral] seized Pherae and other cities and fortresses of Macedonia, alongside Thessalonica, but he had also corrupted the most powerful men of Berrhoea with money and great promises ^D and had drawn them over to this point, that they drove out the Emperor’s son, Manuel, and surrendered the city to him, an act which caused the Emperor no small amount of distress. Manuel, accordingly, was staying in Thessaly with his uncle, John Angelus.

When the Kral heard the embassy, he could offer no just objection; indeed, he did not even deny that the oaths had been conceived in that manner, yet he was unwilling to return the cities, but took refuge in pretexts and inept excuses. The Emperor, in a second embassy, demanded that he cede the cities to him in accordance with the oaths; if he refused, he threatened war, and prayed him not to ascribe to him the future slaughters and enslavements; for, with the Roman forces broken and weakened by the civil war, he would be forced, even against his will, to use the aid of the Barbarians. He bade him consider what he ought to do. And when, even after that...

they understood that those cities were held by the Kral, and, disregarding the commands of their leaders, they poured themselves out for devastation, and laid waste to all the villages, and raided the cities bordering on Mygdonia, and killed very many and took no few ^A captives; and having driven off a very large amount of spoils of war, they turned back and crossed over the Hellespont to their home. When the Emperor heard of the disorder of the Barbarians, he was not a little vexed, since those very people, the army which seemed to be fighting as his allies, were destroying those for whose benefit he had seemed to choose to wage the war.

CAPUT V.

^B Under these circumstances, having sent a trireme into Thessaly, he summoned his son Manuel; and when he was in Byzantium, he declared him and his son-in-law, the Duke Nicephorus, despots. Matthew, the elder son, he did not specifically honor with any dignity, yet he exalted him with an honor above the despots, so that he might be next to the emperor, an honor which the first of the Palaeologan emperors, Michael, created for his son Constantine Porphyrogenitus, ^C and that dignity seemed to have something more than the rank of despots. He designated the brothers of his wife, John and Manuel, as sebastocrators. But seeing the Roman empire terribly shattered by the civil war and despised by its neighbors, and unable to defend itself due to a lack of money (for someone once aptly said that money is the sinews of war), and having neither the means to provide from his own house, nor from public funds—for all the imperial heirlooms had been consumed, and the common revenues had failed, the country having been utterly devastated by the war, and the cities of the islands and the mainland being either occupied by the enemies, or the rest suffering from extreme difficulties due to both external hostile incursions and internal civil strife; and there was no way to feed the soldiers, all of whom were useless and weaponless because of poverty, and there was no gain from them, though they were many and good—being pressed on all sides by ^D lack, he considered having all contribute from their own property, so that they who had could be saved themselves, and he might also save those who were in need. While he was meditating in this way, it seemed to him that he must refrain from force, since he was about to spend the very money collected for the sake of those who were contributing, but rather to urge them, by exhortation, to be willing to proceed to the action. And having convened a general assembly from every class of life of the citizens of Byzantium; for neither merchant was left out, nor soldier, but craftsmen also were present, and of the common people no few, and the superiors of the holy monasteries, and the procurators of the churches, and—

standing in the midst ^A he spoke thus: "Men, Romans, that the ancient prosperity of the Roman empire was something to be wondered at, and that of the Barbarians dwelling around it, some it conquered and held in subjection, others remained as subjects paying tribute, while the most illustrious and those who seemed to have been clothed with great power counted it a happy thing if they might have you as friends and allies and be treated on an equality with you, without being unfairly dealt with—this, even if not all of you do, you yourselves do not ignore. But these things, indeed, venerable and wondrous and now only spoken of, just as if they had been done somewhere outside of Thule, lasted until such time as there was a concern for the common glory in all equally, both emperors and private citizens, and public advantages were preferred to private ones. But from the time that ultimate strife and contention concerning the rule fell upon the emperors, and refraining from fighting the enemy along with their own kin, they clashed with one another, and the others, neglecting the common safety and the obedience which they owed to the laws and to those in authority, each busied themselves with their own private affairs—everything has been turned upside down, and we have been deprived of the greater part of our glory, and have come to such a state of weakness that our concern is no longer how we may subjugate others, but how we ourselves may not be ignobly and basely subjugated. ^B Now, that I myself did not plot against the children of the emperor, nor, craving rule, did I come to this through stripping them of their ancestral sovereignty, it is possible for all to take clear proof from the facts. For if, as the slanderers kept accusing, I had purposed this from the beginning, I would not now, after such a war and the manifold bringing on of disasters, and the loss of wealth, and such great misery of kin and friends, have ceased from my purpose, when I had everything in my hands; for which indeed I especially offer manifold thanks to the Almighty, that when they did not choose peace nor descend to agreements (although I frequently begged them much concerning peace), but had fought to the extent of their power, and had neglected nothing in this regard that came within their reach, I, being assisted only by the grace from above, emerged superior to all, so that I might not appear—because of oaths and agreements—but because of my ancient moderation and the friendship for that wonderful emperor, my most dear friend, to be sparing of his children and to be preserving their ancestral rule. ^C If, therefore, as I myself planned from the beginning, to direct ^D all my actions, as is fitting, toward the common profit of the Romans, and to spend such wealth as you know is mine, and to shrink from no labor or danger—if these things, I say, others had thought upon, and had followed me zealously, or, which is less, at least had not hindered me, at this time there would be no need for us to be deliberating about the retaining of our liberty."

Notes of Jacobus Pontanus

(84) Virgil also in Georg. I mentions the final, that is to say, the most distant, and the last of the islands explored and known to the Romans. Strabo, lib. IV: More obscure still is the history of Thule, because of its very distant location. They say that of all those whose names are reported, this one is the most distant toward the north; the poets use the name Thule to signify the greatest distance and a place most far away.

^A Had they ^B joined in readily, or at least, to speak more moderately, not opposed me themselves, we would not now be deliberating about by what means we ought to be saved, but—if it be not invidious to say so—about whom we ought to enslave. But since, through the envy of some malignant demon, these matters were thus contrived against us, and they eagerly took up arms against me, who was making great provision for the common salvation, and persuaded all the others, and wasted both our own resources and the public funds—no less against me than against you all, if the truth must be told—and destroyed the entire region from which the contributions were collected; and made the enemies formidable to us, partly by voluntarily abandoning cities to them, so that they might have allies against the Romans, and partly by neglecting others, so that they might be able to subjugate those, while they rendered us most weak through the scarcity of soldiers and the lack of funds; and thus, through these things, we have now been driven into straits on all sides. Since, I say, these things are so, it must be weighed by everyone, and an opinion must be brought forward by which the state of affairs may be amended, and we may be delivered both from the present misery and from that which we still expect. For the Triballians and Mysians, and the Persians, and whoever else of those who have power inhabit the neighboring provinces, are not satisfied with what they seized during the time of war; but, once having held us in contempt, they by no means wish to halt their greed.

I, for my part, would gladly see that day on which all the things insolently and wantonly committed against us are punished. For not even while the arms were still clashing did I, of my own will, seek the alliance of the Barbarians against the Romans, but was driven by necessity by those who were warring against me; for they, shamelessly abandoning cities and regions, persuaded the Mysians, the Triballians, and whoever else they could, to fight against me with all their might. Yet they themselves knew, on their own account, that once I had established my rule, they would not only acquire nothing more of ours, but would be forced to restore what they had seized, whereas with those others ruling, they would use them like slaves; wherefore they eagerly fought alongside them. Moreover, they did not remain unassailed by the Persians, but they themselves were the first to bring them in as allies against me, and later, not once or twice, but often attempted to make them fight against me, by giving much money and promising more. ^C Facing such power of enemies surrounding us from every side, myself being weak and also fearing lest they, having been overlooked, might take them as allies, I necessarily judged the alliance and friendship of those people to be something to be sought after. But now that affairs have been well judged by the Almighty, and all sedition and discord have been driven away, I will eagerly, together with you, exact the penalty for those deeds then dared. Therefore, so that nothing be omitted which seems profitable to us for both our reputation and the restoration of our former prosperity, speak out everything readily that you deem profitable, as I too shall advise what I think better, and shall more easily assent to those things said well by others. For know clearly that if we both decide and carry out what the time now demands, and from somewhere gather strength, we shall be more dear to our friends and more terrible to our enemies. But if, yielding to despair on account of our weakness, we embrace ease and tranquility, ^D and do not attempt to obtain the means by which we might survive, and gather strength, we shall find ourselves exposed to the [46, Latin col. ends: desperationi cedentes, otium et quietem complexi At ]

we shall sit, and we shall have nothing to expect within a short interval but servitude. For either, after having tried everything, we must command, relaxing nothing of our former glory and courage, or we must without doubt serve more powerful masters. Since, therefore, not only past glory is at stake, but also your future security and liberty, deliberate and do whatever you think will be of use to this end.

CAPUT VI.

^B The emperor spoke these things to all in common, but openly said nothing regarding the need to contribute funds; for he did not wish, as we have said, to seem to exact them by force, but rather that they themselves, for the sake of public utility, should choose to pay the tax of their own accord. The citizens who were most distinguished in speech and who excelled the others, said they were not unaware of the ruin brought upon both private and public affairs by this war, and that they understood the present deficiency of funds. They thought, however, that they also ought to do those things by which it might be possible for the Romans to return again to their ancient prosperity. And this will in no way be possible otherwise than if each person renders himself useful to the common good in whatever way is appropriate, so that the emperor may indeed advise rightly, and with his army meet the enemies, and attempt by every means to hinder their growth, and if he can, overthrow them, and recover the ^C captured cities; that the soldiers may show themselves eager in serving, and relax nothing of their former glory and courage, but respect one another in battles, and prove themselves brave men, as they will be the first to enjoy the fruits of their valor, and will share the benefits with those for whom they fight; that those engaged in trade, and those pursuing other gainful arts, may nourish the soldiers by contributing money, since it is not possible to be fed from the public treasury, which is exhausted. For the farmer, the merchant, and the craftsman, if he is secure, can provide both for himself and for the soldier who fights for him. But if he shuns contributing, it follows that he destroys himself along with the soldier—the latter by starvation, and himself and his children by starvation, siege, and the swords of the enemy; or at any rate, if he is subjected by the force of necessity, he will pay greater and more bitter tributes to his conquerors than [would be the case otherwise].

Jacobi Pontani notae.