HISTORY OF THE ARIANS
(UP TO THE YEAR 357, MUTILATED AT THE BEGINNING)
1. But they did not take long to fulfill the things for the sake of which they had plotted these schemes. For no sooner had they formed such conspiracies than they immediately received the Arians into communion. And while they disregarded the many judgments passed against them, they shielded themselves by invoking imperial authority A (24); and in their letters they were not ashamed to say that, once Athanasius had been struck down, envy had ceased, and that it was now time to receive the followers of Arius, adding, to frighten those who heard them, that the Emperor had commanded this. Furthermore, they were not ashamed to add that these men hold the right opinions, not fearing what is written: "Woe to those who call bitter, sweet; who put darkness for light." For they are ready to endure anything in support of the heresy. Is it not, from this very fact, plain to everyone that it was not by ecclesiastical judgment, but by the threats of the Emperor, that we were then afflicted with such evils because of our piety toward Christ, and that you have now stirred up persecution? For they attacked other bishops also with plots and fabricated charges; some of whom fell asleep in exile, having obtained the glory of the confession of Christ, while others are still in exile to this day, contending more valiantly against their heresy and saying: "Nothing will separate us from the love of Christ."
2. It is also possible from this fact to discern, or B rather to confute, that heresy, for whoever is their friend and a partner in their impiety, even if he be guilty of other wicked deeds and six hundred offenses, and even if he be a convicted criminal against whom the clearest proofs exist, this man is nevertheless deemed virtuous by them, and immediately becomes a friend of the Emperor, being recommended by his own impiety. By means of this, he accumulates great wealth, and even obtains from the judges the power to do whatever he pleases. But he who confutes their impiety and sincerely champions the cause of Christ, this man, even if he is pure in all, even if he is conscious of no fault in himself, even if he is accused by no one, is nevertheless C snatched away as soon as they have fabricated charges against him; and by the Emperor’s judgment he is sent into exile, as if guilty of whatever crimes they wish, or as if he had insulted the Emperor, like Naboth (29). On the other hand, the man who champions their heresy is sought out and immediately sent to that person’s Church. Hence follow the proscription of property, insults, and every kind of vexation against those who do not receive the intruder. And most paradoxical of all, if the people wish to retain their own, and know him to be blameless—
the emperor removes him and sends him into exile. But he sends from afar, with soldiers and his own letters, a man whom they neither desire nor know. And thereafter, by great force, the people are compelled to hate the one whom they love as their own master and father in religion, and to love the one they do not want, and to entrust to him their children, when they are ignorant of his life, his conduct, and who he even is—or else to pay the penalty if they do not obey the emperor. A
3. These things they do now, just as they have done in the past against the orthodox, having provided evidence of their own malice and impiety everywhere and before everyone. For, let it be granted that they accused Athanasius—but what evil have the other bishops done? What pretexts did they have for them, or where was a dead Arsenius found among them? What Macarius the presbyter is among them, and what chalice has been broken? Who among the Meletians has been acting? But as it seems, from those very events, both the charges against Athanasius are shown to be false, and from what they attempted against Athanasius, it is clear that the things against the others were also fabricated. A great beast has come forth upon the earth, namely this heresy; for it does not only harm the innocent with words, as if with teeth, but it has also hired external power for its plots. And the B paradox is that, as I said before, none of them is accused; but if someone is accused, he is not judged, or if he appears to be brought to trial, it is those who were convicting him who are condemned, and he himself is declared innocent. And it is rather his accuser, who convicts the guilty party, who is attacked by plots, while the guilty party himself is not even touched by any shame. Therefore, among them, there is no one who does not teem with filth; and their spies—for they are not to be called bishops—are the filthiest of all. If anyone among them wishes to become a bishop, he does not hear: "A bishop must be irreproachable," C but only: "Think against Christ, and do not care about your conduct." For that is sufficient for you for your establishment and for the friendship of the emperor. These things concern those who side with Arius. But the zealots for the truth, even if they appear holy and pure, as I said before, are held guilty whenever these men wish, and as it seems best to them, having fabricated a pretext; and this is possible, as I have said, to perceive from the things performed by them.
4. D There was a certain Eustathius, a bishop of Antioch, a confessor and pious in the faith. Since he was very zealous on behalf of the truth, he hated the Arian heresy and did not receive those who held its views; he is slandered to Constantine, with a fabricated charge.
A And immediately he becomes an exile, and a large number of presbyters and deacons with him. Thereafter, those whom he would not receive into the clergy because of their impiety, these, after the bishop was driven into exile, they not only introduced into the Church, but also ordained most of them as bishops, so that they might have conspirators for their own impiety. Of these is Leontius the eunuch, who is now bishop at Antioch, and he who was bishop there before him, Stephen, and George of Laodicea, and Theodosius, who was in Tripolis, and Eudoxius of Germanicia, and Eustathius who is now at Sebaste.
5. Did they stop even at this? No; B for Eutropius, who was once bishop at Adrianople—a good man and perfect in every way, because he had many times refuted Eusebius and had counseled those who passed through [the city] not to obey the impious words of Eusebius—suffers the same calamities as Eustathius and is driven out of his city and his Church; for Basilina was the one who was striving most vehemently against him. Euphration also of Balaneae, Cymatius of Paltus, another Cymatius of Taradus, and Asclepas of Gaza, and Cyrus of Beroea in Syria, and Diodorus in Asia, and Domnion of Sirmium, and Hellanicus of Tripolis, as soon as they were discovered to hate the heresy, were removed by the authority of imperial letters—some on account of fabricated charges, others without any cause assigned—and were driven by them from their city; C and they installed in their place others, whom they knew to be impious, into their Churches.
6. But as for Marcellus, bishop of Galatia, it would perhaps be superfluous to speak; for it is known to all that, since the followers of Eusebius had previously been accused of impiety by him, they in turn accused him, and have caused the old man to be exiled. And he, having gone up to Rome, defended himself. And being required by them, he gave in writing his own faith, which the council at Sardica also accepted. But the followers of Eusebius... D other Fathers, who vehemently harass Marcellus as a heretic and recognize him as the author of the Photinian heresy: for Photinus was by birth an Ancyran, and a disciple of Marcellus. But Epiphanius says in *Heresy 72* that there were, in his own time, some who held Marcellus to be a heretic, and others who patronized him as a man of integrity and orthodox. Yet I would like to set down here what he [the author] himself testifies to having heard from Athanasius, worthy indeed of record: "Having once asked the blessed Pope Athanasius of happy memory what he felt about this very Marcellus: he neither defended the man, nor did he attack him harshly; but smiling, he indicated that he was not far from impiety; yet he acknowledged that he had defended the man."
A The synod approved this. But the Eusebians neither cleared themselves, nor were they ashamed at having been convicted of impiety by their own writings; but they actually behaved more insolently toward everyone. For they had the support of the women in the presence of the emperor, and they were a cause of fear to all.
7. Regarding Paul, the bishop of Constantinople, I think no one is ignorant; for the more famous the city is, the less hidden were the things that happened there. For Macedonius, who accused him—the one who now acts as bishop in his place—had, in our presence at the time of the accusation, been in communion with him and had been a presbyter under this same Paul. B Yet, since the desire to seize the bishopric of that city had seized Eusebius (for that is how he had moved from Berytus to Nicomedia), the pretext against Paul remained, and they did not neglect their plotting, but continued to slander him. And first indeed, he was exiled to Pontus by Constantius; second, by Constantius, he was bound in iron chains and exiled to Singara in Mesopotamia, and from there he was transferred to Emesa, and the fourth time to Cucusus in Cappadocia, near the deserts of the Taurus, where, as those who were with him reported, he was strangled by them and died. Having done this, however, those men, truthful in nothing, were not even ashamed after his death to invent another pretext, as if he had died of an illness, although this was known to all who lived in that place. C For even Philagrius, who was at that time the vicar of those regions, and an actor in all their fables according to their will, yet perhaps being struck with astonishment and saddened at this, because it was not he himself but another who had perpetrated this crime, reported to many others and to our acquaintances, and to Bishop Serapion, that Paul had been shut up by them in a certain very small and dark place so that he might perish there of hunger; then, after six days, when they entered and found him still breathing, they finally rushed in and strangled the man; and thus he had an end of this life. They said that Philip, who had been the prefect, was the minister of such a death. But even this D divine justice did not overlook; for not even a year had passed when Philip was removed from his prefecture with great disgrace.
(45) In explaining this passage, very famous men have exerted themselves, some of whom have suspected a fault in the text, but undeservedly: for the passage is correct when properly explained. Behold, in our judgment, the true opinion of Athanasius. He says that Paul was accused by Macedonius in his presence, that is, in the year 338, when Athanasius was passing through Constantinople returning from exile; but that nonetheless, afterward, that same Macedonius had been in communion with Paul and had been a presbyter under him. But when the desire to invade the see of Constantinople had seized Eusebius, the accusation was renewed. Whatever follows, etc., I say, does not imply that the first exile was imposed because of the aforementioned accusation of Macedonius: for that accusation was made after the death of Constantine; although, as is narrated here, Paul was first exiled in the time of Constantine the Great. But on the occasion of the second exile, that accusation by Macedonius followed, which Athanasius mentions first there. And indeed, that is not unusual in Athanasius, as so a little below: "Olympium vero Aenorum, et Theodulum a Trajanopolis... cum haeresi infensos cernerent, calumniati sunt, primo quidem Eusebius cum suis, et scripsit rex Constantius: secundo autem, etc." It is clear that the former slander does not belong to the series of history, but is mentioned on the occasion of the second: which also must be said of the superior passage.
A a year, and with great ignominy he was deposed from his authority, he Philip, just as if he had become a private citizen, by those whom he did not wish to be mocked by. At any rate, being himself greatly grieved, and groaning and trembling like Cain, and expecting day by day the one who would take him away outside of his own country, both he and his own people, as though struck with amazement, since it was not as he willed, he died. But what is more, they do not even spare the dead, against whom they had fabricated accusations while they were alive; for thus they strove to show themselves terrible to all, and not only do they exile the living, but they do not show mercy to the dead; but even then, alone among all mankind, they hate those who have departed, and plot against their kin—those truly inhuman men, enemies of all good, more savage than the most ferocious of foes; and they do all these things for the sake of their own impiety, for they plot against us and all others not with true, but with fabricated accusations.
8. B (Anno 338.) Now when the three brothers, Constantine, Constantius, and Constans, perceived this, after the death of their father they ordered all to return to their country and to the Church; having written concerning the others separately to the Church of each, but concerning Athanasius, these things, which again show the violence brought to bear in this business, and convict the bloodthirsty intent of those around Eusebius.
Copy of the Epistle of Constantine Caesar to the people of the Catholic Church of the city of Alexandria.
I do not think that the knowledge of your sacred mind has failed to perceive, and for this reason Athanasius, the interpreter of the venerable law, etc. (Written above in the seventy-fifth treatise without any distinction.) See p. 160.
These are those letters. But who else could be a more trustworthy witness of their conspiracy than he? For he wrote thus, when he had investigated the matter. C
9. Therefore when those around Eusebius see their heresy weakening, they send letters to Rome, and they send letters also to the emperors Constantine and Constans against Athanasius. But when those sent by Athanasius refuted the things written by them, they were rebuked by the emperors. The bishop of Rome, Julius, wrote that a synod ought to be held, wherever we might wish, so that they might show what they accuse, and also so that they themselves, having confidence, might defend themselves against what they are accused of. For the presbyters sent by them also requested that this be held, seeing themselves being refuted. These things, therefore, having come to pass, those who were found to be suspect in all things, seeing themselves not likely to prevail in an ecclesiastical judgment, D approach Constantius alone, and then, as if to the patron of the heresy, they break out into tears and groans, saying, "Pity the heresy: you see that all have defected from us, and few have been left behind. Begin the persecution, since we are being abandoned even by those few."
A We are abandoned and left desolate. For those whom we forced into exile, upon their return, persuaded others to turn against us. Write, therefore, against everyone, and send Philagrius as the second prefect of Egypt; for he is quite capable of persecuting, having already shown this by experience, and especially since he is an apostate. Send also Gregory as bishop to Alexandria; for he, too, is capable of establishing our heresy.
10. Constantius then writes, and persecutes everyone; he sends the prefect Philagrius and a certain eunuch, Arsatius. He also sends Gregory with military power. And things happened such as had happened before (§ 54). For having gathered a multitude of cowherds and shepherds, and others from the marketplaces, along with licentious young men, with swords and clubs, they rushed all at once B into the church called that of Quirinus. Some they killed, others they trampled underfoot, and others, after beating them with stripes, they threw into prison and sent into exile. Many women they dragged away, pulling them into the public court, and insulting them by dragging them by their hair. Others they proscribed, and seized the bread of others, for no other reason than to force them to adhere to the Arians and to receive Gregory, who had been sent by the emperor.
11. Athanasius, therefore, before (§ 56) these things happened, and only having heard of it, sailed to Rome, knowing the rage of the heretics and desiring that, as had been decided, a synod should be held. Julius writes and sends presbyters, Elpidius and Philoxenus, C setting a deadline so that they might either come or know themselves to be suspect in every way. But the followers of Eusebius, as soon as they heard that there was to be an ecclesiastical judgment—where no count would be present, nor soldiers standing before the doors, nor would the synod’s acts be completed by the emperor’s order (for it is in these ways that they have always prevailed against the bishops, and without these they do not dare to speak at all)—were so terrified that they kept the presbyters beyond the deadline, and fabricated an unseemly excuse: that they could not come now because of the wars being waged by the Persians. But this was not true; it was rather the fear of their own conscience. For what does war have to do with bishops? Or why, if they were unable to come to Rome because of the Persians—even though Rome is far away and across the sea—did they traverse the regions of the East D and were they circling about nearby places like lions, seeking out who might oppose them, so that they could cast calumnies upon them and send them into exile?
12. Indeed, having dismissed the presbyters with this absurd excuse, they spoke to one another: "Since we cannot prevail by ecclesiastical judgment, let us resort to our usual boldness." They write, therefore, to Philagrius.
and arrange for him to travel into Egypt with Gregory; and thereafter bishops are scourged and bound in chains with cruelty. They A banish Sarapammon, a bishop and confessor; and as for Potammon, also a bishop and confessor—who had in fact lost his eye in the persecution—they smote him on the neck with such blows that they would not desist until they supposed the man was dead. Thus he was cast aside, and only after some hours, through care and the aid of fanning, did he breathe again, Almighty God granting him life. Yet a short time later, he expired from the pain of his wounds, thus obtaining in Christ the glory of a second martyrdom. How many other monks were scourged while Gregory sat with Balacius, the so-called duke! How many bishops were beaten! How many virgins were struck! B
13. After this, the wretched Gregory exhorted everyone to communicate with him. Yet if you asked for their communion, they were not worthy of stripes; but if you were lacerating them as wicked men, why were you exhorting them as saints? But he had no purpose other than to fulfill the requests of those who had sent him and to establish the heresy. For this reason, the mindless man became a murderer, an executioner, insulting, deceitful, profane, and, in a word, a Christ-fighter. He persecuted the bishop’s aunt so cruelly that he would not even allow her to be buried when she died; and this indeed would have happened, and she would have been cast out unburied, had not those who received her carried her off as if she were their own dead relative; so impious were his ways in this matter. Furthermore, when widows and other paupers were accustomed to receive alms, he ordered that what was being distributed be plundered, and that the vessels in which the oil and wine were brought be shattered, so that he might not only act impiously by plundering, but also heap shame upon the Lord by his deeds, having shortly to hear from Him: "Inasmuch as you humiliated them, you humiliated Me."
14. He did many other things besides, which exceed the power of speech, and which, if anyone heard them, he would deem incredible. But he acted in this way for this reason: because he had been ordained as bishop neither according to ecclesiastical canon nor by apostolic tradition; but had been sent from the palace with military power and pomp, as if he had been entrusted with a secular magistracy. C For this reason, he preferred to be a friend of magistrates rather than of bishops and monks. If, therefore, Father Anthony ever wrote to him from the mountain, he would loathe the saint’s letters, just as piety toward God is an abomination to a sinner. But if the Emperor, or a general, D or any other judge sent him a letter, he was so filled with joy as those in the Proverbs, in accordance with what the Word says in lamentation: "Those who forsake the straight paths, those..."
who rejoice in wickedness, and who delight in the conversation of the wicked." A Indeed, he rewarded with money those who brought him such letters. But when Antony once wrote to him, the aforementioned Duke Balacius was induced to spit upon the letter and throw it away. But divine vengeance did not overlook this; for not long after, as the duke was riding on his horse and traveling to the first station, the horse turned and bit him on the thigh, threw him to the ground, and within three days he died.
15. Such, then, were their actions against everyone. At Rome, about fifty bishops assembled and would not receive Eusebius and his associates, as they were suspect and feared to come; indeed, they even annulled what they had written. But they received us, and embraced our communion. B While these things were happening, they came to the notice of the Emperor Constans, as did both the synod held at Rome and the events that had occurred in Alexandria and throughout the East against the churches. He wrote to his brother Constantius, and eventually it pleased them both that a synod should be held and the matters examined, so that those who had been wronged might suffer no longer, and those who had wronged others might not dare to commit such acts again. C Accordingly, there assembled at the city of Sardica, from both the East and the West, bishops numbering more or less a hundred and seventy. And the bishops from the West were alone, having with them Father Hosius; but those from the East brought with them as their pedagogues and advocates Musonianus the Count, and Hesychius the Castresian, relying on whom they had come with alacrity, thinking that they would again be able to do everything through their influence. For in this way they had always shown themselves terrible to those they wished, and had plotted against whomsoever they pleased. But when they arrived and saw that it was an ecclesiastical trial alone, without a count or soldiers, D and when they saw the accusers from every church and city, and the proofs against them; when they saw Arius and Asterius, venerable bishops, who had come up with them but had withdrawn from them and had come over to our side, and were recounting their treachery; and how they were suspect in these matters and feared that a judgment would be rendered, lest they should be exposed by us as slanderers, and betrayed by the very accusers they had suborned, as they themselves had suggested everything and contrived such things—observing these things, although they had come with eagerness, thinking that even we would not dare to approach out of fear of them; when they saw our confidence, they shut themselves up in the palace; for that is where they were staying.
A And then they talked among themselves: "We came for one thing, and we see another; we arrived with counts, but the trial is taking place without counts; we shall surely be condemned. You all know what the instructions are: Athanasius has the records of the events in the Mareotis, by which he is cleared, while we are put to shame. Why, then, do we delay? Why do we linger? Let us invent excuses and leave, lest by remaining we be condemned. It is better to blush while fleeing than to be put to shame once we are exposed as calumniators. If we flee, we can at least in some way support the heresy; if, while fleeing, we are condemned, we still have the emperor as our protector, who will not allow us to be driven out of the Churches by the crowds."
16. B Such, then, were the reflections of those men. But Hosius and all the other bishops more insistently signified to them the confidence of Athanasius and his associates, and how ready they were for a defense, promising to prove them to be calumniators; and they said, "If you fear the judgment, why have you arrived? For you should either not have come, or, having come, not have fled." Hearing these things, and being struck with even greater terror, they used a different excuse, more unseemly than the one at Antioch, as if the emperor had written to them of a victory over the Persians, and they attempted to flee. And not even ashamed of this pretense, they sent it by Eustathius, a presbyter of the Church of Sardica. C But not even in this way did their flight turn out to their satisfaction; for the holy synod, of which the great Hosius was the leader, immediately wrote to them clearly: "Either come to defend yourselves against the charges brought against you and the calumnies you have concocted, or know that you are to be condemned by the synod as guilty, and that Athanasius and his associates are to be declared innocent and pure from every charge." Those men, however, were driven more by the fear of their conscience than they were persuaded by the letters; for when they saw the men they had wronged face to face, they did not even turn their faces toward the envoys, but fled all the more swiftly.
17. D Thus in such a shameful and unseemly way did their flight take place. But the holy synod, assembled from more than thirty-five provinces, perceiving the malice of the Arians, admitted those with Athanasius to a defense regarding what they had suffered, and they in turn brought charges; and having made their defense in the manner we have described above, the synod accepted and admired them so much that they welcomed them and their communion, and wrote everywhere—writing to each one's parish, and especially to Alexandria, to Egypt, and to the Libyas—that Athanasius and those with him were pure and free from every reproach, and that their adversaries were calumniators, evildoers, and anything rather than Christians. They therefore sent them away in peace.
A They deposed Stephen, Menophantus, Acacius, George of Laodicea, Ursacius, Valens, Theodore, and Narcissus; for they so denounced Gregory, who had been sent by the emperor to Alexandria, that he was considered never to have been a bishop at all, nor even worthy of being called a Christian. B Accordingly, they declared null and void the ordinations which he was thought to have performed, and they commanded that they should not even be mentioned in the Churches because of the insolence of his transgression. In this way, then, Athanasius and those with him were dismissed in peace. The letters are written at the end, due to the length of the epistle; and thus the synod was dissolved.
18. But those who had been deposed, who even after such a shameful flight had returned, committed such crimes that their previous deeds appeared trivial by comparison. For since the people in Adrianopolis would not communicate with them—as they had fled from the synod and were liable for their guilt—they reported them to the emperor Constantius, C and they caused ten laymen from what is called the *Fabrica* to be beheaded, using as their minister in this matter Philagrius, who was count there again at that time. We ourselves have seen the monuments of these men outside the city as we passed by. Then, as if they had done something great—imagining that they had fled for this reason, so that they would not be exposed as calumniators—whatever they pleased, this the emperor ordered. They also caused two presbyters and three deacons to be banished to Armenia; and as for Arius and Asterius—the former a bishop from Petra in Palestine, the latter from Arabia—because they had separated themselves from them, they not only banished them to Upper Libya, but also saw to it that they were subjected to insults.
19. And as for Lucius, the bishop of Adrianopolis, when they saw him using great boldness of speech against them and exposing their impiety, D they again caused him—just as they had done previously—to have his neck and hands bound in iron chains, and thus they sent him into exile, where, as they themselves know well, he died. They also drove out Diodorus, the bishop, and Olympium from Aenus, and Theodulus.
A of Trajanopolis—both of them bishops from Thrace, good and orthodox men—because they saw that they hated the heresy, they slandered them; first the followers of Eusebius did so, and Emperor Constantius wrote about it, and second, they themselves renewed the charges. The contents of these letters were such that they were not merely to be driven out of the cities and their churches, but if they were found anywhere, to suffer the death penalty. Though this is astonishing, it is not alien to their mindset; for as having learned such things from the followers of Eusebius, and being, as it were, the heirs of their impiety and their disposition, they desired, just as their fathers had done in Thrace, to show themselves terrible in Alexandria as well. And they caused a decree to be written such that the ports and B the entrances to the cities should be watched, lest, because of the permission granted by the synod, they should return to their churches. They also caused a decree to be written to the judges in Alexandria concerning Athanasius and certain presbyters named explicitly, so that if the bishop or any of them were found entering the city or its borders, it would be lawful for the judge to behead those who were found. Thus, this new Judaic heresy has learned not only to deny the Lord, but also to kill.
20. But they did not stop there. Rather, just as the father of their heresy goes about like a lion seeking whom he might devour, so these men, having received the authority of the public post, went about, and whomever they found who reproached them for their flight and hated the Arian heresy, they would scourge C these men, put them in chains, and force them into exile from their own homeland. And they made themselves so terrible that many were driven to act as hypocrites, and many preferred to flee into the deserts rather than to associate with them in any way. Such were the daring deeds of these madmen following the flight. For they attempted something else, a new thing, which is indeed consistent with their heresy, but which had never been heard of before, nor likely will ever be heard of, even among the most licentious of the Gentiles, to say nothing of Christians. For when the holy synod had sent as legates the bishops—Vincentius of Capua (which is a metropolis of Campania) and Euphrates of Agrippina (which is also a metropolis of Upper Gaul)—in order that, as the synod had decreed, the emperor might allow the bishops to return to their churches, since he himself had expelled them, even though the most pious Constans had sent letters of recommendation for the bishops to his brother; yet these admirable men, who are most bold toward every crime, when they saw them at Antioch, D all together, but with Stephen acting alone, as one well-prepared for such matters by the Arians, concocted a plot.
A They hired a public prostitute, in those very days of the most holy Pascha, and having stripped her, they sent her by night to Euphronius the bishop. The prostitute, at first thinking it was a young man who had summoned her, followed willingly; but when she had been brought inside by them and saw the man sleeping—unaware of what was happening—and then discerned and beheld the face of an old man and the appearance of a bishop, she immediately cried out and complained that violence was being done to her. They entreated her to be silent and to falsely accuse the bishop. When, however, day dawned, the matter became notorious, and the whole city ran together; even those from the palace were moved, wondering at what was being reported and demanding that it not be passed over in silence. Thus, the matter was brought to trial, and the procurer exposed those who had come for the prostitute, while they in turn exposed Stephen; for they were his own clerics. Stephen was therefore deposed from the episcopate, and in his place Leontius the eunuch was provided, for this reason alone, that the Arian heresy might not lack a patron. B
21. But Emperor Constantius, being somewhat pricked in heart, returned to himself; and reflecting upon what had been done to Euphronius, he suspected that the machinations of those men against others were of a similar nature. He immediately ordered that those presbyters and deacons who had been exiled from Alexandria to Armenia should be set free. He wrote publicly to Alexandria, that the clerics and people with Athanasius should no longer be harassed. Then, after about ten months, when Gregory had died, he sent for Athanasius with all honor, not once, nor twice, but even a third time, having written to him in a friendly manner, by which he urged him to be of good courage and to come. He also sent a presbyter and a deacon so that he might return with even greater confidence, for he supposed that I was hesitant to return because of the fear of what had happened before. He also wrote to his own brother Constans, that he too should urge me to come back. He protested C that he had been expecting Athanasius for a whole year, and that he would never have permitted any innovation or ordination to take place, being desirous of preserving his Churches for Athanasius the bishop.
22. So, when he had written in this way, and had urged him with many words—for he had ordered his own counts also to write, Polemius, Datianus, Bardio, Thalassus, Taurus, and Florentius, in whom he had the greatest trust—Athanasius, referring the whole matter to God, who had pricked the heart of Constantius to act in this way, went accompanied by his own people to him. The emperor received him with a kindly countenance and dismissed him to enter into his fatherland and his Churches, having sent letters to the judges in the various localities—to whom he had previously given orders to guard the passes—so that they might now grant him free passage. Then, as the bishop was lamenting concerning the things D that he had suffered, and concerning the things written by his own hand, while he was exposing never...
again, after his departure, to allow slanders from his enemies, and saying: "Summon them, if you wish (for it is permitted for them to stand before us), and let us refute them." A This, however, he did not do; but all the things that had previously been written against him out of slander, he commanded to be removed and erased, assuring him that he would no longer in the future listen to slanders, but that his resolve would be firm and unchangeable. And this he spoke not simply, but he sealed his words with oaths, calling God to witness concerning this matter. Having, moreover, encouraged the man with many other words, and having urged him to be of good courage, he writes to the bishops and the judges these things:
23. Victor Constantius Maximus Augustus to the bishops and clerics of the Catholic Church. B The most reverend one has by no means been deprived of the grace of God. (It is provided described above in the sixty-fifth tractate, where it is entirely similar to this.) See page 136.
Another epistle. Of Constantius to the people of Alexandria. Since your tranquility in all things is our purpose. (This is also described in the sixty-fifth tractate.) See page 137.
Another epistle. Victor Constantius Augustus, to Nestorius, prefect of Egypt. It is certain that a decree was issued by us before this, and that C rescripts were found opposing the reputation of the most reverend Bishop Athanasius, which are held in the commentary of your holiness. It is our will, therefore, that your proven sobriety should transmit to our comitatum all the epistles found in the commentary entrusted to you concerning the name of the aforementioned man, according to this our present decree.
24. But the letters written after the death of the blessed Constantius are of this kind, first edited in Latin and translated into Greek. Victor Constantius Augustus, to Athanasius. My prayer has always been that all things should be for my brother D
A Constantius [as] we desired, and I do not think this has escaped your own wisdom. How much grief I felt when I learned that he had been taken away by certain most unholy men, your own prudence can again surmise. Since, therefore, there are some in the present time, one so full of mourning, who are trying to frighten you, for this reason I decided that these letters of mine should be given to your steadfastness, urging you that, as it becomes a bishop, you should teach the peoples what is owed to the divine religion, and with them, according to custom, devote yourself to prayers, and do not place your trust in vain rumors, whoever they may turn out to be. For this is a fixed purpose in our mind: that, consistently with our choice, we wish you to be bishop in your own see B always. May divine providence preserve you for many years, most beloved Father.
25. These things having been so done, and so arranged, and when at last they had embarked upon the journey, the friends, seeing their friend, rejoiced; of the others, some were put to shame seeing him, while others, not having confidence, hid themselves; others still felt regret for what they had written against the bishop. All the bishops, therefore, C from Palestine, with the exception of perhaps two or three, and those being under suspicion, received Athanasius in such a way, and embraced communion with him, that they even wrote and apologized, [stating] that what they had written before they had done not by their own choice, but under compulsion. For as regards the bishops in Egypt and Libya, and the peoples in those regions and in Alexandria, it is superfluous even to speak; for all came running, and were filled with unspeakable joy, not only that they were receiving back their own [pastor], who they had hoped would live [despite the dangers], but because they were being delivered from the heretics as if from tyrants and rabid dogs. Great, then, was the rejoicing, with the peoples in the assemblies inciting one another to virtue. How many of the unmarried, who had formerly been ready for marriage, remained virgins for Christ! How many D young men, seeing others, loved the solitary life! How many fathers encouraged [their] children! And how many were considered worthy by [their] children not to hinder the exercise [of the life] in Christ! How many women persuaded [their] husbands, and how many were persuaded by [their] husbands to devote themselves to prayer, as the Apostle said! How many widows, and how many orphans, who before were going hungry and naked, because of the great zeal of the peoples, no longer went hungry, but even came forth clothed! And, in short, such was the contest for virtue that each family and each house was reckoned a church, because of the beauty of conduct and the prayers of those dwelling within.
A There was a deep and marvelous peace in the churches, as bishops from everywhere wrote to Athanasius, and received from him in turn the customary letters of peace.
26. (In the year 349 or 350.) Furthermore, Ursacius and Valens, as if struck by their conscience, repented; and they wrote both a friendly and a peaceful letter to the bishop himself, even though they had received no letters from him. Having gone up to Rome, they did penance, confessing that everything they had done and said against him was false and mere calumny. Nor was it enough for them to have acted in this way: for, having anathematized the Arian heresy, they gave a written document of their repentance, writing to Pope Julius—this was in Latin, and was translated into Greek. For the B copy was sent to us by Paul, Bishop of Trier, in Latin.
*Interpretation from the Latin.* To my most blessed lord, Pope Julius, Ursacius and Valens. Since it is evident that we have previously [committed] many grave [offenses], etc. (This is described above in tractate 68, and it is in every way similar and the same.) See page 159.
*Interpretation from the Latin.* To my lord and brother, Bishop Athanasius, Ursacius and Valens, bishops. An opportunity was given to us through the brother and fellow-presbyter, etc. (This is described above in the same tractate 68, and it is entire and word-for-word similar to this.) See page 159.
Having given these letters, and having peace letters offered to them by Peter and Irenaeus, the presbyters of Athanasius, and by Ammonius, a layman, they subscribed—even though they themselves brought no letters directed to them from Athanasius.
27. Who, then, seeing these things and the peace of the churches, did not wonder? Who did not rejoice, beholding the concord of so many and such great bishops? Who did not render glory to the Lord, observing the joy of the people in the synaxes? How many of [his] enemies repented! How many who formerly slandered him made their excuses! How many who formerly hated him, afterwards loved him! How many who had written against him sang a palinode! Many, even of those who were not by their own choice, but by necessity, among the Arian ranks, coming by night, made their excuses; and they anathematized D the heresy and begged to be granted pardon, because, on account of the conspiracies and slanders contrived by them [the Arians], they seemed with their bodies to be present at their assemblies, yet in their hearts they gathered with Athanasius and were always with him! And believe that this was the case.
28. Hearing and seeing these things, the heirs of the opinion...
A and impiety of those around Eusebius—Leontius, the eunuch, who should not even have been admitted to communion as a layman, because he had mutilated himself so that he might thereafter have the opportunity to sleep with a certain Eustolium, a woman who for his sake was called a virgin—and Georgius, and Acacius, and Theodorus, and Narcissus, who were also deposed in the synod, were greatly ashamed. Then, seeing the concord and peace of the bishops toward Athanasius, who were more than four hundred—from the great Rome and all of Italy, Calabria, Apulia, Campania, Bruttia, Sicily, Sardinia, Corsica, and all of Africa; and those from Gaul, Britain, and Spain, with the great confessor Hosius; then those from the Pannonias, Noricum, Siscia, Dalmatia, Dardania B, Dacia, Mysia, Macedonia, Thessaly, and all of Achaia, Crete, Cyprus, and Lycia, and most of those from Palestine, Isauria, Egypt, the Thebaid, all of Libya, and the Pentapolis—seeing these things, they were seized with envy and fear; with envy, because of the communion of so many; with fear, lest those who had been deceived by them should be added to the unanimity of so many, and their heresy, having been publicly exposed, be triumphed over and pillaged everywhere.
29. First, they persuade Ursacius and Valens to change their minds, as dogs C are persuaded to change and return to their own vomit, and as swine to wallow again in the former mire of impiety, and to invent a pretense for their repentance, as if they had done this because of fear of the most pious Constans. Yet, even if there had been fear, they ought not, if they had trusted in what they had done, to have become traitors to it. But since there was not even fear, and they were lying, how are they not worthy of all condemnation? For with no soldier present, nor palatines or notaries sent, such as they themselves use now, nor even with the emperor present, and not even having been called by anyone, did they write; but rather, of their own volition, they went to Rome, and in the church, where there was no fear from without, D but only the fear of God, and where each one has free will, they repented of their own accord and wrote. And yet, the Arians, having become so a second time, are not ashamed to invent such an unseemly pretense again.
30. Then they all go together to the emperor Constantius, saying: "At first, when we asked, we were not believed; for we kept saying when you were sending for Athanasius, 'In calling him, you are driving out our heresy.' For he from the beginning has been against it, and he does not cease to condemn it."
he A filled all places everywhere with his letters against us, and very many have been joined to him in communion. Indeed, even of those who were thought to be on our side, some have already associated themselves with him, and others are about to do so; and we have remained alone. There is danger lest the heresy be recognized, and we hereafter be called heretics like you. If that should happen, see to it yourself, I pray, lest we be reckoned with the Manichaeans. Begin, therefore, to persecute again, and patronize the heresy; for it too has you as emperor. Such were the words of their craftiness.
But he, as he was passing through on his way against Magnentius, and seeing the communion of the bishops with Athanasius, was inflamed as if by fire, changed his mind, was forgetful of his oaths, unmindful of his own writings, and became ungrateful for the duty owed to his brother, which he did not remember. For in his own letters to him, and when he saw Athanasius, he confirmed by oath that he would do nothing other than what was in the wishes of the people and the bishop, and that he would be on friendly terms with the bishop. But his zeal for impiety brought about an oblivion of all this. Nor is it to be wondered at if after so many written letters and so many oaths given, Constantius was changed; for that ancient tyrant of Egypt, Pharaoh, having often made promises, and for that reason having obtained a remission of punishments, would change his mind, until at last he perished with those who were in league with him.
31. (A.D. 355.) He was, therefore, compelling them in individual cities to change their opinion. But when he had arrived at Arles and Milan, C everything was done there according to the counsel and exhortation of the heretics; nay, rather, they themselves were managing affairs, and having received power, they rushed against everyone. Hence, commands and letters were immediately sent to the prefect, that the grain should at once be taken away from Athanasius, and given to those who held the Arian view, and that anyone who wished should have the opportunity to inflict insults upon those who attended the gatherings of Athanasius. Threats were also leveled at the judges, if they did not communicate with the Arians. These were the preludes to the things done afterward by Duke Syrianus. To the outer regions, again, commands were sent, and notaries and palatines were dispatched through every city, carrying threats to the bishops and the judges, so that the judges might be spurred on, and the bishops might either write against Athanasius, having communion with the Arians, or themselves undergo the penalty of exile, and the peoples who assembled with them might know for certain that they would experience chains, insults, blows, and the plundering of their own property. Nor was this command neglected; for to the legates were joined as companions the clergy of Ursacius and Valens, that they might incite them and report to the emperor those judges who were more remiss. And while they allowed the other heresies, as being their lesser sisters, to blaspheme against the Lord, they laid snares only for the Christians, because they could not bear to hear pious discourses about Christ. How many bishops, therefore, as it is written, were led before governors and kings for my sake? D
A And they heard from the judges: Either subscribe, or withdraw from your Churches, for the emperor has ordered that you be deposed! And how many were driven out from them through the individual cities, lest they be accused as friends of the bishops! For letters were also sent to the magistrates. And there was a threat, and a fine of money, if each did not force the bishop of his own city to subscribe; and, in a word, every place and every city was filled with fear and confusion, as the bishops were dragged along, and the judges looked upon the lamentations and groans of the people. B 32. These were the things done by those wonderful men, relying on the influence they possessed, and they bestirred themselves; and thus they summoned some of the bishops to the emperor, while others they circumvented by letters, fabricating charges against them—so that those who were present might be terrified of Constantius, and those who were sent away, fearing the threats and the slanderous accusations invented against them, might depart from their own upright and pious conviction. In this way, then, the emperor forced such a multitude of bishops, partly by threats and partly by promises, to say: We no longer communicate with Athanasius. For those who came to him were not admitted to his presence first, nor were they treated with any leniency, nor were they even allowed to leave their own residence, until they either subscribed, or, upon refusing, were sent into exile. C He did this because he perceived that the heresy was hated by all; for which reason he especially forced such a vast number to be counted with the few. And they were eager to gather a multitude of names, both for the sake of envy against the bishop and to provide a facade for the Arian impiety, of which he himself is the patron, thinking that just as he could turn men, so too he could turn the truth—being ignorant, and not having read, that not even the Sadducees and Herodians, by taking the Pharisees to themselves, were able to hide the truth; for rather, even in this way it is shown daily to be more brilliant, while they, even having cried out, "We have no king but Caesar," and having obtained the decree of Pilate, are nonetheless abandoned, and, amidst every shame, are expecting nothing else than to be themselves left bare like the partridge, when they see their own patron dying. D 33. But if it is altogether unseemly for some of the bishops to have changed their opinion because of these things, it is much more unseemly, and a sign of those who do not trust in the things they have believed, to do violence and to force those who are unwilling. Thus the devil, since he has nothing true in himself,
The cry of the partridge, "it gathered what it did not bring forth, making for itself riches without judgment. In the midst of its days they shall desert it, and in its last days it shall be foolish."
A and attacking with axe and chisel it breaks down the doors of those who receive it. But the Savior is of such gentleness that He teaches indeed: *If any one wishes to come after me* 5, and, *Whoever wishes to be my disciple* 6; yet when He approaches anyone, He offers no violence, but rather, by knocking, speaks thus: *Open to me, my sister, my spouse* 7. If they open, He enters; if they are negligent and refuse, He withdraws. For truth is not proclaimed by swords or missiles, nor by the hand of soldiers, but by persuasion and counsel. But what persuasion is there where there is the terror of an emperor? Or what counsel is there where he who refuses is eventually punished with exile or death? David, surely, although he was king, when he had his enemy in his hands, and his soldiers were eager to kill the enemy, did not prevent them by his power; but, as the Scripture says 8, David persuaded his men with words, and did not give them the opportunity to rise up and slay Saul. But this one, possessing no reason, uses power to inflict violence on everyone, so that it may be evident to all that their prudence is not according to God, but human, and that those who hold the opinions of Arius have truly no king but Caesar. For, relying on his authority, the adversaries of Christ carry out all things that please them at their own will. Furthermore, while they think they are plotting against many through his works, they do not advert to the fact that they are truly making many confessors. Of whose number are men who have now given a clear confession, and who are themselves religious and upright bishops: Paulinus, bishop of Trier, a metropolis of Gaul; Lucifer, bishop of the metropolis of Sardinia; B Eusebius of Vercelli, a city of Italy; and Dionysius of Milan; for this too is a metropolis of Italy. For the emperor, having summoned them, commanded them to subscribe against Athanasius and to communicate with the heretics. To those who were astonished at the insolence of the matter and were saying that this was not an ecclesiastical canon, he immediately replied: "But what I wish, let that be considered a canon; for the bishops of Syria indeed tolerate me speaking thus. Therefore, either obey, or you too shall be exiles."
34. Hearing these things, the bishops were exceedingly amazed, and with hands stretched out to God, they began to address the man and to teach him that his empire was not his own, but of God who had granted it: they asked him to fear Him, lest He suddenly take away what was given; they threatened him with the day of judgment, and advised him not to destroy ecclesiastical affairs, nor to conflate the Roman empire with the ordinance of the Church, D nor to introduce the Arian heresy into the Church of God. But he neither listened, nor did he permit them to say more; and he even more sharply threatened them with the drawn sword.
and ordered several of them to be led away; and yet, like Pharaoh, he changed his mind A again. The holy men, therefore, shaking off the dust, and looking up to God, neither feared the emperor's threat, nor did they betray the truth because of the fear of a drawn sword; but they even held their exile to be a ministry of service. For by traveling through every place and city, although bound in chains, they nonetheless preached the Gospel, preaching the pious faith, anathematizing the Arian heresy, and denouncing the repentance of Ursacius and Valens. And this result was the opposite of what those who were plotting against them intended; for the longer the distance to the place of exile was, the greater the hatred against them grew, and this wandering of theirs was a true sermon against their impiety. For who, seeing these men passing through, did not marvel at them as confessors, and did not turn away from the others and loathe them, no longer naming them merely as impious, but as executioners and murderers, and everything rather than Christians?
35. It would certainly have been better had B Constantius never become a follower of this heresy at all, or, having done so, had he not given so much license to the impious; or, having given it, had he at least stopped there, so that they might have borne a common judgment for the crimes committed up to that point. But, as it seems, by entangling themselves with the bonds of impiety like madmen, they draw down upon themselves a heavier judgment. For they did not even spare Liberius, the bishop of Rome, from the beginning, but extended their madness even as far as the citizens of that city; and they felt no reverence for the fact that it is an apostolic throne, nor did they fear the fact that Rome is the metropolis of Romania, nor did they remember that they had previously spoken of them as apostolic men in their letters. But, confounding all things together, they forgot everything at once, and cared only for the zeal which was for the sake of impiety. For since they had seen him holding to the orthodox faith, hating the Arian heresy, and zealous to persuade everyone to turn away and depart from it, C the impious men reasoned that, “If we can persuade Liberius, we shall quickly master everyone.” And they slander him to the emperor. And he, quickly hoping that through Liberius he would draw everyone to himself, writes and sends a eunuch named Eusebius with letters and gifts, in order that he might flatter them with gifts and threaten them with letters. The eunuch, therefore, having gone to Rome, first urged Liberius to subscribe against Athanasius and to communicate with the Arians, saying, “The emperor wishes this, and commands you to do it.” Then, showing the gifts, he urged him; and he took hold of his hands, saying, “Obey the emperor, and accept these.”
36. But the bishop taught the man, arguing, “How, I pray, can such a thing be done against Athanasius? For, whom not only one, D but a second council, from every quarter...
A assembled, well and truly cleared, and whom the Church of the Romans, moreover, dismissed in peace, how can we condemn? Or who will receive us, if him whom we have welcomed when present, and held in communion, we turn away when absent? This is no ecclesiastical canon, nor have we ever received such a tradition from the Fathers, who themselves received it from the blessed and great apostle Peter. But if, indeed, the Emperor concerns himself with ecclesiastical peace, if he commands that what was written by us in defense of Athanasius be annulled, let those things also be annulled which were done by them against him; let those things also be annulled which were done against all others; and finally let an ecclesiastical council be gathered far from the palace, where neither the emperor is present, nor a count arrives, nor a judge threatens, but only the fear of God suffices, with the apostolic statute: so that in this way, first and foremost, the ecclesiastical faith may be preserved, just as the Fathers defined in the council at Nicaea; and let those who hold the opinions of Arius be cast out, B and their heresy be anathematized; and then, finally, when judgment has been rendered regarding the crimes imputed to Athanasius, or to any other, and regarding the crimes as well of which they themselves are accused, then at length let the guilty be cast out, and let the innocent live with confidence and security. For it is not right that those who are impious in the faith should be numbered in a council; nor is it fitting that the investigation of any other business be preferred to the investigation of the faith. For every dissension concerning the faith must first be cut off, and then the inquiry into other matters should be made. For even our Lord Jesus Christ did not heal the sick before they showed and declared what faith they had in Him. These things we have learned from the Fathers; these things announce to the Emperor; these things conduce both to his own benefit and to the edification of the Church. But let not Ursacius and Valens be heard, for, although they repented of the things done by them before, now, C saying such things, they are not worthy of belief.”
37. Thus spoke Bishop Liberius. But the eunuch, grieved, not so much because he refused to subscribe, as because he found him an adversary of the heresy, and forgetting that he was standing before a bishop, departed, having fiercely threatened him with the gifts, and undertakes a nefarious act, which indeed is abhorrent to Christians, and of greater audacity than befits a eunuch. For, imitating the prevarication of Saul, he went away to the Martyrdom of Peter the apostle, and there laid down those gifts. When the matter was discovered, Liberius was greatly indignant against the custodian of the place, because he had not stopped the man; and he cast away those gifts as an illicit sacrifice; which thing stirred the castrated one all the more to anger. He therefore stirs up the Emperor, saying: “It is no longer our concern that Liberius should subscribe; but this troubles us more, that he thinks in such a way against the heresy, that he strikes the Arians by name with anathema.” To this he stirs up D the other eunuchs also; and many...
A in fact even all who are with Constantius are eunuchs, in whose hands all power lies there, and nothing is done except by their judgment. Therefore, the emperor sends letters to Rome; and again, palace officials, notaries, and counts are sent, and letters to the prefect, that they should either by guile entice Liberius away from Rome and send him to the camp to him, or by force pursue the man.
38. And so, with such letters sent, fear arose and secret plots were prepared throughout the entire city. How many houses, therefore, were beset by plots? To how many men were such promises made, that they might act against Liberius? How many bishops, having observed these things, hid themselves? How many free women, because of the calumnies constructed by the enemies of Christ, withdrew into the countryside? How many ascetics did they plot against? How many men dwelling there, who had established their homes there, did they cause to be expelled? How often and with what zeal did they guard the harbor and the exits of the gates, so that no orthodox person might enter and visit Liberius? Rome, too, experienced the cruelty of the enemies of Christ, and finally learned what it did not believe when hearing of it before: how the other Churches city by city had been ravaged by them. It was the eunuchs who were instigating these things and those against everyone. B And the paradox of this plot is this: that the Arian heresy, which denies the Son of God, relies upon the help of eunuchs, who, as they are by nature, so also in their soul are barren of producing virtues, and cannot bear to hear words about the Son at all. The eunuch from Ethiopia, indeed, not understanding what he was reading, believed Philip teaching him about the Savior; but the eunuchs of Constantius do not even tolerate Peter as he confesses Him, but instead turn away from the Father who declares His Son, and rage against those who say that the Son of God is genuine, avenging the heresy of the eunuchs, which claims that nothing from the Father is genuine and true. For this reason the law forbids these men from being admitted to an ecclesiastical council; C and yet these men are now considered the masters of ecclesiastical judgments. Constantius judges according to their whim, and those who are called bishops merely feign agreement. Alas, who will be the chronicler of these things? Who will report these to another generation? Who, upon hearing it, would believe that eunuchs—to whom domestic duties are scarcely entrusted (for it is a pleasure-loving race, who care for nothing else than to hinder in others what they themselves have been denied by nature)—that these men, I say, now rule over ecclesiastical affairs, and that Constantius, being subject to them, has prepared plots against all, and has sent Liberius into exile?
39. For because he was much engaged in writing to Rome,
and sending legates, and preparing traps, the persecution of Alexandria finally took place. A Liberius was brought before the Emperor, and he too spoke with great boldness: "Cease," he said, "to persecute Christians; do not try through our agency to introduce impiety into the Church. We are indeed prepared to endure all things rather than hear the Arians; do not force those of us who are Christians to become Christomachi—that is, enemies of Christ. We offer you this counsel as well: do not fight against Him who granted you this authority, nor in return for thanksgiving render Him impiety. Do not persecute those who believe in Him, lest you too hear the words, 'It is hard for thee to kick against the goad.' But would that you might listen, so that you too might be persuaded, as was the blessed Paul. Behold, we are here; we have come before they could fabricate a charge. B For this reason we have hastened, knowing that exile awaits us from you, so that before we suffer the pretext of a charge, it may be made manifest to all that everyone else has suffered in the same way as we have, and that the charges brought against them were fabricated by enemies, and that all things concerning them are slander and lies."
40. Thus spoke Liberius, to the admiration of all; but he, instead of answering, only ordered that he be sent into exile, and separated them one from another, just as he had done before. For he himself devised this method of exile, so that in meting out punishments he might be crueller than the tyrants and persecutors before him. For in former persecutions, Maximian ordered many confessors at once to be relegated, and mitigated the punishment through the consolation of fellowship. C But this man, far crueller than he, separated men who were partners in speech and in confession; he severed those who were bound together in faith, so that not even in death could they enjoy one another’s sight, thinking that the separation of the body would also separate the disposition of the soul, or that those separated from one another would forget their harmony and unanimity. He is ignorant, of course, that even if individuals dwell apart, the Lord whom they all together confessed is present to each one, who will bring it about that many more are present to each individual (as He once performed for the prophet Elisha) than there are soldiers with Constantius. D Malice is truly a blind thing: for while they think they are saddening the confessors by separating them from one another, in this they have especially harmed themselves. For if they had been together and in the same place, the wickedness of the impious would have been made known from one place only; but now, since they have separated them, that
the fame of their impious heresy and malice might pervade every place, they have caused it to be known everywhere.
41. For who, upon hearing of these things, would not conclude that they are anything rather than Christians? For when Liberius had sent Eutropius the presbyter and Hilary the deacon with letters to the Emperor, at the time when Lucifer and his companions were also making their confession, they immediately sent the presbyter into exile; but as for Hilary the deacon, after they had stripped him and scourged his back with whips, they likewise sent him into exile, exclaiming: "Why did you not resist Liberius, but instead brought letters from him?" This crime Ursacius and Valens committed with the eunuchs. B Now the deacon, while being beaten, was blessing the Lord, remembering Him who said: "I gave my back to the scourges" (Isa. L, 6). But they who were beating him laughed and mocked the man, nor did they blush that they were heaping insults upon a Levite; and while they burst into laughter, they were acting according to their own nature, while he persisted in blessing. For to be beaten is the mark of Christians, but to scourge Christians is a deed of Pilate and Caiaphas. Thus, therefore, they attempted from the beginning to corrupt the very Roman Church, wishing to mix their own impiety into it. Moreover, Liberius, having been sent into exile, after two years finally broke, and being terrified by the threat of death, he subscribed (ANNO 357). But this very thing proves both the violence of these men and the hatred of Liberius toward that heresy, and his support of Athanasius, as long as it was granted to him to act freely and according to his own judgment. For the things which are extorted by the force of tortures, contrary to a previous opinion, are not the decisions of those who fear, but of those who torment. Therefore, there is nothing they did not attempt for the sake of their heresy. But the peoples throughout the individual Churches, holding fast to the faith which they had learned, look for their own teachers, and all, as if it were a serpent, turn away from the heresy that is at enmity with Christ.
42. C Having done such things and so many, the impious deemed they had accomplished nothing, so long as the great Hosius had not experienced their malice. For they even planned to extend their madness against so venerable an old man; and they neither felt shame that he was the father of bishops, nor did they fear that he had been a confessor, nor were they abashed by the duration of his episcopate, for he had passed more than sixty years in it; but they despised everything, and looked only to their heresy; men truly who neither fear God nor have respect for man. D Proceeding, therefore, to Constantius, they again used such words as these: "There is nothing we have not done: we have sent the Roman bishop into exile, and before him very many other bishops; we have filled all places with fear. But none of these thy deeds will profit us, nor has anything been rightly done by us thus far, since…
A Hosius still remains. For while he is among his own, all are in their own Churches; as he is able by his word and faith to persuade everyone against us. He is accustomed to preside over synods, and is heard everywhere when he writes; he it was who set forth the faith at Nicaea, and everywhere declared the Arians to be heretics. If, then, he remains, the exile of others has been in vain; for our heresy is being swept away. Begin, therefore, to persecute him, and do not spare him, even though he be aged; for our heresy knows not how to respect the hoary hair of the old. B
43. When the emperor had heard these things, he did not delay, but since he knew the man and the worth of the elder, he sent him letters commanding him to come to him, at the time when he was also beginning to tempt Liberius. When he had come, he besought him and spurred him on by saying those accustomed things, by which he thought he could also deceive others, so that he might write against us and hold communion with the Arians. But the old man, having received such words with displeasure, and having been pained that he had even dared to utter such a thing, rebuked him and persuaded him, and departed to his own country and his own Church. But because the heretics were lamenting and urging him on again, and since he had also the eunuchs reminding him and inciting him more and more, the emperor finally sends letters with threats; and Hosius is indeed insulted, yet he is not moved by fear of their treachery; but standing firm in his resolve, and having built the house of his faith upon the rock, he spoke boldly against the heresy, considering the threats from the letters to be nothing more than drops of rain and blasts of wind. C For after Constantius had frequently written, at one moment flattering him as a father, and at another threatening him, and naming those who had been exiled, he said: "Art thou alone to remain an enemy to the heresy? Be persuaded, and write against Athanasius; for whoever writes against him will certainly think the Arian thoughts with us." Hosius was not terrified, but even while suffering insults, he wrote as follows, and we have read the letter, and it is written at the end. 61
Hosius to the Emperor Constantius, greeting in the Lord. 62
D 44. I have already confessed once [before], when the persecution under thy grandfather Maximian was raging. If thou also persecutest me, I am ready even now to suffer anything whatever, rather than shed innocent blood and betray the truth; nor do I approve of thee for writing and threatening in such a manner. Cease, therefore, to write such things, and do not think the thoughts of Arius, nor listen to the Orientals, nor have faith in those who are with Ursacius and Valens. For what they say, they do not speak for the sake of Athanasius, but for the sake of their own heresy. Believe me, Constantius,
A I am your grandfather in age; I was personally present at the Synod of Sardica, at the time when you and your brother of blessed memory, Constans, gathered us all together. And through myself I summoned the enemies of Athanasius, and when they had come into the church where I was staying, I told them that if they had anything against him, they should declare it; I promised them to take heart, and not to expect anything other than that the judgment upon all matters would be just. I did this not once, but a second time, urging them that if they did not wish to speak before the whole synod, they should at least state the matter before me alone; promising again that, if the man were shown to be guilty, he would certainly be cast out by us as well; but if he were found innocent, and he proved you to be slanderers, if you were to reject the man, I myself would persuade Athanasius to go with me to the Spains. And Athanasius readily agreed to these terms B and did not gainsay them; but they, having no confidence in any of their affairs, perhaps shrank back. And again, Athanasius came to your camp when you summoned him by letter, and while he was there in Antioch, he asked for all his enemies, or each one of them, to be called, so that either they might prove him or be proven themselves; and so that either they might show him to be such as they claimed while he was present, or not slander him while he was absent. And you did not consent, though he requested it, but they themselves also refused. Why then do you still listen to those who speak ill of him? How do you tolerate Valens and Ursacius, even though they have repented, and have confessed their slander in writing? For they confessed—not having been subjected to violence, as they themselves pretend, nor with soldiers standing over them, nor with the knowledge of your brother (for no such things happened under him as happen now, may it never be! C), but of their own accord they went up to Rome, and wrote before the bishop and the presbyters who were present; having written beforehand a friendly and pacific letter to Athanasius. But if they pretend that they were forced, they know that this is an evil; but you also do not approve of it. Cease from using force, and neither write nor send counts; but also release those who have been exiled, so that, while you blame them for using force, you do not perform even greater acts of force yourself. For what such thing happened under Constans? What bishop was exiled? When did he place himself in the midst of ecclesiastical judgments? What palatine of his forced anyone to subscribe against another, so that men like Valens could utter such things? Cease, I entreat you, and remember that you happen to be a mortal man; fear the day of judgment; keep yourself pure for that day. D Do not set yourself over ecclesiastical matters; nor should you give commands to us regarding these things; rather, learn these things from us. God has entrusted the empire to you; He has entrusted the affairs of the Church to us. And just as one who steals your authority opposes God who established it, so fear lest you also, by drawing the things of the Church to yourself, become guilty of a great crime: “Render,” it is written, “the things of Caesar to Caesar, and the things of God to God.” Neither, therefore, is it permitted for us to rule upon the earth, nor do you, O emperor, have the power to offer incense. I write these things because I care for your salvation; but as for the matters regarding which you have written,
this is my opinion: I do not agree with the Arians, but rather I anathematize their heresy; nor do I write against Athanasius, whom we, and the Roman Church, and indeed the entire synod, have declared to be innocent. For you yourself, seeing these things, didst summon the man and didst allow him to return with honor to his country and his Church. What, then, has become the reason for such a change? For the very same men who were his enemies before are his enemies now; and what they now whisper (for they do not speak when he is present), they were slandering even before you summoned Athanasius: these same things they kept murmuring when they arrived at the synod; and when I, as I said above, demanded proofs, they were unable to bring them forward—for had they possessed any, they would not have fled so disgracefully. B Who, then, persuaded you after so long a time to forget your own letters and words? Refrain, I beseech you, and do not yield to wicked men, so that you do not make yourself answerable for the sake of their mutual advantage. For what you now concede to them, you alone will have to render an account for on the day of judgment. They desire to harm their own adversary through you, and they wish you to be the minister of their malice, so that by your aid they may disseminate this execrable heresy in the Church. It is not the part of a prudent man to cast himself into manifest danger for the sake of others' lusts. Cease, I beseech you, and obey me, Constantius; for it is fitting that I should write these things, and that you should not despise them.
45. C Such was the true sentiment of the aged Abrahamic man, that is, the holy one; these were his letters. But the emperor neither ceased his plotting nor desisted from seeking an excuse against him; but he persisted, threatening severely, so that by force he might either compel him to change his opinion or, should he not obey, drive him into exile. And just as the Babylonian dukes and satraps, when they were hunting for an opportunity to accuse Daniel, could find none save in the Law of his God, so also the satraps of impiety at that time could not fabricate any other charge against the old man. For the one who was truly Hosius was known to all, and his life was blameless, except for his hatred of the heresy. Therefore they slander him, no longer as he was accused to Darius (for Darius heard the accusation against Daniel with distaste), but as Jezebel did against Naboth, and as the Jews did to Herod, saying: "He not only does not subscribe against Athanasius, but he even condemns us on his account; and he so hates the heresy that he even urges others by letter to undergo death rather than become traitors to the truth." For on its account our beloved Athanasius is persecuted, and Liberius the bishop of the Romans, and all the others are plotted against. D Having heard these things, the champion of impiety and the king of the heresy, Constantius, and inasmuch as others also are against...
who were of the same mind as Hosius, he attempted to have them sign; and when he could not succeed in bringing them to this by force, he sent for Hosius. And, in place of exile, he detained him for a whole year at Sirmium [(73)]; neither did the impious man fear God, nor did he revere the fatherly affection which he had toward Hosius, nor did the heartless man respect his old age (for he was already a centenarian). For all these things the new Ahab, and another Balthasar who has appeared in our time, disregarded on account of his impiety. For he used such violence toward the old man, and pressed him so hard, that, being worn down by afflictions, he might barely hold communion with the party of Valens and Ursacius, yet not sign against B Athanasius. But even so, the old man did not neglect the matter; for when he was about to die, as if declaring his will, he testified to the violence done to him, and anathematized the Arian heresy, and charged no one to receive it.
46. Who, seeing these things, or even only hearing them, would not be astonished and cry out to the Lord, saying [(74)]: "Wilt Thou indeed destroy the remnant of Israel?" [(18)] Who, observing these things, would not likewise in due time cry out to the Lord, saying: "Astonishment and horrible things have been done on the earth" [(19)]; and, "The heaven was astonished at this, and the earth trembled exceedingly" [(20)]? The fathers of the peoples and the teachers of the faith are removed, and the impious are brought into the C Churches. Who, when Liberius, Bishop of Rome, was exiled, and the father of bishops, the great Hosius, was suffering thus, or who, seeing so many bishops from Spain and other parts being exiled, did not recognize—if he had even a little bit of sense—that the charges against Athanasius and the others were false, and that all things were full of calumny? For it was for this reason that those men endured all things, perceiving the plot that had been formed against them from that calumny. For what was the crime of Liberius? Or what was the accusation against the aged Hosius? Who could have brought a false charge against Paulinus, D and Lucifer, and Dionysius, and Eusebius? Or what sin was there against the other exiled bishops, and presbyters, and deacons? There is none—God forbid! For these machinations were not brought about on account of crimes, nor was each one exiled due to accusations...
A but it is an eruption of impiety against piety; and a zeal for the Arian heresy, and the preludes to the coming of Antichrist [(76)], for which Constantius is preparing the way.
47. (Anno 356.) For after he had accomplished everything he wished against the Churches in Italy and other regions; after he had exiled some, compelled others, and filled all places with fear, finally, like some disease, he turned his fury toward the city of Alexandria. The enemies of Christ attacked this matter cunningly; for that they might possess the illusion of the subscription of many bishops, and so that, when persecuted, Athanasius might not have even a bishop to whom to complain, for this reason, they went ahead and filled all places B with fear; and they kept this terror as an auxiliary in their ambush—not realizing, the senseless men, that they were not proving the resolution of the bishops to be for themselves, but were displaying the violence they had actually inflicted [(77)]. And that, even if brothers should abandon us, and friends and acquaintances stand far off, and no one be found to sympathize and console, the Lord is nevertheless a sufficient and greater refuge than all others. For Elijah alone was in persecution [(21)], yet to the holy man God was all things in all things. The Savior also gave us this pattern, who, being left alone, was beset by the ambushes of his enemies [(22)], so that if we too should be abandoned by men in persecution, we might not lose heart, but have our hope in Him, and not betray the truth; which, even if it may seem to be oppressed at the beginning, at the end even its persecutors C shall come to acknowledge it.
48. Therefore they provoke him, and the emperor sends threats to the commander and the soldiers. Notaries also, Diogenius and Hilarius, are sent, and the palace officials [(palatini)] with them; and there occurred such grave and savage deeds against the Church as were briefly touched upon a little before [(80)], which are known to all from the testimonies which the peoples published [(81)], which anyone who wishes may read, written at the end of this work. Then, after the deeds of Syrianus, after such crimes [(82)] had been admitted, and the insults against the virgins [(83)], he, approving of such wickedness, sends letters again to the senate and people of Alexandria, inciting D the youths in order that all, having gathered together, might either persecute Athanasius or know that they would be his enemies. But he himself, even before these things happened, from the time when Syrianus burst into the church, had departed [(Anno 356)], knowing what is written: *But hide thyself for a little moment, until the indignation pass over* [(23)].
A The bearer of these letters was a certain Heraclius, a count by rank, who was the forerunner of one George, whom the emperor was sending as a spy—for the one sent by him could not be a bishop, God forbid!—just as the events themselves and the prelude to his entry prove.
49-50. He published the letters, therefore, which displayed the immense disgrace of the writer. For since, as the great Hosius had written, he could not find a plausible excuse for his change of heart, he devised one that was much more unbecoming to himself and his advisors. For he said: "Reverencing the friendship I bore my brother of divine and pious memory, I allowed Athanasius to approach you for a certain space of time." This proves him false both in his promises and ungrateful toward his brother after his death. Then he calls him of divine and pious memory—as indeed he is—worthy [of regard], whose command and friendship (even though he had allowed Athanasius’ return merely to please Constans, of blessed memory) he ought to have preserved, and not to have shown himself undutiful toward his brother, so that, just as he was heir to the empire, he might also be heir to his intentions. Yet he deposed Bretannio, who wished to demand what was just, saying, "To whom does the inheritance belong after the death of brothers?" And yet, by reason of the hateful heresy of the Christ-opponents, he neither knows what is just, but even acts undutifully toward his brothers; by reason of which heresy B he did not even think to preserve his father’s intention intact. Rather, he pretends to observe what is pleasing to the impious; but when it displeases them, he does not even know how to preserve the reverence due to his father. For he [Constantine] indeed, induced by the calumny of the Eusebian faction, had sent the bishop to the Gauls for a time, to avoid the cruelty of those who were plotting against him (as this ruler’s brother, Constantine of blessed memory, declared after his father’s death, as is shown in his own letters); but he was not persuaded by the Eusebians to send a bishop there, even though they wanted him to; rather, he restrained those who desired it, and deterred those who attempted it with severe threats.
C How then, if he wished to preserve the intentions of his own father, as he writes, did he send first Gregory, and now the plunderer George? Or why do the Arians, whom he [the father] called Porphyrians, does this one endeavor to introduce into the Church, and while patronizing them, [why does he] send others into exile? Even if his father had admitted Arius to his presence, yet when Arius was burst asunder after his perjury, he lost the benevolence of his father; for once he learned the truth, he condemned Arius as a heretic thereafter. How then, while pretending to care for the ecclesiastical D canon, does he devise everything contrary to it?
For what canon A prescribes that a bishop should be sent from the palace? Or what canon instructs soldiers to enter churches? Or who has given over counts and thoughtless eunuchs to preside over ecclesiastical matters, and to declare the judgment of those who are called bishops by edict? He uses every lie for the sake of the impious heresy: for he even sent Philagrius as prefect a second time, against the wish of his father, and these crimes were committed. B Nor are the things he says about his brother true: for indeed, after his brother’s death, he wrote to the bishop not once or twice, but three times; and he promised again that he would not change his mind, but exhorted him even to be confident and not to be troubled by anyone, but to remain in the Church with all tranquility; and he sent instructions through Asterius the count and Palladius the notary to Felicissimus, the duke of that time, and to Nestorius the prefect, so that if Philip the prefect, or any other person, should dare to conspire against Athanasius, they themselves should prevent it.
52. Therefore, when Syrianus arrived and set his traps, we as well as the people requested letters from the emperor, reasoning that, since it is written, "Let no lie proceed from the mouth of a king," so also an emperor who has given his word will never violate it or change his mind. Why, therefore, if he allowed us to return only for the sake of his brother, did he send letters after his death? And if he wrote those things for the sake of his memory, why then did he afterwards show himself ungrateful to his brother, persecuting the man? And in his letters, while he holds forth the judgment of the bishops, he manages the affair according to his own will—though he does not escape notice, but the proofs of his craftiness C are close at hand. For if it is a judgment of bishops, what does the emperor have to do with it? But if it is an imperial threat, what need is there for men called bishops? When from the beginning of the age has such a thing been heard? When did a Church decree receive its authority from an emperor, or was it deemed a decree at all? Many synods have been gathered before this; many decrees of the Church have been issued; but never did the Fathers persuade an emperor about such things, nor did an emperor meddle in the affairs of the Church. The Apostle Paul had friends in the household of Caesar D, and writing to the Philippians, he sent greetings from them; but he never admitted them as participants in legal judgments. But now there is a new spectacle, and this is an invention of the Arian heresy: for heretics and the emperor Constantius have come together, so that he too, having the pretext of bishops, may by his authority [exercise power against whomsoever he wishes...]
and by persecuting, not be called a persecutor. And these men, possessing the power of the emperor, lay snares for whomsoever they wish; and they wish the same for those who do not act impiously, as they themselves do. This, one might see enacted on a stage B by them as if in a comedy: where those who are called bishops play the parts of actors, while Constantius does their business, and again gives promises to them, as Herod did to Herodias; and these men again are seen, as it were, dancing with their calumnies, leading to the exile and death of those who live piously towards the Lord.
53. Whom, therefore, have these combatants against Christ not calumniated? Whom has Constantius not sent into exile after being denounced by them? When has he not listened to their desires? And the amazing thing is, whom has he ever accepted who spoke against them? Or rather, did he not accept those who spoke [in their favor], whatever they might say? What Church is there now that worships Christ with freedom? C For if it is pious, it is in danger; and if it pretends [to be pious], it is afraid. He has filled everything with pretense and impiety, as far as he could. For if anywhere there is someone pious and a lover of Christ (and there are many such everywhere, as the prophets and the great Elias), they are in hiding, if perchance they find a faithful man, as [they found] Abdias, and either go off into caves and holes in the earth, or pass their time wandering in deserts. For the senseless ones bring such calumnies against them as Jezabel contrived against Naboth, and the Jews [contrived] against the Savior; D and finally, that patron of the heresy, wishing to overturn the truth just as Achab [turned] the vine into a garden of herbs, does what they want, since he himself also heard from them what he desired.
54. Thus, just as I said before, those who did not act impiously, as he himself wished, he exiled; so also he sent Heraclius the count against Athanasius himself, who set forth the decrees publicly, and announced the orders of the emperor: that if they did not obey the letters, there would be a withdrawal of bread, the destruction of idols, and for many magistrates and those from the populace, captivity would surely follow. Then, having threatened these things, the man was not ashamed to say with a loud voice in public: "The emperor repudiates Athanasius; and he has ordered the Churches to be handed over to the Arians." And while all were wondering at this, and making signs to one another
it was indeed shameful, but the senators and A magistrates of the heathens were forced to subscribe to them, and to profess themselves ready to receive whatever bishop the emperor might send. In this conduct, Constantius was remarkably vindicating the canons of the Church; for instead of the letters of the Church, he required letters from the forum, and instead of the writings of the people, he demanded the writings of the temple-wardens; for he knew well that he was not sending a bishop to the Christians, but rather a litigious busybody to those who would write such things.
55. The heathens, therefore, who were thus returning to their idols for immunity, and some of the farmers—as if they were dealing with the governor or some other judge sent to them—subscribed, though unwillingly, fearing his threats; for, being heathens, what else were they to do but what pleased the emperor? B But the people having gathered in the great church—for it was the fourth day of the week—Heraclius the count took with him the next day Cataphronius, the prefect of Egypt, and Faustinum the Catholicus, as well as a Bithynian heretic, and stirred up the younger members of the marketplace and those who worshiped idols, saying that this was the emperor’s command, that they should rush into the church and stone the people. Now, when most of the people had already gone out after the dismissal, and only a few women remained, the event occurred just as they had commanded. And it was a pitiable sight; for as only a few remained just after their prayers, those youths suddenly rushed in, naked, with stones and clubs, and some they stoned, while the impious ones cut the holy bodies of the virgins with blows, tearing off their veils to uncover their heads, and dragging them along, the wicked wretches kicked them with their feet. Grievous indeed and most atrocious were these things, but those which followed were still more grievous, and more intolerable than any outrage. For, knowing the modesty of the virgins and the purity of their ears, and that they would more willingly endure stones and swords than obscene insults, the Arians prompted the youths to use such language as they broke in, providing them with these words, and they burst into laughter as they watched the young men speak and act in this way. The holy virgins and other respectable matrons fled from these words as from the bite of vipers. But the enemies of Christ assisted the youths, C and perhaps even shouted these things along with them, for the obscene language gave them pleasure.
56. Hence, in order to carry out the mandate fully (for this was what they had at heart, and this the count and the Catholicus commanded), they seized the benches, the throne, and the table—for it was of wood—and the veils of the church, and whatever else they could, and, carrying them out, burned them before the door in the great square, and cast incense into the fire. Alas! Who, upon hearing this, would not shed tears, D or rather, who would not stop his ears, so as not to hear another tell of it?
A For the pagans were praising their own idols, and saying: "Constantius has become a pagan, and the Arians have acknowledged our ways." For they do not care even to feign paganism, if only their heresy may have a foundation. Indeed, they even attempted to sacrifice a heifer that was watering the gardens situated in the Caesareum, and they would have sacrificed it, had it not been female; for they said that it was not permitted among them to sacrifice such things.
57. A The impious Arians, therefore, thinking that these deeds would redound to our disgrace, committed them in company with the pagans. But divine justice exposed their wickedness, and brought forth a great and extraordinary sign, thereby demonstrating clearly to all that, just as in their impiety they were daring to attack not someone else, but the Lord Himself, so now, by these deeds, they were attempting to offer insult to the Lord again. This was made even more manifest by the miracle that took place. For one of the younger profligates ran in, and in his audacity sat upon the throne. And sitting there, the wretch gave forth a harlot-like sound through his nostrils. Then, getting up, he forcibly endeavored to tear away the throne and pull it toward himself, not knowing that he was drawing down divine vengeance upon his own head. B For just as the inhabitants of Azotus in former times, who dared to touch the Ark, which it was not lawful for them even to look upon, were immediately destroyed by it, after first being consumed by torments in their hinder parts; so also did this wretch, merely by daring to pull it, drag down upon himself his own destruction. It was as if divine vengeance itself had launched the wood, which, as it was pulled away, struck him in his own belly; and instead of the throne, the blow caused his own entrails to burst forth: and the throne took away the man's life more than the man had succeeded in wrenching the throne away. His bowels were poured out, therefore, as it is written concerning Judas, and he was carried away having collapsed, and died after one day. C Another also entered bringing branches, and as a pagan, shaking them in his hand and mocking, was suddenly plunged into darkness, and could no longer see, nor did he know anymore where in the world he was. And being about to collapse himself, led by the hand and supported by his companions, he went out, and with difficulty regained his senses after a day, the scoundrel being oblivious to the crime and the catastrophe alike.
58. C Seeing these things, the pagans were terrified, and dared do nothing more. The Arians, however, were not even then shamed; but like the Jews, seeing signs, the unbelievers did not believe; nay, they were hardened all the more, like Pharaoh, having the expectation D that they too would offer sacrifices.
A in those things which were laid up in the Emperor and his eunuchs. They permitted the Gentiles—or rather, the most abandoned of the Gentiles—to commit the aforementioned deeds; for they had a certain actor who incited the Gentiles to such things, Faustinus, who was indeed called a Catholic, but was a vagabond by nature and wanton in his soul. But they themselves also undertook to do similar things of their own accord; so that, just as they had delineated their heresy from the other heresies B, they might also have their wickedness shared with the more licentious. For the other things they did through them, as I said before; but the crimes they committed themselves, how do they not exceed all wickedness, and surpass the evil of any public executioner? For what house did they not sack? What home did they not ransack under the pretext of searching? What garden did they not trample, and what tomb did they not open? They put forward the pretext as if they were searching for Athanasius, but the whole purpose they were intent upon was to plunder and despoil those they encountered. How many houses were sealed? How many of the things in the guest-chambers did they hand over to the soldiers who served them? Who has not experienced their wickedness? Who, upon meeting them, did not hide in the marketplace? Who, because of them, did not abandon his home and spend the night in the desert? C Who, in his ignorance of how to save his property from them, did not prefer to risk it and its dangers, rather than see them making threats? For many changed their dwellings and moved from lane to lane, and from the city to the suburbs. And how many suffered how many fines, and having nothing, borrowed from others, solely to flee their plots?
59. For they showed themselves to be a terror to all, and boasted to everyone, invoking the Emperor's name to all; and while threatening with fear of him, they had as ministers of their wickedness the Duke Sebastian, a Manichæan and a wanton youth, and the prefect, and the count, and the hypocrite the "Catholic." At any rate, many virgins who condemned their impiety and knew the truth, they cast out of their homes, and others who were walking about they insulted, and ordered their heads to be uncovered by the youths who were with them; and they gave the power to their own women D to insult whomsoever they wished. And the honorable and faithful women would turn aside and yield the way to them; but they, like Bacchantes and Furies, roaming about, considered it a misfortune if they did not find someone to harm, and they spent that day with grief on which they were unable to do evil. And in short, they were so savage and bitter to all, that they were called by all people executioners, murderers, wicked, meddlesome, evildoers, and anything rather than Christians.
A 60. For, imitating the Scythians, they seized Eutychius, a subdeacon, a man who served the Church well. And after they had caused his back to be cut to pieces with bull-hide whips until he was at the point of death, they ordered him to be sent to the mines—and not just any mines, but those at Phæno [(27)], where even a murderer who is condemned can scarcely survive for a few days [(28)]. And the most extraordinary thing is that they did not allow him even a few hours to have his wounds treated, but immediately sent him away, saying, "If this happens, everyone will be afraid and will henceforth join us." He did not go very far, however, and, being unable to reach the mines because of the pain of his wounds, he died on the way. And he departed this life rejoicing, having the glory of martyrdom. Yet the impious men were not even then ashamed; but, as it is written, having "cruel bowels," and having meditated upon this, they committed another satanic act. B For when the people were suppliants on behalf of Eutychius and were pleading for him, they caused four honest and free men to be seized—among whom was Hermias [(30)], who used to wash the feet of the indigent—and the Duke, having had them cut to pieces with severe blows beforehand, cast them into prison. But the Arians, being more savage than even the Scythians themselves, when they saw that those men had not died from the blows, began to complain and threaten, saying to the eunuchs, "We shall write and indicate that he does not beat them according to our will." Upon hearing this, the man was terrified and was forced to beat the men a second time. And while they were being beaten, knowing why they were being beaten and by whom they had been slandered, they said nothing else but, "We are being beaten for the sake of the truth, and we do not hold communion with the heretics. C Beat us, therefore, as you will, and God will judge you for this." The impious men, for their part, wished for them to be in danger and to die in the prison; but the people of God, knowing the suitability of the time, interceded for them, and after about seven days or more, the men were released.
61. And they, as if taking this matter indignantly, set out to commit another act even more savage and nefarious than that one—a deed savage toward all, yet suitable to their own heresy, which is hostile to Christ. For the Lord indeed commanded that care be taken of the poor, saying, "Sell what you possess and give alms," and, "I was hungry, and you gave me to eat; I was thirsty, and you gave me to drink. For as much as you did it to one of the l...
least of these, you did it to me." These men, however, because they truly think against Christ, have dared to oppose His will in these matters also. For when they saw the needy and the widows—who, since the duke had handed over the churches to the Arians, could not remain in them—sitting in the places assigned to them by the clergy who had been entrusted with the care of the widows; when they saw the brothers A with a ready mind bestowing alms upon them and providing the widows with sustenance, they pursued them, kicking them with their feet, and denounced the givers to the duke. And this was done by a certain soldier, Dynamius, and was most pleasing to Sebastian; for among the Manichaeans there is no compassion, and it is a thing hateful to them to pity the poor. It was, therefore, an insolent kind of accusation, and a new tribunal was now first devised by them. Men were summoned to court for a benefit conferred: he who gave alms was denounced, and he who received the benefit was beaten; they preferred that the poor man should starve, rather than that anyone should be willing to provide for him. These new Jews learned this, in turn, from those ancient Jews. For when those men saw the man born blind who had finally received his sight, and him who for a long time had been paralyzed now made whole, they blamed the Lord who had B bestowed the benefit and judged those who had received the good as transgressors.
62. Who, then, has not wondered at these things? Who has not cursed the heresy and its defenders? Who has not known that the Arians are more savage than even wild beasts? For the wretches did not even profit from that for which they did these things, but rather increased the hatred against themselves from all sides. They supposed that through treachery and fear they could force some into the heresy, so as even to gather with them. But the matter turned out contrary to what they thought; for those whom they afflicted bore the miseries brought upon them as if it were a martyrdom, and neither betrayed nor denied their pious faith in Christ. But those who watched from the outside—nay, even the Gentiles when they saw these things—cursed them as Antichrists and executioners; for the human race is by nature loving toward the poor and prone to mercy. These men, however, had lost even human reason; for they themselves, had they suffered, would have wished to receive a benefit from others, yet they did not allow others to attain the same, relying on the cruelty and power of the judges, and especially that of the duke.
63. And indeed, what they perpetrated against the presbyters and deacons; how they drove them into flight by the authority of the duke and the judges, and how they dragged them from their houses by the work of the soldiers and of the commander Gorgonius, who lacerated them with blows; and how they (most cruel of all things) even...
A snatched away the very loaves of those who had already perished, and with what insolence they did so, cannot be expressed in words, for their cruelty surpasses any power of narration. What, indeed, could anyone say, given the gravity of the matter? Or of whom should he make mention first, so as not to find the second things worse than the first, and the subsequent things more atrocious than the second? For all their machinations and impieties are filled with slaughter and irreverence; and they are so cunning in their judgment and so varied in their behavior that they endeavor to deceive even with promises of protection and the giving of money, in order that, since they have no standing based on reason, they might at least therefrom seem to produce some phantom of dignity to the simple-minded.
64. Who, therefore, could any longer call these people even pagans, let alone Christians? Who would judge the behavior of these men to be human, and not rather beastly, considering the raw and savage nature of their actions? For they are more wicked than public executioners and bolder than other heretics; they are, in fact, far inferior to the pagans, or rather, they fall far short of them. For I have heard from the fathers—and I believe it to be a true account—that at the time of the first persecution, which occurred under Maximian, the grandfather of Constantius, the pagans hid our brethren, the Christians, when they were being sought; and they were often fined and even cast into prison, only that they might not be traitors to the fugitives. For they preserved the fugitives with the same loyalty as they did themselves, nor did they hesitate to expose themselves to danger for their sake. But now, these admirable ones, these inventors of the new B heresy, who are known by nothing else than their plotting, do everything quite the opposite. For they themselves, becoming executioners by their own hand, seek to betray everyone; and they make those who hide others the objects of their plots, deeming the one who hides and the one who is hidden to be equally their enemies. So bloodthirsty and murderous are they; so much do these wicked men emulate the very malice of Judas.
65. And it is not possible to recount their deeds according to their gravity, except for this one thing: that when I write and desire to catalog their wicked acts, it enters my mind to wonder whether this heresy is the fourth daughter of the leech mentioned in the Proverbs, which, after so many injustices and so many murders, has not said, "It is enough." For it still rages; it goes about seeking those not yet known to it, and those it has already wronged, it hastens to wrong again. For behold, after the nocturnal incursion, after the evils that resulted from it, after the persecution carried out by Heraclius, they do not cease to slander them to the Emperor; for they are confident that, as they are heard by one who is impious, they will obtain something worse than exile, and that from now on those who do not obey their impieties will be put to the sword. Truly, indeed, even now, the most wicked Secundus D of Pentapolis, who is emboldened by their support, and his...
fellow-conspirator Stephen, knowing that, however much they commit injustices, they will always have the heresy for their defense, when they saw in Barca a presbyter who did not obey them—he was called Secundus, a namesake indeed of the heretic, but not like-minded—they killed the man by trampling him underfoot. A Yet he, while he was being murdered, imitating the saint, said: "Let no one exact vengeance for me before the judges; I have the Lord as my avenger, for whose sake I suffer these things at their hands." But they, neither pitying him as he said this, nor showing any reverence for those days, in the very season of Lent killed the man by trampling him underfoot.
66. O new heresy, which in its impiety and actions has put on the whole devil! For now this evil has been devised for the first time; for if any had seemed to conceive it in their minds before, yet they concealed and hid the fact that they held such B opinions. But Eusebius and Arius, creeping out like serpents from their lair, vomited forth the poison of this impiety; and Arius indeed undertook the boldness to blaspheme openly, while Eusebius undertook the patronage of this heresy; but he was not able to patronize the heresy before, as I said above, he found the emperor as its protector. Our Fathers, therefore, held an ecumenical synod, and gathered in a number of more or less three hundred, they condemned the Arian heresy and declared it all to be foreign and alien to the ecclesiastical faith. But its patrons, seeing themselves henceforth disgraced and having no reasonable argument, devised another way, and attempted to defend it through external power. C In this matter, one would wonder all the more at the insolence and malice of their purpose, and how far they surpass other heresies. For the inventions of other heresies and their madness lie in the craftiness of words, in order to deceive the simple. The Greeks indeed, as the Apostle said, essay to persuade by the loftiness and persuasiveness of words and plausible sophisms; but the Jews, abandoning the divine Scriptures, henceforth, as the Apostle said, possess their strife in fables and endless genealogies; for the Manichaeans and Valentinians, together with them, and others, corrupting the divine Scriptures, D relate fables through their own fabricated discourses. But the Arians are more audacious than all other heresies, and have demonstrated those others to be, as it were, their younger sisters, being more impious than them, as has been said, and emulating the malice of all, especially that of the Jews. For as those men, being unable to convict Paul regarding the charges brought against him, immediately brought him before the chiliarch and the governor, so these too, devising things even further beyond those, have used only the power of judges; and the moment anyone has contradicted them, he is dragged off to the governor or the military commander.
A And the other heresies, when they are convicted by proofs from the very truth, keep silent—having nothing more to do than to be shamed by their refutations; but the new and abominable heresy of these men, when it is refuted by arguments, when it falls, covered in shame, by the truth itself, then it attempts to drag to itself by force, by blows, and by prisons those whom it has not been able to persuade by words, showing itself, even by this, to be anything but religious. For it is the property of religion not to coerce, but to persuade, as we have said. For the Lord himself, not using force, but giving room for the choice of each, said to all, "If anyone wishes to come after me," and to his disciples, "Do you also wish to go away?" This is entirely alien to religion. What was it fitting for it to do but the opposite B of the Savior, incribing Constantius as the Christ-fighting leader of impiety, as the Antichrist himself? For he, because of the heresy, was the first to strive to emulate even Saul in cruelty. For that king, because the priests had given food to David, ordered them to be slaughtered, all three hundred and five in number. But this man, since all flee from the heresy and the sound faith in the Lord has been confessed, renders the entire synod of three hundred bishops void; he drives the bishops themselves into exile, and hinders the peoples from practicing piety and praying to God, forbidding their gatherings. And just as Saul razed Nob, the city of the priests, so this man, increasing the evil even more, has handed over the Churches C to the impious; and just as that king preferred Doeg the slanderer to the true priests, and persecuted David while listening to the Ziphites, so this man prefers heretics to the pious, and still pursues those who flee from him, lending an ear to his eunuchs who slander the orthodox; not perceiving that whatever he does and writes for the sake of the Arian heresy, he has this undertaking against the Savior.
68. Not even Achab was so cruel toward the priests of God as this man has dared to be toward the bishops. For that king, when Naboth was killed, was pricked in his conscience and, having seen Elias, was afraid. But this man neither felt reverence for such a great Hosius, nor, having exiled so many bishops, was he weary, nor was he pricked in his conscience; D but like another Pharaoh, the more he is worn down, the more he hardens himself, and he devised worse things day by day. And this is a paradoxical sign of his wickedness: for while the bishops were being exiled, it happened that certain others, on charges of murder, or sedition, or theft, were receiving their sentencing according to the quality of their crime; and these, after a few months, having been petitioned, he absolves from the penalty, just as Pilate did with Barabbas; he preserves them, by being petitioned...
A, 49 he does not merely fail to release, but even more mercilessly condemns to exile, becoming an immortal evil to them. For he was a friend to those who were like him in character, but to the orthodox, because of their piety toward Christ, he proved to be an enemy. Does he not, therefore, clearly demonstrate to all from this that the Jews of old, who asked for Barabbas and crucified the Lord, were the same as those who, along with Constantius, are now fighting against Christ? And perhaps this man is even more bitter than Pilate; for although the latter at least washed his hands when he identified the injustice, this one rather gnashes his teeth all the more, while exiling the saints.
69. B Indeed, why should it be surprising that, being led into impiety, he rages against the bishops, when he did not even refrain, as a human being should, from his own kin? He slaughtered his uncles and destroyed his cousins; and while he was still married to the daughter of his father-in-law 50, he felt no pity for his relatives 51 when they were afflicted; but he was always a perjurer against everyone. Thus, he has even dared to act impiously toward his own brother, whose tomb he pretends to be restoring: for he gave away his betrothed, Olympias, whom he had kept with him until his death and raised as his own wife, to the barbarians. He even attempted to revoke the will of the very man whose heir he boasts of being, and he publishes such writings that any man possessed of even a modest amount of sense would have been ashamed to issue. For my part, having examined his letters one after another, I have found that he is not possessed of a mind of his own, natural to him, but is moved solely by the will of his advisers, possessing no individual judgment whatsoever. Solomon, therefore, says: *If a ruler listens to a lying word, all those who are under him become lawless* (Prov. XXIX, 12). By his deeds, this man declares himself to be that unjust one, and those around him to be lawless.
70. C Since such a man is of this character and delights in such things, how can he ever be capable of thinking anything just or rational? He is a man bound by the wickedness of his companions, those sorcerers, as it were, who truly have their brains trampled under their own feet. For this reason he writes, and having written, immediately repents; and having repented, he becomes enraged, and later laments, and not knowing what to do, he declares himself to be destitute of mind and understanding. Such a man one might rightly lament, for while wearing the status and the name of a free man, he is a slave to those who draw him toward their own lust for impiety. Indeed, that foolish and light-headed thing, D as Scripture says, in wishing to flatter others, has delivered himself as a sacrifice to the condemnation of the future judgment and to the fire, now doing everything according to the will of those men, and granting them the power to lay snares for the bishops.
A For see, now again he has disturbed the churches in Alexandria, and those in Egypt and in all the Libyas. And he has commanded openly that the bishops of the Catholic Church and of piety be cast out of the churches, and that all of them be handed over to those who hold the views of Arius. This the military commander B began to do; and henceforth, bishops were led away in bonds, and presbyters and monks were put in chains and beaten with stripes until they were nearly dead. Everything everywhere has been thrown into confusion; all Egypt and Libya are in danger, as the peoples bear this illegal edict with great indignation, and see in it the preparation for the Antichrist, as their own goods are seized from them and given over to the heretics.
71. When was such iniquity ever heard of? When was such a crime committed, even during a persecution? Those who persecuted in former times were heathens, yet they did not bring idols into the churches. Zenobia was a Jewess and a patroness of Paul of Samosata, yet she did not hand over the churches to the Jews to turn them into synagogues. This is a novel abomination; it is not simply a persecution, but something more than a persecution—it is the prelude and the preparation for the Antichrist. For let it be granted that they concocted false pretexts against Athanasius and the other bishops whom they sent into exile; but what about this new procedure? What pretext can they possibly have for declaring this against all of Egypt, Libya, and Pentapolis? For they did not set about to lay snares against them one by one, so that they might at least have an opportunity to lie; but they attacked them all collectively, C so that even if they wished to invent an excuse, they would be convicted of lying. Malice has thus blinded their minds in these matters; for they demanded that all the bishops without exception be cast out without any pretext, so as to show that they fabricated false charges against Athanasius and the other bishops whom they exiled for no other reason than their detestable heresy of the Christ-hating Arians. For this is no longer hidden, D but has become most evident to all. For he commanded that Athanasius be cast out of the city, and he handed the churches over to those men. And the presbyters and deacons who were with him, appointed by Peter and Alexander, are cast out and driven into flight; but the true Arians—not those suspected of it for some external reason, but those who from the beginning were cast out by Bishop Alexander along with Arius himself on account of their heresy—in Upper Libya, Secundus, and in Alexandria, Euzoius the Canaanite, and Julius, and Ammon, and Marcus, and Irenæus, and Zosimus, and Sarapion, surnamed Pelyron, and in Libya, Sisinnius, and the younger ones with him who share in their impiety—these, I say, have taken possession of the churches.
A Moreover, Sebastian, the commander of the troops, sent letters to the military prefects and authorities in every place: then the true bishops were driven out, and those who held the opinions of the impious were intruded in their place. They indeed made exiles of those bishops who had grown old in the clergy, and who had spent many years in the episcopate, having been ordained by Alexander, the bishop: namely, Ammonius, Hermes, Anagamphus, and Marcus B to the Upper Oasis; Muim, Psenosiris, Nilammon, Plenes, Marcus, and Athenodorus to the Ammoniac, with no other intent than that they should perish while passing through the deserts. For they did not even show pity to the infirm, but even though they carried them with difficulty on account of their weakness, they nevertheless pressed them on; and they were carried on litters, while deaths, due to the intensity of their ailments, followed close behind them. Thus one of them died, and they did not even allow his body to be carried away to his own people. For the same reason, they banished Bishop Dracontius to the desert regions around Clysma; Philon to Babylon; and C Adelphius to Psinabla in the Thebaid; and they sent the presbyters Hierax and Dioscorus into exile at Syene. They drove into flight Ammonius, Agathus, Agathodaemon, Apollonius, Eulogius, Apollo, Paphnutius, Gaius, and Flavius, who were ancient bishops, as well as Dioscorus, Ammonius, Heraclides, and Psais, also bishops; some of them they handed over to the stone quarries, others they pursued to their death, and many more they plundered. They sent into exile forty laymen and virgins after having first stood them before a fire; and they beat them with palm sticks in such a way that after five days some of them died, while others required medical attention D because of the splinters fixed into their limbs, suffering tortures worse than death.
A And what is more terrible, and yet characteristic of the impious in the eyes of all who are still in their right mind, is that while the victims were being beaten and calling upon Christ, they gnashed their teeth at them all the more. Indeed, they would not even surrender the bodies of the deceased to their families for burial, but hid them, so that they might appear to keep their murder secret. But they remained hidden from no one; for the whole city saw it, and all turned away from them as from public executioners, as from criminals and robbers. For they also overturned monasteries, and attempted to throw monks into the fire; and they plundered homes, and breaking into houses where the deposits entrusted by the bishop to free citizens had been kept, they seized them; they kicked widows, and prevented alms from being given.
73. Such then are the crimes of the Arian impiety. Who, upon hearing of them, would not shudder? For they took care that men of such stature, elderly and long-serving bishops, should be sent into exile; and in their place they ordered younger, profligate pagans—not even catechumens—to ascend at once to the highest rank; B others who were bigamists, and charged with even greater crimes, because they were wealthy and possessed civil influence, provided that they paid gold—they sent them forth, as if from a slave market, and named them bishops. And henceforth a greater calamity befell the people; for since they rejected those mercenaries—men foreign to them—they were beaten, proscribed, and imprisoned by the commander of the army. This indeed he did with great readiness, being a Manichaean, so that they would not seek out their own bishops, and so that they might receive those whom they loathed—men, in truth, who committed such deeds as they had only recently practiced among the idols. C
74. Seeing or hearing these things, who, observing the arrogance of the impious and such great injustice, would not groan, if he is a just man? For "in the places of the impious, the just lament." (Prov. XXVIII, 28, in Gr. text). Who, when such deeds have occurred, and impiety has assumed such shamelessness, still dares to call Constantius a Christian, and not rather an image of the Antichrist? For what one of the marks of that being is missing from him? Or why should we not consider him to be the very man, and why should we not think that person to be like him? D Were not sacrifices offered and blasphemies spoken against Christ in the Great Church, which is situated in the Caesareum, at his command, by both the Arians and the pagans? Does not the vision of Daniel signify the Antichrist by these signs: that he will make war against the saints, and will prevail over them, and in malice will surpass all who were before him, and will humiliate three kings, and will speak words against the Most High, and will think himself
A able to change the time and the law? Who else, then, has ever dared to do such things, except Constantius alone? For he is such a man as that one would be. For he speaks words against the Most High, B championing the impious heresy; and he wages war against the saints, sending the bishops into exile—even if for a short time, to his own destruction, he possesses this power. For he has surpassed in malice all who were before him, having devised a new method of persecution. And when he had deposed three kings—Vetranio, Magnentium, and Gallus—he immediately took up the cause of impiety; and like a giant he dared to rise up against the Most High in his arrogance. He thought to change the law, violating the ordinances of the Lord handed down through the apostles, altering the customs of the Church, and himself devising a new method of appointment. For he sends bishops, accompanied by soldiers, to unwilling peoples from other, distant places, even fifty stations away; and instead of knowledge to be given to the peoples, they bring threats and letters to the magistrates. Thus he sent Gregory from Cappadocia to Alexandria; and he summoned Germinius from Cyzicus to Sirmium; and he sent Cecropius from Laodicea to Nicomedia.
75. And he sent a certain Auxentius, a man more of a litigator than a Christian, from Cappadocia to Milan, so that after he had exiled Dionysius, the bishop there, a pious man, because of his devotion to Christ, he might establish this man in his place—a man who did not yet know even the Latin language, but only how to be impious. Now, again, he ordered a certain George, a Cappadocian man, who had been a receiver of public stores at Constantinople, and who, having embezzled all the funds and being accused of extortion, had fled, to enter Alexandria with military display and the authority of the commander. Then, having found a certain Epictetus, a neophyte and a bold young man, C seeing that he was prepared for every villainy, he took him as a friend; and through him he lays snares for the bishops whom he wishes; for he is ready to do everything that the emperor desires. Using this man, therefore, as an agent, he perpetrated in Rome a thing truly astounding, which in truth bears the likeness of the malice of Antichrist. For having prepared the palace instead of the church, and having ordered three of his own agents to be present in place of the peoples, he forced three wicked spies (for one could not call them bishops) D to ordain, in the palace, a certain Felix—a man worthy of their own ways—as bishop. For the people, all of them—having observed the prevarication of the heretics—in no way allowed them to enter the churches, but withdrew far from them.
76. What then, has that Antichrist left out? Or what more will he do when he comes? Or how, when he comes, will he not find the path to deception easily prepared for him by this man? For again, instead of the churches, he calls the judgments to himself in the palace. And he takes the lead in these things; but the wonderful thing is that, even if he sees the accusers at a loss, he himself takes up the accusation, so that the injured parties may no longer be allowed to defend themselves on account of the violence from him. And he has done this in the cases against Athanasius. For observing the boldness of the bishops Paulinus, Lucifer, Eusebius, and Dionysius, and how they—out of B the repentance of Ursacius and Valens—were convicting those speaking against the bishop and were counseling that one ought no longer to believe those around Valens, who had repented of the things they are currently saying, he immediately stood up and said, "I am now the accuser of Athanasius; for my sake, believe what these men say." Then, when they asked, "How can you be the accuser when the accused is not present? For if you are the accuser, but he is absent, he cannot be judged. For this is not a Roman trial, such that you should be believed because you are emperor; rather, the judgment is regarding a bishop, and it is necessary that the judgment be equal for the accuser and for the one being judged. And how can you accuse? For you could not be with the man who dwells far away. And if you speak after hearing from these men, it is just that you also put faith in what is said by him; but if you do not believe him, C yet you believe these men, they seem to be saying these things rather for your sake and to be accusing Athanasius as a favor to you." Upon hearing this, and thinking the words that were rightly said were an insult, he sent those men into exile; and being moved against Athanasius, he wrote more savagely for him to suffer the things that happened, and for the churches to be handed over to the Arians, and for these men to be permitted to do what they wished.
77. Such things are indeed grave, or rather more than grave; yet they are consistent with the one who bears the figure of the Antichrist. For who, seeing him leading those who are thought to be bishops and presiding over ecclesiastical judgments, would not consistently say that this is the abomination of desolation D spoken of by Daniel? For, clothed in Christianity, and entering into the holy places, and standing in them, he lays waste the churches, annulling their canons, and forcing his own decrees to prevail. Indeed, who dares to say that this is a time of peace for Christians, and not rather a persecution? And not only a persecution—of a kind such as has never before occurred, and perhaps such as no one will ever cause, unless the son of iniquity shows it—but the Christ-fighters, in their own acts, are already sketching it out. Therefore, it is especially necessary to be watchful, lest this heresy, which is of such impudence, which even...
A and spreading like a serpent’s venom, as is written in the Proverbs, and which teaches opinions contrary to the Savior, should be that apostasy after which he—that is to say, the Antichrist—shall be revealed, with Constantius sent ahead as his precursor. Otherwise, why does he rage so against pious men? Why does he contend as if for his own heresy, and call him his personal enemy who does not obey the madness of Arius, while he gladly accepts the words of the Christ-fighters and dishonors so many and such great synods? Why did he order the churches to be handed over to the Arians? Is it not so that when he [the Antichrist] comes, he may have the opportunity to enter them, and may embrace Constantius, who prepared those places for him? For the elder bishops, who had been ordained by Alexander and his predecessor Achillas, and by Peter before him, were driven out; and those were thrust in whom the soldiers—or rather, those who followed them—pointed out; and they pointed out those who promised to be of their own way of thinking.
78. The matter of the Meletians was very easy; for the majority, or rather all of them, were not raised in a religious education, nor did they know the sound faith in Christ, nor did they know at all what Christianity is, or what the Scriptures are that we Christians possess. For some of them came from idols, others from the senate and from the highest magistracies, for the sake of wretched immunity and patronage; and having bribed the older Meletians with money, they attained to that B dignity before they were even instructed. And even if they had been instructed, what, I ask, is the doctrine among the Meletians? Yet, without even the appearance of being instructed, they approached, and immediately, as if they were infants receiving a name, they were called bishops. Because they were of such a sort, they considered the reality as nothing, nor did they think that piety differed from impiety. Thus, they willingly and promptly became Arians from having been Meletians. And if the Emperor were to order something else, they would be just as ready to change again. For ignorance of piety very quickly brings them back to that habitual and original folly in which they had been instructed. Indeed, it is nothing to them to be carried about by every wind and wave, provided they are exempt from burdens C and enjoy human patronage; it is nothing to them to change themselves and become what they were before, or indeed what they were when they were heathens. Verily, being so versatile in their ways, and thinking the Church to be a civil senate, and having the scent of the cult of idols—as they were heathens—yet having usurped the glorious name of the Savior, they contaminated all of Egypt, where they took care that the Arian heresy should be even named. For until then, in Egypt alone, the profession of the sound faith was everywhere free; and for that reason those impious men—or rather, not they, but the devil who stirred them up—strove to bring envy upon it also, so that when his herald, the Antichrist, arrives, he may find his own churches even in Egypt. D
A
79. Such was the impious edict issued by Constantius; but the alacrity of the peoples to embrace martyrdom was great, and the hatred against the most impious heresy was inflamed all the more. There was mourning everywhere in the churches, and groaning by all, as they cried to the Lord: "Spare, O Lord, Thy people, and give not Thine inheritance to reproach, that the enemies should rule over them" (Joel II, 17); but make haste to deliver us from the hand of the wicked. For behold, they did not spare Thy servants, but are preparing the way for the Antichrist. The Meletians will never withstand him, nor will they have any care for the truth, nor will they consider it a base thing to deny Christ—men who, having never sincerely approached the Word, change their shape like a chameleon, B and become hirelings for those who make use of their service. For it is not the truth that they keep in view, but they prefer present pleasure before it, and say only: "Let us eat and drink, for tomorrow we die" (Isa. XXII, 5; I Cor. xv, 32). Such, then, is the intention and the perfidious character—not of Meletians, but of these stage-playing Epicritians. But the faithful servants of the Savior and true bishops, who have truly believed, and who live not to themselves but to the Lord, observing a pious faith in our Lord Jesus Christ, and knowing, as I said before, that the accusations against the truth are false and were openly fabricated for the sake of the Arian heresy (for from the repentance of Ursacius and Valens they learned of the calumny C concocted against Athanasius, that they might remove him from their path and bring the impiety of the Christ-haters into the churches)—they, I say, perceiving these things, as champions and heralds of the truth, chose rather to suffer insult and exile, and in fact endured it, than to sign against him and hold communion with the Ariomaniacs. For they did not forget what they had taught; nay, they know all the more that for traitors there is great disgrace, but for those who confess the truth, the kingdom of heaven will come; and that for those who are indifferent and fear Constantius, there will be no good, but that for those who have endured the afflictions here, as a tranquil harbor is given to sailors after a storm, and as a crown to athletes after the contest, D so to them also there will be great and eternal joy and gladness in the heavens: such as Joseph had after those afflictions; such as the great Daniel had after the temptations and the many plots of the courtiers; such as Paul now has, being crowned by the Savior; and those who look for this, all the peoples of God everywhere, when they saw these things, were not broken in spirit, but rather were strengthened in faith and increased their alacrity all the more. For having been fully persuaded concerning the hereti-
A their sycophancy and impiety, they condemn the persecutor, but they run along with those who are persecuted in mind and in oneness of sentiment, so that they too may receive the crown of confession.
80. Many things could indeed be said against this loathsome and Christ-opposing heresy; and many things also could be pointed out as being preambles of the Antichrist, namely the practices of Constantius. But since, as the prophet said, from the feet to the head there is nothing sound in it, but it is filled with all filth and all impiety, so that even from hearing alone it is to be shunned as the vomit of a dog and the venom of dragons—and there is also Costyllius, who openly bears the image of the adversary—so that the discourse may not be long, for this reason it is good to be satisfied with the divine Scripture and for all to be persuaded by it, which gives this command concerning other heresies, and especially concerning this one. For this is its command: "Depart, depart, go out from there, and touch no unclean thing; go out from the midst of them, and be separated, you who bear the vessels of the Lord." For this teaching is sufficient for all, so that if anyone has been seduced by them, having gone out as if from Sodom, he may no longer turn back to them, lest the same thing befall him as happened to the wife of Lot. But if anyone has kept himself pure from the beginning from this impious heresy, let him boast in Christ, saying: "We have not stretched out our hands to a strange god, nor have we worshiped the works of our hands, nor have we worshiped the creature instead of You, the God who created all things, through Your Word, the only-begotten Son, our Lord Jesus Christ, through whom to You, O Father, and with the same Word, in the Holy Spirit, be glory and power for ever and ever. Amen."
To all monks everywhere from Athanasius, Bishop, concerning the events brought about by the Arians under Constantius. This entire book is composed by the Pope against Constantius.
81.
SECOND PROTESTATION.
The people of the Alexandrian Catholic Church, which is under Athanasius the most reverend bishop, publicly protest this through those who will sign below.We have already protested concerning the nocturnal invasion made upon us and into the Cyriacum; although there was no need for a protest regarding a matter known and well-examined by the whole city. For the bodies of the slain were found and publicly exposed; and the weapons and arrows found in the Cyriacum likewise proclaimed the crime. But since even after the protest the most illustrious duke Syrianus is compelling all to admit with him that there was no D tumult, as if neither any disturbance had occurred, nor anyone had died; but this proof is not...
a slight argument that these things were done contrary to the will of the most humane Augustus Constantius. For he would by no means have feared these occurrences, had he ordered them to be done. Indeed, when we went to him and requested that he offer violence to no one, and that he not deny what had happened, he commanded that we, being Christians, be beaten with clubs—thereby demonstrating, even by this behavior, the nocturnal war that had been waged against the Church. B For this reason, we now protest these things again, as some of us are already preparing to go to the most pious Augustus. We adjure by the almighty God, for the salvation of the most pious Augustus Constantius, the prefect of Egypt, Maximus, and the *curiosi*, to report all things to the piety of the Augustus and to the authority of the most illustrious prefects. We also adjure all ship-masters to proclaim these things everywhere, and to report them to the ears of the most pious Augustus, and to the prefects, and to the judges in every locality, so that the war waged against the Church may be known, and that it may be known that in the times of the Augustus Constantius, Syrianus rendered virgins and many others martyrs.
For at the break of day on the day before the five Ides of February, which is the fourteenth of the month Mechir, while we were keeping vigil in the Lord’s house and were devoted to prayer (for a synaxis was to be held on the Preparation day), suddenly, around midnight, the most illustrious duke Syrianus broke in upon us and upon the church with many legions of soldiers, equipped with weapons, drawn swords, arrows, and other martial gear, and with helmets upon their heads. And while we were truly praying and the reading was taking place, they broke the doors. When the doors had been opened by the force of the multitude, at his command some began to shoot arrows, others to shout the war-cry; here the clamor of weapons resounded, and swords flashed in the light of the lamps. C And then, in the aftermath, virgins were slain, many were trampled in the crush as the soldiers burst in, and men fell, pierced by arrows; some of the soldiers even turned to plundering, and stripped the virgins bare, to whom even the slightest touch of others was more bitter than death itself. Moreover, the bishop was then sitting upon the throne, exhorting all to pray. The duke was leading the troop, with the notary Hilarius as his companion, who contrived those things that the outcome of the matter revealed. For the bishop, having been seized, was all but torn to pieces. Thus, he fell into a great fainting spell, and being almost lifeless, we do not know to where he withdrew from their eyes; for they were seeking to kill him. Then, when they saw that very many had been killed, they ordered the soldiers to remove and hide the bodies of the dead. Furthermore, the most holy virgins who had been left for dead were buried in the tombs, having attained such glory that they were martyrs in the very times of the most pious Constantius. The deacons, moreover, were beaten with floggings in the Lord’s house itself and were imprisoned. Nor did their wickedness cease here; for after these deeds, every man, according to his own judgment, when
he wished, would break down the door, enter, search, and plunder what was inside; and they entered into those places into which it is not permitted even for all Christians to enter. A The city commander, Gorgonius, knows these things, for he was there. For it is no small proof of such a hostile incursion that the arms, missiles, and swords of those who had broken in were left in the Lord’s house; for they are still hanging in the church, so that they may not be able to deny it. Indeed, the army has often sent Dynamius and the commander, wishing to take them away; but we have not yet permitted this, until it is made known to all. If, therefore, it is a decree that we should be persecuted, we are all ready to undergo martyrdom; but if this is not the decision of the Augustus, we ask the prefect of Egypt, Maximus, and all the magistrates, to entreat him not to undertake such things in the future. We also ask that this our petition be presented to him, so that they may not attempt to intrude another bishop here; for we have stood firm even unto death out of our desire for the most reverend Athanasius, whom God gave to us from the beginning according to the succession of our Fathers, whom the most pious Constantius himself sent here with letters and oaths. For we trust that if this is brought to his piety, he will be indignant at what has been done, and will do nothing contrary to his oaths, but will instead command our bishop Athanasius to remain with us. In the consulship after that of the most distinguished Arbethion and Collianus, being designated, on the 17th of Mechir, which is the day before the Ides of February.
C (Furthermore, the letter written above to all monks everywhere concludes with the events that took place in Alexandria at the ordination of George the Cappadocian, an Arian, formerly a collector of public imposts. The following letter, however, which recounts the events that took place in the synods of Ariminum and Seleucia in Isauria, says that the aforementioned George was condemned at Seleucia. Therefore, the letter to the monks is more correctly placed first, although in the copy it is held as the second.)