Ecclesiastical History

IN THE FIRST BOOK OF THE ECCLESIASTICAL HISTORY OF EUSEBIUS PAMPHILI, THESE THINGS ARE CONTAINED.

1. What the subject of this work is. 2. Concerning the pre-existence and divinity of our Saviour and Lord Jesus Christ. 3. That the name of Jesus and Christ itself was known of old and honored by the divine prophets. 4. That the religion preached by him to all nations is neither new nor strange. 5. Concerning the times in which he appeared to men. 6. That in his time, as had been predicted by the prophets, the princes who had ruled the Jews by ancestral succession ceased: and that Herod, a foreigner, reigned over them. 7. Concerning the dissension which is believed to exist between the Gospels regarding the lineage of Christ. 8. Concerning the cruelty of Herod against the infants, and what end of life he had. 9. Concerning the times of Pilate. 10. Concerning the high priests of the Jews, under whom Christ preached the Gospel. 11. Testimonies concerning John the Baptist and Christ. 12. Concerning the disciples of our Saviour. 13. Narrative concerning the ruler of the Edessenes.

CHAPTER I.

What the subject of this work is.

^ASince I have undertaken to write ^B of the successions of the holy apostles, together with the times that have elapsed from our Saviour down to us, and how many and how great things are said to have been transacted in the ecclesiastical history; and how many and who they were who, in the most highly celebrated ^C dioceses [paroikiais], have governed and presided efficiently; and how many in each generation have propagated the divine word, either by oral teaching or by writings; and who they were and how many, and at what time, through a desire for innovation, having fallen into the greatest errors, have proclaimed themselves the authors of false doctrine, and like savage wolves have unsparingly ^D [devoured the flock of Christ—not to mention those who have been tossed by the waves of their own error, having completely strayed from the truth: these are the things—] [index: entries preserved]

^A as well as the immediate calamities that ensued for the entire Jewish nation because of the plot against our Saviour 6; furthermore, as often and in what ways and at what times the divine Word has been assailed by the nations, and how great were the struggles—marked by blood and tortures—which those who stood for Him have undergone for His sake, down to the martyrdoms which have been accomplished in our own day, and finally, the manifestations of our Saviour’s propitious and kindly providence over all—all these, I say, having set out to record, I shall take my beginning from nowhere else than the very Incarnation of our Saviour and Lord, Jesus Christ, the Son of God. ^B Yet, at the very threshold, my discourse asks your indulgence, candidly confessing that this task we have promised—to present it whole and perfect in every respect—is greater than our own strength. For we are the first to set out on this subject, attempting to travel, as it were, a lonely and untrodden path, praying to have God as our guide and the power of our Lord as our assistant; yet we are by no means able to find the bare footprints of those who have journeyed this same way before us, not to mention mere small pretexts 11, by which one person might here and there have accomplished his course. ^C

[Note: The remaining blocks on this page contain textual variants and scholarly annotations regarding the transmission of the Greek text (e.g., discrepancies in the manuscripts of Robert Stephanus, the Mazarin, Medicean, Fuketian, and Savilian codices). The content is categorized by marginal letters:] 6 Regarding the "plot against our Saviour": In three of our manuscripts (Med., Maz., Fuk.), the preposition is missing, which Savilius had also noted as being absent from his copy. It is found, however, in the Royal codex and in the transcriptions. Furthermore, this preposition seems to have been added by those who did not think it could be said conveniently, although that phrasing, in my judgment, is Greek and elegant. Therefore, it is "immediately after the plot," which they had devised against our Saviour. 7 Regarding "at what times": The Royal codex, which the edition of Robert Stephanus everywhere follows, has "at what times." But in the Med., Maz., Fuk., and Savilian codices, it is read as "at what times." [C, D] Regarding "the economy" (οἰκονομία): The ancients called "economy" whatever Christ did on earth to procure the salvation of the human race. Thus the "first economy" is the Incarnation, just as the last is the Passion. For they err who think "economy" means nothing more than the Incarnation. Indeed, it extends much further and embraces the entire life of Christ among men. Rightly, therefore, Nicephorus, for this word, put in chapter 2, book 1. Thus Eusebius, in the fifth chapter of this book, speaks. In this sense Justin Martyr used it in the *Dialogue with Trypho*. And in the same dialogue, p. 351. In the same way Epiphanius in *Adversus Haereses* (Alogi), p. 448, said it. And before him Irenaeus against Trypho, p. 247, Clemens also in the sixth *Stromateis*. And Irenaeus in chapter 10, book 1, simply calls it the Passion of Christ. John Chrysostom also in his homily on Matthew, takes it in the sense I have mentioned. Asking why Matthew named his book "the book of the generation of Christ," he says: "You see how he distinguishes it from the generation or Incarnation of Christ, and that he says the Incarnation is the head and beginning of the dispensation," in the same sense in which Eusebius in this place calls it the Incarnation. But Cyril also uses "economy" in this way in the book against Julian, p. 213, and in book VIII, p. 259, and Origen in the beginning of the eleventh volume of his Commentaries on John. Regarding "kindly speaking" (εὐγνωμονῶν): In our manuscripts, namely the Medicean, Mazarin, Fuketian, and Savilian, this passage is fuller by one word than in the Royal codex which Robert Stephanus printed. The same word is also had in the transcriptions of the Royal Library. But the adverb "already" (ἤδη) is missing in those transcriptions, and in the Medicean codex it is expunged by the same hand. Furthermore, it is called by Eusebius a "modest and candid" discourse. For although those are properly called candid among the Greeks who kindly indulge the faults of others, nevertheless those who think modestly of themselves are also so called. Regarding "greater than our power" (μεῖζον ἢ καθ᾿ ἡμετέραν δύναμιν): Without doubt it should be written, not as Robert Stephanus edited, but [a correction of the variant]. It is certain that in the best Mazarine codex and in the Medicean and Fuketian it is read [as variant], which comes closest to the true reading. In the transcriptions, it is written [as variant], which is how it was formerly read in the Royal codex. At this point, Robert Stephanus sadly indulged his own conjecture by writing [the erroneous text]. For in the Royal codex and the transcriptions it is read [as variant]. I found it written thus also in the Maz., Fuk., and Sav., which is much more correct. "Great" signifies what [variant]—therefore Rufinus translated it as [variant] except that [etc.]. Thus Aristotle in the fifth book *De generatione animalium* says [etc.].

^A having left behind for us ^B partial accounts of the times from afar, holding up their own voices beforehand like torches, and shouting from somewhere above, as if from a tower and a vantage point, and commanding where one ought to walk, and how to direct the course of the word unerringly and safely. As many things, therefore, as we deem will be useful for the subject at hand [(12)], having collected from those very things mentioned by them here and there, and having plucked, as it were from logical meadows, the appropriate voices of them—the writers of old—we shall attempt, by means of a historical exposition, to give them bodily form; being content, if not to recover all, at the very least to recover the successions of the most illustrious apostles of our Savior in the churches that are even now held to be most renowned. But I believe that I have felt it necessary [(13)] to labor at this subject, because I have not yet discovered any of the ecclesiastical writers down to this time who has applied himself to this part of the writing. I hope that it will also appear most useful to those who are zealous for the scholarly study of history. Already, then, I have previously prepared an epitome of these matters in ^B the *Chronicle Canons* [(14)]. On the present occasion, however, I have been moved to make a most complete account of them. And my discourse will begin, as I said, from the ^C dispensation [(15)] and theology [(16)] which are thought of as higher and surpassing the human realm regarding our Savior Christ. Indeed, for one who is about to hand down the history of the ecclesiastical exposition in writing, it is necessary to begin from above, from the very first account of Christ himself—since it is from him that we have been deemed worthy of the name—and from his more divine dispensation. Let these things serve as my philosophical reflections on God for the present; for there is no time for more than this, because it is not theology that is proposed to us, but dispensation. ^D

^A It is necessary, therefore, to begin from the exposition of the divinity. For whoever undertakes to transmit to posterity the history of events in the Church, it is necessary that he should lead his beginning from a higher point than the Incarnation of Christ himself (since we are also named after him), and in a more divine way than seems to be the case for others.

CHAPTER II.

Regarding the pre-existence and divinity of our Lord and Savior Jesus Christ.

Since, then, there is a duality in Christ’s nature—the one being likened to the head, according to which he is understood as God; the other being compared to the feet, in so far as he put on the man subject to human passions for the sake of our salvation—our series of narrative will be truly whole and perfect if we draw the beginning of the entire history relating to him from that which is the highest in the Savior Christ, and ^B as it were the vertex of all things. Furthermore, the antiquity and majesty of the Christian religion will thus be made most manifest to those who consider it to be recent and foreign, born only yesterday or the day before.

Indeed, no one could ever adequately explain in words the lineage, the worth, the very substance, and the nature of Christ. Whence also the Holy Spirit says through the prophets: “Who shall recount his generation?” (Isa. LIII). For as no one knows the Father except the Son, so no one ever knows the Son perfectly and according to his worth, except the Father alone who begat him. For who, besides the Father, could fully and perfectly understand such eternal light, the intellectual and substantial Wisdom, existing before all ages, the living Word of God who was in the beginning with the Father—that first and only issue of God, ^C visible and invisible, the first-born and only-begotten of every creature; that leader of the rational and immortal heavenly host; the angel of the great counsel; the minister of the arcane counsel of his Father; the creator of all things together?

^A And, next to the Father, the second cause of all things, the genuine and only-begotten Son of God, the Lord, God, and King of all created things, who received power and dominion together with divinity, might, and honor from the Father, in accordance with the mystic theological doctrines of the Scriptures regarding him: "In the beginning was the Word, and the Word was with God, and the Word was God; all things were made through him, and without him was not anything made." Therefore, the great Moses, being the most ancient of all the prophets, describing the creation and ordering of the whole world as inspired by the divine Spirit, teaches that the Creator and maker of all things conceded the creation of the lower substances to Christ himself—to none other, that is, than his own divine and first-begotten Word—and took counsel with him concerning the creation of man. "For God," he says, "said, Let us make man in our image and likeness." ^B Another prophet confirms this utterance in his hymns as he theologizes about God, saying: "He himself spoke, and they were made; he commanded, and they were created." He introduces the Father as the Supreme Ruler commanding by royal nod, and the Word of God as second to him—not another than the one we proclaim, Christ—ministering to the Father's commands. All those who, from the first beginning of the human race, are said to have excelled in righteousness and the virtue of religion, looked toward the great minister... ^C ...Far be such an absurdity! For the holy Fathers do not confess the Son to be a commander of the army or a minister, but consubstantial, coeternal, and of equal power. The Word of the Father, being consubstantial, is not commanded, but co-creates the creation, as he is God by nature and equal in honor. ^D

^A As was that great servant of God, Moses, so too Abraham, who lived before him, and his descendants, and all the righteous men and prophets who appeared thereafter, all beheld and acknowledged him with the pure eyes of their understanding, and rendered unto him the worship due to the Son of God. He, however, in no wise failing in the piety due to the Father, is established as the teacher of divine knowledge for all those of the Father's generation. ^B Indeed, the Lord God appeared as a common man to Abraham sitting by the oak of Mamre. Yet he, who instantly fell to the ground, although with his own eyes he saw but a man, worshipped him nevertheless as God, and supplicated him as Lord. He acknowledged that he was not ignorant of who he was, saying in these very words: "Lord, who judgest all the earth, wilt thou not do justice?" For since it is both absurd and contrary to all reason that the unbegotten and immutable essence of God the Almighty ^C should be transformed into the form of a man, and that the sights of those watching should be deceived by an empty phantom of any begotten one, and furthermore that Scripture should falsely fashion such accounts, who else could be proclaimed as the God and Lord who judges all the earth and performs judgment while appearing in the form of a man—if it be not permitted to say it is the First Cause of all things—but the alone Word who pre-existed him? Concerning whom it is also said in the Psalms: "He sent his Word and healed them, and delivered them from their corruptions." This Person, as the Lord second to the Father, Moses most clearly proclaims when he says: "The Lord rained upon Sodom and Gomorrah sulphur and fire from the Lord." ^D Him also, appearing again to Jacob in the form of a man, Sacred Scripture calls God, telling Jacob: "Thy name shall no longer be called Jacob, but Israel shall be thy name, for thou hast prevailed with God." Wherefore Jacob also called the name of that place "The Vision of God," saying: "For I have seen God face to face, and my soul has been saved." Moreover, it is not permitted to suspect that the theophanies recorded were those of angels, the ministers of God, who are inferior. For whenever one of these appears to men, Scripture does not conceal it, but by name calls them angels and not God, as it is easy to verify through the testimony of the Lord. Him also, Jesus, the successor of Moses, as one of the heavenly...

^A rulers of the angels and archangels, and of the supra-mundane powers, and as bearing the power and wisdom of the Father equal in glory, and entrusted with the secondary place of the kingship and authority over all things, he names the Captain of the host of the Lord, having viewed him no otherwise than again in the form and shape of a man. For it is written: “And it came to pass when Jesus was in Jericho, and having looked up, he sees a man standing over against him, and his sword drawn in his hand. And Jesus approaching, said: Art thou for us, or for our adversaries? And he said to him: I am the Captain of the host of the Lord; and now I have come.” And Jesus fell prone to the earth, and said to him: “Master, what dost thou command thy servant?” And the Captain of the Lord said to ^B Jesus: “Loose the shoe from off thy feet, for the place whereon thou standest, is holy ground.” Wherein you will observe from the same words, in both instances, that this one is no whit different from him who delivered the oracles to Moses: inasmuch as the sacred Scripture speaks concerning him in the very same words: “And when the Lord saw that he was drawing near to see, the Lord called him out of the bush, saying: Moses, Moses. And he said: What is it? And he said: Draw not nigh hither; loose the shoe from off thy feet; for the place whereon thou standest, is holy ground.” And he said to him: “I am the God of thy fathers, the God of Abraham, and God of Isaac, and God of Jacob.” And that there is some pre-cosmic substance living and subsisting, which ^C to the Father and God of all for the creation of all born things has served, as the Word of God... ^D

and Wisdom ^A properly so called: beyond the demonstrations brought forward above, it is permitted to hear Wisdom herself speaking most eloquently of herself through the mouth of Solomon, and handing down her own mysteries in these words: “I Wisdom have established my tabernacle in counsel: and I have called upon knowledge and understanding. By me kings reign, and princes describe justice; by me magnates are great, and tyrants by me obtain the land.” To which he subjoins: “The Lord created me the beginning of his ways for his works. Before the age he founded me in the beginning, before he made the earth, before the fountains of the waters came forth, before the mountains were settled, before all the hills he brought me forth. When he was preparing the heaven, I was present with him; and when he was putting the fountains firm under the heaven, I was with him, ordering all things. I was she in whom he delighted: daily I was rejoicing before his face at all times, when he rejoiced in having finished the world.” That the divine Word was therefore pre-existent, and appeared to some, even if not to all, let this be said by us in brief.

^B Why then was it not, as now, also in ages past proclaimed to all men and to all nations? This might be made clear in this way: The life of men of old could not yet grasp the all-wise and all-virtuous teaching of Christ. For immediately in the beginning, after the first life among the blessed, the first man, having had too little regard for the divine command, fell into this mortal and corruption-prone life, and exchanged those former delights of paradise for this habitation of earth, cursed by divine decree ^C. Moreover, his descendants, scattered throughout the whole world, when all of them, with one or two exceptions, had become far worse, took up a kind of bestial and unlivable life; but they did not even contemplate a city or a commonwealth, nor arts or sciences, and they did not even share in the name of laws and ordinances, and furthermore of virtue and philosophy. ^D They lived as nomads in the deserts like certain wild and savage creatures, the reasonings that were by nature inherent, and the rational and gentle qualities of the human soul...

^A they destroyed by an excess of self-chosen wickedness. They surrendered themselves entirely to every kind of unholy action, so that at one time they would destroy one another, at another they would commit mutual murder, and at others they would eat human flesh. They dared to attempt both defiance of God and the battles of the giants, which are celebrated by all men, and they intended to fortify the earth against heaven 38, and in their madness of mind they prepared to war against God Himself, who is over all, from that same height. On account of this, God, the Overseer of all, pursued those who led their lives in this manner 39 with floods and conflagrations, as if they were wild vegetation spread across the whole earth; he cut them down from above with constant famines and plagues, as well as with wars and the striking of thunderbolts, as if he were purging a certain terrible and most grievous disease of the soul by means of more bitter punishments. Then, indeed, when the glut of wickedness 40, which had poured forth, was all but overwhelming everything—much as a terrible drunkenness shadows and darkens the souls of almost all men—the first-born and first-created Wisdom of God 41, and the Word Himself who existed before all things, burning with an incredible love for humanity, appeared to his creatures ^B now through angels to those who had fallen low, and now by Himself, as the saving power of God, to one or another of the pious men beloved of God. He showed Himself in the form of a man, for it was not possible for Him to appear in any other way. But when, through these means, the seeds of piety had already been scattered among the multitude of men, and the whole nation, looking toward holiness, had been established from the ancient Hebrews, God, through the prophet Moses, gave to these people—who were as a multitude, still being accustomed to the ancient ways of life 42—a likely [representation of things to come] ^C

(38) Fortify the earth against heaven.

(39) On account of this, those who lead their lives in this manner.

(40) The glut of wickedness.

(41) First-born and first-created Wisdom of God.

(42) Still being accustomed to the ancient ways of life.

of an ancient Hebrew origin, it was devoted to divine worship; as though it had been corrupted by the pollution of its former institutions, He delivered to them, through the prophet Moses, images and symbols of a certain mystical Sabbath and circumcision, and the ordinances of other spiritual precepts, but not the clear vision of the sacred things themselves. ^A But in the end, when the law of the Hebrews had been divulged among all, and like a most sweet odor had been scattered widely throughout all nations, since from it the majority of nations had already imbibed softer sentiments through the works of lawgivers and philosophers, and the wildness and inhumanity of their character had been turned into a milder civilization, to such a degree that a profound peace and friendship and mutual commerce existed between mortals; ^B then at last, to the rest of mankind also, and to all nations throughout the world, inasmuch as they were already prepared and ready to receive the knowledge of God the Father, that same Teacher of virtues, the dispenser of all good things from the Father, the divine and heavenly Word of God, appeared at the beginning of the Roman Empire in the form of a man, not in any way differing in the substance of our body from our nature. He did and suffered such things as were consistent with the prophecies, which had long before proclaimed that He, being at once man and God, would come into the world as a worker of miraculous deeds, and would reveal Himself as a teacher of the piety of the Father to all nations, ^C and which foretold His paradoxical birth, His new doctrine, the miracles of His works, and in addition to these, the manner of His death, His resurrection from the dead, and above all, His divine restoration into the heavens. Daniel the prophet, therefore, perceiving His kingdom at the end by the Holy Spirit, was thus inspired by God, depicting the divine manifestation in a manner more suited to human understanding: ^D "For I was watching," he says, "until thrones were set, and the Ancient of Days was seated. And His garment was white as snow, and the hair of His

^A head like pure wool. His throne was a flame of fire, His wheels a burning fire. A stream of fire flowed before Him. Thousand thousands were ministering to Him, and ten thousand times ten thousand were standing before Him. A judgment was set, and the books were opened." And further: "I was watching, he says, and behold, with the clouds of heaven, one like the Son of Man was coming, and he arrived up to the Ancient of Days, and was presented before Him. And to Him was given the sovereignty, and the honor, and the kingdom, and all peoples, tribes, and tongues shall serve Him. His authority is an eternal authority which shall not pass away, and His kingdom shall not be destroyed."

These things clearly refer not to another, but to our Savior, who was in the beginning with God, the Word of God, and who for this reason, because He became man in the last times, is titled the Son of Man. But since we have collected in our own Commentaries the prophetic selections concerning our Savior Jesus Christ, and have established more demonstratively in other works the things declared concerning Him, we shall be content for the present with those things that have been said.

CHAPTER III

That the name of Jesus and that of Christ were known of old and honored by the divine prophets.

That the name ^B itself, both of Jesus and indeed also of Christ, was already known and honored among those prophets of old who were beloved of God, it is now time to demonstrate.

^{C D}

^A Moyses himself, first of all, having recognized the name of Christ as being in the highest degree venerable and glorious, and having handed down signs of heavenly things and mystical images in accordance with that oracle which said to him: "See that you make all things according to the pattern shown to you on the mountain," [Exod. XXV, 40] bestowed the title of Christ upon the man whom he had proclaimed, as far as was possible for a mortal, to be the highest Priest of God. And in this way, he conferred the name of Christ for the sake of honor and glory upon the dignity of the high priesthood, which in his own judgment surpassed every prerogative of honor among men. To such an extent did he understand that there was something divine present in Christ. ^B The same man, having also foreseen the name of Jesus, most excellently, by the divine Spirit, deemed it likewise worthy of a certain unique privilege. For this term, which had never before been uttered among men until it was realized through Moyses, [(52)] was bestowed by Moyses first and alone upon him whom he knew, according to the pattern and symbol, would succeed to the leadership over all after his own departure. For he proclaimed as Jesus him who was not previously known by that name, but who was called by another name, Auses, [(53)] which his parents had given him. He bestowed the name upon him as a prize, as it were, more precious than any royal diadem, because he also bore the image of our Savior, who alone after Moyses, and after the completion of the symbolic worship handed down through him, [(54)] was to succeed to the leadership of true and most pure piety. Thus, Moyses bestowed the name of our Savior Jesus Christ, as an emblem of the greatest honor, upon two men of his time whom he placed above all the people in virtue and glory—to the one, the high priest, and to the other, the one who was to be the leader after his departure. ^C But the prophets who followed later also clearly and by name proclaimed Christ, testifying long beforehand both to the conspiracy of the Jewish people against him and to the calling of the nations through him. At one time, Jeremias speaks thus: "The Spirit before our face, Christ the Lord, was caught in our corruptions; of whom we said, In his shadow we shall live among the nations." [Thren. IV, 20] David, indeed, struck with wonder, says concerning him: "Why did the nations rage and the peoples ^D imagine vain things?" [Psal. II, 1]

The kings of the earth stood up, and the rulers were gathered together against the Lord and against his Christ?" ^A To which he subsequently adds, from the very person of Christ: "The Lord said to me, You are my Son, this day have I begotten you. Ask of me, and I will give you the nations for your inheritance, and the uttermost parts of the earth for your possession."

Nor, indeed, were only the high priests among the Hebrews adorned with the name of Christ, inasmuch as they were anointed with oil prepared for that purpose by reason of some arcane mystery; but also the kings, whom the prophets, moved by the divine Spirit, anointed, and thereby made them certain typical and foreshadowed Christs; since they themselves bore within them an image of that kingly and sovereign authority of the divine Word of God, who alone is the true Christ. We have also received that some of the prophets, being anointed with sacred oil, were typically Christs, so that all of them might have a reference to the true Christ, the divine and heavenly Word, who alone is the high priest of all, and alone the king of all creation, and alone exists as the chief prophet of the Father among the prophets. ^B The proof of this matter is that no one among those of old who were typically anointed with the sacred oil, whether priest, king, or prophet, has hitherto been shown to have possessed such power of divine virtue as our Savior and Lord Jesus, who alone is the true Christ. Certainly, none of them, however much they were ennobled in dignity and honor among their own people through a continuous line of most ancient descent, ever named their subjects Christians from that typical designation of Christ which they bore. Nor did any of them receive any worship from their subjects; nor, indeed, was there ever such an inclination of soul toward any of them after they had departed this life, that men were ready to face death on their behalf. ^C And among all those whom I have mentioned, there was never any for whose sake such a great movement was excited everywhere among all the nations that inhabit the world. For the power of the figure was not able to work as much in them as the truth itself, exhibited through our Savior. For even though he had received no insignia of high priesthood from anyone, and was not even descended from a priestly race according to the flesh; and was not raised to kingship by a retinue of men, nor had become a prophet in the manner of the prophets of old; and held no dignity or prerogative at all among the Jews: he was nonetheless adorned by the Father with all things, though not by typical symbols, but by the very truth itself. ^D Not of things similar to those [which were] before...

but by the grace of the Father—and indeed, even as he alone is the one true Christ of God—he filled the whole world with this truly venerable and sacred name of Christians, no longer delivering to his initiates types or images, but the very naked virtues themselves and a heavenly life through simple doctrines of truth. ^A And the anointing, not that which is prepared from physical substances, but that which is divine because of the Holy Spirit, he received by participation in the unbegotten and paternal divinity. This, too, Isaiah himself teaches, as if crying out from the very person of Christ: "The Spirit of the Lord is upon me, because he has anointed me; he has sent me to preach the gospel to the poor, to heal the brokenhearted, to preach deliverance to the captives, and recovering of sight to the blind."

And not only Isaiah, but David also calling out to that same person says: ^B "Thy throne, O God, is for ever and ever; the scepter of thy kingdom is a scepter of righteousness. Thou hast loved righteousness and hated iniquity; therefore God, thy God, has anointed thee with the oil of gladness above thy fellows." In these verses, the discourse in the first line names him God; in the second, it honors him with a royal scepter. Then, proceeding further after the divine and royal power, in the third sequence it shows him to have been anointed Christ with oil—not that which is from material substances, but [with oil] of divine gladness. Hence, it indicates his excellence, which is much greater and distinct from those who were anointed of old by types in a more physical manner.

^C Elsewhere, the same [prophet] also signifies the things concerning him by speaking thus: "The Lord said to my Lord, Sit thou at my right hand, until I make thine enemies thy footstool." And, "From the womb, before the morning star, I have begotten thee. The Lord has sworn, and will not repent: Thou art a priest for ever after the order of Melchizedek." Now, this Melchizedek is introduced in the holy scriptures as a priest of God the Most High, not revealed by any prepared anointing, nor belonging by succession of lineage to the priesthood of the Hebrew tradition. Therefore, according to his order—and not according to the order of others who had only received symbols and ^D types—our Savior is declared to be both Christ and priest with the addition of an oath. Whence history does not hand down that he was anointed physically among the Jews, nor that he was born from the tribe of those who held the priesthood, yet he was adorned by the Father, from the Father.

As he was the Word of God existing before the morning star—that is, before the foundation of the world—he possessed an immortal and ageless priesthood for the infinite ages. The greatest and most evident proof of the incorporeal and divine anointing that took place in him is that he alone, of all those who have ever lived, is still named Christ by all men throughout the entire world, and is confessed and testified to by all as holding that name. He is commemorated by both Greeks and barbarians, and even now, among those throughout the inhabited world who are devoted to him, he is honored as King, admired as more than a prophet, and glorified as the true and only high priest of God. Beyond all this, inasmuch as he is the Word of God who existed before every age and received august honor from the Father, he is worshipped just as God. But that which is, above all else, singular and worthy of admiration is that we who are devoted to his divinity do not honor him with voice and the sound of words only, but with the entire disposition of our souls, so much so that we prefer the witness to him even over our own lives. ^B

CAPUT IV.

That the religion preached by him to all nations is neither new nor strange.

Therefore, these things must necessarily be premised by me before the narrative of events, lest anyone, because of the recent memory of the times in which he lived among men in the flesh, consider our Savior and Lord Jesus Christ to be a "new" being. Moreover, lest anyone suspect his doctrine to be new and strange, as if composed by some novice who differed in no way from other men, let us say a few things about this as well. When the presence of our Savior Christ had recently shone upon all men, a nation—acknowledged to be new, yet not small, nor weak, nor located in some hidden corner of the earth, but [the most ^C populous and god-fearing of all nations, and through this, deathless and invincible—appeared to all men, ^D known by the name of Christ]. [index: entries preserved]

^A the most populous and religious of all nations, and one that is by this very fact imperishable and invincible, since it is protected at all times by the assistance of God, has suddenly emerged into the light at the times appointed by the secret providence of God, honored among all people by the designation of Christ. A certain prophet, having foreseen with the eye of the Divine Spirit that which was to be, was struck with such admiration that he exclaimed in these words: “Who has heard such things? And who has spoken in this manner? Has the earth travailed in one day, or has a nation been born at once?” The same prophet also indicates the future designation for us, saying: “But to those who serve me, a new name shall be given, which shall be blessed upon the earth.” ^B Yet, even though we are clearly new, and this truly new name of Christians has only recently become known among all nations, we shall demonstrate that the life and the manner of our conduct were not recently composed by us—but rather, from the very first, if one may say so, at the foundation of the human race, they were instituted and cultivated in accordance with principles accepted by those ancient men who were beloved of God.

That the Hebrew nation is not in any way recent, but is held in honor among all men by reason of its antiquity, is well known to everyone. Among them are ancient records containing the deeds of certain men of old, who, although rare and few in number, far surpassed all others in religion, justice, and every other virtue. Before the flood, there are some mentioned; after it, others, partly from the children of Noah and partly from their descendants. Among these is also Abraham, whom the Hebrews boast of as the founder and progenitor of their race. ^C And if any man, returning from Abraham to the first man of all, were to affirm that all those whose justice has been confirmed by such illustrious testimony were Christians—not indeed in name, but in reality—he would certainly not be far from the truth. For since the name “Christian” is intended to denote a man who, through the knowledge and teaching of Christ, is adorned with moderation, justice, endurance, and the fortitude of a virtuous life, as well as with the profession of piety toward the one and only God who is over all things, all these qualities were practiced by those men of old no less zealously than by us. Consequently, ^D the circumcision of the body was not a matter of concern for them, just as it is not for us; nor was the observance of the Sabbath, nor the avoidance of certain foods, nor the other observances of distinction—all those things which, later on, Moses was the first of all to hand down to be performed through symbols—just as these things are not for Christians today. But clearly also the one who departed from his ancestral superstition.

^A They knew Christ, the Son of God; indeed, it has been demonstrated that He was seen by Abraham, gave responses to Isaac, spoke with Jacob, and finally had discourse with Moses and the prophets who followed. Whence you might find those men, beloved of God, also deemed worthy of the title of Christ, according to the voice speaking concerning them: "Touch not my christs, and do my prophets no harm" (Ps. CIV, 15).

So it is clear that one must consider the discovery of piety of those very men, who were the beloved of God around Abraham, to be the first and most ancient of all, ^B that which has now just been proclaimed to all nations through the teaching of Christ. But if they say that Abraham received the command of circumcision a long time later, yet it is confirmed by the testimony of Scripture that he was justified by faith before this, as it says: "And Abraham believed God, and it was reckoned unto him for righteousness" (Gen. XV, 6). And since he had become such a person before circumcision, an oracle from God, who had revealed Himself unto him—and this was Christ Himself, the Word of God—was given to him, predicting in these selfsame words regarding those who in later times were to be justified in the same manner as himself: "And in thee shall all the tribes of the earth be blessed" (Gen. XII, 3); ^C and again: "That he shall become a great and mighty nation, and all the nations of the earth shall be blessed in him" (Gen. XVIII, 18).

And that this is finally fulfilled in us, anyone can easily discern. For he had been justified by faith in Christ, the Word of God, who had appeared to him, inasmuch as he had departed from his ancestral superstition and his former way of life in error, and had confessed the one God who is over all, and had honored Him with deeds of virtue, but not with the ceremonies of the law of Moses, which was given thereafter. Since he was such a man, it had been said to him that all the tribes of the earth and all the nations would be blessed in him. But among Christians alone throughout the whole world, this same manner of the piety of Abraham is now found, cultivated ^D by works which are more effective than any words. What, then, could hereafter stand in the way of our confessing that the one and same manner of life and piety belongs both to us who have derived our name from Christ, and to those most ancient men so especially beloved of God? So that we should not say it is a new and strange correction of piety, but, if one must speak the truth, that the first, and only, and true correction of piety is that which has been handed down to us through the teaching of Christ. And let these things be said thus.

CHAPTER V.

Concerning the times of His appearance to men.

When all things necessary for the understanding of the ecclesiastical history which we have undertaken to treat were...

^A already set forth, it remains that we should take the beginning of our journey from the bodily presence of our Savior, as we invoke in our prayers the Father of the Word, God, and Jesus Christ Himself, of whom we speak, our Lord and Savior, the heavenly Word of God, that He may be our helper and assistant in pursuing the order of truth. The forty-second year of the reign of Augustus was already passing, and the twenty-eighth year since the subjection of Egypt and the death of Antony and Cleopatra—in whom the ^B dynasty of the Ptolemies in Egypt came to an end—when our Savior and Lord Jesus Christ, at the time of that first census which was made while Quirinius was governor of Syria, was born in Bethlehem of Judea, according to the prophecies concerning Him. Flavius Josephus, the most celebrated writer of history among the Hebrews, makes mention of this census by Quirinius ^C and immediately subjoins another narrative concerning the sect of the Galileans which emerged at the same times; of which our Luke also makes mention in the Acts of the apostles in this manner: "After him rose up Judas the Galilean." ^D

^A in the days of the enrollment, and drew away much people after him; and he perished, and all, as many as obeyed him, were dispersed." With these things, indeed, he who we said above, Josephus, in the eighteenth book of the Antiquities, agrees, and sets them forth word for word: "Meanwhile Quirinius, a man one of those enrolled in the senate, having fulfilled all other magistracies ^B and having passed through them all, so as even to become consul, and being great in other honors, arrived in Syria with a few men, having been sent by Caesar as a judge of the nation, and to be a valuer of property." And after a little he says: "And Judas the Gaulanite..." [alt-version omitted]

Scaliger, in his sixth book *On the Emendation of Times* and in his Eusebian animadversions, says that Luke in the Acts of the Apostles speaks not of the first enrollment under which Christ was born, but of the second, which was made after the relegation of Archelaus; and he gravely reproves Eusebius, who has confused these two enrollments between themselves. But Scaliger himself is most gravely mistaken, who, supported by no author, has forced upon us two descriptions, while both Josephus and Luke himself confirm there was only one. For Luke does not add "of the second enrollment," but only said "of the enrollment," implying that it was a single description. Origen also, in his first book against Celsus, agrees with Eusebius in these words: "And after him, in the days of the enrollment, at the time when Jesus is supposed to have been born, a certain Judas the Galilean caused many from the people to revolt to himself." That is: "After him, in the days of the census, at which time Jesus was born, a certain Judas the Galilean caused many of the people to fall away." Therefore, by the same effort, Scaliger will reprove Origen, because he said the same things that our Eusebius did. For neither did Origen distinguish two Judean descriptions. Moreover, our Eusebius agrees excellently with himself. For seeing that he followed the evangelical authority and placed that census of Quirinius at the beginning of the Lord's nativity, it was a consequence that he should attribute the movement of Judas the Galilean to the same time. In which, indeed, he dissents from Josephus, as I said above, but he perfectly accords with blessed Luke and with himself. But if any one should prefer to embrace our opinion, no dissension will be found between Luke and Josephus. For we say that that description at the time of which Christ was born was begun while Herod was reigning in Judæa; but that the same was finalized and completed about ten years later, after Archelaus the son of Herod had been sent into exile. At which time, indeed, we assert that the tumult of Judas the Galilean occurred, namely, after the relegation of Archelaus. Certainly, before the deprivation of Archelaus there could have been no cause why Judas should incite the people of the Jews to defection. Since neither could the census be conducted there by a Roman magistrate, while a king was ruling who was an ally and friend of the Roman people; nor did any danger threaten the Jews, lest they should serve foreigners, since they were obedient to a Jew, that is, to the king of their own race. From which it appears that both the census and the movement of Judas the Galilean could only have happened after the exile of Archelaus. ^D

^A And then, as the census of property was being made. And a little later: “Judas, he says, the Gaulanite, sprung from the town of Gamala, having taken with him a certain Pharisee, Sadduc, incited the people to revolt, both of them saying that the census was nothing else than a manifest indication of servitude, and exhorting the whole nation to defend their liberty.” The same author, in the second book of the *Jewish War*, writes about this same man: “At that time, a certain Galilean, Judas by name, incited the inhabitants to revolt, openly rebuking them because they would submit to pay tribute to the Romans, and after God, would acknowledge mortal masters.” These are the words of Josephus.

CHAPTER VI.

At that very time, Herod being the first of a foreign race to lay hold of the kingdom of the Jewish nation, the prophecy [written] through Moses was receiving its verification, which says: “A ruler shall not fail from Judah, nor a leader from his loins, until he comes for whom it is reserved.” [Gen. XLIX.] Whom he also indicates to be the expectation of the nations. For the prophecy was always hanging without effect as long as it was permitted to them to live under rulers from their own nation, who indeed began from Moses himself and continued until the reign of Augustus; in the principate of whom, Herod, being the first foreigner, was entrusted by the Romans with the government of the Jews. ^C According to what Josephus delivers, he was an Idumean by paternal descent, and an Arab by his mother's side. But as Africanus writes—who was not an undistinguished writer himself—those who have written about him more accurately say that he was the son of Antipater; and that this Antipater was the father of a certain Herod of Ascalon, who had been one of those called *hierodouloi* (temple slaves) of the temple of Apollo at Ascalon. And this Antipater, having been captured as an infant by Idumean robbers, ^D and having lived with them for a long time...

was reared according to their customs; later, he became a friend to Hyrcanus, the high priest of the Jews. ^A To him was born that Herod who lived in the times of our Savior. Thus, when the kingdom of the Jews had come to such a person, the expectation of the nations, in accordance with the prophecy, was already at the doors, inasmuch as from that time there had failed among them the rulers and leaders who, ever since Moses himself, had held authority over them through a continuous succession. For before their captivity and their removal to Babylon, they were ruled by the authority of kings, beginning first with Saul and David; before the kings, they were governed by magistrates who were called judges, who also held authority after Moses and his successor, Joshua. But after the return from Babylon, they did not cease to use an aristocratic form of government mixed with oligarchy. For the high priests had been in charge of affairs, until Pompey, a general of the Romans, arriving, stormed Jerusalem by force of arms and, having advanced to the innermost sanctuary of the temple, polluted it. But as for him who from ancestral succession had endured at that time as both king and high priest—Aristobulus was his name—he sent him in chains with his children to Rome, and he handed over the high priesthood to his brother, Hyrcanus; ^B and he subsequently made the entire Jewish nation tributary to the Romans. Not long after, when Hyrcanus, in whom the line of priests had finally ended, had been captured by the Parthians, Herod, an alien, as I said, was the first to receive the kingdom of Judea from the Roman senate and Augustus. At which time, as the bodily presence of Christ began to shine upon the world, that expected salvation of the nations reached its fulfillment, and the calling of the nations followed, just as had been predicted in the oracles of the prophets. From this time, also, since the princes and leaders from Judah, that is, from the Jewish nation, had failed, the succession of the high priesthood, which had hitherto been most steadfastly handed down through a continuous series of generations to each next in line, consequently began to be disturbed. ^C You have for this matter a most reliable witness in Josephus, who writes that Herod, after he was established as king of Judea by the Romans, no longer appointed high priests from the ancient line of pontiffs, but bestowed that honor upon certain ignoble and obscure men; and that Archelaus, his son, and after him the Romans, did the same regarding the appointment of the high priests.

The same Josephus also declares that Herod was the first to lock up the sacred vestment of the high priest under his own private seal, and no longer permitted the high priests to have it in their own keeping; and that this was done subsequently by Archelaus, his successor, and by the Romans. Let these things be said by us ^A in proof of another prophecy which was fulfilled at the appearance of our Savior Jesus Christ. For the account in the book of Daniel, after having expressly enumerated a certain number of weeks until the principate of Christ—concerning which we have discoursed elsewhere—predicts that, when these were completed, the anointing of the sacred oil would be abolished among the Jews. And this is clearly shown to have been completed at the very time of the birth of our Savior Jesus Christ. Let these things be kept in mind by us as necessary for the demonstration of the truth of the times. ^B

CHAPTER VII. On the dissension which is believed to exist between the Gospels regarding the genealogy of Christ.

Since Matthew and Luke have delivered to us the genealogy of Christ in diverse ways in the books of the Gospels, they are thought by many to disagree; and each of the faithful, from ignorance of the truth, has zealously devised various explanations for these passages. Come, let us also set forth the history that has come down to us concerning these matters, which Africanus, whom we mentioned a little before, recorded in a letter to Aristides on the harmony of the genealogy in the Gospels. He refutes the opinions of others as forced and false, ^C and sets forth the history which he himself had received in these words: "For since, he says, the names of generations among the Israelites were reckoned either by nature or by law—by nature, indeed, when legitimate sons succeed parents; by law, however, as often as someone raised up children to the name and family of a brother who died without issue. For since a sure hope of resurrection was not yet given to them, they imitated the coming promise ^D by a mortal kind of resurrection, so that the name of the deceased might remain inextinguishable; since, therefore, those…

who are reckoned among the ancestors of Christ, some succeeded their parents by natural right as sons, but others, although procreated by different men, were ascribed to others: for this reason, mention of both was made, of those who were true fathers, and of those who were fathers in name only. Thus it happens that neither of the Gospels is false, as one follows nature and the other follows the law in enumerating the ancestors. For the families which are traced both from Solomon and from Nathan are so intermingled, partly by the restoration of the name of those who had died without issue, partly by second marriages, and partly also by the raising up of seed, that the same men are deservedly believed to have had different fathers; the one set being fictitious, and the other ^A natural. Whence it comes about that the narrative of each Gospel is absolutely most true, though using a varying context of successions, but descends accurately as far as Joseph. But that what we have said may become clearer, we shall propose the series of each lineage. Therefore, if one counts the generations from David through Solomon, the third from the end is found to be Matthan, who begat Jacob, the father of Joseph; but from Nathan, the son of David, according to Luke, Melchi is likewise the third from the end, whose son is Heli, who is the father of Joseph; for Joseph is the son of Heli, the son of Melchi. Our purpose, therefore, being directed toward Joseph, ^{B C D}

^A we must explain how either man is recorded as his father—both Jacob, descending from Solomon, and Heli, descending from Nathan—and how these men, Jacob and Heli, were brothers in the first place, and furthermore, how their fathers, Matthan and Melchi, being of different lineages, appear as grandfathers of Joseph.

Now, because both Matthan and Melchi took the same woman successively as wife, they begat uterine brothers, the law not prohibiting a woman who is widowed—whether by divorce or by the death of her husband—from marrying another. From Estha, for it is recorded that this was the woman's name, Matthan, who was of the lineage of Solomon, first begat Jacob. And after the death of Matthan, Melchi, who traced his lineage back to Nathan—being of the same tribe but of a different family, as we have said—took her as his wife, and had a son, Heli. Thus, we find that Jacob and Heli, though from two different lineages ^B, were uterine brothers. When one of them, Jacob, saw that his brother Heli had died childless, he took his wife, and of her begat a third, Joseph, by nature his own son, and by reason. Wherefore it is written, "Jacob begat Joseph." But according to the law, he was the son of Heli, for his brother Jacob raised up seed for him.

Therefore, the genealogy according to him will not be invalidated, which Matthew the evangelist, reckoning it, says, "Jacob begat Joseph," while Luke, on the contrary, writes: "Who was the son, as was supposed" (for he adds this too) "of Joseph, of Heli, of Melchi." For he could not more clearly express the generation according to the law. And he stopped using the word "begat" for such acts of child-bearing, carrying the reference all the way back to Adam and to God by dissolution. ^C Nor is this explanation unproven or makeshift; for the kinsmen of the Savior according to the flesh, whether they were boasting or simply instructing, were in any case speaking the truth. ^D

^A And these facts, too, they handed down, that when Idumaean brigands had invaded the city of Ascalon in Palestine, they carried off as a captive among other spoils, from the temple of Apollo which was situated near the city walls, Antipater, the son of a certain Herod, a temple-servant; and because the priest was unable to pay the ransom for his son, he [(98)], having been nurtured in the customs of the Idumaeans, was later reconciled to Hyrcanus, the high priest of Judea [(1)]. Having served as an envoy to Pompey on behalf of Hyrcanus, and having liberated for him the kingdom which was being curtailed by his brother Aristobulus, he himself enjoyed success, having risen to the position of procurator of Palestine [(2)]. After Antipater had been murdered owing to envy of his great prosperity, he was succeeded by his son Herod, who was later judged by the decree of the Senate, at the instance of Antony and Augustus, to be king of the Jews; hence his children, Herod and the other tetrarchs. These things, then, are common even to Greek histories. But Herod, as at that time the records of the Hebrew lineages were still in the archives, and those of the proselytes were also entered—such as Achior the Ammonite, and Ruth the Moabitess, and those who had fallen in with them from Egypt—since the stock of the Israelites contributed nothing to him, and being stung by the consciousness of his ignoble birth, he burned the records [(4)] of the lineages, thinking that he would appear noble if no one else were able to trace his lineage through a public record back to the patriarchs or proselytes [(5)], or to those who were called ^B or strangers.

On the Ancestry of Herod

[(98)] *Antipater, the son of a certain Herod.* This narrative is entirely fabulous and invented. For Antipater did not have a father named Herod, a temple-servant of the temple of Apollo, but rather Antipater the Idumaean, as Josephus writes in *Antiquities* book xiv, chapter 2. This Antipater, Alexander, king of the Jews, appointed procurator of all Idumaea. And this Antipater seems to have been the author of this power to which his descendants later attained. For he also held the prefecture of Idumaea under the reign of Alexander and Alexandra; and having entered into hospitality and friendship with the Ascalonites, the Gazaeans, and the Arabs, he amassed great wealth for himself.

[(99)] *The priest.* He improperly calls the one who was a temple-servant a priest. For these things differ greatly from each other, as I noted above. It could have been the case, however, that the same person was both a priest and a temple-servant; suppose this was the condition of the priesthood, that priests could only be taken [from those who had] relinquished their freedom.

[(1)] *Reconciled to Hyrcanus.* In this place also our *Regius*, *Mazarinus*, *Medicæus*, and *Fuketianus* codices consistently have it written "was reconciled." I do not know why Robertus Stephanus rejected this reading. [(2)] *Procurator of Palestine.* Antipater, the father of Herod, held the procuratorship of the whole kingdom under Hyrcanus, king of the Jews, and administered civil as well as military affairs. Therefore he is called thus in Josephus in the aforementioned book. [(C)] However, the *Medicæus* and *Savilianus* codices have [the text] written differently. But in the *Mazarinus* and *Fuketianus* it is read [thus]. This reading Nicephorus confirms. For he has [it written thus] in the book of the first part. The Greeks elegantly say, and our *Mazarinus*, *Medicæus*, *Fuketianus*, and *Savilianus* codices are written [thus]. One could conjecture, therefore, that this should be read, etc., [meaning] they are princes and, as it were, patriarchs of the proselytes; such as was Achior the Ammonite, and those outsiders who joined themselves to the Israelites as they were going out of Egypt. Which interpretation does not certainly displease me. In the *Regius* codex it is written as in the printed editions; Nicephorus also defends the common reading. A little earlier our codices *Mazarinus*, *Medicæus*, and *Fuketianus* have [the passage] written with the prepositive article.

[(4)] *He burned their records.* I consider this narrative to be little trustworthy. For Josephus, in his book *Life*, commemorating the origin and antiquity of his own lineage, repeats it from public archives. Therefore, there still remained in the age of Josephus public record-offices, in which the origins of Jewish families were contained. And thus it is false that Herod burned them. Moreover, these records were in the temple of Jerusalem under the custody of the scribes, as I myself certainly believe. And so Rufinus most aptly translates the words of Africanus thus: "All the generations of the Hebrews were inscribed and held in the secret archives of the temple."

[(5)] *Or proselytes.* I would prefer to write "arch-proselytes," as above. For Africanus is not speaking here of novice and recent proselytes, but of the most noble and ancient ones, whose names were commemorated in the sacred books; of which kind was Achior, of whom frequent mention is made in the book of Judith. Indeed, in this place Africanus is dealing with nobility, the primary mark of which is the antiquity of one's lineage. For he says that Herod burned the origins of the families so that no one could prove by public monuments that they drew the origin of their lineage from the patriarchs or prophets themselves. But if we were to understand this of novice proselytes, the whole sense of this passage perishes, since in the age of Herod there were innumerable people in Judea who could refer their lineage to novice proselytes, as being those born of a proselyte grandfather. Who surely would have had need of the testimony of the archives.

^A These things indeed are common to the history of the Gentiles as well as to that of the Jews. But since up to that time the lineages both of Hebrew families and of those who referred their descent to proselytes—that is, to newcomers, such as Achior the Ammonite and Ruth the Moabitess, and those who had departed from Egypt together with the Israelites and had intermarried with them—were recorded in the public archives, Herod, realizing that those ancient Israelite families had no bearing on him, and stung by the consciousness of his own ignoble birth, burned all those memorials of the ancient families. He thought that he would be deemed noble only when there was no one left who could, from the public records, trace the origin of his lineage either to the patriarchs, or to the proselytes, or to the foreigners who had intermingled with the Israelites, who are called *georæ*. Few, however, who were studious of antiquity, having private records of their own lineage, or knowing the names themselves by heart, or having them copied from the archives, took pride in the fact that they possessed them, just as we see even now among the more noble.

Moreover, in this place, it appears that something is missing because of the particle *te*, which is found in all our manuscripts and in Nicephorus. Wherefore these words seem to require supplementation: "and from memory as far as they were able." Certainly, Rufinus seems to have read it thus, for he translates it as follows: "They traced the order of the aforementioned generation part by part from memory, and part also from the records of the Day-books, as far as was possible." ^B Regarding the phrase "and without testimony," in the Royal codex and in Nicephorus it read "and also without testimony," which is the same thing. But how much value should be placed upon this explanation of the Gospel passage is evident from these words of Africanus, since he confesses that it is supported by no testimony of ancient writers. Nevertheless, he wishes it to be accepted by us for the reason that no better one can be brought forward. Since these things are so, I would have preferred that our Eusebius had not made mention of this matter in the vestibule of his History. It would certainly have been better and more prudent to involve this dissonance of the Gospels in silence, lest to readers alien to our faith—of whom at that time there were very many—an opportunity should be provided for doubting the truth of the Gospels. Certain it is that Julian the Apostate, in his book against the Christians, objects to this disagreement of the evangelists against us, as Jerome testifies in his Commentaries on Matthew. The passage from Julian exists in Cyril in the eighth book against Julian. The author of the *Questions on the Old and New Testament*, in chapter 56, speaking of this dissonance, disapproves of the opinion of Africanus. But he himself brings forward another that is less probable.

^D As to the accent in this name: the Mazarin and Fuk. codices have the accent on the antepenultimate syllable. Nicephorus, however, and the Fuk. codex a little before have the circumflex on the penultimate syllable. In the Royal and Medicean codices, there is a double accent, both on the penultimate and on the antepenultimate syllable. And the aforementioned codices observe this in other names as well, whenever it is ambiguous with which accent the words should be marked; so that it is denoted that in some exemplars this accent, and in others that one, is found. Moreover, our codices a little before have [the text] written; for so do all our codices, except the Royal, which has [the text] there. In the reconciliation which Africanus reports, there are two things which seem to have some difficulty. For, in the first place, I doubt whether it was lawful for a uterine brother to [marry] the widow of his brother.

^A [The deceased having died,] ^B Jacob raised up seed for him, having begotten Joseph; by nature to himself, but by law to Heli. Thus Joseph was the son of both. These are the words of Africanus. Moreover, since Joseph is thus genealogized, it is also apparent that Mary was with him, being of the same tribe; for according to the law of Moses, it was not permitted to intermingle with other tribes, for it commands that one should be joined in marriage to one of the same people and tribe, so that the inheritance of the family line might not be transferred from tribe to tribe. So much, then, for this.

CHAPTER VIII

Regarding the conspiracy of Herod against the infants, and what kind of end of life he encountered.

^B For when Christ was born in Bethlehem of Judea, in accordance with the prophecies, at the times previously declared, Herod was not a little disturbed at the inquiry of the Magi who had come from the East—who were asking where the King of the Jews had been born, for they said they had seen his star, and that this was the cause of such a journey for them, as they were eagerly longing to adore him as God. Fearing that his own rule was in maximum danger—or so at least he supposed—he enquired of the teachers of the law who were among his people where they expected Christ to be born. And when he learned the prophecy of Micah ^C of Bethlehem foretelling it, he [ordered] to take a wife, and to beget children from her who would pass into the name and family of his brother. For the law in the Book of Deuteronomy speaks of a brother who dwells in the same house, and who is a [relative]. This indeed holds good only for brothers by the same mother or blood-relatives. For a uterine brother is not of the same house nor of the same family, since in the case of the Jews, the family is reckoned from the paternal line. Certainly, Africanus clearly testifies that Jacob and Heli were uterine brothers, but of different families. Secondly, one could not without reason doubt whether, in enumerating the generations, the Jews took account of adoptive fathers. We have a famous example in Obed, whose mention is made in the genealogy of Christ. For when Maalon had died in Moab, and had left Ruth a widow without children, Booz, a kinsman of Maalon, having had the right conceded to him by a closer kinsman, took Ruth as his wife so that he might raise up seed for Maalon. Yet the Obed who was born of her ^D is called by the evangelists who wove the lineage of Christ, and in the book inscribed "Ruth," not the son of Maalon but the son of Booz. I know what could be answered: that Moses, namely, spoke only of a brother; that Booz was not the brother of Maalon, and that therefore the law which commanded that a son taken from the widow of a brother should be called by his name did not apply to Booz. Then it may be said that Booz is named in the generation of Christ because he had been more illustrious than Maalon.

[Regarding the note 13] Jews were divided into tribes, which were called [tribes]. But individual tribes were divided into [clans], as is clearly evident from chapter xxxv of Numbers. [Clans] therefore are the same as what the Romans call families; just as among the Jews there are those whom the Romans call clans. But [families] were the same as [clans]. And correctly the old interpreter in the book of Numbers translates [tribes] as families, where the LXX Interpreters had placed [clans]. Horus the Grammarian: This illustrious passage of Horus the Grammarian exists in the author of the Etymologicum. And hence [patriarchs] for the progenitors of the family were called among the Jews, from whom each family had received its name, as may be seen in chapter xxvi of Numbers. Chrysostom in his homily on the Epistle to the Ephesians says [tribes] and families are the same thing.

[Regarding the note 14] [The codex] Regius. But the remaining codices, namely Mazar[inus], and Med[iceus], with Fuk[ensis] and Savil[ianus], have the reading [being turned around], with which Nicephorus also agrees. Thus it is read in chapter xvi of Numbers, to which passage Eusebius alludes.

^A [the King] who he found out would be born in Bethlehem, immediately ordered all the children still nursing in Bethlehem and all its borders, from two years old and under, according to the time which he had carefully inquired from the magi, to be put to death by a single edict. For he hoped that Jesus would naturally be involved in the same calamity as his contemporaries. But the boy anticipated the king's plot, being carried off into Egypt by his parents, to whom an angel appearing had revealed the whole matter. And this, indeed, the sacred account of the Gospel declares. ^B But now it is worth looking at the wages that followed Herod for his audacity against Christ and those infants of his same age; and how divine vengeance, with no delay intervening, seized him while still alive, to such an extent that it showed certain preludes of the torments that awaited him after this life. And how, indeed, he obscured the prosperities of his reign, as he had thought them, with successive domestic calamities, having wickedly slaughtered his wife and children and others most dear and closely related to him; things which it is not even possible to recount now, since the treatment of this subject matter surpasses the atrocity of all tragedies—a subject which Josephus has fulfilled most richly in his books of Antiquities. ^C But how, after Josephus said that Herod was tortured by such great pains before his death, on account of the persecution of Christ or the slaughter of the infants. Furthermore, a recent writer objects to Eusebius, saying that he claimed those torments happened to Herod immediately after the slaughter of the Bethlehemite infants, although seven years, as he himself says, had intervened between the slaughter of the infants and that most foul disease of Herod. But it will be very easy to refute both objections. For Eusebius does not say what is objected to him. He uses the testimony of Josephus, indeed, to prove that Herod had died afflicted with the greatest pains because of the crimes he had committed throughout his whole life, but not to prove that Herod endured those torments on account of the slaughter of the infants and the persecution of Christ. ^D Wherefore Eusebius is not to be blamed, but rather his faithfulness and industry are to be praised: for when he had discovered from the evangelical books that Herod had prepared plots against the newborn Christ and had slaughtered the Bethlehemite infants so that he might involve Christ in their slaughter; and when he had learned from Josephus’s testimony that Herod, a little while later, had exhaled his soul, consumed by a pestilential ulcer and amidst the most grievous pains, he connected both things most aptly together, and he brought forward the testimony of Josephus himself to explain the matter just as it had occurred. But he mentioned the true cause, unknown to Josephus, for which Herod had suffered so many and such great things. There is therefore no sin here on the part of Eusebius, but rather on the part of him who rashly and inconsiderately criticizes Eusebius. For indeed Eusebius is consistent with himself. Since in his Chronicle he writes that the death of Herod occurred a year after the slaughter of the infants, and all chronologists agree that Herod lived not long after the infanticide. And I have written these things, not so that I might criticize the author of that booklet, whose intention, even if I do not approve of it, I yet praise for his talent and erudition, but so that I might defend our Eusebius, whose sharpness and elegance shine forth everywhere in these books, but particularly in this passage. For this is a figure which orators are accustomed to use most, when they seize upon that which was not said by an adversary, as if it had been said; which the Greeks elegantly call [Greek: συναρπάζειν].

^A a heaven-sent scourge having seized him, drove him to his death; it is not out of place to hear the very words of the author, writing in the seventeenth book of the Jewish Antiquities the manner of his end: “Herod’s disease became more bitter, God exacting punishment for his transgressions. For there was a slow fire, not such as to show to those who touched him as much burning heat as it added internally to his sufferings; there was a dreadful desire for food, nor could he do otherwise than provide it; ulcers ravaged his intestines, and there were especially terrible pains in the colon, and a fluid and clear humor about his feet. A similar corruption was also about the abdomen. Moreover, the rotting of his private parts bred worms, and there was an upright tension of breath ^B, and this too very distressing—he was also burdened by the foul odor and the labored frequency of his breathing. A spasm also seized him in every part, adding an intolerable strength. It was said, therefore, by the diviners and those whose wisdom it was to foresee such things, that God was exacting this as a penalty from the king for his many and impious outrages.” These are the things which the aforementioned author notes in the specified writing. And in the second book of his Histories he hands down similar things concerning the same man, writing thus: “From this, the disease, seizing his whole body, divided it into various maladies. For there was a lukewarm fever, an unbearable itching of the entire surface, and continuous pains in the colon, and swellings about the feet like one dropsical, and inflammation of the abdomen, and a rot of the private parts generating worms. In addition to these, there was orthopnea, and dyspnea, and convulsions of all his limbs, so that the diviners said that his diseases were a punishment.” ^{C D}

^A Yet though he was struggling with so many kinds of diseases, he still retained hope of life and devised remedies. Having therefore crossed the Jordan, he had recourse to the hot springs which are at Callirrhoe. ^B These waters flow into the Asphaltite Lake, but are so sweet that they are also fit for drinking. While he was there, it seemed good to the physicians to warm his whole body by fomenting it with warm oil, and he was lowered into a tub filled with oil; he became so relaxed that his eyes rolled as one dead. ^C Then, being aroused by the clamor of the attendants, he regained consciousness. But having henceforth cast off hope of salvation, he ordered fifty drachmas to be distributed to each of the soldiers, and a large sum of money to the commanders and his friends. He himself returned and arrived at Jericho, now suffering from melancholia, and almost threatening death itself; he proceeded to a design of an impious deed. ^D For he gathered together the most illustrious men from every village of all Judea and ordered them to be locked in the so-called Hippodrome. And having called Salome, his sister, and her husband Alexander, he said, “I know that the Jews will rejoice at my death. But I am able to be mourned by others and obtain a brilliant funeral, if you are willing to comply with my commands. As soon as I expire, surround with soldiers these men whom I have committed to custody, and kill them all, so that all Judea and every house, even against their will, may weep at my death.” ^A And after a little, he says: “Again, because he was tormented partly by lack of food and partly by violent coughing, overcome by his pains, he determined to forestall his fate. Having therefore taken an apple, he asked for a knife; for he was accustomed to eat his apples cut by his own hand. Then, looking around to see if there was anyone to hinder him, he lifted his right hand as if he were about to strike himself.” ^B Thereafter the same writer narrates how, shortly before the end of his life, he impiously ordered his own son—a third one, in addition to the two he had already previously caused to be killed—to be put to death, and thus at last, not without the greatest torments, he breathed out his soul. Such an end to his life did Herod have, suffering deserved punishment for the crime he had committed against the infants of Bethlehem, while he was contriving snares against our Savior. ^C After his death, an angel appearing in a dream to Joseph while he was still staying in Egypt, commanded him to return to Judea with the child and his mother, declaring that those who sought the child’s life were dead. To these words the evangelist adds, saying: “But hearing that Archelaus reigned in Judea in the place of his father Herod, he was afraid to go there. And being warned in a dream, he departed to the parts of Galilee.” ^D

CHAPTER IX

Concerning the times of Pilate.

Concerning the reign of Archelaus after the death of Herod.

^A The aforementioned historian also agrees with the state of affairs, recording both the manner in which he received the kingdom of Judea from the testament of his father Herod and the judgment of Caesar Augustus, and how, after he had fallen from power ten years later, his brothers Philip and the younger Herod, together with Lysanias, governed their own tetrarchies. The same writer in the eighteenth book of his *Antiquities*, in the twelfth year of the reign of Tiberius (for he indicates that he received the rule over all after Augustus had held the hegemony for fifty-seven years), declares that Pontius Pilate was entrusted with Judea, and that he remained there for ten full years, almost until the very end of Tiberius. Thus, the fabrication of those who have recently circulated the *Acts* against our Savior is clearly refuted; in these, the very time of the marginal note first convicts the falsehood of those who forged them. For they contain the events dared against our Savior at the time of the fourth consulship of Tiberius, which occurred in the seventh year of his reign. ^B At which time it is sufficiently established that Pilate had not yet arrived in Judea, if faith is to be placed in the testimony of Josephus, who quite clearly indicates in the book already mentioned above that Pilate was made procurator of Judea by Tiberius in the twelfth year of the reign of Tiberius.

CHAPTER X

[THE FOLLOWING IS THE DEFINITIVE SCHOLARLY ENGLISH TRANSLATION OF THE PAGE:]

When Tiberius Caesar was in the fifteenth year of his reign, and Pontius Pilate was in the fourth year of his governorship, while Herod, Lysanias, and Philip were tetrarchs of the remainder of Judea, our Savior and Lord Jesus Christ, the Son of God, began to approach the baptism of John at about thirty years of age, and then first initiated the proclamation of the Gospel. ^A Divine Scripture says that he completed the entire time of his teaching under the high priests Annas and Caiaphas, thereby signifying that the entire time of his teaching was concluded within the intermediate years of their ministry, beginning from the high priesthood of Annas and extending until the [beginning of the high priesthood of Caiaphas].

Musculus and Christophersonus have followed suit; but since no mention of the Jews preceded this, I preferred to understand it as referring to those forgers who had fabricated the Acts of Pilate. Therefore, the word *autos* must be referred back to those words which preceded, *ton peplakoton*. Moreover, in our manuscripts Maz., Med., and Fuk., this passage reads thus: *the things that were daringly done by them concerning the saving passion.*

^B [In reference to the note on Herod and Lysanias]: I know not why Eusebius placed Lysanias between Herod and Philip, the sons of Herod the Great. For Luke, whose words Eusebius here declares he is following, in that most celebrated passage concerning the baptism of Christ, named Lysanias in the third place, after Herod and Philip. Wherefore Eusebius ought also to have observed the same order, especially since Lysanias was not among the children or successors of Herod. That which is to be criticized in Eusebius at this point is also the fact that, after having said that Pilate was then the procurator of Judea, he adds that the rest of Judea was subject to the tetrarchs Herod, Philip, and Lysanias. Yet Lysanias never obtained any portion of Judea. Nor was Abila a city of Judea, but of Coele-Syria, or Decapolis. ^C However, Eusebius might be excused if we say that by the name of Judea he understood the entire domain of Herod the Great. For it is agreed that Herod the Great possessed the tetrarchy of Lysanias, which had been given to him by Augustus. Indeed, Roman emperors were accustomed to give such tetrarchies as a gift to kings who were confederates and friends of the Roman people, so that they might bind them to themselves more securely. Examples of this matter abound in Josephus. Pliny signifies the same thing in book V, chapter 18, with these words: *The tetrarchies intermingle and surround these cities, each like a separate region, and are merged into kingdoms, etc.*; and in chapter 23 of the same book: *besides the tetrarchies inscribed as kingdoms.* Furthermore, regarding this Lysanias whom Luke mentions, it is surprising that there is no mention of him in Josephus, nor in Dio and the rest. But if it were read in St. Luke as, *and Philip his brother being tetrarch of the region of Ituraea and Trachonitis, and of the Abilene of Lysanias*, with the word *tetrarchountos* which follows being excised, the matter would be most clear. ^D For Philip received the tetrarchy of Lysanias—which had previously been given to Zenodorus—as a gift from Augustus, as Josephus testifies.

[In reference to the note on *Annas and Caiaphas*]: ...as it is written, *under the high priests Annas and Caiaphas*. Furthermore, these words of St. Luke by no means signify what Eusebius persuaded himself of—namely, that Christ began to preach from that year in which Annas was the priest of the Jews until the high priesthood of Caiaphas. For, first of all, Luke speaks there not of the preaching of Christ, but of the preaching of John, which preceded the preaching of Christ. Next, he says that this preaching of John began under the high priests Annas and Caiaphas: not that there were two high priests among the Jews at the same time in that year in which John began to preach, as Scaliger thought in his sixth book *De emendatione temporum*, chapter 1; for that is absurd and unheard of. Nor is Theodore Beza’s interpretation truer—which Scaliger later embraced in his *Prolegomena to the Chronicle of Eusebius*, and Casaubon in his *Exercitationes*—namely, that Annas was the vicar of the high priest Caiaphas, or a *deuteros archiereus*, and for that reason was named together with Caiaphas. For if Annas filled the place of Caiaphas, why is he named in the first place, not only in the Gospel but also in the Acts of the Apostles, when he is called high priest by St. Luke simply and absolutely, just like Caiaphas? The supporters of that opinion ought to prove three things to us. The first is that the high priests of the Jews had perpetual and ordinary vicars; the second, that those vicars were named in public acts together with the high priests for the notation of time; and finally, that they were called simply *archiereis*, or high priests. But, in truth, they will never prove these things. Certainly Josephus, who carefully recounted all the high priests of the Jews in his books of *Antiquities*, never mentioned those perpetual vicars. He mentions only one in book XVII, namely Joseph, who was created high priest for the space of one day, so that he might perform the sacred rites in place of the high priest Matthias. From which it appears that there were no perpetual vicars of the high priest at that time. For if the high priest Matthias had possessed such a vicar, there was no need suddenly to appoint a vicar for him because of that nighttime pollution. I believe, therefore, that St. Luke wished to signify nothing else by these words than that in the fifteenth year of Tiberius Caesar, Caiaphas was the high priest, but Annas was a former high priest. For since Annas was the father-in-law of Caiaphas, and had held the high priesthood a little while before, and possessed the greatest authority among the Jews, he is deservedly joined with Caiaphas by Luke, not only in the Gospel but in chapter 4 of the Acts of the Apostles. Truly, this Annas was the most celebrated and powerful man of his time, and a kind of perpetual high priest. For from the time he was made high priest by Quirinius, he himself thereafter for the rest of his life administered the priesthood either through his sons or through his sons-in-law, as Josephus testifies, who always calls him Ananus. Since, therefore, the entire authority of the priesthood resided with Annas at that time, it is no wonder if he is named high priest together with Caiaphas by St. Luke. Moreover, Josephus teaches in book XVIII that Caiaphas was the high priest of the Jews in the fifteenth year of Tiberius. For he was made high priest by Valerius Gratus, who departed from Judea at about the beginning of the seventeenth year of Tiberius Caesar. He held this high priesthood for more than ten years, that is, for the entirety of the time of the administration of Pilate. Vitellius, the legate of Syria, then removed Pilate, took the priesthood away from Caiaphas, and substituted Jonathan in his place, as Josephus writes in chapter 6.

^A For the four-year period—if not the whole of it—intervening [between the beginning of Caiaphas and that of Pilate] is accounted for. For as to the laws according to the precept already in some sense abolished from that time, the succession by birth and for life was dissolved, nor were the affairs of God's service performed in the proper manner. But by the Roman governors, one after another, being entrusted with the high priesthood, they would not continue in this office for more than a single year. Josephus, at any rate, records 37 that four high priests in succession followed after Annas, according to the text of the *Antiquities* itself 58, speaking as follows: "Valerius Gratus, having ended the high priesthood of Annanus, declares Ishmael, the son of Baphi, to be high priest 59. And having removed him not long after, he appoints Eleazar, the son of the high priest Annanus, as high priest. And one year having elapsed, he removed him too, and hands over the high priesthood to Simon, son of Camithus. ^B But the time does not pass for this man either as having held the honor more than a year 40, and Joseph, who is also called Caiaphas 41, was his successor." Therefore, the total time of the teaching of our Savior is shown not to be even a full four years, with high priests for four years—each fulfilling a yearly ministry from Annas and up to the appointment of Caiaphas 42.

^C As to this there is a significant emendation owed to our manuscripts Maz., Med., and Fuk. For Rob. Stephanus had expressed the reading of the Regius manuscript, which in my judgment cannot be sustained. For what do those words mean? How much clearer the scripture of our manuscripts is. This reading is confirmed by Nicephorus, who in chapter 29, book 1, expressed the place of Eusebius thus: No better interpretation can be brought forth of the Eusebian place than this scholium of Nicephorus. It is only to be noted that the singular number is put here for the plural. For it is the same as if one had said... etc. What "by life" means, neither Rufinus nor Langus understood. We shall explain this at greater length in the annotations to the tenth book.

^D Josephus does not speak of the same times as Luke. For Josephus speaks of the first decade of Tiberius Caesar, at which time Valerius Gratus was procurator of Judea. But Luke speaks of the second decade of Tiberius, when Pilate was governor. This error of Eusebius was noted long ago by Scaliger in his book *De emendatione temporum*, chapter 1, and long before Scaliger by Langus in the notes to chapter... book 1 of Nicephorus. Regarding the text "Anna removed from the priesthood, and he appointed Ishmael the pontiff, son of Baffi," so it is read in the most ancient manuscript of the Church of Paris. The remaining Eusebian manuscripts, Maz., Med., with Fuk. and Savil., have written... which Nicephorus also agrees with.

Eusebius interprets Josephus as if he had said that those four high priests, Ananus, Ishmael, Eleazar, and Simon, each administered the priesthood for a space of one year. But Josephus says this explicitly about the last two, but not about the former ones. For he narrates that Ishmael was indeed stripped of his office a little while after he had been made pontiff by Valerius. But so far is Josephus from attributing one year of priesthood to Ananus, that from the words of Josephus it is plainly concluded that Ananus held the priesthood for at least three years. For he says that Ananus was substituted in place of Joazar by Quirinius after the census was completed, in the year approximately... after the victory at Actium, when Coponius was procurator of Judea; and that he remained in the priesthood until the procuratorship of Valerius Gratus, who was sent into Judea by Tiberius at the beginning of his empire. Thus it is necessary that the pontificate of Ananus was sufficiently long, since he held that dignity under four procurators of Judea: Coponius, M. Ambivius, Annius Rufus, and Valerius Gratus.

^A The divine volume of the Gospel correctly noted Caiaphas the high priest, ^A and by the very authority of the Gospel is shown the length of time during which Christ preached, agreeing with our observation. Moreover, our Savior and Lord Jesus Christ, not long after the beginning of his evangelical preaching, attached to himself twelve men, whom, beyond the rest of his disciples, he designated by the special title of honor of “apostle.” He also chose seventy other men, whom he was wont to send two by two before his face into every place and city where he himself was to come. ^B

CHAPTER XI.

Testimonies concerning John the Baptist and Christ.

That John the Baptist was beheaded by the younger Herod shortly thereafter, the sacred Scripture of the Gospels records. Josephus also agrees with this, who makes mention of Herodias by name, and clearly narrates how Herod, having repudiated his former and legitimate wife, who was the daughter of Aretas, king of the Arabians, took for himself his brother’s wife, who had been taken by force from her living husband; and for her sake, having put John the Baptist to death, he waged a hostile war against Aretas on account of the insult to his daughter. ^C We begin with this. But we ascribe the Lord's Passion to the third consuls after them. Others, however, count four Passovers from the beginning of Christ’s preaching, among whom is the author of the *Alexandrian Chronicle*. Eusebius also seems to have been of this opinion, as he assigns four years, though not complete, to Christ’s preaching.

Regarding the year in which the saving Passion was accomplished, the Gospel Scripture has noted Caiaphas the high priest. From this passage of John, Eusebius conjectures that Caiaphas was made high priest in the year that Christ was affixed to the cross. The author of the *Alexandrian Chronicle* followed Eusebius, who lists the high priests under whom Christ preached—Ananus, Ishmael, Eleazar, and Simon. But John does not say that Caiaphas was made high priest in that year. Since, therefore, Josephus, a most reliable author who most diligently chronicled the succession of the Jewish high priests, affirms that Caiaphas was made high priest by Valerius Gratus, and was not deposed from the priesthood until after the procuratorship of Pilate, I prefer to follow the authority of Josephus, especially since it is confirmed by the testimony of the evangelist Luke. For Luke clearly affirms that in the fifteenth year of Tiberius Caesar, Caiaphas was already high priest. ^D (44) “Two by two.” Thus it is edited from the faith of our manuscripts, the Royal, Mazarin, Medicean, and Fuken. Today, however, in chapter x of the Gospel of blessed Luke, from which Eusebius took this, one reads only “two,” without the repetition of the last word, which Robert Stephens also considered redundant. I, however, consider that this iteration possesses some elegance, which we also retain in the French language. (45) “Where he himself was to come.” The Mazarin, Medicean, and Fuken manuscripts have written “where he was about to come.” (46) “Shortly thereafter.” With these words I began the eleventh chapter, following the authority of the Royal, Mazarin, and Fuken manuscripts, with which Rufinus also agrees.

^A He relates that Herod was overcome in battle, and that his entire army was destroyed, and that all these things befell him on account of the crime perpetrated against John the Baptist. Josephus himself, acknowledging John to have been a most righteous man and a Baptist, bears witness to those things that have been recorded concerning him in accordance with the Scripture of the Gospels. He also relates that Herod fell from his kingdom on account of this same Herodias, with whom he was also sent into exile, being condemned to dwell in the city of Gaul, Vienna. ^B And these things are indeed shown to have been declared by him in the eighteenth book of the *Antiquities*, where he writes these very words concerning John: “To some of the Jews it seemed that Herod’s army had been destroyed by God, and that [He] was very justly exacting punishment for John, who was called the Baptist. For Herod kills this man, [though he was] a good man and one who commanded the Jews to practice virtue, ^C and to observe righteousness toward one another and piety toward God, and [so] to come to baptism. For thus indeed would the baptism appear acceptable to Him, if they would use it not for the remission of certain sins, but for the purity of the body, provided that the soul had already been thoroughly cleansed by righteousness. And when the others also gathered around—for they were enraptured to the highest degree by the hearing of his words—Herod, fearing the extent of his influence over the people, lest it might lead to some rebellion (for they seemed ready to do everything according to his counsel), ^D thought it much better, before any new development could arise from him, to take him off in advance, rather than to fall into a state of repentance once a change in affairs had occurred. And so, because of the suspicion of Herod, he was sent in chains to the aforementioned fortress, Machaerus, and was put to death there.” Having discoursed thus concerning John, he also mentions our Savior (51).

(51) And our Savior. I have previously mentioned a certain pamphlet which has recently been published, in which this passage of Josephus concerning Jesus Christ is examined. The author of this book has attempted to persuade us of two things. The first is that that passage of Josephus is false and spurious. The second is that our Eusebius was the author of this fraud. As for the first chapter of the dispute, learned men have long since called that passage of Josephus into doubt. But as they were driven to judge this by mere indications and suspicions, they preferred to suppress their conjecture in silence rather than to affirm anything rashly. That this was done by them with prudent judgment, no one will deny. Wherefore the writer of that pamphlet seems to me to be reprehensible in this, that although he relies on no demonstrations, he nevertheless pronounces in such a way as to not allow us to doubt at all hereafter regarding the falsity of that passage. What, moreover, are those arguments by which he proves this? Justin, he says, in his *Disputation against Trypho*, made no mention of this matter. As if it were indeed necessary for Justin to adduce the testimony of Josephus; or as if the testimony of Josephus, a writer of histories, would have had great weight with Trypho. But this was not the purpose of Justin, to prove the faith and divinity of Christ from profane writers, but rather from the sacred books of the prophets. Wherefore there was no need for him to bring forward the testimony of Josephus, especially since Josephus was, even then, a very recent writer.

^A According to the same history of this writer, he makes mention of Him in this way: "At this time there was Jesus, a wise man, if indeed it is right to call him a man. For he was a doer of wonderful works, and a teacher of men who receive the truth with pleasure. He drew to himself many of the Jews and many also of the Greek nation. This was the Christ. And on the indication of the first men among us, when Pilate had condemned him to the cross, those who had first loved him did not cease. For he appeared to them on the third day alive again, the divine prophets having said these and ten thousand other wonderful things about him. And even until now the tribe of those called Christians from this source has not failed." ^B Since that writer, who was of the Hebrews themselves, has handed down in his own history these things concerning both John the Baptist and our Savior, what evasion would still remain for those who strive to prove that the records composed against them are shameless forgeries? But let these things be held to in this way.

CHAPTER XII. Concerning the disciples of our Savior.

^B Now, the names of the Apostles of our Savior are known to all with certainty from the Gospels. But as for the seventy disciples, no list is anywhere to be found. ^C It is said, however, that Barnabas was one of their number, of whom the Acts of the Apostles makes mention in various places, and not least Paul himself, writing to the Galatians. They say that Sosthenes, who wrote to the Corinthians together with Paul, was also of these. ^C Clement, in the fifth book of his *Hypotyposes*, gives a history in which he also says that Cephas, of whom Paul says: "But when Cephas came to Antioch, I withstood him to his face," was one of the seventy disciples, being of the same name as Peter the Apostle. And report holds that Matthias, who was enrolled among the Apostles in place of Judas the traitor, as well as the other who was honored with the same lot as Matthias, were counted worthy of the same calling of the seventy. Furthermore, they say that Thaddaeus was one of them, of whom I shall presently set forth the history that has come down to us. ^D You might find, if you attend to it, that the disciples of the Savior were more than seventy, using as a witness Paul, who says that after the resurrection from the dead He was seen, first by Cephas, then by... ^D [NOTE: The Greek and Latin text at the end of this column discusses the authenticity of the preceding passages and notes editorial deletions in the printed edition.]

^A twelve, and after them, to more than five hundred brethren at once. Of whom he says that some had fallen asleep, but the greater part were still alive at the time when he was putting these things together. Then he says that He was seen by James; and he too was one of those who are called the disciples of the Saviour, but indeed also His brother. Then, as if mimicking the twelve on account of the very many who were apostles, such as Paul himself was, he adds, saying: "Then He was seen by all the apostles." These things, then, are about them. But the history concerning Thaddaeus, which we mentioned above, is of this sort.

CHAPTER XIII

Narrative concerning the ruler of the Edessenes.

The divinity ^B of our Lord and Saviour Jesus Christ having already become celebrated everywhere because of His wonder-working power, it had attracted countless numbers of people even from foreign regions very far from Judaea, who were afflicted with diseases and all sorts of pains, with the hope of recovering their health. For this reason King Abgar, who ruled over the nations beyond the Euphrates with much renown, being wasted away by a grievous and incurable disease—as far as human power went—as soon as he heard of the name of Jesus, which was everywhere spread abroad, and of the miracles which were confirmed by the testimony of all, he sent a letter via a courier and suppliantly asked Him to free him from his disease. ^C He, however, did not accede to the call at that time, but He did not refuse to write a letter to him, in which He promised to send one of His own disciples to cure his disease, and pledged the salvation of both himself and all his kin. And not long after, ^D [the promise] was fulfilled for him. After the resurrection from the dead and His ascent into...

^A heaven, Thomas, one of the twelve apostles, was moved by a divine impulse to send Thaddeus—who was himself numbered among the seventy disciples of Christ—to Edessa as a preacher and evangelist of the doctrine concerning Christ; and through him all the things of the promise of our Savior were brought to completion. You have also the written testimony of these things, taken from the records of the city of Edessa, which was then ruled by Agbarus. For in the public rolls of that place, which contain the ancient events and the deeds performed around Agbarus, these things are found preserved from that time even to the present day. There is nothing like hearing the letters themselves, taken by us from the archives and translated word for word from the Syriac language in this manner:

Copy of a letter written by Agbarus the toparch to Jesus, and sent to Him at Jerusalem by Ananias the courier

^B Agbarus, the toparch of Edessa, to Jesus, the good Savior who has appeared in the region of Jerusalem, greeting. I have heard regarding you and your healings as being performed by you without medicines or herbs. For the report is that you make the blind see, the lame walk, that you cleanse lepers, cast out unclean spirits and demons, ^C heal those who are tormented with long-standing diseases, and raise the dead. Having heard all these things about you, I settled upon one of two things: either that you are God, and having descended from heaven you do these things, or you are the Son of God doing these things. Therefore, I have written to urge you to take the trouble to come to me, and to heal the affliction which I have. For I have also heard that the Jews grumble against you and desire to do you harm. My city is very small, but honorable, and is sufficient for both of us.

And Agbarus wrote this when the divine light had but faintly shone upon him. But it is fitting also to hear the letter which Jesus sent back to him through the same courier, a letter of few lines. ^D

^A indeed, but full of power and efficacy; it is as follows:

The Reply of Jesus to King Abgar through Ananias the Courier

"Blessed are you, Abgar, who, though you have not seen me, have believed in me. For it is written concerning me that those who have seen me shall not believe in me, so that those who have not seen me may themselves believe and live. As for what you wrote to me, that I should come to you, it is necessary for me to fulfill here all things for which I was sent, and after fulfilling them, thus to be taken up to Him who sent me. And when I have been taken up, I will send you one of my disciples, that he may heal your affliction and provide life for you and for all who are with you."

To these letters there were also added, in the Syriac tongue, these things:— After the ascension of Jesus Christ, Judas, who is also called Thomas, sent Thaddaeus the apostle, one of the seventy ^B, to Abgar. When he had arrived there, he stayed with Tobias, son of Tobias. And when word about him was heard, and he became evident through the miracles which were being performed by him, it was reported to Abgar that an apostle of Jesus had come there, just as He had written to you. Thaddaeus then began in the power of God to heal every disease and infirmity, so that all were filled with admiration. And when the king ^C heard of the great things and the wonders which he was performing, and how he was healing in the name of...

^A Jesus Christ, he was led to suspect that this was the very person concerning whom Jesus had sent a letter saying: "When I am taken up, I will send thee one of my disciples, who will heal thy suffering." Therefore, having called for Tobias, in whose house he was staying, he said: "I have heard that a certain powerful man has come from Jerusalem and is staying in thy house, and that he is working many healings in the name of Jesus." And he said: "Yes, Lord; a certain stranger came and stayed with me, and he works many wonders." And he said: "Bring him to me." So Tobias went to Thaddaeus and said to him: "The toparch Agbarus has called for me and said, 'Bring him to me,' in order that thou mightest heal his suffering." And Thaddaeus said: "I am going up, since I have been sent by power to him." ^B So Tobias arose the next day and, taking Thaddaeus, came to Agbarus; and as he went up, with his nobles present and standing by, immediately upon his entering, a great vision appeared to Agbarus on the countenance of the apostle Thaddaeus. When Agbarus saw this, he did obeisance to Thaddaeus, and all who were standing by were amazed. For they had not seen the vision, which appeared to Agbarus alone. And he questioned Thaddaeus: "Art thou in truth a disciple of Jesus the Son of God, who said to me, 'I will send thee one of my disciples, who will heal thy suffering, and will provide life to thee and to all who are with thee'?" And Thaddaeus said: "Since thou hast greatly believed in the Lord Jesus who sent me, for this reason I have been sent to thee. And again, if thou believest yet more in him, according to thy belief, the requests of thy heart shall be thine." And Agbarus said to him: "I have believed in him to such an extent that I even desired to take up force and destroy the Jews who crucified him, had I not been restrained from this intention by the kingdom of the Romans." And Thaddaeus ^C said: "Our Lord and God Jesus Christ has fulfilled the will of his Father, and having fulfilled it, he was taken up to his Father." Agbarus says to him: "I too have believed in him and in his Father." And Thaddaeus said: "For this reason, I lay my hand upon thee..."

in the name of the Lord Jesus." Upon his doing this, Agbarus was straightway delivered from the disease and suffering he had. And ^A a great admiration held him, because just as it had been reported to him about Jesus, so in fact he saw it fulfilled through his disciple and apostle Thaddaeus, who had restored him to his former health without any medicines or herbs. And not him alone, but also a certain Abdus, the son of Abdus, who was suffering from gout; who also himself came and fell under his feet, and having received blessing through the laying on of hands, was healed. The same apostle also healed many other of their fellow citizens, doing great and wonderful things, and preaching the word of God. After this, Agbarus said to him: "Thaddaeus, you do these things by the power of God, and we ourselves have marvelled at you. But I ask you, in addition to these things, to tell me about the coming of Jesus, how it came to pass, and about his power, and by what power he did these things, which we have heard." And Thaddaeus said: "For the present I shall be silent, since I have been sent to preach the word. ^B But tomorrow gather all your citizens for me, and in their presence I will preach the word of God, and I will sow in them the word of life: concerning the coming of Jesus, how it came to pass; and concerning his mission, and for what purpose he was sent by the Father; and concerning the power of his works, and the1 mysteries which he spoke in the world, and by what power he did these things; and concerning his new preaching, and concerning the lowliness and obscurity and the humility of the human being appearing outwardly; and how he humbled himself and died, and diminished his own divinity; all that he suffered at the hands of the Jews, and how he was crucified, ^C and descended into the abyss, and broke through the barrier which from eternity had not been broken, and rose again, and raised up with him the dead who had been from ^D eternity."

those who have fallen asleep, and how he descended alone, and ascended ^A with a great multitude to his Father; and how he sits at the right hand of God and the Father in glory in the heavens, and how he is about to come again with glory and power to judge the living and the dead." Abgar therefore ordered his citizens to assemble at first light to hear the preaching of Thaddaeus, and after this he commanded that gold and silver be given to him. But he refused to accept it, saying: "If we have left behind our own things, how shall we take those of others?" These things were done in the three hundred and fortieth year. And these things, not having been translated from the language of the Syrians into words in vain, I have placed here in due time. The end of the first book of the Ecclesiastical History.

EUSEBIUS PAMPHILUS' ECCLESIASTICAL HISTORY BOOK II

THESE ARE THE CONTENTS OF THE SECOND BOOK OF THE ECCLESIASTICAL HISTORY:

a' Concerning the apostles' stay after Christ's assumption. b' How Tiberius was moved when he was taught by Pilate about Christ. g' How the word of Christ ran through the whole world in a short time. d' How after Tiberius, Gaius appointed Agrippa as king of the Jews, punishing Herod with perpetual exile. e' How Philo was sent as ambassador to Gaius on behalf of the Jews. s' What befell the Jews after their daring deed against Christ. z' How Pilate also made away with himself. h' Concerning the famine that occurred under Claudius. th' The martyrdom of James the apostle. i' How Agrippa, who was also Herod, after persecuting the apostles, felt the immediate divine justice. ia' Concerning Theudas the sorcerer and those with him. ib' Concerning Helena, queen of the Osrhoenians. ig' Concerning Simon the Magus and another Helena.

Agbarus, etc. This account, as it is briefer, is also more sincere and truthful. Rufinus certainly found the same reading in his copies. For he translates thus: "And raised the dead. Who descended indeed alone, but ascended with a great multitude to his Father." The Royal codex first revealed the error to us, of which we did not even suspect before, especially since Rufinus confirmed the common reading. But when I had found the true meaning of this passage written first in the Royal codex, and afterward in the most ancient Mazarine and Fuk. copies, I immediately sensed it. He says, therefore,

THE SECOND BOOK OF ECCLESIASTICAL HISTORY CONTAINS THE FOLLOWING:

14. Concerning the preaching of Peter the apostle in Rome. 15. Concerning the Gospel according to Mark. 16. How Mark first preached the knowledge of Christ to those in Egypt. 17. What Philo records concerning the Ascetics in Egypt. 18. What books of Philo have come down to us. 19. What calamity befell the Jews in Jerusalem on the day of the Passover. 20. What was done in Jerusalem under Nero. 21. Concerning the Egyptian mentioned in the Acts of the Apostles. 22. How Paul, having been sent a prisoner from Judea to Rome to plead his case, was acquitted of all charges. 23. How James, who was called the brother of the Lord, suffered martyrdom. 24. How, after Mark, Anianus was ordained the first bishop of the church of the Alexandrians. 25. Concerning the persecution under Nero, in which Paul and Peter were adorned with the glory of martyrdom for their piety. 26. How the Jews were harassed by countless evils, and how they took up the final war against the Romans.

Note that this book has been compiled by us from the writings of Clement, Tertullian, Josephus, and Philo.

PROOEMIUM

^A Eusebius reported that the subscription of those Acts which he found in the archives of Edessa was of this kind: "These things were done in the year three hundred and forty." This year, the three hundred and fortieth according to the Edessenes, falls in the first year of the two hundredth Olympiad. For the Edessenes counted their years from the first year of the 117th Olympiad, the year in which Seleucus began to reign in Asia, as Eusebius writes in his *Chronicle*; from this time until the beginning of the second year of the two hundredth Olympiad, there are three hundred and forty years. Furthermore, the beginning of that Olympiad falls in the fifteenth year of Tiberius Caesar, which is distinguished by the two Geminus consuls. Most of the ancients believed that the passion and ascension of the Lord occurred in this same year. Among them are Tertullian, Augustine, and Victorius. You see ^B how necessary was the emendation of this passage, which we have brought forth from our codices. For now all things agree excellently, since the arrival of Thaddaeus in the city of Edessa and the healing of King Abgar are assigned to the year in which Christ both suffered and rose from the dead. But Baronius, who followed the faulty text of the common editions, assigned the arrival of this Thaddaeus to the forty-third year of Christ, in which he departs far both from the public acts of the Edessenes and from Eusebius. Indeed, it is explicitly written in those Acts that these things happened immediately after the ascension of Christ, etc. Eusebius repeats this same thing in Book I, Chapter 13, where he also teaches that these things were done in the principate of Tiberius Augustus. This, in truth, could not hold if these things were assigned to the forty-third year of Christ. If anyone still doubts our emendation, let him know that it is written in the most ancient Vatican codex, just as in our own codices. Finally, in the most ancient and faithful codex of Rufinus, which was lent to me by Claudius Joly, a canon of the Parisian Church, a man endowed with exceptional uprightness and learning, it is clearly written: "But these things were done in the three hundred and fortieth year," so that now no one can doubt the truth of this reading. The Medicean codex alone among our copies has it written [differently], and by another hand in the margin [it is noted] that the most corrupt reading which I would not want Robert Stephanus to have admitted as correct and legitimate—

^A regarding the divinity of the Word, and the antiquity of the dogmas of our teaching, and furthermore the antiquity of the evangelical life according to the Christians, and also all that took place during his recent manifestation, and the events concerning the passion and the election of the apostles—these we have reviewed in the preceding book, having summarized the proofs. Come, now, let us consider in the present book the events following his ascension, noting them partly from the divine Scriptures and partly from other records, of which we shall make mention at the proper time.

Chapter I. Concerning the conduct of the apostles after the ascension of Christ.

^B First, therefore, Matthias is chosen for the apostleship in place of the traitor Judas, being himself, as has been shown, one of the disciples of the Lord. And there were appointed, through prayer and the laying on of the hands of the apostles, seven men of proven virtue to the ministry, for the sake of the common service, they who were around Stephen; who, immediately after his ordination, as if he had been ordained for this very purpose, was the first after the Lord to be stoned to death by the Christ-killers. And thus he was the first to carry away the crown that corresponds to his name, [belonging] to the triumphant martyrs of Christ. Then, indeed, [we must also mention] James, who was called brother of the Lord, because he was considered a son of Joseph; and Joseph ^C was the father of Christ. ^D

to whom the Virgin was betrothed, and before they came together, she was found to be with child by the Holy Spirit, as the sacred history of the Gospels teaches. Therefore, they say that this very James, whom the ancients called “the Just” on account of his outstanding virtue, was the first assigned to the episcopal throne of the Church in Jerusalem. Clement, in the sixth book of his *Hypotyposeis*, writes and explains the matter thus: “For he says that Peter and James and John, after the assumption of the Savior, even though the Lord had preferred them above the others, did not contend with one another for honor, but chose James the Just as bishop of Jerusalem.” The same writer, in the seventh book of the same work, also says this about him: “The Lord, after his resurrection, imparted the gift of knowledge to James the Just, and to John and to Peter. These delivered it to the rest of the apostles; and the rest of the apostles delivered it to the seventy, among whom was Barnabas.” There have been two men named James: one is the Just, who was cast from the pinnacle of the temple and beaten to death with a fuller’s club; the other is he who was beheaded. Paul also makes mention of this same Just one, writing: “But I did not see any other of the apostles, except James the brother of the Lord.” ^A At this same time, whatever our Savior had promised to the king of the Osrhoenians reached its fulfillment. For Thomas, moved by a divine impulse, sent Thaddaeus to Edessa as a herald and evangelist of the doctrine concerning Christ, as we showed a little earlier from the records found there. When he arrived in those places and healed ^B Abgar in the name of Christ and struck all the inhabitants of that region with the novelty of the miracles; and when he had sufficiently prepared them through such wondrous works and brought them to worship and reverence the divine power of Christ, he made them disciples of the saving doctrine. ^{C D}

^A And from that time even to the present day, the entire city of the Edessenes has been dedicated to the name of Christ, carrying no ordinary evidence of the benevolence of our Savior toward them. Let this suffice as told from the records of antiquity.

Let us turn again to the divine Scripture. After the martyrdom of Stephen, when the first and greatest persecution by the Jews against the Church in Jerusalem had arisen, and all the disciples, except for the twelve alone, were scattered throughout Judea and Samaria, certain of them—as the divine Scripture says—went as far as Phoenicia and Cyprus and Antioch. They did not yet dare to communicate the word of the faith to the Gentiles, but preached it to the Jews only. ^B At that time, Paul was still ravaging the Church, entering into the houses of the believers, dragging off men and women, and delivering them into prison.

But Philip also, one of those who along with Stephen had been chosen for the diaconate, being among those who were scattered, went down to Samaria and, being filled with divine power, was the first to preach the word to those there. So great a divine grace assisted him that even Simon the Magus, with many other men, was drawn by his words. ^C So renowned was Simon at that time, and he exercised such sorcery over those he had deceived, that they reckoned him to be the great power of God. When, therefore, he himself was struck with wonder at the miraculous works performed through Philip by divine power, he crept in and feigned faith in Christ as far as the bath of baptism. This is a thing worthy of astonishment even to this day, regarding those who still follow the most filthy heresy from that time; for they, after the manner of their forefather, creeping into the Church like a pestilent and scabby disease, cause the greatest harm to those into whom they are able to instill that incurable and baneful poison which they keep hidden within themselves. ^D Many of them have already been cast out, once their deceit was uncovered, just as Simon himself was eventually detected by Peter and paid the fitting penalty.

But since the preaching of the saving Gospel was growing with daily increases, divine providence brought a certain minister from the land of the Ethiopians, under their queen (for it is still an ancestral custom even now for that nation to be governed by a woman). He, being the first from the nations to participate in the works of the divine word through the appearance of Philip, and becoming the first fruits of the believers throughout the whole world, was the first—as the account holds—upon returning to his ancestral land to preach the knowledge of the God of all and the life-giving sojourn of our Savior among men; by his work, the prophecy containing these words was fulfilled: "Ethiopia shall anticipate reaching out her hand to God" (Ps. LXVII, 31). In addition to these things, Paul, that vessel of election, not from men nor through men, but through revelation of Jesus Christ and of God the Father…

who raised him from the dead, is appointed an apostle, having been deemed worthy of the calling through a vision and the heavenly voice at the time of that revelation ^A.

CAPUT II. How Tiberius was affected when Pilate reported to him the things done by Christ.

When the marvelous resurrection and ascension into heaven of our Savior had already become celebrated among most people, since this was an ancient custom for the governors of provinces, that they should report to the emperor whatever new things had happened among them, so that nothing might escape his notice, Pilate reported to the prince Tiberius concerning the resurrection of our Savior Jesus Christ, the fame of which was already celebrated throughout all Palestine; ^B signifying also that he had heard of many other miracles of his, and how, having been recalled to life, he was already considered God by most. And they say that Tiberius referred the matter to the senate, but that the senate rejected such a report: in appearance indeed because the authority of the senate had not been awaited for this, although the ancient law among the Romans was that no one should be held as a god without the decree of the senate: but in reality because the teaching of the salutary divine doctrine stood in no need of the authority and assistance of men. When, therefore, the senate had rejected the report concerning our Savior as has been said, Tiberius, however, persisting in his former opinion, is said to have devised nothing harsher against the teaching of Christ. These things are produced by Tertullian, a man most skilled in Roman laws ^C and most celebrated among Latin writers, in his Apology, which was written by him in Latin and later translated into the Greek language, in these words: "As," he says, "of the origin..."

of such laws we may discourse, it was an old decree that no one should be consecrated god by the emperor unless he were approved by the senate. Marcus Aemilius has done thus concerning a certain idol of Alburnus. And this has been done in support of our argument, because among you divinity is granted by human judgment. Unless the god pleases man, he shall not be god. Man therefore must hold favor with God. Tiberius then, in whose time the name of the Christians entered into the world, when that doctrine had been announced to him from Palestine—where it first began—communicated it to the senate, being clear to them that he was pleased with the doctrine. But the senate, because it had not itself approved it, rejected it; but he remained in his own judgment, threatening death to the accusers of the Christians." ^B And by the providence of heaven, this was put into his mind by economy, so that the word of the Gospel, having its beginnings without hindrance, might run through every part of the earth.

CHAPTER III.

How the doctrine of Christ was dispersed in a short time through the whole world.

Thus indeed by divine power and cooperation, suddenly, like a ray of the sun, the saving Word did illuminate the whole world; and as it had been foretold in the holy Scriptures, [the sound] of his inspired evangelists and apostles went forth into all the earth, and their words unto the ends of the world. ^C And through all cities and villages, the crowds of believers increased like a threshing floor.

[alt-version omitted]

^D

^A And so, churches made up of countless thousands suddenly sprang up in every city and village. Those who had been bound by the heritage of their ancestors and by the ancient disease of idolatrous superstition, their souls fettered, were liberated as if from cruel masters by the power of Christ, through the teaching of His disciples combined with His wonder-working. Having found release from the most grievous bonds ^B of demonic polytheism, they renounced it entirely and confessed that there is but one God, the Creator of all things; and this same God they honored with the rites of true piety, according to that divine and sober religion which our Savior had sown into the life of mankind. But since the divine grace was now pouring out also upon the remaining nations, and first of all in the city of Caesarea in Palestine, ^C Cornelius with his whole house, through a divine vision and the ministry of Peter, had embraced the faith in Christ, and many other Gentiles at Antioch had done likewise—to whom those who had been scattered by the persecution against Stephen had preached the word—the Church at Antioch was flourishing and growing. At that same time, with very many prophets from Jerusalem present, together with Barnabas and Paul and a multitude of other ^D brethren, the name "Christian" was first given there, as if from a fresh and fertile fountain. And Agabus, one of the prophets who were with them, foretold that a famine was about to occur. Paul and Barnabas were then sent forth to assist in the ministry of the brethren.

CHAPTER IV. How Caius, after the death of Tiberius, appointed Agrippa as king of the Jews and condemned Herod to perpetual exile.

^A Meanwhile, after having reigned for about twenty-two years, Tiberius departed this life. Caius then took over the government and immediately placed the diadem [(6)] of the Jewish sovereignty upon Agrippa, appointing him king over the tetrarchy of Philip and Lysanias. Not long after, he also bestowed upon him the tetrarchy of Herod, having condemned Herod—who was the one involved in the suffering of the Savior—along with his wife Herodias [(7)], to perpetual exile for the sake of many charges, as Josephus also testifies. This is that Herod who...

^B ...with Barnabas, having taken along Titus. "I went up, however, according to revelation, and I conferred with them the Gospel which I preach among the Gentiles," etc. Who does not see that these things are entirely at variance with one another, since Paul denies that he came to Jerusalem immediately after his baptism, while Luke testifies that after Paul’s baptism and some preachings in Damascus, he fled secretly from Damascus and came straight to Jerusalem? Jerome was compelled to acknowledge this dissonance between Luke and Paul in his exposition of the Epistle to the Galatians. To reconcile these, some of the ancients, as Jerome testifies, believed that Paul had no reason for that first journey of his to Jerusalem after his baptism, which is mentioned by Luke in the aforementioned ninth chapter, because it was a flight rather than a mission. But this solution is very weak. For Luke writes that Paul was then conducted by Barnabas to the apostles and that he remained a sufficient length of time in Jerusalem and disputed against the Greeks. Others, among whom are Bede and Baronius, assert that the first mission of which Paul makes mention is the very one related by Luke in the ninth chapter of the Acts, but that Luke omitted the mention of the Arabian journey because nothing worthy of report was done there by Paul. I willingly agree with their opinion. For Luke speaks most plainly there of that advent of Paul to Jerusalem; for he says that he was conversing with the apostles at *that* time, and he relates many other things in detail, and adds: "And he was with them, going in and out at Jerusalem." Now we must inquire concerning the second mission, which Paul says he undertook after fourteen years. Theodoret, and some of the ancients before him, as Jerome reports, thought that this is the very same one mentioned in Acts, chapter xv, when Paul set out for Jerusalem together with Barnabas because of the controversy that had arisen concerning circumcision. Baronius followed this view. And the words of Paul seem to argue for this entirely. For Paul adds that he had carried the Gospel which he was preaching to the Gentiles to the apostles and had offered it to them for their judgment. For such is the meaning of those words, *ἀνεθέμην αὐτοῖς τὸ Εὐαγγέλιον*. Then he adds about the false brethren, who were attempting to suppress the truth of the Gospel and bring the Christians into the servitude of the law. All of which, without a doubt, pertains to that controversy concerning circumcision. But what need is there of more, when the matter can be demonstrated by a most certain argument? That mission which Paul says he undertook after fourteen years cannot be the one which Luke numbers in the second place. Nor, again, is it the same as that which the same Luke records in the fourth place. It is therefore the same as that which Luke commemorates as the third. That it cannot be the one numbered in the second place by Luke appears from this: Paul was then sent only to deliver the alms of the brethren; nor did he converse with the apostles, since Herod was at that time persecuting the Church of the Jews most severely, and Peter was in chains. Wherefore...

^C ...Paul in the Epistle to the Galatians rightly omitted the mention of this mission of his, as it did nothing to serve his purpose. Nor does that expression, "I went up again," necessarily designate a second mission, but it can also be said of the third. That it cannot be the one which Luke records in the fourth place, as Chrysostom seems to have thought, is proven by the fact that Paul writes that he went up with Barnabas. But in the fourth mission, Paul was not with Barnabas. For he had long since broken away from him. But to return to our Eusebius, it seems that he has confused Paul’s second Jerusalem mission with the first and made one out of two.

[(6)] It is false that Agrippa was made king of Judea by Caius. For Agrippa was made king by Caius Caesar at the beginning of his reign, first indeed of Trachonitis, which had been the tetrarchy of Philip, as Philo writes in *Against Flaccus* and Josephus in book xviii. But soon after, when Herod, the tetrarch of Galilee, had sailed to Rome at the urging of his wife Herodias to obtain royal dignity from Caius, Caius took the tetrarchy away from Herod and bestowed Galilee, indeed, upon Agrippa, just as Josephus relates in the aforementioned book, and Philo in the *Embassy to Caius* at the end. Finally, however, after the death of Caius, Claudius confirmed the kingdom of Agrippa given by Caius, with the addition of Judea and Samaria, which Herod the grandfather had held. And thus the entire kingdom of Herod the Great came to Agrippa. He soon began at Jerusalem to create a high priest according to his own will, since he was then king of Judea, whose capital was the city of Jerusalem. Rightly, therefore, does Scaliger in his *Animadversions* rebuke Eusebius for having said that Agrippa was made king of Judea by Caius. But Scaliger himself also errs when he writes that Agrippa came to Rome to accuse his uncle Herod. For Agrippa did not set out for Rome, but sent Fortunatus the freedman with letters to Caius, as Josephus relates. Furthermore, long before Scaliger, a certain scholiast in the margin of the Mazarin codex had noted this error of Eusebius. For to the words, *τῆς Ἰουδαίων ἀρχῆς τὸ διάδημα*, this scholion is ascribed, not indeed by the same hand, but nonetheless ancient: *Οὐκ’ οὗτος, ἀλλ’ ὁ Κλαύδιος* (Not this one, but Claudius). Eusebius, however, can be excused conveniently. For he did not say that Agrippa had been made king of Judea by Caius, but "of the Jews," namely, of those who were living in Trachonitis and in the tetrarchy of Lysanias. Indeed, Philo in his oration *Against Flaccus* nonetheless calls this Agrippa, who was at that time still only the king of Trachonitis, king of the Jews. For, speaking of the Alexandrians, he says: "They were indignant at the fact that a certain king of the Jews had been born." [(7)] Christophoros received this place mistakenly, as if Eusebius said that this Herod together with his wife Herodias had been present at the passion of Christ. But Eusebius does not say this, but that Herodias was banished along with her husband.

^A It is necessary to state as well the palinodia regarding Gaius. The causes of the hatred with which Gaius pursued the Jewish nation have been summarized. Now must also be mentioned the palinodia regarding Gaius. But this palinodia is nothing other than the book of Philo *Against Flaccus*. Which book ought to follow immediately after *On the Embassy to Gaius*, as Photius teaches in his *Bibliotheca*.

In our time, five legates were sent by the Alexandrian Jews to Rome, as he testifies. For he writes thus in the *Embassy to Gaius*, near the end: "Was it not grave and burdensome that the fortune of the entire Jewish race rested upon us five legates?" Now the legates had been sent for two causes. First, they were complaining that their prayer-houses (*proseuchae*) had been violated by the Alexandrians, by the setting up of the emperor’s statues in them. Secondly, they had come to plead regarding the right of Alexandrian citizenship, which the Alexandrians wished to strip from the Jews, as Philo writes, p. 1019 and 1020.

^A It was during the times of this emperor that Philo flourished, a man held in the highest esteem not only by our own people but also by those of secular learning. He was a Hebrew by birth, and in splendor of family and dignity, he yielded to no one in Alexandria. How greatly he labored in divine and ancestral disciplines, the matter itself declares. To these it is needless to say how great he was in philosophy and the liberal arts; for he is recorded to have surpassed all of his time, having especially studied the education according to Plato and Pythagoras.

CAPUT V.

How Philo undertook the embassy for the Jews to Gaius.

^B He embraces in five books how many and how great the calamities were that befell the Jews during the reign of Gaius. In these he commemorates both the insanity of Gaius, who had proclaimed himself a god and had visited infinite insults upon his subjects; and he follows the miseries of the Jews under his empire, and the embassy which he himself undertook to the city of Rome on behalf of his countrymen living in Alexandria, and how, when he had spoken before Gaius on behalf of the ancestral laws and institutions, he received nothing but laughter and mockery, and narrowly escaped the danger of his life. Josephus also makes mention of this affair in the eighteenth book of the *Antiquities*, writing in these words: "Orta," he says, "Alexandriae seditione inter Judaeos qui illic habitabant et Graecos, terni ex utraque parte legati ad Caium imperatorem missi sunt. Unus ex legatis Alexandrinorum erat Apion quidam, qui plurima adversus Judaeos convicia fundere consueverat, tum alia ^C eis objiciens, tum quod Cæsaris cultum aspernarentur. Nam cum omnes, qui Romano imperio subditi erant, aras ac templa Caio statuerent, prorsusque illi tanquam deo honorem haberent, soli," aiebat, "Judaei turpe existimant statuas illi dedicare ac per nomen ejus jurare." These and other most grave things Apion having said, by which he hoped Gaius would be exasperated, Philo, being the leader of the Jewish embassy, a man in every respect ^D distinguished . . .

and a brother of Alexander the alabarch, and not unskilled in philosophy, was such as to be able to proceed to the defense of those accused. ^A But Gaius excluded him, ordering him to depart out of the way, and being filled with rage, he was manifest as one who intended to do them some harm. Philo, having been insulted, went out, and said to the Jews among whom he was, that they ought to be of good courage, for while Gaius was indeed angry with them, he was by his very actions even now setting God against himself. Such is the account of Josephus. And Philo himself, in the work he wrote, the Embassy, clearly relates the things that happened at that time; from which, omitting the greater part, I shall set down only those points by which it will become evident to those who read them what calamities befell the Jews, both at once and not long after, on account of the outrage that they had dared to commit against Christ. First, therefore, he relates that in the reign of Tiberius, in the city of Rome, Sejanus—who at that time had the greatest power with the emperor—labored with all zeal to destroy the whole nation utterly; and in Judea, Pilate, during whose times that impious deed against our Savior was committed, while attempting ^B to innovate in the temple of Jerusalem—which even then still stood—contrary to the custom and usage of the Jews, stirred up the most grievous disturbances.

CHAPTER VI. What evils befell the Jews after their daring act against Christ.

After the death of Tiberius, Gaius having assumed the empire, he inflicted a thousand other ills upon many, but he injured the entire Jewish nation not a little; which same things it is possible to learn in brief through his own words, in which he writes word for word as follows: “Such, then, was the inconsistency of Gaius ^C in his character toward all, but especially toward the Jewish race. Bearing a grievous hatred against them, he began by claiming for himself their proseuchae in the cities of the Alexandrians, and filled them with his own images and statues.

^A For if anyone would dedicate images of other people, he would go so far as to set up his own by force. And the temple in the holy city, which had until then remained untouched [(17)] and had been deemed worthy of every immunity, he altered and transformed into his own shrine, so that it might bear the name of Zeus Epiphanes the Younger, [(18)] that is, of Caius. [(19)] There are, however, ten thousand other terrible things, beyond all telling, which the same writer recounts in another book concerning the things that happened to the Jews in Alexandria, regarding the same [matter].

(16) Christophorsonus translates *proseuchae* as synagogues. But since the Latins have also used the word *proseuchae*, as is found in Juvenal, I have preferred to translate it thus. Nor is it indeed perfectly clear to me whether *proseuchae* and *synagogues* are the same thing. For *proseuchae* were indeed modest oratories in which the Jews, especially on the Sabbaths, were accustomed to gather and to philosophize in their ancestral manner. Philo, in his *Legatio*, says: "He knew, therefore, that they had *proseuchae* and gathered in them, especially on the holy Sabbaths, when they are publicly instructed in their ancestral philosophy." That is, he knew their custom of having *proseuchae* and gathering in them, especially on the Sabbaths, on which day they publicly learn their ancestral laws and philosophy. In this passage, that word "publicly" is not idle. For the Jews, with all persons admitted openly, even those of foreign religion, interpreted the books of the Mosaic Law, as Tertullian teaches in his *Apologeticum*, chapter 18. "But the Jews also read them openly. The freedom of the tax is commonly accessible on all Sabbaths." The same Philo writes in Book I, *De vita Moysis*, that the Jews especially frequented the *proseuchae* on the Sabbath. From this, the passage in the Acts of the Apostles, chapter XVI, by blessed Luke, is to be understood: "On the Sabbath day we went out of the city by a river, where a *proseucha* was supposed to be." Many arguments convince us that this passage is to be understood as referring to a Jewish *proseucha*. For before Paul's arrival in the city of Philippi, there were no Christians as yet in those places. Therefore, that place cannot be understood as referring to the prayer of Christians. Furthermore, those women who are said to have gathered in that place were without doubt Jewish, as appears both from what I have said above and from the fact that Lydia, that purple-seller who was one of their number, is said to have worshipped God, even though she was not yet a Christian. Finally, whence could the keepers of that demon-possessed girl have known that Paul and Silas were Jews, if not from the fact that they had seen them coming into the Jewish *proseucha* very often? And this is what is to be said concerning the meaning of *proseuchae*. The term "synagogues," however, has a wider application. For sometimes it is used for the entire Church of the Jews, and sometimes for the whole Church of one place. Finally, only the greater and more illustrious *proseuchae* were called *synagogues*. Whence blessed Luke calls the *synagogue* of the Jews at Thessalonica, but at Philippi only a *proseucha*, because there were few Jews there. There is a passage concerning the greater and more illustrious *proseuchae* in Philo's *Legatio ad Caium*. I would not deny, however, that *proseuchae* can also be called *synagogues*. For the same Philo testifies to this in the book *That every good man is free*, where he speaks of the Essenes thus: "Instructing them in these laws not only at other times, but especially and most significantly on the Sabbaths, they arrive at sacred places which are called *synagogues*, according to age in ranks. Then the elder reads the books aloud, etc." And they learn these laws assiduously, but especially on the Sabbaths: on which day they gather in certain sacred places which are called *synagogues*, distributed in order by age. Then the elder takes the books and reads, etc. Furthermore, regarding that passage of blessed Luke which I cited a little earlier, Epiphanius in his *Heresy of the Massaliani* translated it long before us in reference to the Jewish *proseucha*. In which place he also observes that *proseuchae*, both of the Jews and of the Samaritans, were open places under the sky, like a forum or a theater, and usually outside the cities. Apion agrees with this in his *Book of Egyptian Affairs*, where he says that Moses, as a Heliopolitan, built open-air *proseuchae* like the temples which were at Heliopolis, and turned them all toward the subsolan wind, as Heliopolis was situated. Josephus cites the words of Apion at the beginning of the second book *Against Apion*. The same author, in his book *Life*, page 1020, mentions the *proseucha* of the Tiberians, a very large building, into which they gathered on the Sabbath day, and where public discourses on the state were held.

(17) "which had until then remained untouched." It is written thus also in Photius. But in the Medicean codex and in Fuk. and Savil., I have found the word *loipon* written. In the most ancient Mazarin codex, however, *loipos* is read, and the *v* is superscripted by the same hand.

(18) "of Zeus Epiphanes." Interpreters have not understood the force of the Greek word. For *epiphanes* does not here signify one who is very noble, as Rufinus translates it, nor one who is illustrious, as all the others have interpreted; they ought rather to have translated it as "present." For the Latins speak in this way whenever they talk about the gods. Ovid, in book III of the *Tristia*: "Through you, a present and visible god." Livy, book XXVI, page 529: "Which were often found, not for the sake of increasing religion, but by the divine power of the present goddess." And a little later: "But Hercules did not manifest any divine power among the leaders themselves; rather, he was most present there." Therefore, it is rightly written in the old glossaries: *Præsens*, *ἐπιφανής*. Hence, that Antiochus, king of Syria, was called *Epiphanes* by the Greek flatterers, that is, a present and visible god. The Latins also call the presences of the gods what the Greeks call *epiphaneiai*, as often as the gods either showed themselves to be seen by men or declared their presence by some notable miracle, as Casaubon taught in his commentary on Book XII of Athenaeus. That word occurs in Plutarch in the *Life of Marcellus*, and in Athenaeus, book XV, where he speaks of Admeta, priestess of the Argive Juno, "having seen the epiphany of Hera," and in Proclus on Hesiod, page 155. Anticlides and Ister had written books long ago about these presences of the gods, as Plutarch testifies in his book *De Musica*.

(19) "the Younger Caius." Interpreters turn this as a "new god" after Rufinus, which I do not approve. For if Caius wanted himself to be called Jupiter, he was not in fact a new god. Add that Philo did not say *neou Dios*. But if it had been so written, I would gladly translate it as "the new Jupiter." Thus Ptolemy, king of Egypt, was surnamed *Neos Dionysos*, that is, the Junior Bacchus. For among the gods of the Gentiles, some were called seniors and others juniors: "For the former are the older, the latter the younger of the gods," as Menander Rhetor writes, page 612 of the Aldine edition, or rather Alexander. For a single book has been wrongly conflated from two works, namely that of Menander and that of Alexander, in the Aldine edition, as we are to show elsewhere. Therefore *Neou Gaiou* must be translated as "of the younger Caius." Thus Caligula was called to distinguish him from Julius Caesar, who had also been called Caius and had been held as a god.

^A Eusebius recounts the troubles which befell the Jews in Alexandria, under the aforementioned [prince], in the second book he entitled *On the Virtues*. Josephus agrees with him, pointing out that the calamities which afflicted the Jewish nation began from the times of Pilate and the crime committed against our Savior. Hear, then, what he too sets forth in the second book of the *Jewish War*, saying in these very syllables: "Pilate, having been sent as procurator into Judea by Tiberius, brought the images of Caesar, which are called standards, into Jerusalem by night. This, once daylight came, stirred up a great tumult among the Jews. For those who were nearby were struck with amazement at the sight, as if their laws had been trampled upon. For they consider it unlawful to set up any image in the city." If you compare these things with the history of the Gospels, you will realize that not long after, the cry they raised before Pilate—that they had no other king but Caesar—turned to their own destruction. ^B Then the same author records another disaster brought upon them by divine vengeance in these words: "After this, he incited another tumult by exhausting the sacred treasury, which is called the corban, for the construction of an aqueduct. It was three hundred stadia from the city to the water he wished to lead in. The populace took this very badly. And when Pilate had come to Jerusalem, they surrounded the judgment seat [D (22)] and shouted him down. But he, having foreseen their tumult, had mixed his soldiers, covered in civilian clothing [D (23)], into the crowd, and..."

gave them orders to strike the rioters not with swords, but with clubs. The Jews were immediately struck by the soldiers, and perished, some from their wounds, but many trampled by their own people in the flight; the crowd, stunned by the slaughter of their fellows, fell silent. ^A The same writer mentions that myriads of other insurrections were stirred up among them in Jerusalem, showing that from that time on the city and all of Judaea never ceased to be afflicted with internal strife, wars, and successive cycles of calamities, until the final disaster of the siege under Vespasian overtook them. In this way, divine justice pursued the Jews for the crime they committed against Christ.

CHAPTER VII

How Pilate laid violent hands upon himself.

^B Nor should we pass over the fact that Pilate himself, who had delivered our Savior to death, subsequently, under the Emperor Gaius—whose times we are now pursuing—fell into such calamities that he was forced to become his own executioner and the avenger of his own crimes, as divine justice, it seems, did not long delay in overtaking him. This is reported by Greek writers who have recorded the Olympiads along with the events that occurred in each period.

CHAPTER VIII

Concerning the famine that occurred under Claudius.

Meanwhile, Gaius, who had held the empire for barely four years, was succeeded by the Emperor Claudius. ^C During his reign, a famine afflicted almost the whole world, an event which writers far removed from our own religion also commemorated in their histories. Thus, the prediction of the prophet Agabus concerning the impending famine, mentioned in the Acts of the Apostles, arrived at its fulfillment. Moreover, after Luke had narrated in the Acts the famine that occurred during the reign of Claudius Augustus, and had reported that the brethren living in Antioch had sent relief, each according to his own means, to the Christians dwelling in Judaea through Paul and Barnabas, he proceeds as follows: ^D [Agrippa the king describes his character excellently in Philo's *Legation to Gaius*: "He was by nature inflexible, and ruthless with his arrogance." And a little later: "having condemned him so that they might expose the rest of his administration—the bribery, the insults, the robberies, the outrages, the tormentings, the indiscriminate and repeated murders, the endless and most grievous cruelty." From which one may learn what the savagery and atrocity of Pilate were. This is surely an illustrious testimony from Agrippa, who had witnessed the crimes of Pilate himself with his own eyes. It certainly befitted such a man to be the judge by whom Christ was condemned. King Agrippa implies in the same place that Pilate was already dead when he wrote that letter for the Jews to Gaius. For those words, etc., seem to me to be capable of being said only of Pilate, who was already dead.]

Chapter IX. Martyrium Jacobi apostoli.

^A At that same time, namely in the principate of Claudius, Herod the king set his hands to afflict certain ones from the Church; and he slew James, the brother of John, with the sword. Concerning this James, Clement, in the seventh book of his *Institutions*, relates an incident worthy of memory, as he had received it from his predecessors. For he says that he who had brought James to trial, when he saw him freely confessing the faith of Christ, was moved by the man’s constancy and affirmed that he himself also was a Christian. Both, therefore, he says, were led forth to the punishment, and as they went, the informer asked James to forgive him. James, after thinking for a little while, said, "Peace be to you," and kissed him. And so both were together beheaded. ^B At that time, as the divine Scripture relates, Herod, seeing upon the killing of James that what had been done was pleasing to the Jews, set upon Peter also, and having delivered him into bonds, would shortly have executed him with a capital punishment, had not Peter, through divine power—namely, by the assistance of an angel appearing by night—been liberated from his chains, contrary to all expectation, and been dismissed to the ministry of preaching. And these things concerning Peter happened by a certain heavenly providence.

CHAPTER X. Quomodo Herodes, qui et Agrippa dictus est, apostolos persecutus divinam statim ultionem est expertus.

^C But the vengeance of divine justice did not at all delay for long against the king on account of the persecution stirred up against the apostles, but the angel, the minister of divine justice, ^D immediately exacted penalties from him. For when, shortly after the crime committed against the apostles, as is related in the Acts of the Apostles, he had set out for Caesarea, and there on a feast day, clothed in a white and royal garment, was addressing the people from the tribunal, and the whole multitude was shouting to him that they were hearing not the voice of a man, but of a god;

^A the sacred letters testify that he was immediately struck by an angel of the Lord, and died eaten by worms. However, it is worth marveling at the history of Josephus, since it plainly agrees with the divine Scripture in the narration of this miracle. For in it he clearly confirms the truth with his own testimony and support, when he expounds the event in the nineteenth book of the Antiquities in these words: "The third year," he says, "of his reign over all Judæa had been completed, and he arrived at the city of Cæsarea, which was previously called Stratonis Turris. There he exhibited spectacles in honor of Cæsar, understanding this to be a festival for his safety. To this festival a dense crowd of those who held rank and dignity among their own people had flowed together from the whole province. On the second day of the spectacles, therefore, arrayed in a garment made entirely of silver, of wondrous weave, he proceeded to the theater at daybreak. Where, illuminated by the first rays of the sun, the garment shone in a wondrous manner, and struck the eyes of the spectators with admiration and at the same time terror. Soon his flatterers, with pernicious voices, shouted from one side and another, calling him a god, and begging him to be propitious to them. 'Hitherto,' they said, 'we have revered you as a man, but now we acknowledge you as greater than mortal nature.' The king neither rebuked them, nor did he reject their impious adulation. And a little later, lifting his eyes aloft, he saw an angel standing over his head, and he immediately understood that this was the messenger of his destruction, who had previously been the messenger of his success. Hence, sadness settled deep in his soul. Then, pains of the belly ^B immediately began to be most vehement from the start. Turning his eyes, therefore, to his friends: 'Behold,' he said, 'I, your god, am now compelled to depart from life, the necessity of fate immediately refuting those voices which you were just now casting about me as false and deceitful; and I, who was called immortal by you, am now snatched away to death. But the condition of fate must be borne,' [the rest remaining to be supplied from the provided context].

away to die. ^A We must, however, accept what is fated, as God has willed it. For we have not lived in any mean fashion, but in that splendor which men deem most fortunate.” As he said these things, he was worn out by the intensification of his pain. He was brought in haste, therefore, to the palace, and a rumor spread at once among all that he was about to die ^B in a very short time. But the multitude, with their wives and children, sat down at once upon sackcloth according to the ancestral custom, and supplicated God on behalf of the king; and everything was full of wailing and lamentation. But the king, lying in an upper chamber and looking down at those who were prostrate on the ground, could not himself refrain from tears. Continually, for five days, afflicted by the pain in his stomach, he ended his life, being in his fifty-fourth year of age and the seventh of his reign. For he had reigned for four years under Gaius Caesar, having ruled the tetrarchy of Philip for three years, and in the fourth having received the tetrarchy of Herod to govern as well. Afterward, he spent the last three years of his reign under ^C the principate of Claudius Augustus. These things I admire in Josephus, for they confirm the divine Scriptures along with other matters. But if it seems to some that there is a discrepancy regarding the king's title, the time and the deed show that he is the same person, either by some scribal error in the changing of the name, or by a double-naming of him, such as has happened also in the case of many others.

CHAPTER XI

Concerning Theudas the impostor, and those with him.

He therefore speaks as follows in the book mentioned above: "Fadus," he says, ^A *“being procurator of Judea, a certain sorcerer named Theudas”* (38). He recounts then again, according to the discourse just now related, these very things word for word: "Fadus being procurator of Judea, a certain sorcerer..." he thus addresses the presbyters: "I exhort you to be vigilant and to pray, remembering, besides other matters, also the dangers which my foster-father, the bishop Theonas, was compelled to endure," etc. And a little further on: "It is also good to remember the great Dionysius, who, wandering here and there, especially when Sabellius attacked him and caused him much distress, thus spent the entire time of his life being straitened for Christ; and after him Heraclas and Demetrius," etc. You see how Metaphrastes, or rather the author from whom Metaphrastes described these Acts, says that Heraclas and Demetrius were bishops after Dionysius, although it is established that they were predecessors of Dionysius. But also the writers of geography, whenever they describe the location of lands and the names of nations, speak in the same manner. For they say *"after these are those,"* which is the same as saying "situated above these." And these things are certainly against the opinion of Casaubon, who thought that the Theudas mentioned in the Acts was older than Judas the Galilean. But perhaps someone will say that from the arguments we have made, it seems sufficiently demonstrated that Theudas was not older than Judas the Galilean: ^B nevertheless, that the Theudas whom Luke mentions must be distinguished from the Theudas whom Josephus mentions. For the former Theudas, of whom Gamaliel speaks in that speech which he made in the council of the Jews, stirred up the disturbance in Judea around the time of the passion of Christ; but the other, of whom Josephus speaks, caused a sedition after the death of King Agrippa, while Fadus was administering Judea, about the fourth year of the reign of Claudius Augustus. Since, therefore, Gamaliel made that speech shortly after the resurrection of Christ, and before the martyrdom of St. Stephen—that is, around the end of the time of Tiberius—he could not possibly have been speaking of that movement of Theudas which happened while Claudius was reigning. We cannot meet this objection in any other way unless we say that Josephus was mistaken, in that he recorded the tumult of Theudas later than he should have. For I can never be brought to believe that there were two Theudases who, having lied about being prophets, stirred the Jews to the hope of new things, one after the other. If the passages of Luke and Josephus are compared, in which both of them have spoken about Theudas, we shall most manifestly discover that one and the same Theudas has been remembered by them. Certainly, in the narration of both, all things concur so exactly that Josephus ^C appears to have interpreted Luke. There is one difference in time, which, however, is not of such great importance that we should for that reason imagine two Theudases. For as often as a discrepancy of narration of this kind occurs among ancient writers, if it is necessary on this account to distinguish immediately the affairs and the persons, we shall have to be careful lest we inadvisedly make two out of one and the same man. How much better it is, when we see two writers disagreeing among themselves, to affirm that one of them is mistaken. And since it is impious to say this of the Holy Scriptures, all the blame must be cast upon Josephus. Another way of reconciling them can also be thought of, if we say that St. Luke spoke *hysteron proteron* in that place. This figure certainly occurs from time to time among ancient writers; for example, in Virgil, when he says: *....and seek the Velian ports.* ^D Yet when these things were said to Aeneas, Velia had not yet been built. Thus, therefore, St. Luke anticipated the tumult of Theudas by a full decade, inserting that narrative into the speech of Gamaliel as if from his own person, for the reason that it was most aptly suited to the present argument. Certainly our Eusebius seems to have interpreted the passage of St. Luke in such a way, as appears from this chapter.

A man by the name of Theudas ^A persuades the greatest part of the crowd, having taken their possessions, to follow him to the Jordan River. For he claimed to be a prophet, and said that by his command he would divide the river and provide them an easy passage. And saying these things, he deceived many. But Fadus did not allow them to reap the fruits of their folly, but sent a squadron of cavalry against them; and this, falling upon them unexpectedly, slew many and took many alive, and having captured Theudas himself, they cut off his head and brought it to Jerusalem. Following these things, he also makes mention of the famine that occurred in the time of Claudius in the following way:

CHAPTER XII

Concerning Helena, Queen of the Osroenians

CHAPTER XIII. Of Simon Magus.

Meanwhile, when the faith of our Savior Jesus Christ had already reached all men, the enemy of the human race, seeking to occupy the royal city ^A for himself, brings in that Simon who was mentioned above. By lending aid and support to the man’s nefarious arts, he led many of those living in Rome into error and enslaved them. This is attested by Justin, who flourished among the followers of our religion not long after the times of the apostles. Concerning this man, we shall speak in his proper place later, as the situation demands. Take, therefore, and read his writing, which he composed in his first Apology for our doctrine addressed to the emperor Antoninus, where he says: “After the ascension of our Lord into heaven, the demons put forward certain men who called themselves gods; not only were these men not persecuted by you, but they were even deemed worthy of honors. Among them was a certain Simon, a Samaritan from a village called Gitton ^B, who in the principate of Claudius Caesar, by the art of the acting demons, performed magical powers in your city, the royal Rome, and was considered a god, and among you was honored as a god with a statue in the River Tiber between the two bridges, bearing this Roman inscription: SIMONI DEO SANCTO, which means: To Simon the Holy God. And almost all the Samaritans, and some few also among other nations, confess him to be the first God and worship him. And Helena, ^C who at that time accompanied him—having previously stood in a brothel in Tyre of Phoenicia—they say is the first conception from him.” These things he says. Irenaeus also concurs with him in the first book of his *Against Heresies*, where he outlines both the man himself and the entirety of his impious and most filthy teaching; it would be superfluous to recount it at this time, since it is available for those who wish it, along with the origins and the ^D end of the heresiarchs who followed him.

^A One may learn the beginnings, the life, and the causes and reasons for the false doctrines, as well as the practices and institutions of each of these, from the aforementioned books of Irenaeus, by whom these things have been accurately recorded. We have received it as a fact that this Simon was the prince and author of heretical depravity. Hence, to this very day, whoever professes his sect—while they feign that they are embracing the Christian religion, full of modesty and holiness—nevertheless relapses into the superstitious worship of demons which they had appeared to reject, while they prostrate themselves before the pictures and images of Simon himself and the aforementioned Helena, and do not fear to honor them with incense, sacrifices, and libations. And as to the things held in secret among them, they say that upon hearing them the minds of those who learn of them are at once struck, and to use the words of the oracle they have written, they are astonished: in truth, they are entirely full of stupefaction, madness, and insanity, to such a degree that they cannot be committed to writing, nor even spoken of in conversation by decent men, due to their excessive shamefulness and obscenity. For nothing so impure can either exist or be imagined that this most flagitious sect does not surpass by a long interval, while they mock miserable women who are covered in every kind of wickedness. ^B

Chapter XIV. On the preaching of Peter the Apostle in the city of Rome.

This Simon, therefore, the author and architect of such great evils, the enemy of virtue, and one most hostile to the salvation of men, had been brought forward by the demon in these times, so that he might stand as an adversary equal to the great and admirable apostles of our Savior. ^C Nevertheless, the divine and supercelestial grace, which is always a help to its own ministers, immediately extinguished that flame ignited by the demon through the arrival and presence of those apostles, striking down and suppressing the pride and swelling of that which had exalted itself against the knowledge of God. Therefore, neither the conspiracy of Simon nor of others who arose at that time had any power during the apostolic age. For the splendor of truth was beating back all their engines and conquering all things, as was the power of the divine Word himself, who had recently shone forth upon men, was flourishing at that time on earth, and was dwelling in the minds of his own apostles. ^D Immediately, therefore, that magician whom we have mentioned, having been struck by the unexpected splendor of the divine light—as soon as he was convicted by the apostle Peter in Judea and all his evil practices were laid bare—took flight across the sea, departing from the eastern regions toward the west, assuming that only in this way could he live according to his own will.

^A Having arrived at the Roman city, with the great power that was lurking there aiding him, he accomplished so much in his undertaking in a short time that he was even honored by those there with the erection of a statue as a god. But these things did not long proceed according to his desire. For immediately, in the very days of the reign of Claudius, that all-good and most philanthropic Providence of all, shepherded the hardy and great one among the apostles, him who for the sake of his virtue was the leader of all the rest, Peter, to Rome, as it were to a great pestilence of life. He, like some noble general of God, armed with divine weapons, carried the precious merchandise of the intelligible light from the East to those who lived in the West, proclaiming the light itself and the word that saves souls, the proclamation of the kingdom of heaven.

CHAPTER XV. On the Gospel according to Mark.

^B So, then, the divine word having come among them, the power of Simon was quenched and immediately destroyed along with the man himself; and such a light of piety shone into the minds of the hearers of Peter that they were not satisfied to hear it just once, nor even with the unwritten teaching of the divine proclamation, but with all sorts of entreaties exhorted Mark, whose Gospel is held to be authentic, as he was a companion of Peter, to leave them a written monument of the teaching which had been handed down to them by word of mouth, ^C nor did they cease until they had persuaded the man, and thus became the cause of the writing of the so-called Gospel according to Mark. And they say that the apostle, having learned what had happened through the revelation of the Spirit, was pleased with the zeal of the men and authorized the writing to be read in the churches. Clement has recorded the story in the sixth book of his *Hypotyposes*, and the bishop of Hierapolis, named Papias, bears witness with him. They say also that Peter makes mention of Mark in his first Epistle, which they say ^D

was written at Rome itself; and that he indicates this, calling the city figuratively Babylon, in these words: "The Church in Babylon, elected together with you, greets you, and so does Mark my son." ^A

CHAPTER XVI.

How Mark first preached to the Egyptians the knowledge concerning Christ.

Now they say that this Mark, being sent into Egypt, first preached there the Gospel which he had also written down, and that he was the first to establish churches in Alexandria itself. Moreover, such a multitude of men and women who had embraced the faith of Christ there was gathered from the very first attempt, through a philosophy-loving and most rigorous asceticism, that their studies and assemblies, their common meals, and all their other manner of life were deemed worthy of being recorded in writing by Philo. ^B

CHAPTER XVII.

What Philo records concerning the ascetics in Egypt.

It is also said that in the time of Claudius, this Philo came to Rome for an interview with Peter, who was then preaching the word of God there. And this would not be unlikely, since the aforementioned treatise, composed by him later on and after some time, clearly contains the rules of the Church which are preserved among us even to this day. ^C But indeed, it is recorded that this Philo had a friendly meeting at Rome with Peter, who was preaching the word of God there in the time of the Emperor Claudius. Nor does this certainly depart from the truth; for the commentary of which we are speaking was written by him many years later. ^D

^A It contains all the ecclesiastical regulations which are still observed by us in the present day. And since he describes the life of our philosophers and ascetics, he indicates clearly enough that he not only saw them, but also strongly approved of and admired those apostolic men who, being sprung—as is credible—from the Hebrews, for that reason still observed Jewish rites and customs for the most part at that time.

First, therefore, in that book of his which he entitled *On the Contemplative Life* or *On the Suppliants*, after he had professed that he would add nothing alien to the truth in the narrative he had set out to write, he declares that the men themselves were called Therapeutae, and the women who dwelt with them were called Therapeutrides. He subjoins the reasons for such an appellation: either because, like physicians, they healed and cured the minds of those who came to them, purging them of the passions of vice, or because they served and worshipped the Divine Being with pure and sincere service. ^B Whether Philo himself invented this name for them, coining a term to suit the character and institutes of those men, or whether those who first gathered together truly gave them this name from the start, in no way contradicts the standing custom of the Church. But we shall demonstrate this a little later with many arguments.

But I cannot be persuaded by what Scaliger also says, that those Therapeutae of Philo were Essenes. For, first of all, nowhere in that entire book of *On the Contemplative Life* does Philo call them Essenes. Nay, at the very beginning of the book, he says they were called Therapeutae, and the women of the same institute Therapeutrides. Furthermore, the Essenes were only in Judea and Palestine, as Philo writes expressly, both in his book *That Every Good Man is Free* (Quod omnis probus sit liber) and in his *Apology for the Jews*, which Eusebius cites in Book VIII of the *Preparation* (Praeparatio). The Therapeutae, however, were scattered throughout all of Greece and Barbary; but they lived especially in Egypt around Lake Mareotis, as Philo says, and he declares that Mareotis was their fatherland and as it were their metropolis, to which every most eminent member of the Therapeutae migrated. Finally, Josephus—a most diligent writer in other respects—though he has written specifically about the sect of the Essenes in two places, yet said not a single word about those contemplative Essenes. ^C I pass over the fact that Philo attributes many things to those Therapeutae which are far removed from the sect of the Essenes. Of this kind is what he says about the therapeutic women, even though Philo expressly testifies that the Essenes abhorred the female sex.

Now, does what Philo says—that the Therapeutae of their own accord leave their patrimony to kin and friends—not clearly conflict with what Josephus affirms, namely, that the Essenes bestow nothing upon their own kin, but confer everything into the common store? Scaliger was misled by the passage of Philo, which begins his book *On the Contemplative Life* thus:... He thought [something] should be understood as implied. But there is no need for this.

But, you ask, who then were the Therapeutae? I do not deny that they were observers of the Jewish religion, especially since Philo says they read nothing but the Law and the prophets. But that they were not those Essenes, is, I think, sufficiently clear from the things I have said. Photius feels the same as we do in his *Bibliotheca*, ch. 103: ^D "There were read the lives of those among the Jews who pursued both the contemplative and the practical philosophy; of whom some were called Essenes, others Therapeutae."

^A That they were so called from the beginning, while the name of Christian was not yet spread abroad and common everywhere, there is no need to contend stubbornly. But, first of all, he testifies that they renounced their worldly goods; for he says that as soon as they applied themselves to this kind of philosophy, they voluntarily resigned all their possessions to their relatives. Then, casting aside all care for human affairs, they went out of the city and dwelt in gardens and remote fields, since they understood that the social gatherings and commercial dealings of men of a different purpose were highly detrimental to philosophy. This practice, indeed, it seems to me, the Christians of that time, ignited by a noble and divine ardor of faith, had instituted, as they endeavored to emulate the prophetic way of life. For in the Acts of the Apostles, which contain nothing but sincere truth, it is written that all the disciples of the apostles, having sold their estates and possessions, distributed the proceeds to the brethren as each had need, so that there was no one in want among them. ^B For as many as were owners of lands or houses, as Luke says, sold them, brought the prices of the things that were sold, and laid them at the feet of the apostles. And distribution was made to each as every man had need. After Philo had testified to things remarkably similar to these, he subjoins the following words regarding them: "This class of men is found in various regions of the world. For it was fitting that both Greeks and barbarians should partake of such a good. But it flourishes especially in Egypt, spread through each of its prefectures, and most of all around Alexandria. But the best among them, from all parts of the earth, migrate, as if to the fatherland of the Therapeutae, to a certain very opportune place, which is situated beyond Lake Mareotis upon a low-lying hill, very convenient both for security and for the mildness of the air." ^C Then, after he has described what their dwellings were like, he says this regarding the churches which they had constructed in various places: "In each dwelling there is a certain sacred chamber which is called a *semneum* and monastery, in which, being alone, they perform the mysteries of the holy life, bringing nothing in—neither food, nor drink, nor any of the other things necessitated by the needs of the body, but only the law and the oracles delivered through the prophets, and hymns, and the other things by which knowledge and piety are increased and perfected." ^D And after other things, he says: "The entire interval from dawn until evening is for them an exercise. For, occupying themselves with the holy scriptures, they philosophize in their ancestral philosophy, allegorizing, since they consider that the things of the literal interpretation are symbols of a hidden nature, indicated in undercurrents of meaning."

^A They also possess writings of ancient men, who were themselves the founders of their sect, leaving behind many memorials of the idea hidden in the allegories, which they use as if they were archetypes, imitating the method of their choice. These things, then, seem to have been said by the man who had listened to those explaining the sacred Scriptures. And perhaps it is likely that when he says there are writings of ancients among them, he means the Gospels and the writings of the apostles, and some narratives of the interpreters of the ancient prophets, such as the Epistle to the Hebrews and many other epistles of Paul contain. Then, again, he writes as follows regarding the fact that they compose new psalms: "So that they do not only contemplate, but also compose songs and hymns to God, through all sorts of meters and melodies, necessarily inscribing them in more solemn rhythms." Many other things ^B regarding the subject he discusses at the same time, but it seemed necessary to select those by which the characteristics of the ecclesiastical way of life are suggested. If it does not seem to anyone that the things mentioned belong specifically to the way of life according to the Gospel, but could be adapted to others besides those mentioned, let him be persuaded at least by his words that follow, in which he will receive proof of this matter, if he is fair-minded. For he writes thus: "They lay down temperance as a kind of foundation for the soul, and build the other virtues upon it. For no one of them would take any food or drink before the setting of the sun, since they judge that philosophy is worthy of the light, but the needs of the body are of the darkness; whence they have assigned the day to the one, and a short part of the night to the other. Some even remember food only every three days, to whom a greater desire for knowledge is implanted; and some so rejoice and revel, being feasted richly and abundantly on the doctrines provided by wisdom, that they endure even twice the time, and with difficulty, having become accustomed, taste basic food only after six days." ^C Such things are written therein. Plutarch teaches this in his book *How the Young Should Listen to Poetry*: "It has a useful inspection regarding the most slandered myths, which they now force by ancient undercurrents, now called allegories," etc. Thus, to be sure, it is taken in Plato in the third book of the *Republic*, toward the end; and in Philo below. We have already shown above that the Therapeutae of Philo were different from the Essenes. It remains now for us to prove that they were not Christians, as Eusebius persuaded himself and others. But whence can we prove this more certainly than from this passage of Philo which we have before us? Philo says, therefore, that the Therapeutae possessed writings of certain ancient men of their own sect, who had explained the Law allegorically. How can these things be accepted of the Christians, who were then new and had been born the day before yesterday? What, I ask, are those writings; who are the ancient authors and founders of that sect? Certainly not the books of the prophets. For Philo clearly separates these from them. Eusebius will perhaps reply that they are the Gospels and Epistles of the apostles; but these had hardly yet been written in the age of Philo: much less could the apostles and evangelists be held to be ancient authors, especially by Philo, who was a contemporary of the apostolic times, and who associated familiarly with Peter at Rome, if we are to believe Eusebius. ^D Is it not clearly gathered from these things that Philo is not speaking of Christians in that book? There are other arguments from which the same can be proved, as when Philo says that the Therapeutae prayed only twice daily, at the rising and the setting of the sun: as if, forsooth, the first Christians had not prayed to God at the third, sixth, and ninth hours, as is read in the Acts, and at individual hours of not only the day, but also the night. Likewise, what he says, that the Therapeutae composed hymns and songs in a variety of meters in honor of God, cannot apply to those primitive Christians. For they began to weave new hymns later, after the times of the Antonines, when learned men had applied themselves to our religion. Now, as to what Philo writes, that the Therapeutae were spread through almost the whole world, but were most frequent in Egypt, and that the Mareotic prefecture was to them like a fatherland, to which all the most distinguished of them were accustomed to migrate, having left their ancestral homes—how can this be said of the Christians, who were very few at that time, nor thought that they had any fatherland other than the heavenly Jerusalem?

^A We believe these words of Philo concerning us are clear and irrefutable. And if, in regard to these things, anyone should still stubbornly contend, let him cast off his disbelief by being persuaded by more manifest proofs, which cannot be found anywhere else except in the religion of the Christians according to the Gospel. For he says that along with those who are the subject of his discourse, there were also women present, most of whom were aged virgins, who had preserved their purity not out of necessity, as some of the priestesses among the Greeks did, but by their own free choice, out of zeal and love for the wisdom with which they had sought to share; they disregarded the pleasures of the body, desiring not mortal offspring, but the immortal ones which only the God-loving soul is capable of bringing forth of itself.

Then, proceeding further, he sets forth these things more expressively: ^B "And the explanations of the sacred scriptures are for them given by way of hidden meanings in allegories. For the whole of the legislation seems to these men to resemble a living being, and to have as its body the literal expressions, but as its soul the invisible mind stored up within the expressions, which this religion has especially begun to contemplate, as if through a mirror of the words, discerning the extraordinary beauties of the thoughts appearing through them."

What need is there to add to these things the assemblies held for this purpose, and the separate meetings of men and of women in the same place, and the exercises performed by us according to custom still to this day, which we are accustomed to carry out especially during the festival of the Savior’s passion, in fastings, night-long vigils, and attention to the divine words? ^C The aforementioned man, having carefully noted that the same custom is preserved even to our own day, only among us, has handed it down in his own writing; and especially the night-long vigils of the great festival, and the exercises during them. ^D 57 After intervening with many things, Eusebius continues. I omit the dances and leapings of the Therapeutae during those vigils, which pertain more to the madness of the Bacchanalia than to Christian sobriety; although Philo, as one favoring the philosophers of his own nation, calls such frenzy sacred and sober. ^D

^A He recounts that they were accustomed to sing hymns, and that while one person would sing with rhythm and decorum, the others would listen in silence and join in at the final refrains of the hymns. He also describes how, on the days mentioned, they would sleep on beds of straw on the ground, and would abstain entirely from wine—as he records in his own words—and not even taste any meat; water alone served them as drink, and salt and hyssop were their accompaniments to bread. In addition to this, he writes of the method of presidency ^B of those entrusted with the ecclesiastical ministries: the deaconship, and finally the presidency of the episcopacy, which is supreme over all. Whosoever desires to know these things more accurately may learn them from the aforementioned history of the man. And that Philo was writing these things having grasped that those first heralds of the teaching according to the Gospel and the customs handed down by the apostles from the beginning were the ones he describes, is clear to everyone. ^C

58 CHAPTER XVIII. Which of Philo’s books have come down to us.

This man was truly copious in his speech, rich in sentiment, and sublime and elevated in his understanding of the divine Scriptures; he produced a varied and manifold exposition of the sacred volumes. First, indeed, he wrote on Genesis, explaining in order everything that is commemorated therein; these books he inscribed as *Allegories of the Sacred Laws*. Then, he explained in detail certain chapters of the sacred Scripture that seem to present difficulty, setting forth objections and their solutions. These books he similarly entitled *Questions and Solutions on Genesis and Exodus*. There are, furthermore, treatises written separately by him on various subjects: for instance, two books *On Agriculture*, as many *On Drunkenness*, and many others marked by various and appropriate titles. Among these is that *On the things which a sober mind desires and what it abhors*. Also ^D *On flight and discovery*.

^A *On the meeting and association with the higher disciplines*. Furthermore, *Who is the heir of divine things*, or *On division into equal and unequal parts*. Likewise, *On the three virtues* which, with others, Moses described. There is, moreover, another book, *On the change of names*, and the reasons for which names are changed; in which book he testifies that he had written on the first and second Testaments 73. There is also his *On migration*, and *On the life of the sage who has been perfected by justice*, or *On unwritten laws*. And further, *On the giants*, and *On the fact that the Divine is immutable* 74, and *On the fact that, according to Moses, dreams are sent by God* 75, [books] 1, 2, 3, 4, [and] 5. And these are the works of his on Genesis that have reached us.

Upon Exodus, we have known his [books of] *Questions and Solutions*, first, second, third, fourth, [and] fifth. Also *On the tabernacle*, and *On the ten commandments*, and [four books] *On the laws referred in species to the heads of the ten commandments*, first, second, third, [and] fourth. And *On the animals used for sacred rites*, and what the types of sacrifices are. And *On the rewards ^B proposed in the law for the good, and the punishments and curses for the evil*. In addition to all these, there is also carried about [a work] of his in a single volume, *On Providence* 76, and *On our prayers and imprecations*, one book. ^C

72 *On flight and discovery*. It is written in the Royal codex, which reading Rufinus confirms. For he translates *On nature and discovery*. In Suidas, this book is inscribed *On nature and discovery*. This inscription Suidas derived from Sophronius, the translator of Jerome. But the best codices, the Mazarin and the Medicean, along with the Fuk[elian] and Savilian, prefer the reading *On flight and choice*. Wherefore I assent to Nicephorus, who correctly distinguished two books of Philo: the former of which was inscribed *On flight and choice*, that is, *De fuga et electione*; the other *On nature and discovery*, which is, *De natura et inventione*. From which it appears that the Eusebian codex which Nicephorus used was in this place better than our copies.

73 [Vulgate: *On the first and second Testaments*]. Jerome and Christophorson translate *De pactis* (On covenants). But we, following Rufinus, have preferred to translate *De testamentis* (On testaments). The Seventy Interpreters used [this term] for the covenant which the Greeks call *συνθήκη*, as Isidore of Pelusium noted. But especially did they call by this name the compacts that God entered into with men; of which kind many are reported in the Old Instrument (Testament). But the greatest and most holy of all is that which God entered into with Abraham. This all the Latins rightly called *Testamentum* by consensus, alluding rather to the power of the name itself, by which the declaration of will is designated, than to the signification of death. They wished to show, namely, that those pacts and promises of God are no less firm than the testaments of men are wont to be. The second covenant was that which God entered into with Moses and the Israelites, as it is in Exodus chapter xxix. Although God struck a double covenant with Moses: the first indeed upon Mount Horeb, but the second in the land of the Moabites, as it is read in Deuteronomy chapter xxix. On these two covenants Philo wrote a book with this title: *On the first and second Testaments*. Thus indeed it is written in four of our codices, namely the Mazarin, Medicean, Fuks, and Savilian. But if anyone prefers to retain the vulgate reading of the Royal codex, I will not strongly object. Certainly Philo clearly testifies that he had written two books ^D *On the covenants*. So indeed he says in the book *On the change of names*: "The total account of the Testaments, I have registered in two treatises."

74 [Vulgate: *On the fact that the Divine is immutable*]. This is the title of another book, which in the vulgar editions of Philo is so prescribed: *On the fact that the Divine is immutable*.

75 [Vulgate: *According to Moses, dreams are sent by God*, 1, 2, 3, 4, 5]. It seems that Rufinus read this place differently. For he translates *Five books on the Life of Moses*. Concerning the fact that dreams are sent by God—but since Philo wrote only three books on the life of Moses, this version of Rufinus cannot be sustained. That three books were indeed written by Philo on the fact that dreams are sent by God, it is certain; of which the first has perished, the second exists on page... of the Parisian edition: in whose exordium he makes mention of the prior book which he had composed on the same subject. The third book finally exists in the same edition on page 1108, not placed in its own order. But whether he wrote more books than these three, it is not certain to us. Suidas certainly commemorates five books of Philo on dreams.

76 Vulgate: *On Providence*. In the Mazarin and Fuk[elian] codices it is written more correctly; for there was a single book of Philo prefixed with this title *On Providence*. In the manuscript codex of Philo in the Augustan library, this book of Philo *On Providence* is confused with another book of the same Philo...

the *On Providence* ^A *On the Jews* (77), a discourse composed by him, and the *Statesman*; furthermore, the *Alexander, or On the question that irrational animals possess reason*. In addition to these, the book *On the fact that every wicked man is a slave*. Following these is the book *On the fact that every good man is free*. After these is arranged his book *On the contemplative life, or On the Suppliants*, from which we have recounted the affairs concerning the life of the apostolic men; and the *Interpretations of the Hebrew names in the Law and the Prophets* (78), which are said to be the work of the same man (79). Now when this man arrived in Rome during the reign of Gaius, the things he wrote concerning Gaius’s impiety—which he inscribed with character and irony as *On the Virtues*—are said to have been recited before the entire Roman Senate under Claudius, so that his discourses were deemed worthy of the honor of being placed in the libraries. At that same time, as the Apostle Paul was completing his journey from Jerusalem and the surrounding regions as far as Illyricum, Claudius ^B expelled the Jews from Rome (80). Whereupon Aquila (81) and Priscilla, having departed from Rome with the other Jews, landed in Asia; and there they spent time with the Apostle Paul, who was strengthening the foundations of the churches in those parts which had been recently laid by him. The holy book of the Acts is also the instructor of these events.

The fact that Claudius expelled all foreigners from the city, among whom were also the Jews, is a matter I believe should be explained as having been done before by Augustus, and subsequently very frequently adopted by later emperors, as often as the city of Rome labored under a shortage of grain. And thus I judge that that passage of the blessed Luke ought to be explained. Furthermore, if anyone, supported by the authority of Suetonius, rejects our opinion, I for my part shall not greatly object. All the chroniclers who followed, and Baronius in his *Annals*, have relied upon Orosius. Yet I am astonished at him, for while he reports that edict of Claudius against the Jews in the ninth year of Claudius, he attributes the Council of Jerusalem to the same year. But that clearly conflicts with the Acts of the Apostles. For after the Council of Jerusalem, which is reported in chapter xv, Paul returned to Antioch, delivered the Apostles’ letter to the brothers, and is said to have stayed there for quite some time. Thereafter, having separated from Barnabas, he went to Syria and Cilicia, preaching the word of God. Thence he proceeded to Phrygia and Galatia and Mysia, where, having been admonished in a dream by the Holy Spirit, he sailed into Macedonia, and he first preached the faith of Christ at Philippi, and afterwards at Thessalonica and Berrhoea. Since he had sailed to Athens, having stayed there for a rather long time, while expecting Timothy and Silas, he preached the word of God to the Athenians. Then, having ^D proceeded to Corinth, he found Aquila and Priscilla, who had recently come there from Italy on account of the edict of Claudius, by which all Jews were compelled to leave the City, as it is in chapter xviii of the Acts of the Apostles. From these things it appears that much time intervened between the council held at Jerusalem and the edict of Claudius. During this interval of time, all these things which we have recounted compendiously were performed by the Apostle Paul. In the Alexandrian Chronicle, the Council of Jerusalem is reported in the sixth year of Claudius—he would have done better to say the seventh. For thus all things agree excellently. For Paul remained at Antioch for the remaining months of the year in which the council had been held, then in the following year he traveled through Syria and Cilicia with Phrygia and Galatia. Finally, in the ninth year of Claudius, he came into Greece.

CHAPTER XIX.

Moreover, while Claudius still governed the Roman Empire, such a sedition and such a tumult arose in Jerusalem during the very solemnity of the Passover, that the number of those alone who were crushed and pressed together at the gates of the temple and perished by trampling upon one another is said to have reached thirty thousand people. So that that feast day was both mournful to the whole nation and lamentable for individual families. Josephus relates these things in almost the same words. Meanwhile, Claudius appointed Agrippa, the son of Agrippa, king of the Jews, and sent Felix as procurator of the entire region of Samaria, Galilee, and the region beyond the Jordan. Having administered the empire for thirteen years and eight months, he passed from life, leaving Nero as his successor in the lordship. ^B

CHAPTER XX.

During the times of Nero, while Felix was procurator of Judea, Josephus, in the twentieth book of his *Antiquities*, again relates in these very words the sedition that arose among the priests against each other: "A great sedition arose," he says, "of the high priests against the priests and the leading men of the multitude of Jerusalem, so that each one of them, having gathered a troop of the most daring men and those desirous of new things, openly declared himself a leader: and they would sometimes encounter each other with revilings and stones. ^C Meanwhile, there was no one who would rebuke them, but as though in a city destitute of any ruler, these things were done with greater license: furthermore, such was the impudence and audacity of the high priests that they did not hesitate to send their slaves to the threshing floors, to seize the tithes due to the priests. Whereby it happened that some of the priests who were in need ^D [by reason of poverty...]

perished. Thus the violence of the seditious oppressed every right. ^A Again, the same writer records that about the same times a certain kind of brigand sprang up in Jerusalem, who, as he says, used to murder those they met even in the middle of the day. For especially at the feasts they would mingle with the crowd, and concealing small daggers under their garments, would strike those who were against them; then, when they fell, the murderers themselves would be among those who feigned indignation; and thus, through the credulity of people who suspected nothing sinister of them, they remained hidden for a long time. They say that the high priest Jonathan was the first to be killed by them, and after him, many others were stabbed daily. So that the fear was more grievous than the disaster itself, as each person, as if positioned in battle, expected death at any moment.

CHAPTER XXI. Of the Egyptian man, whose mention is made in the Acts of the Apostles.

Then, after a few words, he adds these: “But with a far more grievous blow, he says, did a certain Egyptian false prophet afflict the Jews. For once he entered the region, a man acting as a magician, having secured for himself the reputation and authority of a prophet, he gathered up to thirty thousand of those he had deceived. And having led them from the wilderness to the Mount of Olives, he intended from there to force his way into the city of Jerusalem, and, having seized ^B the Roman garrison and the people, to play the tyrant, using as his bodyguards those who had burst into the city with him. But Felix anticipated the man’s attempt, advancing against him with Roman soldiers. And the whole populace fought for the safety of the country, actively assisting the Romans. Therefore, a battle having taken place, the Egyptian himself escaped with a few, but most of those with him were slain or captured.” This Josephus has related in the second book of his *Histories*. However, it is worth noting ^C what is here related concerning the Egyptian and what is written in the Acts of the Apostles. Where, under Felix, it is said by the chiliarch at Jerusalem to Paul, when the multitude of the Jews was rioting against him, “Art thou not he who, before these days, stirred up ^D and led out into the wilderness the four thousand men...

before you: "Are you not that Egyptian who some days ago stirred up to revolt and led out into the wilderness the four thousand men of the assassins?" But let this suffice concerning what took place under Felix.

CHAPTER XXII

To succeed him, Festus is sent by Nero. While he was governing Judea, Paul was brought to trial, and after he had spoken in his own defense, he was sent in chains to Rome. Aristarchus was with him, whom he himself in one of his Epistles rightly calls his fellow prisoner. And Luke, who composed the Acts of the Apostles, brought his history to a close at this point, observing that Paul spent two whole years in Rome in free custody and preached the word of God without hindrance. ^B It is said that after Paul had made his defense, he was sent off again to the ministry of preaching, and upon entering the same city a second time, he was perfected by martyrdom under him. While he was held in bonds there, he composed his second Epistle to Timothy, signifying therein both his former defense and his imminent departure. Receive, then, these testimonies of his: "In my first defense," he says, "no one stood by me, but all deserted me. May it not be charged to them. But the Lord stood by me and strengthened me, so that through me the preaching might be fulfilled and all the nations might hear. And I was rescued from the mouth of the lion." ^C By these words he clearly shows that in his former trial, in order that the preaching might be fulfilled through him, he was "rescued from the mouth of the lion," referring to Nero in this way because of his cruel spirit. He did not, however, add anything similar thereafter, such as, "He will rescue me from the mouth of the lion," for he saw by the Spirit that his own end was all but upon him. Hence he says that the Lord will rescue him not from a lion again, but from "every evil deed," for he knew that he would surely receive the end of his life.

Regarding the second accusation, Paul speaks very differently. He does not say, "God will deliver me from the mouth of the lion," as he had said before. For Paul foresaw, ^D with God revealing it to him, that he would by no means be withdrawn further from the blade of his persecutor, but would be finished by a glorious martyrial end. Therefore, when he had spoken of the first accusation, saying, "I was rescued from the mouth of the lion," concerning the second, by which he was then most heavily oppressed, he adds this: "The Lord will deliver me from every evil deed, and will save me for his heavenly kingdom," clearly pointing to his own death by these words. This is the sense of this passage, which neither the interpreters nor I myself had previously perceived. Therefore, it should be written in Eusebius with distinct words or a different accent. Certainly, in the Mazarin codex, it is written with distinct words. Moreover, Jerome described this passage of Eusebius in his book *De viris illustribus*, where he speaks of Paul; but he did not at all grasp the sense of Eusebius, as will be clear to one reading it. Wherefore also Sophronius, while translating that passage of Jerome into the Greek language, omitted some words which seemed to stand in the way of the sense. The sense of Eusebius that I have described was expressed by Theodoret on the second Epistle to Timothy, regarding the words: "The Lord will deliver me from every evil deed." He did not say, "He will rescue me again from the lion," but "from every evil deed." For he knew that he would certainly receive the end of his life.

^A This is also more clearly predicted in the same Epistle, where he says: "For I am already being poured out, and the time for my departure is at hand." Now, in this second Epistle to Timothy, he shows that Luke alone was with him, while in his former defense he states that not even he was present. For this reason, it seems that Luke concluded the history of the Acts of the Apostles at that point, by recounting all that had happened as long as he had been with Paul. We have said these things to demonstrate that Paul did not suffer martyrdom during that first arrival in Rome mentioned by Luke. For it is probable that, since Nero was acting more leniently at the beginning of his reign, Paul’s defense on behalf of his faith was favorably received; but when Nero later broke out into the most heinous crimes, the apostles too, along with others, experienced his cruelty. ^B

CHAPTER XXIII

How James, who was called brother of the Lord, suffered martyrdom.

Furthermore, when Paul had appealed to Caesar and had been sent to the city of Rome by Festus, the Jews who had plotted against him, being frustrated in the hope for which they had prepared their trap, turned their fury against James, the brother of the Lord, to whom the episcopal throne in Jerusalem had been handed down by the apostles. ^C And this is roughly how they attacked him. Having brought him out into the midst, they demanded that he deny the faith in Christ before all the people. But when, contrary to everyone's expectation, he confessed with a free voice and with greater boldness than they had hoped, before the entire multitude, that our Savior and Lord Jesus was the Son of God, they, being unable to endure the witness of such a man—who, because of his singular self-control and piety, was considered by all to be the most righteous—seized the opportunity provided by the death of the governor to kill him. For at that very time, with Festus having died in Judea, the province had remained without any governor or overseer. ^D And indeed, we have already recognized earlier the manner of James's death from the words of Clement which we provided, who testified that he was thrown from the pinnacle of the temple and died from a blow with a fuller’s club. But Hegesippus, who was closest to the times of the apostles, most accurately wrote in the fifth book of his Commentaries concerning James in these words: "He," he says, "took over the administration of the church, together with the apostles, James the brother of the Lord, who from the time of Christ

^A down to our own days has been called the Just by everyone; for many were called James. Now he was holy from his mother's womb. He drank no wine or strong drink, nor did he eat any meat. No razor came upon his head, he did not anoint himself with oil, and he made no use of the bath. To him alone it was permitted to enter into the holy places; for he did not wear woolen, but linen garments. And he used to enter into the temple alone, and was found kneeling, praying for forgiveness for the people, so that his knees became callous like a camel's because of his constant kneeling in worship to God and begging for forgiveness for the people. Because, then, of his surpassing justice, he was called 'the Just' and 'Oblias' ^B (which in Greek signifies 'bulwark of the people' and 'justice'), as the prophets declare concerning him. Some, therefore, of the seven sects among the people, of which I have written above in my Commentaries, asked him what was the 'door of Jesus' (99). And he said that this was the Savior. From which some believed," and so on.

However, the Vulgate reading should by no means be rejected, since the age of Hegesippus falls within the first succession of the apostles. For the first succession of the apostles is drawn out as far as the times of Marcus Antoninus. For during his reign, Polycarp, a disciple of the apostle John, received the crown of martyrdom. Rightly, then, is Hegesippus said to have lived in the first succession of the apostles, since he flourished during the principate of the Antonines. And when he had come to Rome in the pontificate of Anicetus, he remained there until the pontificate of Eleutherus. In the Alexandrian Chronicle, which I would prefer to call the Antiochene, Hegesippus is said to have died in the principate of Commodus Augustus. He was, therefore, a contemporary of Irenaeus, whom Eusebius also testifies to have been contiguous to the first succession of the apostles in book V, chapter 20, where he deals with his book titled *On the Ogdoad*, in which he also points out that he himself had reached the first succession of the apostles.

^C ...after the apostles. ...by all 'the Just' from the time of the Lord... because he was always kneeling in worship to God. ...he was called 'Saddik' and 'Azliam,' which signifies 'the Just' and 'bulwark of the people.'

^D ...the final words were absent from the Fuk. codex and in Nicephorus. But in the Maz. and Med. codex the whole passage is read thus: Fuller in his book of *Sacred Miscellanies* emends this passage thus; which emendation of that most learned man I gladly embrace. Yet, since Epiphanius in *Heresy* LXXVIII and the monk Jovius, whom they commonly and wrongly call Jobius, testify that James was called Oblias, the vulgar reading must be retained, especially since "Ophlias" in Hebrew signifies "bulwark of the people." But Rufinus and Nicephorus also uphold the vulgar reading.

^A Some of them believed that this is the Savior. From among them, some believed ^B that Jesus is the Christ. But the aforementioned sects did not believe in either the resurrection, or that He is coming to reward each according to his works. But those who did believe, did so through James. ^C When many of the leaders were believing, there was a tumult among the Jews, the scribes and the Pharisees, who were saying that the whole people were in danger of expecting Jesus to be the Christ. They came together, therefore, and spoke to James: "We entreat you, restrain the people, since they have gone astray toward Jesus, as if He were the Christ. We entreat you to persuade all who come to the day of the Passover concerning Jesus. For we all obey you. For we and all the people bear witness to you that you are righteous, and that you do not show partiality. Persuade the crowd, therefore, that they be not led astray concerning Jesus. For all the people and all of us obey you. Stand, therefore, upon the pinnacle of the temple, so that from on high you may be visible, and your words easily heard by all the people. For because of the Passover, all the tribes have come together, along with the Gentiles." The aforementioned scribes and Pharisees therefore set James upon the pinnacle of the temple, and cried out to him and said: "O righteous one, whom we all ought to obey, since the people are led astray after Jesus who was crucified, tell us what is the gate of Jesus who was crucified." And he answered with a loud voice: "Why do you ask me concerning Jesus the Son of Man? He himself is sitting in heaven at the right hand of the great power, and is about to come on the clouds of heaven." And when many were fully convinced, and were glorifying Him at the testimony of James, and were saying, "Hosanna to the Son of David," then again the [leaders]...

CONCERNING THE GATE OF CHRIST

What is this introduction, or institutio, and initiation? The gate of Christ is nothing else than faith in God the Father and in the Son and in the Holy Spirit. Of this gate it is said in the Psalms: "This is the door of the Lord and the righteous shall enter through it," as Clement explains in the book of the Stromata... The gate of John the Baptist was repentance; but the gate of Christ is the remission of sins which is accomplished through baptism. ^D [Regarding note 4]: And saying "Hosanna to the Son of David." Scaliger, in his *Animadversiones Eusebianae*, thought that these things were said of James; to which I indeed easily assent. But the fact that the same Scaliger denies that James could be called the son of David is a grave hallucination. For James was the son of Joseph, and therefore descended from the stock of David. Furthermore, it is very true what Scaliger says: that those who were acclaiming "Hosanna" must have carried palms in their hands. A notable example of this appears in the *Itinerarium Hierosolymitanum* of the monk Antoninus, page 30. From which we learn that it was once the custom among Christians that when bishops and presbyters were arriving, the people would go forth to meet them for the sake of honor and acclaim "Hosanna." There, women came to meet us with infants, holding palms in their hands, and flasks with rose oil; and prostrating themselves at our feet, they anointed our soles, and sang in the Egyptian language, chanting an antiphon: "Blessed are you of the Lord, and blessed is your coming, Hosanna in the highest." Jerome also testifies to the same in chapter xxi of Matthew: "Let bishops and holy men, however great, see with what peril they allow these things to be said to them: if it is imputed as a crime against the Lord, to whom this was truly said (for there was not yet a firm faith in the believers)." Otherwise, one might not undeservedly think that those words, "Hosanna to the Son of David," which Hegesippus says were shouted by certain Jews then, ought to be understood of Christ rather than of James. For when James, placed on the pinnacle of the temple, had preached that Jesus was truly Christ and the Redeemer of the human race, certain Jews, embracing faith in Christ, began to acclaim "Hosanna to the Son of David," that is, to Jesus Christ, palma et victoria.

^A For the Scribes and Pharisees said to one another, "We have done badly in providing such testimony for Jesus; but let us go up and cast him down, so that, being afraid, they may not believe in him." And they cried out, saying, "Oh, oh, even the Just One is deceived." And they fulfilled the Scripture written in Isaiah: ^B "Let us remove the just man, for he is useless to us; therefore they shall eat the fruits of their deeds." So they went up and cast down the Just One, and said to one another, "Let us stone James the Just." And they began to stone him, since he did not die when he was cast down; but turning, he knelt down, saying, "I beseech You, Lord God Father, forgive them, for they do not know what they do." And while they were stoning him in this way, one of the priests of the sons of Rechab, the son of Rechabim, mentioned by Jeremiah the prophet, cried out, saying, "Stop! What are you doing? The Just One is praying for you." And one of them, a fuller, took the club with which he used to press the garments, and brought it down upon the head of the Just One. And so he bore witness. And they buried him in that place, and his monument still remains beside the temple. ^C This witness was a cousin of the Just One.

On the fulling-club mentioned above

The truth has truly become manifest to both Jews and Greeks, that Jesus is the Christ.

[The Latin commentary notes are translated below as they occupy the lower half of the page:]

Is it credible? But it is not likely, as Hegesippus says, that James was buried near the temple. For the Jews buried bodies outside the city, as may be gathered both from the Gospel and from the tomb of Helena, queen of the Adiabenians, of whom we have spoken above. With good reason, therefore, Rufinus omitted this whole passage in his version. Jerome, however, in his book *On Ecclesiastical Writers*, the greater part of which is taken from our Eusebius' *Ecclesiastical History*, in translating these words of Hegesippus, softened them thus: "He held the title most well-known until the siege of Titus and the final one of Hadrian." Where, however, I cannot prove what he says about the final siege of Hadrian. For in that he followed the error of Eusebius, which others had long since refuted. Moreover, Jerome said "title" for what is in the Greek *στήλη* (stele). Regarding which word I found this scholium written in the most ancient Mazarin codex: "It must be known that this *stēle* was nothing but an unformed stone, on which the name of the buried James was incised. Whence even now Christians place stones in their tombs, on which they are accustomed either to write letters or to incise the sign of the cross."

13 *He besieged them.* The Codex Regius, *besieged the Judean captivity them*. But the other three, Maz., Med., and Fuketii, do not recognize those words, *the Judean*. And in my judgment they are utterly superfluous and insipid. For one cannot say "in Greek" when that word is said of cities, but not of nations. Rufinus and Nicephorus also do not have those words.

14 *Josephus.* This is the reading of the Royal codex, from which our codices Mazar., Med., Fuk., and Savilii differ slightly. For thus they have... 15 *Delivered to be stoned.* What can be more contrary than this narrative of Josephus and that of Hegesippus? For Josephus writes that James was condemned in a public council of the Jews; Hegesippus, however, that he was killed during a sedition and popular tumult. And Hegesippus indeed narrates that he was killed by a fuller's club in the middle of the city; but Josephus narrates that he met his end by being stoned. But the stoning took place outside the gates of the city, as is known. Moreover, Josephus designated the year in which James died by two marks, namely, the high priesthood of Ananus and the arrival of Albinus in Judea. Eusebius, in his *Chronicle*, writes that Albinus succeeded Festus in the sixth year of Nero’s reign. The same, however, puts James' martyrdom in the following year. ^D Which clearly conflicts with Josephus, who expressly testifies that James was killed before Albinus had come into the province. Therefore, Eusebius ought to have included the beginning of Albinus and the killing of James in the same year. But Baronius protests; and he proves that the martyrdom of James occurred in the seventh year of Nero, both from the consensus of all the ancients and from the second book of Josephus' *Jewish War*, chapter twelve. I, however, do not think that Jerome, Nicephorus, and others who followed and transcribed Eusebius’ *Chronicle* without examining his opinion, should be counted. Moreover, the passage of Josephus proves nothing other than that Albinus was governor of Judea in the fourth year before the Jewish war began, and the seventh before the city was captured. But from that...

^A council of judges. And having brought James, the brother of Jesus who is called Christ, and certain others with him, before the tribunal, he charged them with having violated the law, and delivered them to be stoned. But those who were considered the most moderate among the citizens, and who were most meticulous in their observance of the law, were deeply offended by this act. Accordingly, they sent messengers secretly to the king, urging him to write to Ananus to refrain from such actions in the future, as he had not acted justly or rightly in what he had previously done. Furthermore, some of them went to meet Albinus, who was traveling from Alexandria, and informed him that it was not lawful for Ananus to convene a council of judgment without his consent. Albinus, persuaded by these words, wrote in anger to Ananus, threatening to exact penalties from him. For this reason, King Agrippa removed him from the high priesthood, which he had held for three months, and appointed Jesus, the son of Damnaeus, high priest. ^B Such are the things recorded concerning James, to whom is also attributed the first of those epistles called Catholic. It should be known, however, that it is considered spurious; at least, not many of the ancients made mention of it, any more than of the Epistle of Jude, which is also itself one of the seven called Catholic. Nevertheless, we know that these, along with the rest, have been publicly read in most churches.

CHAPTER XXIV

How Annianus was ordained the first bishop of the Alexandrian Church after Mark.

When Nero was in the eighth year of his reign, Annianus—a man beloved of God and admirable in all respects—succeeded to the ministry of the parish in Alexandria, being the first after Mark the evangelist ^C and apostle.

***

(18) *It is considered spurious.* Rufinus and Christophorsonus translated this as if it were the opinion of certain ones, a sense which we also followed in our interpretation. But now, having considered the matter more attentively, we think otherwise, namely that Eusebius declares this Epistle of James to be absolutely spurious. Jerome says of James: "He wrote one Epistle, which is also asserted by some to have been published by another under his name, although gradually, with the passage of time, it has obtained authority."

(19) *Mark the apostle and evangelist.* Thus the Royal Codex. But in the remaining codices—Mazarin, Medicean, Fuketian, and Savilian—the words "apostle and" are missing, which also do not appear in the interpretation of Rufinus. I know indeed that Mark can deservedly be called an apostle, since he was the first to announce the faith of Christ to the Alexandrians. Indeed, Athanasius in his *Synopsis* calls Mark and Luke apostles. Also, in the *Fasti* of Idatius, Timothy and Luke are called apostles. See what I noted above on the last chapter of the first book, where the subject is Thaddaeus and Abgar. But in this place we are not inquiring what title Mark deserves, but only what Eusebius wrote. ^D

(20) *A man beloved of God and admirable in all respects.* This whole passage is missing in our three codices—Mazarin, Medicean, and Fuketian—and in the interpretation of Rufinus. Because, however, it was in the Royal Codex, I have retained it. But we have also restored the name Annianus itself with a double 'n' from the authority of the Mazarin and Medicean codices, to which Rufinus, Jerome, and others subscribe. For the Latin name is Annianus, and it is derived from Annius.

CHAPTER XXV 67

When Nero’s power was already established, he lapsed into impious and lawless acts and began to arm himself against the worship of the God of the universe. It is not possible for the present leisure to describe what sort of man he was and how great was his wickedness. Yet, since many have most diligently written of his actions, it is available to anyone who wishes to perceive, from those very accounts, the strangeness of the man’s monstrous madness, through which he rushed into such bloodthirstiness, not through reason, after passing through the destruction of ten thousand lives, that he did not even spare his own nearest and dearest; but similarly, he put to death his mother, his brothers, his wife, and countless others related to him by blood, in the manner of enemies and foes, by various kinds of death. ^B Indeed, it was still wanting to all these things that he should also be inscribed as the first of the emperors to be proclaimed an enemy of worship toward the Divine. The Roman Tertullian also remembers this, speaking thus: “Consult your records. There you will find that Nero was the first to persecute this sect, which was then springing up especially at Rome, while he was subduing the entire East.” We boast in such a leader of our punishment. For he who understands that man can perceive that it could not be other than some great good if it were condemned by Nero. Thus, therefore, Nero, having been proclaimed first and foremost of all the enemies of the Divine, was raised to the slaughters against the apostles. Paul is reported to have been beheaded for Christ in Rome itself, and Peter likewise to have been crucified under him. And this history is confirmed by the memory of Peter and Paul that has prevailed to this day among the cemeteries there (23). No less, a churchman (24) by the name of Gaius, who lived during the time of Zephyrinus, bishop of Rome, confirms this. He, in a writing... ^C ...these things, then, are his. [alt-version omitted] ^D (21) “While he was subduing the entire East.” Whoever translated Tertullian’s Apologeticum into Latin, whether it be Eusebius, which I do not think, or someone else, did not understand Tertullian’s words. Nor did this happen to him in this one passage of Tertullian alone, but also in many other places of Tertullian which are presented by Eusebius in Greek in this work.

(22) “If it were condemned by Nero.” Nicephorus, citing this place of Tertullian from Eusebius, adds a word which indeed seems necessary for filling out the meaning of the whole passage.

(23) “The memory of Peter and Paul.” After these words in the Medicean and Fukelian manuscripts, these words are read: ...Which are also added in the margin in the Mazarin codex. But these are entirely foreign to this place. They seem, however, to have been added by an unskilled scholiast who thought that all those things which Eusebius premise about Peter and Paul were taken from Tertullian’s Apologeticum, which, however, is not true.

(24) “A churchman.” For the word “ecclesiasticus” (churchman) is used in three ways. Sometimes it is taken as “Christian” and is opposed to “gentile,” as in Jerome in the preface to the book *On Ecclesiastical Writers*. And it seems that Cyril took it in this way in Catechesis XV, when he says: “Sometimes, however, ‘ecclesiasticus’ designates a Catholic and is opposed to a heretic,” as in Jerome in the preface to Matthew and in the *Commentaries on Ecclesiastes*, page 27, and in chapter 13 of Ezekiel. So Origen in volume 16 of the *Explanations on the Gospel of John*: “Truly Heracleon will say, and perhaps another churchman thinking with him.” And Cyril in Catechesis XV, cited above, where he says: “Epiphanius in the heresy of the Audians, page 821.” Finally, “ecclesiasticus” sometimes denotes one who is constituted in the clergy; and it is opposed to a secular or a layman, as in the same Jerome in the letter to Pammachius *On the Best Kind of Translating*, and in letter 46, *to Rusticus*. Likewise in the preface to the *Commentaries on Daniel*, and in the second book of the *Apology against Rufinus*. And Cyril takes this name in this way in Catechesis XVII, when he says: “The author of the *Questions of the Old and New Testament*, chapter 121.” And the emperors in law 20, *Codex Theodosianus*, concerning bishops and clerics: “Ecclesiastics or from the ecclesiastics, or who wish to be called by the name of the continent, etc.,” and in law 21, in the same title: “Those who have attributed their service to the yoke of the Church are held immune from the curiae, etc.” And a little later: “The rest are to be recalled who after that time gathered themselves to the ecclesiastics.” Since, therefore, this word has a triple significance, it can be asked not without reason how...

it is to be understood in this place. Indeed, I would prefer to take it in the second sense, both because this is the more frequent meaning of this word, and because Eusebius, in speaking of the book of Caius against Proclus, designated each with a proper epithet. For he calls Caius a man of the Church, but Proclus the patron of the Cataphrygian sect—that is to say, a heretic. For the Cataphrygian sect was divided into two parts: the head of one was Proclus, and of the other, Aeschynes. Those who followed Proclus were called Proclians, and those who favored Aeschynes were called Aeschynians, as Tertullian teaches in his book *De praescriptione haereticorum*.

^A Adam, a Catholic man who flourished in the time of Zephyrinus, bishop of the Roman city, in the book he wrote against Proclus, patron of the Cataphrygian sect, speaks as follows concerning the place where the sacred bodies of the aforementioned apostles were deposited: “I, however,” he says, “can show you the trophies of the apostles. For if you wish to go to the Vatican or to the Ostian Way, you will find the trophies of those who founded this Church.” ^B Furthermore, that both suffered martyrdom at one and the same time, Dionysius, bishop of the Corinthians, writing to the Romans, bears witness in these words: “By this admonition of yours, you have joined together the planting which was brought about by Peter and Paul in Rome and in Corinth. For both of them came to our Corinth and, having planted us, likewise taught us; and having gone to Italy together in like manner, they suffered martyrdom at the same time.” And these things I have recounted so that the memory of what happened might be more and more confirmed.

CHAPTER XXV

Josephus, indeed, when noting the calamities which befell the Jews, and how they finally took up the war against the Romans, is our source. ^C

Book III; Chapter I

the whole Jewish nation was afflicted, he narrates ^A among other things, how very many of the most noble and honorable of the Jews were scourged with whips in the very city of Jerusalem and, by the order of Florus, were raised upon the cross. This man was the procurator of Judea at the time when the Jewish war broke out, in the twelfth year of the reign of Nero. He adds, moreover, that after the revolt of the Jewish nation, great disturbances were stirred up throughout all Syria, while the inhabitants of individual cities destroyed the Jews living among them without any mercy, as if they were enemies. So much so that one could see the cities filled with unburied corpses, with old men thrown together with infants, and the bodies of women stripped of the very veil of modesty. And the whole province indeed was full of incredible calamities. But yet, worse than the evils being perpetrated ^B everywhere was the fear of those things that were threatened. These things Josephus reports in the same words. And this, indeed, was the state of Jewish affairs at that time.

The End of the Second Book of the Ecclesiastical History.

EUSEBIUS PAMPHILI ECCLESIASTICAL HISTORY: BOOK THREE

THINGS CONTAINED IN THE THIRD BOOK OF THE ECCLESIASTICAL HISTORY

a. Where in the world the apostles preached Christ. b. Who was the first to preside over the Church of the Romans. c. Concerning the letters of the apostles.

I began, following the authority of the Royal codex. But in the Mazarin codex we find another reading and punctuation. For the chapter begins from those words which were read a little before, etc. And he reads and punctuates the whole passage in this way: etc. After those words which follow, a distinction is placed. The Medicean and Fuketian codices preserve the same reading. Truly, the reading and punctuation of the Royal codex seems to me far more correct, which Nicephorus and Rufinus also followed. I almost forgot to mention that in the title of this chapter it seems that it should be written adverbially, for so Rufinus translates: How the Jews were afflicted with countless evils, and finally took up arms against the Romans.

IN THE THIRD BOOK OF ECCLESIASTICAL HISTORY, THE FOLLOWING ARE CONTAINED:

CHAPTER I. Among which nations the apostles preached Christ.

While the affairs of the Jews were in this state, the apostles and disciples of our Lord and Savior, having been scattered throughout the whole world, were preaching the Gospel. And when regarding the migration, as I noted above at chapter 21. Hence in the old glosses it is rightly expounded that he only translated. But in the best manuscripts, the Mazarin and the Medicean, it is clearly written; which reading indeed appears to me more correct. Certainly Rufinus

^A Thomas, as tradition holds, obtained Parthia, Andrew Scythia, and John Asia, where he stayed and eventually died at Ephesus. Peter, it seems, preached to the Jews of the dispersion in Pontus, Galatia, Bithynia, Cappadocia, and Asia; who also, having finally come to Rome, was crucified head downwards, having himself requested to suffer in this way. Why need I speak of Paul, who from Jerusalem even to Illyricum fulfilled the Gospel of Christ, and later suffered martyrdom in Rome under Nero? These things are clearly spoken by Origen verbatim in the third volume of his Commentaries on Genesis.

CHAPTER II

Who first presided over the Church of Rome.

The Roman Church, after the martyrdom of Paul and Peter, received Linus as its first bishop. Paul makes mention of him in the Epistle which he wrote from the city of Rome to Timothy, among the salutations occurring at the end of the Epistle: "Eubulus," he says, "and Pudens and Linus and Claudia salute you" 38.

CHAPTER III

Concerning the Epistles of the Apostles.

Now, as regards Peter, one of his Epistles, which is said to be his former one, is acknowledged. This, moreover, the ancient elders have used in their own writings as being beyond dispute. But as for the second, which is attributed to him, we have received that it is not canonical. Nevertheless, as it appeared useful to many, it has been studied along with the other Scriptures. ^B And as for those... ^C and they were reduced to slavery. Then by spontaneous migration, as happened in the times of the Maccabees, when some willingly moved their homes from Judea into Egypt. For the Law did not forbid that Jews should migrate to other lands, as may be gathered from the book of Ruth. Thirdly, it occurred because of proselytes; for as the Jews accepted them from all nations, so it came to pass that they were dispersed throughout the whole world. The Jews hoped, moreover, that the Messiah would someday come, who would gather them back together, dispersed and dissipated as we have said. ^D Thus in the canticle of Haggai and Zechariah, which is Psalm CXLVI: "The Lord building up Jerusalem, and he will gather together the dispersions of Israel." ...that the things above were taken from Origen's book *On Explanations of Genesis*, it may be rightly doubted where Origen's words begin, whether from those words, etc., or rather from these, etc. For Eusebius has not marked out for us with sufficient distinctness what the beginning of Origen's words was. In the Mazarin and Medicean manuscripts, I have found this mark [Φ] placed at the side of this line, concerning which mark I have already said much at the beginning of the first book. But what it might signify here is difficult to affirm. For it does not denote "beautiful," since no grace or elegance can be found in this place. Perhaps, therefore, this mark is what Isidore calls [φ] and [ρ], by which we are warned to attend carefully to where Origen's words begin. These words are not in our Mazarin, Medicean, and Fuketian manuscripts, nor in Nicephorus. Certainly, they are not very necessary.

^A of his Acts, the Gospel bearing his name, the Preaching so-called, and the Revelation named after him, we know that these have not been handed down as catholic, since no ancient or modern ecclesiastical writer has used testimonies from these books. But as our history proceeds, I shall take care to indicate, along with the successions, which of the ecclesiastical writers of each age have used any of the disputed writings, and what they have said about the canonical and accepted Scriptures, and whatever they have mentioned regarding those that are not such.

So much, then, for the books attributed to Peter, of which I have known only one Epistle to be genuine and accepted by the ancient elders. The fourteen of Paul are plain and clear. However, it should not be unknown that some have rejected the Epistle to the Hebrews, ^B stating that it is disputed by the Church of the Romans on the grounds that it is not Paul's. What was said about this by those before us, I shall set forth in due course. I have not accepted even the so-called Acts of him into the undisputed books. Since the same Apostle in the final greetings of his Epistle to the Romans makes mention of Hermas, who they say is the author of the book of the Shepherd, it must be known that this too has been disputed by some, for which reason it could not be placed among the accepted books, while by others it has been judged most necessary, especially for those who need basic instruction; hence it is even known to be read publicly in the Churches, ^C and I have found that some of the most ancient writers have used it. Let these things serve as a demonstration of the undisputed divine scriptures and those that are not accepted by all.

On the books commonly attributed to Peter and Paul

But if we are to inquire into books whose authority is questioned, especially those which are held to be necessary by the first elements of our religion, one must be careful. ^D Yet, it is agreed that that book which is called the Acts of Peter, and the Gospel inscribed with his name, and the Preaching and Revelation of the same, have never been considered catholic, since neither any ancient nor any modern ecclesiastical writer has used any testimony from these books. Moreover, as I proceed with this work, I shall diligently indicate, along with the successions of the apostles, which ecclesiastical writers have subsequently used the authority of the scriptures that are in doubt, and what they have pronounced in their own books regarding both the canonical Scriptures, accepted by the consensus of all, and those that are not of this kind. These, then, are the things circulated under the name of Peter, of which I have recognized only one Epistle to be accepted by the ancient Fathers as genuine. The fourteen Epistles of Paul are known to all and are clear. It must be known, however, that the Epistle to the Hebrews has been rejected by some on the grounds that they said it was not held by the Roman Church as a certain and genuine Epistle of Paul. But what the ancients have handed down concerning this, we shall present in its own time. As for the book inscribed as the Acts of Paul, we have not accepted it among the books of undoubted faith and authority. And since the apostle Paul, in those salutations near the end of the Epistle to the Romans, among others made mention of Hermas, whose book is said to be the one inscribed as the Shepherd, it should be known that this book has indeed been called into doubt by some, on which account it cannot be placed among the accepted books; by others, however, it is judged most necessary for those who are to be instructed in the elements of the faith. Whence it is even read in the Churches. [alt-version omitted]

CAPUT IV.

On the first succession of the apostles.

^A That Paul, preaching to the Gentiles, laid the foundations of the Churches from Jerusalem and the neighboring regions as far as Illyricum, is evident both from his own words and from what Luke records in the Acts. And from the words of Peter—in how many provinces he too, preaching Christ to those of the circumcision, delivered the doctrine of the New Testament—it is clearly evident from that Epistle of his which is acknowledged by all, as I have said, being written to the Hebrews ^B who are in the dispersion of Pontus, Galatia, Cappadocia, Asia, and Bithynia. How many and who they were that became true imitators of these apostles and were judged worthy to govern the Churches founded by them, it is not easy to say, except for those whom one might easily collect from the words of the Apostle himself. For he had nearly innumerable helpers, and—as he himself names them—fellow-soldiers, most of whom he adorned with the immortal testimony of his Epistles, commending them to the perpetual memory of men. But also Luke, ^C in the Acts, enumerating the disciples of Paul, mentions them each by name. Thus, it is said that Timothy was the first to receive the episcopate of the parish in Ephesus, just as Titus is recorded as the bishop of the Churches in Crete. But Luke, born at Antioch, a physician by trade, who lived for a long time in closest union with Paul and conversed diligently with the rest of the apostles, has left us samples of that art of healing souls—which he had obtained for himself from the teaching of the apostles—in two books ^D inspired by God. One of these is the Gospel, which he testifies he wrote as he had received it from the very ministers of the divine word and those who from the beginning had seen Christ, all of whom he declares he had followed from the beginning. The other book is inscribed the Acts of the Apostles, which he set down in writing not as things received by hearsay, but things observed with his own eyes. Moreover, they say that Paul was accustomed to designate the Gospel according to Luke whenever, speaking as if of a certain Gospel of his own, he said: "According to my Gospel." Of the other followers of Paul, it is testified that Crescens was sent by him to the Gauls, and Linus, whom he mentions as being with him at Rome in his second Epistle to [index: entries preserved]

^A Timothy, has already been mentioned as having been the first to receive the episcopate of the Church of the Romans after Peter. Clement, too, who was established as the third bishop of the Roman Church, is testified by Paul himself to have been his assistant and fellow-worker in his struggles. In addition to these, concerning that Areopagite, Dionysius by name, whom Luke in the Acts writes was the first to believe after Paul’s discourse to the Athenians in the Areopagus, another Dionysius—an ancient writer, the shepherd of the parish of the Corinthians—relates that he was the first bishop of the Church in Athens. But as we proceed, the matters concerning the succession of the apostles over time will be told to us in their proper place. Now, let us move on to the rest of the history.

CHAPTER V

Concerning the final siege of the Jews after Christ.

After Nero, who had held power for thirteen years, and those about Galba and Otho, who had governed for only a year and six months, had departed, Vespasian, being distinguished in the campaigns against the Jews, was declared emperor in Judea itself, having been acclaimed by the armies there. He immediately set out for Rome and entrusted the war against the Jews to his son, Titus. Now, after our Savior’s ascension, the Jews, not content with the crime they had committed against Him, had also devised many plots ^B against His apostles, and first of all had destroyed Stephen with stones; then, after him, James, the son of Zebedee and brother of John, had been beheaded; and finally, James—who was the first after our Savior’s ascension to be allotted the episcopal throne there—had departed in the manner previously described. When the rest of the apostles had also been plotted against in countless ways, not without great danger to their own lives, and had been driven out of Judea, they began to go forth to all the nations to preach the doctrine of the Gospel, relying on the power of Christ, who had said to them: "Go and make disciples of all nations in my name." Furthermore, the entire body of the faithful of the Church in Jerusalem, in accordance with an oracle given by revelation to the approved men there before the war, had been commanded to depart from the city and to inhabit a town beyond the Jordan named Pella. ^C When all who had believed in Christ had left Jerusalem and transferred their dwellings to Pella, in this way the royal city,

which is the head of the whole nation, and all Judea, were left utterly destitute of holy men, the vengeance of God at last overtook them for all their crimes committed against Christ and his apostles, totally destroying that whole generation of impious men from off the face of the earth. Now, as to the number and magnitude of the calamities that befell the whole nation in every place, and especially how those who inhabited Judea were driven to the ultimate degree of misfortune, and how many myriads, including women and children, were cut down by the sword and famine and suffered every other kind of death, and how many and what sort of sieges of Jewish cities occurred—even those who had fled to Jerusalem itself as to a most fortified city, what terrible things and beyond terrible they witnessed, the course of the whole war, and the individual events that took place therein, and how at the end the "abomination of desolation" foretold by the prophets stood in the very Temple of God, formerly so celebrated, which endured total destruction and was consumed by fire—whoever wishes to do so can easily learn them accurately from the History written by Josephus. ^B Indeed, it is worth the effort to show, using the very words of that writer, how he records that those who had gathered from all of Judea during the days of the feast of the Passover were shut up in Jerusalem as if in a prison, to the number of about three million people. For it was fitting that, in the very days in which they had put to death the benign Savior and Benefactor of all, Christ the Son of God, they should on those same days, as if enclosed in a prison, receive the penalty of their crime from divine justice. Therefore, passing over the events that happened in detail, such as the things they suffered by the sword and in other ways, I think it necessary to set forth only the calamities they endured when oppressed by dire famine, so that our readers may know to some extent how the divine Power demanded from them, not long after, the penalties for their crime against ^C Christ ^D the Son of God.

CHAPTER VI. On the famine that oppressed the Jews.

^A For there was nowhere any grain openly to be found, but the seditious would break in and search the houses. If they found any, they would beat the masters of the house, as if they had been denying that they had grain; if they found none, they would torture them, as if they had hidden it more carefully. The bodies of the wretched provided the proof of whether they possessed anything or not: those who were still standing upright were thought to have a surplus of food, but those who were already visibly wasting away were passed over. ^B Indeed, it seemed unreasonable to kill men who were already on the verge of dying from starvation. Many, however, secretly exchanged their possessions for a single measure of grain—of wheat, if they happened to be wealthier, or of barley if they were poorer. Then, shutting themselves in the innermost recesses of their houses, some, driven by the ultimate necessity of hunger, ate the grain unground, while others baked it, as necessity and fear suggested. No table was ever set; rather, they would snatch the food raw from the fire. A miserable form of sustenance this was, and a sight worthy of tears, as the stronger ones plundered everything, and the weaker lamented their plight. Hunger indeed overcomes all human emotions, but it destroys nothing so much as modesty. ^C For whatever is otherwise worthy of honor and reverence is held in contempt in the necessity of hunger. Wives, for instance, would snatch food from the mouths of their husbands, children from their fathers, and—most pathetic of all—mothers from their infants. And while their most beloved ones were withering away in their arms, they would feel no restraint in depriving them of the final drops of life. Yet even while eating such things, they could not escape notice. For the hands of the seditious were everywhere, looming over their plunder and rapine; whenever they saw a house shut fast, this was a sign to them that those inside were taking food. ^D Immediately they would burst open the doors, rush in, and practically choke the morsels from their very throats. Old men who would not let go of the food in their hands were beaten, and women pulling their hair were dragged along as they covered what they held in their hands. There was no pity for old age or for infants, but they would lift up the babes who were clinging to the scraps of food and dash them to the ground.

^A And preparing their ferocity, they made provision for themselves for the days to come. For those who crept out by night towards the Roman guard for the purpose of gathering wild herbs and greens, they would encounter as they were returning, believing they had already escaped the hands of the enemy; they would snatch away what they had brought back, and often, even when they were supplicating them and invoking the most fearful name of God to grant them a portion of what they had brought at the risk of their lives, they would share nothing at all with them. It was a favor if, once despoiled, they were not also killed.

After some intervening passages, he adds: «For the Jews, along with the loss of the ability to go out, every hope of salvation was also cut off. And the famine, growing more intense, devoured the people house by house and family by family. And the roofs were filled with women and infants wasting away, and the alleys were full of the corpses of the aged. The children and young men, swollen, wandered the marketplaces like ghosts and fell wherever the suffering overtook them. ^B Those who were ill were unable to bury their relatives, and those who still had strength were deterred both by the multitude of the dead and by the uncertainty of their own fate. Many, indeed, died while burying others, and many went to their tombs before their destined hour had arrived. There was neither mourning nor wailing in these calamities, but famine stifled the emotions. With dry eyes, those who were dying looked upon those who had reached rest before them. A deep silence and a terrible gloom of death encompassed the city. And more grievous than these evils were the brigands. For, digging through the houses, they would plunder the dead and, stripping off the coverings of the bodies, would go out with laughter. They would test the sharpness of their swords upon the corpses, and some of those who had been thrown out, still living, they would pierce through, as a test of the steel. Those who begged them to grant them a hand ^C and a sword, they left to the famine in their pride. And each of those who were breathing their last gazed fixedly toward the temple, leaving the insurgents alive.

At first, they ordered the dead to be buried at the public expense because they could not bear the stench; afterwards, as they could not cope, they cast them from the walls into the ravines. Titus, passing by these when he saw them filled with the dead and the deep mire of decaying matter flowing from the bodies, groaned and, stretching out his hands, called God to witness that this was not his doing.» Upon saying these things in the midst, he adds: «Not even...»

will I fear to say openly that which grief demands. For I verily believe that if the Romans had delayed to inflict destruction upon these wicked men, either the earth would have swallowed the city or it would have been overwhelmed by a flood, or else they would have suffered the lightning of Sodom ^A. For she bore a generation far more godless than those who suffered these things. And so, by reason of their madness, the whole people perished together.»

And in his sixth book, he writes thus: «Of those who were perishing in the city from famine, the multitude was numberless, and the sufferings that occurred were past telling. For in every house, if any shadow of food appeared, there was war; and those who were most dear to ^B each other contended, snatching away the wretched provisions of life. Nor was there trust in any person, even among the dying. But the brigands even searched those who were breathing, to see if anyone had food hidden under their bosom, and was feigning death. The brigands themselves, gaping with famine, stumbled and were carried about like mad dogs, and beat against the doors, after the manner of drunken men, and by reason of their helplessness, they would burst into the same houses twice or thrice in a single hour. ^C Necessity forced them to eat all things, and they would fetch and eat things that were not even acceptable to the most filthy of brute beasts. At last, they did not refrain from belts and shoes, and stripping off the leather of their shields, they chewed it. And to some, the scraps of old grass were food. For some indeed gathered these together and sold a very small weight for four Attic drachmas. And what need is there to speak of the impudence of famine towards inanimate things? I will go on to relate ^D a deed of his, such as is told of neither among Greeks nor among barbarians, ghastly to speak of and incredible to hear. And for my part, I would not wish to seem to tell tales to those of after times, even if I were gladly to pass over the calamity, were it not that I have infinite witnesses of my own time, and also because I would be held to have been cold-hearted towards my country, whose sufferings I am recounting, had I omitted these deeds.

There was a woman of those who dwelt beyond the Jordan, Mary by name, father Eleazar, of the village of Bethezor—this signifies 'house of hyssop'—preeminent for both her lineage and wealth, who, having fled to Jerusalem with the rest of the multitude, was besieged together with them. The tyrants plundered the rest of her possessions, which she had packed up from Peraea and brought into the city; and as for the remnants of her valuables or whatever food could be thought of, the armed bodyguards would break in daily and seize them. A certain terrible indignation would enter into the woman, and she would often, by reviling and cursing them, provoke the plunderers against herself. But as no one, either by aggravation or pity, would kill her, and the"

^A necessity of finding food had become impossible for others—as in truth it was already impossible to find any, for the famine was gnawing through her bowels and marrow, and her fury was inflamed even more by the famine—she took anger as her counselor together with necessity, and turned against nature itself. Having seized her child, who was still an infant at her breast, ^B "O wretched babe," she said, "amid war and famine and sedition, for whom do I keep thee? If we live under the Romans, slavery awaits us; but famine arrives even before slavery, and the seditious are more cruel than both. Come, be food for me, and for the seditious a Fury 62, and for the world a tale, the only thing still wanting to the calamities of the Jews." And saying this, she kills her son. Then, having roasted him, she eats half, and covers and keeps the rest. The seditious arrived immediately, and smelling the forbidden savor, they threatened to slaughter her at once if she did not show what she had prepared. She replied that she had kept a good portion for them, and uncovered the remains of the child. ^C Horror and confusion of mind immediately seized them, and they stood frozen at the sight. She said, "This child is truly mine, and the deed is my own. Eat, for I have eaten. Do not become more cowardly than a woman, nor more tender-hearted than a mother. But if you are pious and turn away from my sacrifice, I have eaten half, and let the remainder stay for me." After this, they went out trembling, cowardly for this one thing, and barely leaving this food to the mother. The whole city was immediately filled with the abomination, and each one, taking up the suffering before his eyes as if it had been dared in his own house 63, shuddered terribly. And henceforth there was a haste among those starving for death, and they deemed blessed those who had passed away before hearing and seeing such great evils. Such were the rewards of the lawlessness and impiety of the Jews toward the Christ of God.

CHAPTER VII. On the Predictions of Christ.

^A If anyone compares the words of our Savior with those things which have been recorded by the same historian regarding the entire war, it is impossible for him not to marvel at the foreknowledge and prediction of our Savior, and to acknowledge it as truly divine and stupendous beyond measure. And ^B regarding those things that happened to the entire Jewish nation after the passion of the Lord, and after those voices by which the whole populace shouted that a robber and murderer should be set free from the punishment of death, but that the Author of life should be taken from their midst, there is no need to add anything to the narrative of Josephus. But it is fitting to add those things by which the clemency and providence of the divine Being are declared: which indeed, after the crime committed against Christ, delayed their destruction for the space of forty years. During which time almost all the apostles and disciples, and James himself, the first bishop of that place, he who was called the brother of the Lord, still being alive and residing in the very city of Jerusalem, remained as a most firm bulwark of the place, while divine Providence still endured them most patiently, if by any chance, by repenting of the crimes committed, they might be able to obtain pardon and salvation; and while the goodness of God, not content with such patience, by means of certain horrendous signs and portents divinely produced, signaled in advance the calamities that would befall them if they did not repent. Since it will not be inconvenient to exhibit these signs to the readers of our work as they have been consigned to writing by the aforementioned historian,

CHAPTER VIII.

De signis ante bellum.

Taking the book in hand, therefore, recite for me those things reported in the sixth volume of the Histories in these words: ^C “The unhappy people, however, placed their faith in those false prophets who lied, claiming they were sent by God. But to the evident prodigies that signaled the future desolation, they paid no attention and did not believe. But as if thunderstruck, and out of their minds and blinded in their eyes, they disregarded the proclamations and prophecies of God; first, when a star resembling a sword stood over the city and a comet remained shining for a year's time; ^D then, when before the defection and the first movements of the war, the people being gathered for the feast of Unleavened Bread, on the eighth of the month Xanthicus, at the ninth hour of the night, such a light shone around the altar and the temple that it seemed to be a bright day; and this light lasted for the space of half an hour. To the ignorant, this seemed to be a good omen: but to those learned in the sacred law...

^A by the sign that had occurred, they immediately judged those events that were to follow. In that same solemnity, when a cow was being led by the high priest for sacrifice, it gave birth to a lamb in the midst of the temple. Moreover, the eastern gate of the inner sanctuary, which was made of bronze and of immense weight, and which was barely closed toward evening by twenty men, and was supported by iron-bound bolts, and had very deep locks ^B sunk into the ground, was seen at the sixth hour of the night to have opened of its own accord. A few days after the festival, a certain prodigious apparition appeared, surpassing all belief. And indeed, what I am about to relate would seem to be a fable, were it not that it was recorded by those who saw it, and that the calamities which followed were in no way unequal to these portents. For before the setting of the sun, all over the country, chariots and armed phalanxes were seen carried aloft in the air, coursing through the clouds and surrounding the cities. Furthermore, on the feast day which is called Pentecost, the priests having entered the temple at night to perform their ministries, as was their custom, first said that they perceived a movement and a noise, and after this a sudden voice: Let us depart hence. ^C But that which is still more terrible than these things: a certain Jesus, the son of Ananias, a man of the common people and a rustic, four years before the war, while the city was for the most part in peace and prosperity, having come to the festival in which it is the custom for all to make booths for God in the temple, suddenly began to cry out: A voice from the east, a voice from the west, a voice from the four winds, ^D a voice against Jerusalem and the temple, a voice against bridegrooms and brides, a voice against all

^A a voice against Jerusalem and the temple, a voice against bridegrooms and brides, a voice against all the people." This he would go around shouting, day and night, through all the alleys. Some of the notable commoners, indignant at the ill-omened sound and becoming enraged, seize the man and punish him with many severe stripes. But he, neither speaking anything for his own defense nor pleading privately with those who struck him, did not cease to shout the same words as before. Then the magistrates of the Jews, thinking, as was the case, that the man’s movement was something more demonic, bring him before the Roman governor. There, being flayed with scourges even to the bone, he neither begged nor wept, but as much as he could, modulating his voice in a mournful and lamentable way, he replied to every blow: "Woe, woe to Jerusalem!" ^B Another thing, also more wonderful than this, is recorded by the same writer, who says that a certain oracle was found in the sacred books, containing that at that time someone would come from their country 77 to rule the world. He himself interpreted this as having been fulfilled in Vespasian. But he did not rule the whole world, but only the Roman Empire. It would be more correctly referred to Christ, to whom it was said by the Father: "Ask of me, and I will give thee the nations for thine inheritance, and the ends of the earth for thy possession" (Ps. II, 8). And at that very time, the sound of the holy apostles went forth into all the earth, and their words unto the ends of the world (Ps. XVIII, 5).

CAPUT IX.

De Josepho et de libris quos scriptos reliquit.

Now that these matters have finally been brought to a conclusion, it seems reasonable to explain who Josephus himself is—who brought so much help to the history we have in hand—and whence and from what lineage he was born. This he declares himself, speaking of his life in these words: "Josephus, son of Matthias, 78 a Hebrew by birth, from Jerusalem, of the number of the priests, who also at the beginning..." ^C And indeed, regarding all these things, it is not worth being ignorant of Josephus himself, who contributed so much to the history at hand, or where he came from and from what kind of ancestry he was descended. He himself also indicates this again, saying thus: "Josephus, son of Matthias, 78 from Jerusalem, a priest, who both made war against the Romans at first and took part in the later events of necessity." ^D Especially among the Jews of that time, not only among his own countrymen...

but also in the judgment of the Romans: so much so that a statue was erected to him in the city of Rome, and the books he wrote were given a place in the public library. He published all of his ^A *Judaic Antiquities* in twenty books, and covered the history of the Jewish war of his own time in seven volumes, which he confirms himself—deserving of belief for his other works—that he delivered not only in Greek but also in his native tongue. There are two other works of his worthy of study, his *On the Antiquity of the Jews*, in which he also made refutations against Apion the grammarian, who at that time had composed an argument against the Jews, and against others who had dared to slander the ancestral customs of the Jewish nation. In the first of these, he puts forward the number of what are ^B called the Old Testament Scriptures, teaching by these very words what are regarded as indisputable among the Hebrews, as having come down from ancient tradition.

CHAPTER X. How Josephus mentions the divine books.

"With us," he says, "there is not an innumerable multitude of books, clashing and contradicting one another, but only twenty-two books, containing the history of all time, which are justly believed to be divine. And of these, five belong to Moses, which contain both the laws and the tradition of the creation of mankind, down to his own death. This period of time falls little short of three thousand ^C years. From the death of Moses until Artaxerxes, who was king of the Persians after Xerxes, the prophets who succeeded Moses wrote up the things done in their own times in thirteen books. The remaining four contain hymns to God,

gestas, and they contain precepts for human life. Now, from the reign of Artaxerxes to our own time, each event has been recorded, but they have not been deemed worthy of the same degree of confidence as those before them, because the exact succession of the prophets did not continue. It is evident in deed how we hold our own writings ^A in true esteem. For such an expanse of time has already passed, yet no one has dared either to add to them, or to take anything away, or to change them; but it is innate in all Jews, immediately from their very first birth, to consider these as the decrees of God, to adhere to them, and, if need be, to die gladly for them.” And let these words of that writer be advantageously cited here. There is also another noble work produced by the same man, *On the Sovereignty of Reason*, which some have titled *Maccabean*, because it contains the struggles of those Hebrews who, as it is handed down in the books of the Maccabees, fought bravely for the worship of the Divine ^B Being. At the end of the twentieth book of the *Archaeology* (Jewish Antiquities), he indicates that he had intended to write four books according to the ancestral traditions of the Jews, concerning God and His essence, and concerning the laws, and why, according to them, certain things are permitted to be done, while others are forbidden. He mentions in his own words that he has labored on other things as well. Furthermore, it is reasonable to record the words which he himself has placed at the end of the *Archaeology* ^C to confirm the credibility of those things which we have taken from him. For, disparaging Justus of Tiberias—who had attempted to write the history of the same times just as he himself had done—as one who had not written the truth, and bringing many other charges against the man, he adds these words at the end: “But I did not fear *for my own writing* in the same way, but I handed the books to the emperors themselves, at a time when the events could almost be seen. For I was conscious of having preserved the tradition of the truth, and in expecting to obtain ^D testimony to this, I was not disappointed. And to many others I also delivered…

[alt-version omitted]

my history, some of whom had taken part in the war. Among these was King Agrippa and certain of his kinsmen. ^B Titus, the Emperor, so desired that the knowledge of the events should be handed down to men by them alone, that he ordered the volumes to be published ^C after having signed them with his own hand. But King Agrippa wrote sixty-two letters in which he testifies that the truth had been set forth by me. From which Josephus also adduces two. But let these things concerning him be thus declared; let us proceed to what follows.

CHAPTER XI.

How Symeon, after James, ruled the Church of Jerusalem.

After the martyrdom of James and the subversion of Jerusalem which immediately ensued, it is a report that the apostles and the disciples of the Lord who were still surviving came ^D together from every place into one spot, along with those who were of the family of the Lord according to the flesh (for many of them were still alive at that time). And all together they held counsel for the purpose of deciding who was worthy to become the successor of James. And indeed, with one mind, they all judged that Symeon, the son of Cleopas, of whom the Gospel Scripture also makes mention, was worthy of the throne of the parish there, being, as they say, a cousin of the Savior. For Clopas...

^A was, as Hegesippus records, a brother of Joseph.

Chapter XII.

How Vespasian ordered those who drew their lineage from David to be sought out.

CHAPTER XIII.

That Anencletus was the second presiding over the Roman Church.

CHAPTER XIV.

How, likewise, Abilius was the second bishop of the Alexandrian Church.

^A

CHAPTER XV.

That Clement was the third bishop of the Romans.

CHAPTER XVI.

Concerning the epistle of Clement.

CHAPTER XVII.

Concerning the persecution of the Christians under Domitian.

^A to stir up persecution against us, even though his father Vespasian had never thought of doing us any harm.

Chapter XVIII. De Joanne apostolo et ejus Revelatione.

In this persecution, John the apostle and evangelist, who was still alive at that time, because of his testimony to the divine Word, was condemned to dwell on the island of Patmos. Irenaeus, indeed, in the fifth book of his *Against Heresies*, writing about the number implied by the letters of the name of the Antichrist mentioned in John's Revelation, speaks as follows concerning John: "If it had been necessary to declare his name openly at the present time, it would have been revealed by him who also saw the revelation. For it was not seen long ago, but almost in our own generation, toward the end of the reign of Domitian." ^B To such a degree did the teaching of our faith shine forth at that time that even those writers who were entirely alien to our religion did not hesitate to recount in their own histories both the persecution and the martyrdoms that took place during it. And indeed, they even accurately noted the time, recording that in the fifteenth year of Domitian, along with many others, Flavia Domitilla—who was the niece of Flavius Clemens, one of the consuls of Rome at that time—was deported to the island of Pontia as a punishment for her testimony to Christ.

Chapter XIX. How Domitian ordered the descendants of David to be killed.

When the same Domitian had ordered all those who traced their origin to the lineage of David to be executed, a long-standing tradition holds that certain heretics accused the descendants of Jude—who was called the brother of the Saviour according to the flesh—on the grounds that they were of Davidic descent and were related to Christ himself. And Hegesippus confirms these things in his own words.

CHAPTER XX. On the relatives of our Savior.

"There still survived," he says, "in those times, some of the kin of Christ, the grandsons of that Jude who was called His brother according to the flesh." ^C

^A They were informed against as being of the race of David, and they were brought by the *evocatus* to Domitian Caesar; for he feared the coming of Christ just as Herod did. He asked them if they were of the line of David, and they acknowledged it. Then he asked them how much they possessed, or what amount of wealth they had. Both of them replied that they had in all only nine thousand denarii, half belonging to each. They said they did not have this in silver, but in the appraisal of thirty-nine *plethra* of land, ^B from which they not only paid their taxes but also supported themselves by their own labor. They then showed their hands, offering as proof of their labor the roughness of their bodies and the calluses impressed upon their hands by constant toil. When questioned about Christ and His kingdom, what sort it was, and when and where it would appear, they gave an account that it was not of this world, nor earthly, but angelic and heavenly, and that it would take place at the end of the world, ^C when He would come in glory to judge the quick and the dead, and to reward each according to his deeds. Domitian, finding no fault in them, and despising them as simpletons, let them go free and by an edict put an end to the persecution against the Church. Those who were released, being both martyrs and kin of the Lord, were subsequently considered leaders of the Churches, and peace having been restored, they lived on until the time of Trajan." So far Hegesippus. But also Tertullian makes such mention of Domitian: ^D "Domitian, too, who was a piece of Nero’s cruelty, had at one time tried to do the same; but, I suppose, because he had some sense, he quickly desisted, having even recalled those whom he had pursued." [alt-version omitted]

^A After the death of Domitian, who had held the empire for fifteen years, Nerva succeeded to the sovereignty. The Roman senate passed a decree that the honors of Domitian should be abolished, and that those who had been unjustly exiled should return to their homeland and recover their own property, just as those who recorded the history of the events of that time report. At that time, therefore, according to the account handed down to us by the ancients, the apostle John also returned from his exile on the island and took up residence at Ephesus.

CHAPTER XXI: How Cerdo was the third to preside over the Church of the Alexandrians.

After this, Nerva died having reigned for a little more than a year, and Trajan obtained the empire. In his first year, when Avilius, who had governed the Alexandrian Church for thirteen years, had died, Cerdo succeeded in his place. He was the third from Annianus to preside over the people there. At that time, Clement was still presiding over the Church of Rome; he was the third to hold the rank of bishop in that city after Paul and Peter. Linus was the first, and after him came Anencletus.

CHAPTER XXII: How Ignatius was the second bishop of the Church of the Antiochenes.

^B At Antioch, after the death of Evodius, who had been established as the first bishop of that place, Ignatius was recognized as the second. Similarly, Symeon, who was second after our Savior’s brother, had at that time taken over the administration of the Church in Jerusalem.

CHAPTER XXIII: A narrative concerning John the apostle.

During these times, the apostle and evangelist John, whom Jesus loved in a special way, was still living in Asia and governing the Churches of that region, having returned from his exile on the island after the death of Domitian. ^C That he was still alive at this time, it is sufficient to prove the matter by the testimony of two witnesses. ^D There are two things here to be observed: both that Eusebius places Paul before Peter, and that he seems to make both of them bishops of the city of Rome. As for the first question, Eusebius has done the same thing elsewhere. Nevertheless, one should not think that Paul is on that account to be preferred to Peter. For frequently, those who are more honorable are mentioned in the second place. Finally, on the seals of the Roman Church, Paul is always placed on the right and Peter on the left, as Baronius noted in his *Exposition of the Council of Nicaea*. As regards the second difficulty, it should be known that Eusebius does not, in the least, list the apostles in the order of the bishops, as I noted above. And he stated earlier, on the authority of Dionysius, bishop of the Corinthians, that Paul, together with Peter, founded and planted the Roman Church, and he will say so again later, based on Irenaeus. Yet, when he speaks of the Roman episcopate, he attributes it to Peter alone, as is evident from the *Chronicle* of Eusebius. See the very scholarly disputations upon this matter by Peter Habert, Bishop of Vabres, in his book *On the Primacy of Peter*. Thus ought one to understand what Irenaeus says in his books about Hyginus. Indeed, Irenaeus, just like our Eusebius, says that the apostles Peter and Paul founded the Roman Church; but he nowhere enumerates them in the order of bishops. In the same sense, Epiphanius says in *Against the Cerdonians* that Hyginus held the ninth place of episcopal succession after Jacob, Peter, and Paul, the apostles. If anyone were to contend from this passage that Jacob was bishop of the city of Rome along with Peter, he would surely be considered ridiculous. The same thing should also be thought regarding Paul. Rufinus omits these words in his translation, and not without cause. For they are utterly superfluous and appear to have been added first by a scholiast and later admitted into the text. [index: entries preserved]

^A It is sufficient to prove the account by the testimony of two witnesses. These would be credible persons, having served the ecclesiastical orthodoxy; and such are Irenaeus and Clement of Alexandria. The former of these, in the second book of his *Against Heresies*, writes thus word for word: “And all the presbyters who in Asia have met with John, the disciple of the Lord, bear witness that John handed it down to them. For he remained with them until the times of Trajan.” And in the third book of the same work, he declares the same thing in these words: “But the Church in Ephesus also, having been founded by Paul, but with John having remained among them until the times of Trajan, is a most truthful witness of the apostolic tradition.” ^B Clement, having simultaneously noted the time, also adds a very necessary history for those who delight to hear of beautiful and profitable things, in the book which he entitled *Which Rich Man is Being Saved*. Take it and read, for his writing runs in this manner: “Listen to a tale, not a tale, but a true account concerning John the Apostle, which has been handed down and preserved in memory. For when, after the tyrant had died, he had returned to Ephesus from the island of Patmos, he went away upon invitation to the neighboring regions of the nations, where in some places he would appoint bishops, in others he would organize whole Churches, in others he would select for the clergy ^C one of those indicated by the Spirit. Having then come to one of the cities not far off—the name of which some also mention—and having comforted the brothers in other respects, he at last looked toward the bishop who had been set over them, and seeing a young man, strong in body, and with a goodly appearance, and fervent in spirit, he said, ‘This one I entrust to you with all diligence, in the presence of the Church and as a witness of Christ.’ And when he had received him and promised everything, he again said the same things and bore witness. Then he departed for ^D Ephesus, and the presbyter took the young man into his own home, and nurtured, kept, and finally guarded him, and at last admitted him to the illumination of baptism.”

^A But after this, the presbyter relaxed his more careful supervision and guardianship, having placed upon him the seal of the Lord as a perfect safeguard. ^B But the young man, having obtained premature liberty, was joined by certain youths of his own age—idle, dissolute, and accustomed to evil. And first they enticed him with costly banquets; then, going out at night to rob those they met, they took him along with them; then they requested him to participate in something even greater. And little by little he became accustomed to this, and because of the greatness of his nature, like a restive and powerful horse that has bolted from the straight path and, taking the bit between its teeth, is carried more forcibly toward the precipice. And having utterly despaired of his salvation in God, he no longer thought of anything small, but having committed some great crime—since he had already perished once—he felt he might as well suffer the same fate as the others. ^C Having therefore taken these same companions and organized a band of robbers, he became their ready ringleader, most violent, most murderous, and most savage. Time passed, and a certain necessity having arisen, they sent for John. And when he had settled the other matters for which he had come, “Come now,” he said, “O bishop, restore to us the deposit which I and Christ entrusted to you in the presence of the Church, which you oversee, as your witness.” The bishop was at first confounded, thinking that he was being falsely accused of money he had not received, and he could neither believe in what he did not have, nor disbelieve John. But when he said, “I demand the young man and the soul of my brother,” the presbyter sighed from the depths of his heart, and even shed some tears: “He is dead,” he said. “How, and by what death?” “He has died to God,” he said. “For he turned out wicked and ruined, and in short, a robber. And now, instead of the Church, he has taken to the mountains with a like army of..."

^A soldiers.” The Apostle, then, rent his garment and, striking his head with a great cry, said, “O, what an excellent guardian I left for the soul of my brother! Yet let a horse be ready for me, and let someone be my guide on the way.” He rode off just as he was, straight from the Church. Upon arriving at the place, he was seized by the outpost of the robbers, neither fleeing nor refusing, but shouting, “For this very purpose I have come; lead me to your leader.” The latter, who had been waiting armed as he was, recognized John as he approached and, abashed, turned to flee. But John pursued with all his might, forgetting his own age, crying out: “Why do you flee from me, my child, from your own father, unarmed and old? Pity me, my child, do not be afraid. You still have hope of life. I will give an account to Christ for you; if it should be necessary, I will willingly endure your death, just as the Lord did for us. For your sake I will yield up my own life. Stop, ^B believe me, Christ sent me.” Hearing this, he first stood still, looking down, then threw away his weapons, then trembled and wept bitterly. When the old man approached, he embraced him, apologizing as best he could with his cries and being baptized a second time with tears, only concealing his right hand. But John, guaranteeing and swearing that he had found forgiveness for him from the Savior, praying and kneeling, and kissing that very right hand as one cleansed by repentance, led him back to the Church. And with copious prayers making intercession, and struggling along with him through constant fasts, and soothing his mind with various utterances of words, he did not depart, as they say, until he had established him in the Church, ^{C D}

endured. I will give my soul as a substitute for yours. ^A Stand now, and believe me; I am sent by Christ. Having heard these things, he first stood still with his face cast down to the ground: then, casting away his arms, he burst into tears, trembling. And embracing the old man as he approached, he begged for forgiveness with groans and lamentations as much as he could, and was cleansed by his tears as if by another baptism, hiding only his right hand. Then the apostle, promising and swearing that he had obtained forgiveness for him from the Savior, and praying and falling upon his knees, and kissing the very right hand of the youth, as if it had been purged by repentance, led him back into the Church. From then on, partly by praying to God with frequent prayers, and partly by struggling together with the youth in continuous fasts, and finally soothing his soul with all the allurements of words, he did not depart until he had restored him to the Church, and had shown to all a great example of sincere repentance, a huge document of renewed regeneration, and a conspicuous trophy of resurrection.

CHAPTER XXIV.

On the order of the Gospels.

These things, written by Clement, we have added to this place in our work, as they will be useful both for the knowledge of events and for the benefit of readers. Now, however, let us review the writings of the same apostle, which by the consensus of all are ascribed to him. And first, indeed, his Gospel, most well-known to all the Churches throughout the world, is to be accepted without any doubt. But that it was rightly and reasonably placed in the fourth position by the ancients, after the Gospels of the other three, will be made clear in this way. Those admirable and truly divine apostles of our Savior, although they were most chaste in life and morals, and adorned with all virtues, were yet rude and uncultivated in speech itself: relying on the divine and miraculous ^B power granted to them by the Savior, they neither knew how, nor did they attempt, to expound the precepts of their Master with artificial ornamentation of words. But using only the demonstration of the Holy Spirit who helped them, and the power of Christ which performed many miracles through them, they announced the knowledge of the kingdom of heaven to the world. Nor was it their concern to write books, since they were performing a ministry far more excellent and placed above human strength. Paul, certainly, who among all the apostles easily excelled both in the apparatus of words and in the weight of his thoughts, left nothing written at all, except for a very few Epistles: even though he could have expounded countless mysteries, since he was able to reach the contemplation of those things which are in the third heaven. ^{C D}

^A And the other disciples of our Savior were certainly not ignorant of these same things: the twelve apostles, the seventy disciples, and countless others besides them. Nevertheless, of all those who were the Lord’s disciples, only Matthew and John have left us written accounts; and tradition maintains that they were compelled by necessity to record them. For Matthew, having first preached to the Hebrews, and being about to depart for other lands, entrusted to them his Gospel in his native tongue, and by this writing he made up for the lack of his presence to those from whom he was departing. And when Mark and Luke had already completed the publication of their own Gospels, they say that John, who had used only the unwritten message throughout his entire time, finally came to record things for the following reason. ^B Since the three previously written Gospels had already been distributed to all, including himself, they say that he accepted them and bore witness to their truth, but that there was still lacking the account of what Christ had done at the very beginning of His ministry. And indeed, the reasoning is sound. For one can see that the other three evangelists only recorded the things performed by the Savior for one year after the imprisonment of John the Baptist, and they themselves noted this at the beginning of their history. After the forty-day fast and the temptation that followed it, Matthew indicates the time of his own writing by saying: "Now when He heard that John was delivered up, He withdrew from Judea into Galilee." Mark likewise says: "After John was delivered up, Jesus came into Galilee." And Luke, before beginning the acts of Jesus, similarly notes this, saying: "And Herod added this to all the evils he had done: he shut up John in prison." ^C They say, then, that for these reasons the apostle John was asked by his friends to record in his own Gospel the time that had been passed over in silence by the earlier evangelists, and the things that had been performed by the Savior during that period (for these were the things that happened before the imprisonment of the Baptist), and that he indicated this himself, at one time saying: "This was the beginning of signs that Jesus did," and at another mentioning the Baptist in the midst of the acts of Jesus, when he was still baptizing at that time. ^D

^A This is clearly indicated by his saying: "For John was not yet," he says, "cast into prison." John, therefore, in the writing of his Gospel, hands down the things done by Christ before the Baptist was cast into prison, while the remaining three evangelists mention the matters after the Baptist’s imprisonment. To one who examines them, the Gospels will no longer seem to disagree with one another; for the Gospel according to John contains the beginning of the acts of Christ, while the others contain the history of the time at the end. Naturally, therefore, John remained silent about the genealogy of the flesh of our Savior, as it had already been written down by Matthew and Luke, and began from his divinity, as if it had been reserved for him by the Holy Spirit as something superior. Let these things be said by us regarding the writing of the Gospel according to John. The reason, too, for the Gospel according to Mark has been set forth by us above. Luke, also, at the ^B beginning of his own composition, set forth the cause for which he had prepared his account: he indicates that, since many others had rashly and imprudently undertaken to provide a narrative of the matters of which he had been fully assured, it was necessary for him, to free us from uncertain opinions regarding others, to hand down through his own Gospel the accurate account, the truth of which he had sufficiently grasped from his company and association with Paul, and was helped by the discourse of the rest of the apostles. And these things, indeed, have been said by us now, but at another time, by adducing the passages of ancient writers, we shall attempt to show what the rest have handed down regarding the same subject. Regarding the writings of John, besides the Gospel, the first of his Epistles is acknowledged ^C as indisputable by both the moderns and the ancients, but the other two are spoken against. Regarding the book of Revelation, the opinion among the many still wavers in both directions. Yet, indeed, by the testimony of the ancients, it will receive its judgment in its own proper time.

CHAPTER XXV

Regarding the divine Scriptures universally acknowledged, and those which are not of this kind.

It seems opportune, having arrived at this point, to summarize the aforementioned books of the New Testament. First, therefore, is to be placed the holy quaternion of the Gospels; these are followed by the book of the Acts of the Apostles. After these, the Epistles of Paul are to be reckoned, to which is to be added the recognized first Epistle of John, and ^D likewise the Epistle of Peter must be accepted. In addition to these is to be placed, if it seems right, the Revelation of John, regarding which we shall set forth the opinions at the proper time. And these, indeed, among those universally acknowledg

acknowledged, we have ^A seen mentioned by many: the Epistle that is called James’s, and Jude’s, and the second Epistle of Peter, as well as the so-called second and third of John, whether they actually belong to the evangelist or to another person of the same name.

Among the spurious ^B writings should be ranked the account of the Acts of Paul, and the so-called Shepherd, and the Revelation of Peter. And in addition to these, the supposedly Epistolary work of Barnabas, and the so-called Teachings of the Apostles; and further, as I said, the Revelation of John, if it seems right, which some, as I have said, reject, while others include it among the acknowledged books. Some have already included in this list the Gospel according to the Hebrews, ^C with which those Hebrews who have accepted Christ are especially delighted. All these might be classified as books that are disputed.

I have found it necessary, nevertheless, to compile a list of these as well, distinguishing those which, according to the ecclesiastical tradition, are true, genuine, and accepted Scriptures, from those other than these—which are not canonical, but are disputed, yet are nevertheless known to most ecclesiastical writers—so that we might be able to know both these, and those which are cited by the heretics under the names of the apostles, such as those containing the Gospels of Peter, Thomas, and Matthias, or of some others, or the Acts of Andrew, John, and the other apostles. No one among those who have ^D maintained the succession in the Church has considered these worthy of being mentioned in any of their own writings. Moreover, the style of the phrasing deviates from apostolic custom, and the meaning and purpose of their contents differ widely from true orthodoxy and clearly show them to be forgeries of heretics. Hence, they should not even be reckoned among the spurious books, but discarded as altogether monstrous and impious.

Let us now return to the thread of our history.

CHAPTER XXVI.

Of Menander the sorcerer.

^A Simon Magus’s successor, Menander, proved himself to be a second weapon of diabolical wickedness, in no way inferior to his predecessor. He, too, was a Samaritan, and having advanced to the height of magical skill, just like his master, he abounded in even more and absurd fantasies. For he asserted that he himself was a Savior, sent from above, from certain invisible aeons, for the salvation of men. He claimed that ^B no one could overcome the angels who created the world themselves, unless he had first been initiated by him into the magical discipline and the baptism which he provided. He affirmed that whoever had been deemed worthy to receive this baptism would attain perpetual immortality in this life; they would no longer be subject to death, but would remain here, to be always youthful and immortal. These things, indeed, it is easy to learn from the books of Irenaeus. Justin also, after ^C he had reported on Simon, adds these words concerning Menander: “We know of a certain Menander, a Samaritan himself as well, from the village of Caparattaea, who became a disciple of Simon and was also goaded by demons. He came to Antioch and deceived many through the art of magic. He even persuaded those who followed him that they would never die. And even now there are some from him who profess this.” This was a contrivance of diabolical cunning: that through ^D malefic men falsely claiming the name of Christians, it might besmirch that great mystery of our religion with the infamy of magic art, and mock the ecclesiastical dogmas concerning the immortality of the soul and the resurrection of the dead. But these men...

^A who have claimed for themselves such saviors have utterly fallen from the hope of true salvation.

CHAPTER XXVII. Of the heresy of the Ebionites.

The evil demon, unable to shake these men from their devotion toward Christ, took possession of them because he found them vulnerable on another side.hem. These men the ancients appropriately termed Ebionites, because they hold poor and humble opinions concerning Christ. For they considered him to simply be a plain and common man, who had become righteous only through the advancement of his character, and who had been born from the intercourse of a man with Mary. They deemed the observance of the Law absolutely necessary for them, as if they could not be saved by faith in Christ alone and by the life lived according to it. Others, however, besides these, who are called by the same name, avoided the strange absurdity of the former, not denying that the Lord was born of the Virgin and the Holy Spirit, yet they did not acknowledge that he pre-existed, being the Word of God and the Wisdom of the Father. Thus they fell into the same impiety as the former, especially since they labored to observe the corporal worship of the Law just like them. They considered that all the Epistles of the Apostle ought to be rejected, calling him a deserter of the Law; and using only the Gospel called "according to the Hebrews," they made light of the rest. And they observed the Sabbath and other Jewish customs just as the Jews did, while on the Lord's days they performed similar rites to ours in memory of the ^C resurrection of the Lord. Because of such an endeavor they obtained their name, the Ebionite title signifying the poverty of their understanding. For thus is "the poor man" called in Hebrew.

CHAPTER XXVIII. Of the heresiarch Cerinthus.

About the same time, we have learned that Cerinthus became the leader of another heresy. Gaius, whose words I have already cited, in his published *Disputation*, writes thus concerning him: "But also Cerinthus, who by means of revelations as if written by a great apostle, introduces to us portents as if shown to him by angels, lyingly asserts that after the resurrection there will be an earthly kingdom of Christ, and that the flesh, dwelling in Jerusalem, will again be enslaved to desires and pleasures. And being an enemy to the Scriptures of God, and wishing to deceive, ^D he says that there will be a space of a thousand years for nuptial festivities, so as to suppose that the carnal Israelites would have been the first to receive Christ.

easier for him to deceive the unlearned. ^A Furthermore, Dionysius, who in our own time has obtained the bishopric of the parish of Alexandria, in his second book *On Promises* 41, after stating some things concerning the Revelation of John based on ancient tradition, makes mention of the same man in these words: “But Cerinthus, who also founded the Cerinthian heresy, named after him, desiring 42 to give additional weight to his own fabrication by attaching to it a name—for this was the doctrine of his teaching, that the kingdom of Christ would be earthly; and because he was a lover of the body and altogether carnal, he dreamed that it would consist in those things for which he himself lusted, the satisfaction of the belly and those parts beneath the belly, that is, in foods and drinks and marriages, and—to use a more decorous term 45—in feasts and sacrifices and in the slaughter of victims.” These are the words of Dionysius. Irenaeus, indeed, in the first book of his *Against Heresies*, records some of the more secret fabrications of the same man. But in the third book he has also committed to writing a story well worthy of being remembered, which he says he received from Polycarp: that the apostle John once went into a bathhouse to bathe, and having learned that Cerinthus was inside, ^B he leapt out of the place and fled outside, not even enduring to be under the same roof with him; and that he urged those who were with him to do the same, saying: “Let us flee, lest the bathhouse fall in, since Cerinthus, the enemy of the truth, is within.”

CHAPTER XXIX.

Regarding Nicolaus and those named after him.

During the same period, the heresy known as that of the Nicolaitans lasted for a very short time; mention of it is also made in the Revelation of John. These people boasted that Nicolaus, one of the deacons appointed by the apostles to care for the needy along with Stephen, was the author of their sect. Regarding this man, Clement of Alexandria, in the third book of the work inscribed *Stromata*, narrates these things word for word: “They say that he had a beautiful wife, and after the ascension of the Savior, being rebuked by the apostles ^C because of jealousy, he brought her into their midst and permitted anyone who wished to marry her.” ^D

^A For they say that this action is in accordance with that saying: “That one must abuse the flesh.” And so, following upon what was done, and upon what was said simply and without examination, those who pursue his heresy commit fornication shamelessly. But I have learned that Nicolaus had used no other woman than the one he had married, and that of his children, the females remained virgins until old age, and his son lived without carnal experience. Since these things were so, the bringing into the midst of the apostles of the wife who was the subject of jealousy, and the continence from the pleasures that are so eagerly sought after, was a lesson in how to "abuse the flesh." For I believe he did not wish, according to the commandment of the Savior, to serve two masters, pleasure and the Lord. They say, indeed, that Matthias also taught this: to fight against the flesh and to abuse it, by granting it nothing for the sake of pleasure, but to increase the soul through faith and knowledge. ^B Let these things suffice as said by us concerning those who, in the times indicated, attempted to corrupt the truth, and who perished more quickly than the word itself was extinguished.

CHAPTER XXX. Concerning the apostles who lived in marriage.

The aforementioned Clement, whose words we just read, continues after those things already related by us, and for the sake of those who reject marriage, he enumerates the apostles who had lived in marriage, saying: ^C “Or will they also disapprove of the apostles? For Peter and Philip begot children; Philip also gave his daughters to husbands. And Paul does not hesitate in a certain epistle to address his own wife, whom he did not take about with him because of the convenience of his ministry.” Since we have mentioned these things, it will not be unpleasant to set forth another story worthy of record regarding the same person, which he recorded in the seventh book of the Stromata in this manner: “They say, then, that the blessed Peter, when he saw his own wife being led away to death, rejoiced because she was called by God and was soon to return to her homeland; and addressing her by name with great encouragement and consolation, ^D and calling out, he said, ‘O you, remember the Lord!’”

Such was the marriage of the blessed, and such was the perfect affection of those most dear to one another. And these things, as they are appropriate to the subject at hand, let them be set down here in their proper place.

CHAPTER XXXI.

On the death of John and Philip.

^A Regarding Paul and Peter, both the time and the manner of their death, and furthermore the place where their bodies were laid after they had departed this life, have already been made known to us previously. As for John, the time has already been spoken of in some way, but the place of his dwelling is shown from the letter of Polycrates (who was bishop of the parish in Ephesus), which he wrote to Victor, bishop of the city of Rome. In it, he makes mention of John and also of the apostle Philip, and of his daughters, in these words: ^B “For in Asia also great lights have fallen asleep, which shall rise again on the last day of the coming of the Lord, when he shall come with glory from heaven, and shall seek out all the saints: Philip, one of the twelve apostles, who has fallen asleep in Hierapolis, and his two daughters who grew old as virgins, and his other daughter who lived in the Holy Spirit, who rests in Ephesus. And John moreover, who reclined upon the breast of the Lord, and who became a priest wearing the plate, ^C and martyr and teacher, he also has fallen asleep in Ephesus.” These things, then, concerning their obit. Moreover, in the

Dialogus

^A Proclus, against whom the disputation was instituted, in agreement with what we have just related concerning the passing of Philip and his daughters, speaks as follows: “After this, there were four prophetesses, the daughters of Philip, at Hierapolis, a city of Asia; their tomb is there, and also that of their father.” Thus he. Now Luke, in the Acts of the Apostles, makes mention of the daughters of Philip who, adorned with the gift of prophecy, were at that time living with their father in Caesarea of Judea, phrasing it thus: “We came into Caesarea, and entering into the house of Philip the evangelist, who was one of the seven, we stayed with him; and to him there were four virgin daughters who prophesied.” Having thus far set forth whatever has come to our knowledge concerning both the apostles and the times of the apostolic age, and concerning the sacred writings which they have left us, and concerning those which, while disputed, are nonetheless publicly read in ^B most churches, and concerning those which are entirely spurious and alien to the apostolic orthodoxy; having distinguished these things, let us proceed to the history of the subsequent events.

CHAPTER XXXII

After the persecution under Nero and Domitian, we have received a narrative that, in the time of Trajan, whose era we are now examining, a particular persecution was instigated against us in various cities by popular uprising. In this, it is recorded that Symeon, the son of Cleopas, whom we have shown to have been established as the second bishop of the Church in Jerusalem, ended his life by martyrdom. Of this event, the witness is he whose words we have already ^C cited so many times, Hegesippus, who, in speaking of certain heretics, adds that Symeon was accused by them at about this time and, having been tortured for many days with various kinds of torments because he was a Christian, he was a source of amazement to the judge himself and to those around him; and he finished his life with a death similar to that of the Lord. But it is better to listen to the words of the writer himself narrating these very things: “From the number of those heretics,” he says, “some denounced Symeon, the son of Cleopas, on the grounds that he was of the lineage of David and a Christian. And thus, when he was one hundred and twenty years old, ^D he underwent martyrdom under Trajan Caesar and the consular Atticus.”

^A The same writer further says that their own accusers also, when all who were of the royal tribe of the Jews were being carefully sought out as being of that lineage, were convicted because they traced their origin from that same stock. Now, one would not be wrong to call this Symeon an eyewitness and hearer of the Lord, using as proof the length of his life and the mention of the Gospel writing of Mary of Cleopas, of whom ^B the discourse has shown him to be the son. The same writer says that others from the lineage of one of the reported brothers of the Savior, whose name was Jude, also survived until the same reign, after the testimony they had already previously given regarding their faith in Christ during the time of Domitian. He writes as follows: “They come, therefore, and preside over every church, as witnesses and as kin of the Lord. And upon the establishment of profound peace in every church, they remained until Trajan Caesar. Until the time when the one from the Lord's family, ^C the aforementioned Symeon son of Cleopas, having been falsely accused by the heresies, was likewise accused on the same charge before the consular Atticus. And after being tortured for many days, he bore witness, so that all were exceedingly amazed, including the consular himself, at how he could endure such torments at one hundred and twenty years of age; and he was ordered to be crucified.” ^D Following this, the same man, in recounting the events of those times, adds that until those days the Church had remained a pure and undefiled virgin, if indeed there were any who were attempting to corrupt the sound rule of the message of salvation, they were still lurking in some obscure darkness. But when the sacred choir of the apostles had received the various kinds of death, and that generation of those who had been deemed worthy to hear the divine Wisdom with their own ears had passed away, then the conspiracy of impious error began its inception through the deceit of false teachers; and even then, as none of the apostles remained, they attempted to proclaim, with head already bare, a counter-proclamation of knowledge falsely so called against the preaching of the truth. These are the things about—

matters in this manner. But let us proceed step by step and in order to what follows.

CHAPTER XXXIII

How Trajan forbade that Christians be sought out.

So great and so severe in most places was the persecution then raging against us, that Plinius Secundus, a most illustrious provincial governor, moved by the multitude of martyrs, reported to the Emperor concerning the number of those who were being put to death for the sake of the faith. At the same time he signified that he had discovered them to be doing nothing impious or contrary to the laws, ^B except that they would gather at the first light of dawn and hymn Christ as a god; and that as for adultery, murder, and similar forbidden transgressions, they themselves forbade them, doing everything in accordance with the laws. In response to this, Trajan issued a decree of this kind: that the tribe of Christians should not be sought out, but if caught, they should be punished. When this happened, while the threat of the persecution that lay heavily upon us was somewhat extinguished, opportunities for those wishing to act maliciously and fraudulently against us were no less available, whether from the populace in some places or from provincial governors in others, as they prepared plots against us. Thus, even if there were no open and public persecutions, local ones broke out in some provinces, ^C and many of the faithful underwent the struggle of manifold martyrdom. We have taken this account from the Roman Apology of Tertullian, which we mentioned above, the interpretation of which is as follows: "And yet we have found that even the search for us has been prohibited. For Plinius Secundus, when governing his province, after having condemned some Christians and driven others from their rank, was at length troubled by the multitude and consulted the Emperor Trajan as to what he ought to do thereafter. He alleged that, beyond their obstinacy in not sacrificing, he had discovered nothing else concerning their mysteries, ^D other than that they stood at dawn to sing to Christ as God, and to bind themselves to a discipline prohibiting murder, adultery, fraud, perfidy, and other crimes. Trajan then wrote back that this kind was not to be sought out, but if brought forth, they were to be punished." And these things were so.

CHAPTER XXXIV

How Evarestus was the fourth to govern the Roman Church.

Of those who were bishops at Rome, in the third year of the aforementioned emperor's reign, Clement handed over the ministry to Evarestus and departed...

from this life, having overseen the teaching of the divine word for nine full years. ^A

CHAPTER XXXV. That Justus was third to preside over the Church of Jerusalem.

When Symeon had also departed from this life in the manner we have mentioned, a certain Hebrew named Justus succeeded to the episcopal throne in Jerusalem, he being one of the many thousands of the circumcision who at that time had believed in Christ.

CHAPTER XXXVI. Of Ignatius and his Epistles.

At the same time, there flourished in Asia Polycarp, a disciple of the apostles, who had received the episcopacy of the Church of Smyrna from those who had been eyewitnesses and ministers of the Lord. Papias also, bishop of the diocese of Hierapolis, was famous at that same time, a man most learned and erudite, and skilled in the Scriptures. Ignatius, furthermore, celebrated in the speech of many even in our own age, was the second to obtain the succession to the Church of Antioch after Peter. He is said to have been taken from Syria to the city of Rome on account of his faith in Christ, and thrown to the beasts. And while he was being conducted through Asia under the most careful guard of soldiers, he nonetheless confirmed the Churches of every city he entered with his speeches and exhortations, warning them first of all to beware of the perverse opinions of the heretics, which, having then first begun to emerge into the light, were spreading in great numbers; and he exhorted them to adhere tenaciously to the traditions of the apostles: which, indeed, he thought necessary to commit to writing, confirmed by his own testimony for the surer knowledge of posterity. Therefore, when he had come to Smyrna, where Polycarp then was, he wrote one epistle to the Church of the Ephesians, in which he makes mention of Onesimus, their pastor. He gave another also to the Church of the city of Magnesia, which is situated by the Maeander, in which he also names Damas the bishop. Likewise another to the Church of the Trallians, whose overseer he records as having then been Polybius. ^C Besides these, there is another epistle of his to the Church of the city of Rome, in which he prays and exhorts the Romans, lest by preventing and deprecating his martyrdom, they should desire to defraud him of his hope. From which it is fitting to set forth even a few words as a demonstrative of what has been said. He writes indeed word for word: "From Syria even unto Rome I fight with beasts by land and sea, by night and by day." ^D

^A bound to ten leopards, which is a company of soldiers, who, even when they are treated with kindness, become worse. But I am the more instructed by their wrongdoings; yet not for this am I justified. May I have the benefit of the beasts that are prepared for me; and I pray that they may be found prompt for me, which also I will coax to devour me quickly, not as they have done to some, fearing to touch them. And even if they should not be willing, and refuse, I will force them. Forgive me; I know what is for my benefit. Now I begin to be a disciple. Let nothing of things seen and unseen ^B begrudge me, that I may attain to Jesus Christ. Let fire and cross, and the gathering of beasts, and breakings of bones, and cuttings off of members, and crushings of my whole body, and the punishments of the devil come upon me, only that I may attain to Jesus Christ." And these things he thus set forth from the aforementioned city to the churches enumerated. But when he was already beyond Smyrna, ^C having reached Troas, he again spoke by letter to those in Philadelphia, and to the Church of the Smyrnaeans, and privately to Polycarp, who presided over them; whom, as a truly apostolic man, he knew full well, and he entrusted his flock at Antioch to him as a genuine and good shepherd, requesting him to have the care of it with diligence. The same man, writing to the Smyrnaeans, makes use of sayings—I know not whence—disclosing certain things like this concerning Christ: ^D "And I, even after the resurrection, I know that he is in the flesh, and I believe that he is."

^A And when he came to those around Peter, he said to them: "Take, handle me, and see that I am not a bodiless demon." And immediately they touched him, and believed. Irenaeus also knows of this martyrdom of his, and mentions his epistles, speaking thus: "As one of our own said, having been condemned to the beasts for the sake of his testimony toward God: 'I am the wheat of God, and I am ground by the teeth of the beasts, that I may be found pure bread'." Polycarp also mentions these same things in his epistle to the Philippians, which is still in circulation, saying to them in these words: ^B "I exhort you all, therefore, to be obedient and to practice all that patience which you beheld with your own eyes, not only in the blessed Ignatius, and Rufus, and Zosimus, but also in others from among you, and in Paul himself and the rest of the apostles; being persuaded that all these did not run in vain, but in faith and righteousness, and that they are at their due place with the Lord, with whom they also suffered. For they loved not this present age, but him who died for our sake and who was raised by God for us." And he adds further on: "You have written to me, both you and Ignatius, so that if anyone should happen to go to Syria, he might carry your letters there. Which I shall do if I find a convenient time, either I myself or someone else whom I shall send for your sake to negotiate on your behalf. The epistles of Ignatius which were sent to us by him, and as many others as we were able to find with us, we have sent to you as you commanded. These are appended to this epistle, from which you will be able to derive great benefit. For they contain faith and patience and all the edification which pertains to our Lord." And so much for what concerns Ignatius. After his death, Heros succeeded to the bishopric of the church of Antioch. ^C

CHAPTER XXXVII.

Concerning those who still flourished as preachers of the Gospel at that time.

At the same time there flourished also Quadratus, who is mentioned as having been endowed with the gift of prophecy along with the daughters of Philip. ^D Besides these, many others also flourished at that time, holding the first rank in the succession of the apostles. Since they were disciples of such great men, they were clearly wonderful and divine men, and they built upon the foundations of the churches which had been laid in every place by the apostles, increasing the preaching further, and scattering the saving seeds of the kingdom of heaven over the whole world.

For many of the disciples of that time, whose souls were kindled with a more ardent love of philosophy for the divine Word, had already beforehand fulfilled the Savior’s injunction by distributing their possessions among the needy. Then, setting out on journeys, they performed the work of evangelists, being ambitious to preach Christ to those who had not yet heard the word of the faith at all, and to deliver the written books of the divine Gospels. And these men, after casting the foundations of the faith in some strange places, appointing other pastors, and entrusting to them the cultivation of those who had just been brought in, would themselves proceed again to other lands and nations, with the grace and cooperation of God, since even then the operation of the divine Spirit ^B was still producing many miraculous powers through them, so that from the very first hearing, entire multitudes of people would eagerly receive the piety toward the Creator of all into their own souls. But since it is impossible for us to enumerate by name all those who were ever pastors or evangelists in the churches throughout the world during the first succession of the apostles, we have reasonably recorded the memory of those only by name, whose traditions of the apostolic doctrine are still borne to us even now through their writings.

CHAPTER XXXVIII.

For instance, the epistles of Ignatius which we have enumerated, and that one of Clement which is acknowledged by all, which he wrote in the name of the Church of Rome to the Church of the Corinthians. In it, having set forth many thoughts from the Epistle to the Hebrews, and having even used some phrases from it word for word, he demonstrates most clearly that the work is not new. Whence it was reasonably deemed to have been included with the other writings of the Apostle. For since Paul had written to the Hebrews in his native tongue, some say that the evangelist Luke, and ^D others that this Clement of whom we speak, translated that writing. Which indeed seems more true, especially since the Epistle of Clement and that to the Hebrews have the same style, and the ideas in both writings do not differ greatly from one another. It must be known, however, that a second epistle of Clement is also said to exist. Yet we do not know this one to be as familiar as the former, because we know that the ancients did not use it. Furthermore, certain people have brought to light other wordy and long writings under his name again yesterday and the day before, such as those of Peter and

^A of Apion, containing dialogues, of which no mention whatever is recorded among the ancients. 75 For they do not preserve the pure character of the Apostolic orthodoxy. 76 Now, the generally accepted writing of Clement is manifest. The writings of Ignatius and Polycarp have also been mentioned.

CHAPTER XXXIX. Of the books of Papias.

Of Papias, five books are reported, which are titled: *Exposition of the Oracles of the Lord*. Irenæus also mentions these as the only ones written by him, speaking in this way: "These things Papias, who was a hearer of John and a companion of Polycarp, an ancient man, testifies in ^B writing in the fourth of his books. For there are five books composed by him." And Irenæus says this. Papias himself, however, in the preface of his own discourses, does not claim to have been a hearer and eyewitness of the holy apostles in any way, but shows that he had received the things of the faith from those familiar with them. He says in these words: "I will not hesitate to put down for you, along with my interpretations, as many things as I formerly learned well from the presbyters and well committed to memory, 111 that their truth may be confirmed." 73 Now, the *Disputations of Peter and Apion*—in book X of the *Recognitions* of Clement of Rome, mention is indeed made of Apion, who is said to have arrived in the city of Antioch with Anubion, at about the same time that the Apostle Peter had arrived there. But there is no mention in that place of Peter’s disputation with Apion. What, then, shall we say? Is the book of Clement that contained the disputation of Peter with Apion different from the books of the *Recognitions*? To me, indeed, it does not seem that there were two books. For if there had been two books of Clement, one of the *Recognitions* and another containing the disputation of Peter with Apion, why would Eusebius have commemorated only one, and passed over the other? Therefore, that book of Clement that was entitled ^C *Actions* or *Journeys of Peter* was one. But this was divided into two parts. The former mentioned Matidia and Faustinianus having been recognized by their children; in the second part was contained the dialogue of Peter with Apion. Indeed, Rufinus, who translated that book of Clement into Latin, testifies in a letter to Bishop Gaudentius that there were two small works of this book among the Greeks; in one of which were read certain things that the other did not possess. He writes, moreover, that he deliberately omitted certain things, because they abhorred the doctrine of the true faith.

74 *And of Apion.* This is read in all our codices, except in the *Fuk.*, in which the name of Apion is written with a simple *pi*, just as in Josephus and others. Photius, however, in his *Bibliotheca*, ch. 112, agrees with our exemplars, as does Clement in book X of the *Recognitions*, where he says that Apion the Plistonicean arrived with Anubion from Antioch. Finally, Agellius in his sixth book: "Apion," he says, "a Greek man who is called Plistonices." In the Lexicon of Suidas it is written, *Antion* of Plistonices. But from the series of letters that ought to be observed in lexicons, it sufficiently appears that it should be written *Apion*. Certainly, it is a Roman name, twisted into Greek form, like *Marcion*, *Copraton*, and the like. Apion was indeed a name familiar to the Egyptians, derived from Apis, whom they worshiped; such as Serapion, Anubion, and the like. Certainly, Ptolemy, king of the Cyrenians, was named Apion. Wherefore, since that grammarian, the son of Plistonices, was an Egyptian, it seems better that he be called *Apion* than *Appion*. There is the same variety of spelling in the consular *Fasti*. For, although the Latins generally call the man who was consul during the principate of Justinian Augustus ^D *Appion*, in the Alexandrian *Chronicle* he is called *Apion*. And yet, Origen, in his book of *Explanations of Genesis*, makes mention of these books of Clement, and adduces a certain place from them that is still read today in the books of the *Recognitions*: *Clement of Rome, a disciple of the Apostle Peter, agrees with these in the present problem, saying to his father in Laodicea in the Journeys, etc.* This passage exists in ch. 22 of the *Philocalia*. And in the common editions, that passage is brought forth as if from book II *Contra Celsum*, though it is not read in the books *Contra Celsum* that exist today. But it is, in truth, from book III of the *Explanations of Genesis*, from which a most lucid fragment is brought forward in the first place in the aforementioned chapter of the *Philocalia*, from page 330 to page 352. To this fragment must be joined that which follows on page 357: *Come, let us struggle*, and the rest to the end of the chapter. For thus it is cited by Eusebius continuously without any interruption at the end of the sixth book of the *Praeparatio*. Furthermore, I have observed that Origen was not infrequently accustomed to use the testimonies of apocryphal books. Yet he uses them in such a way that he crops from them only the best. In this, indeed, he imitates the bees, which collect sweetness of honey even from poisonous flowers.

76 *For they do not preserve the pure character of the Apostolic orthodoxy.* The same is testified by Photius, in the *Bibliotheca*, ch. 112, and before him Rufinus in his letter to Bishop Gaudentius, that in those books, namely the *Recognitions* of Clement, certain things were said concerning the Son of God that deviated from the right dogma of the faith, and agreed rather with the opinion of the Arians. Finally, Epiphanius in his *Heresy of the Ebionites*, ch. 15, expressly affirms that the books of Clement of Rome, which were entitled *Journeys of Peter*, had been corrupted and falsified by the Ebionites. Furthermore, those books *On the Journeys of Peter* are the same as the books of the *Recognitions*, as we have shown above from Origen. Wherefore, Eusebius in this place...

^A confirms our assertion. For he says: "I did not, as the majority do, take pleasure in those who talk much, but in those who teach the truth; nor in those who recount the commandments given by others, but in those who report the commandments given by the Lord to the faith and proceeding from the truth itself. And if ever anyone came who had accompanied the elders, I would inquire into the discourses of the elders: what Andrew, or what Peter said, or what Philip, or what Thomas, or what James, or what John, or what Matthew, or any other of the disciples of the Lord; and what Aristion and the presbyter John, the disciples of the Lord, were saying. For I did not suppose that information from books would help me as much as that from a living and abiding voice."

^B In these words, it is also to be observed that the name of John is set down by him twice. The first he lists along with Peter, James, Matthew, and the rest of the apostles, clearly indicating that he is speaking of John the Evangelist. But then, employing a distinction in speech, he places the other John with those who are outside the number of the apostles, setting Aristion before him, and he designates him explicitly by the name of PRESBYTER. By which it is proven that the account of those who said that there were two in Asia who bore the same name, and that there are two monuments at Ephesus, and that each is still called John’s even to this day, is true; and to these it is necessary to apply one’s mind. For it is likely that the second—if one does not choose to believe the first—saw the Revelation which is inscribed with the name of John.

And as for Papias, whom we are now discussing, he acknowledges that he received the words of the apostles from those who had followed them, but he declares that he himself was a hearer of Aristion and the presbyter John. Indeed, he often mentions them by name and sets down their traditions in his own writings. These things, however, have not been said by us to no purpose. ^C But it will be worth the effort to append to the aforementioned words of Papias other testimonies of his, in which he recounts certain miracles on the credit of others by tradition. We have already shown above that the apostle Philip was accustomed to dwell at Hierapolis together with his daughters. But now we must note how Papias, who lived at the same time, records that he received a wonderful account from the daughters of Philip. For he recounts a resurrection of a dead man that had occurred in his time, and again another marvelous event concerning Justus, who was surnamed Barsabas, ^D who had drunk a deadly poison and endured nothing unpleasant because of the grace of the Lord. Now this Justus, after the assumption of the Savior, the holy apostles stood with Matthias and prayed in place of the betrayer.

What of for you the dialogues of holy Clement?

^A of Judas toward the lot of the fulfillment of their number, the Scripture of the Acts relates in this way: "And they placed two, Joseph who was called Barsabas who was surnamed Justus, and Matthias; and praying they said." And the same writer also brings forward other things as if they had come to him by unwritten tradition, certain strange parables of the Savior and his teachings, and some other things more akin to fables. Among these he says that there will be a certain millennium of years after the resurrection from the dead, and that the kingdom of Christ will be established bodily upon this earth. These things I suppose he imagined by misinterpreting the apostolic narratives, having not perceived the things said by them mystically in examples. For he appears to have been of very small intelligence, as one might conclude from his own ^B words; yet he became the cause of a similar opinion to most of the Church writers after him, who put forward the antiquity of the man—as, for instance, Irenaeus, and anyone else who appeared to hold the same views. And he delivers in his own writing other narratives of the Lord's words from the aforementioned Aristion, and traditions of the presbyter John. Having been content to point these out to those studious of learning, we will now necessarily append to the previously set forth words of his a tradition concerning Mark, who wrote the Gospel, as he has set it forth through these words: "And this the presbyter said: Mark, having become the interpreter of Peter, wrote down accurately everything that he recalled, though not in the order in which things were either said or done by Christ. ^C For he neither heard the Lord nor followed him, but later, as I said, he followed Peter, who used to adapt his teachings to the requirements, but not as if he were composing a systematic set of the Lord's discourses; so that Mark did nothing wrong by writing down individual things just as he recalled them. For he took thought for one thing: not to omit any of the things he had heard, or to state anything false in them." These things, then, are related by Papias concerning Mark. Concerning Matthew, however, it is said thus: "Matthew, then, composed the oracles in the Hebrew language. And each person interpreted them as he was able." The same writer employed testimonies from the first Epistle of John, and similarly from that of Peter. He also sets forth another history concerning a woman who had been accused before the Lord of many sins, which the Gospel according to the Hebrews contains. And let these things be noted by us as necessary in addition to what has been set forth.

The end of the third book of the Ecclesiastical History.

uses. He also exposes another story about a woman who was accused of many sins before the Lord. This particular history is written in the Gospel according to the Hebrews. And these things, along with others which we have set down above, have not been observed by us without cause.

Here ends the third book of the Ecclesiastical History.

OF EUSEBIUS PAMPHILUS, ECCLESIASTICAL HISTORY, BOOK FOUR

THESE THINGS ARE CONTAINED IN THE FOURTH BOOK OF THE ECCLESIASTICAL HISTORY

1. Who the bishops of the Romans and Alexandrians were during the reign of Trajan. 2. What things the Jews suffered in his time. 3. Who those were who made apologies for the faith under Hadrian. 4. Who the bishops of the Romans and Alexandrians were in his time. 5. Who the bishops of Jerusalem were from our Savior down to these times. 6. The final siege of the Jews under Hadrian. 7. Who were the leaders of the falsely called knowledge at that time. 8. Who were the ecclesiastical writers. 9. [On the decree of Hadrian] that we should not be driven to extremes. 10. Who the bishops of the Romans and Alexandrians were during the reign of Antoninus. 11. Concerning the leaders of heresies who arose in their time. 12. Concerning Justin’s apology to Antoninus for our cause. 13. The letter of Antoninus to the Assembly of Asia concerning our cause. 14. Things recorded regarding Polycarp, a disciple of the apostles. 15. How, under Verus (Marcus Aurelius), Polycarp, together with others, bore witness in the city of Smyrna. ^A 16. How Justin the philosopher, while advocating for the word of Christ in the city of the Romans, bore witness. 17. Concerning the martyrs whom Justin mentions in his own writing. 18. Which of Justin’s works have come down to us. 19. Who directed the Church of the Romans and of the Alexandrians during the reign of Verus. 20. Who the bishops of the Church of the Antiochians were in his time. 21. Concerning the ecclesiastical writers who flourished in their time. 22. Concerning Hegesippus and those whom he mentions. 23. Concerning Dionysius, bishop of the Corinthians, and the letters which he wrote. 24. Concerning Theophilus, bishop of the Antiochians. 25. Concerning Philip and Modestus. ^B 26. Concerning Melito and those whom he mentioned. 27. Concerning Apollinarius, bishop of the Church of the Hierapolitans. 28. Concerning Musanus and those things which he wrote. 29. Concerning Tatian and his heresy. 30. Concerning Bardesanes the Syrian, and the works of his that are current.

Chapter I. Who were the bishops of the Romans and Alexandrians during the reign of Trajan.

^BAround the twelfth year of the reign of Trajan, Cerdo, the bishop of the Church of Alexandria whom we mentioned a little way back, departed this life; and Primus, the fourth from the apostles, received the ministry of the Church there. At this same time, Alexander, upon Evarestus having completed eight years in the pontificate, received the episcopate at Rome, holding the fifth place in succession from Peter and Paul.

Chapter II. What things the Jews suffered under the same emperor.

And indeed the doctrine of our Saviour and the Church were flourishing more and more by the day, increasing with constant growth. But the calamities of the Jews were piled upon them with successive disasters. For when the emperor had now reached the eighteenth year of his reign, a Jewish uprising flared up again, and it destroyed a very great multitude of them. For at Alexandria and in the rest of Egypt, and furthermore in Cyrene, as though goaded by some terrible and seditious spirit, the Jews began to stir up an insurrection against the Greeks and Gentiles who lived together with them. The sedition then progressed to a greater scale, and in the following year they joined in a war that was not insignificant, with Lupus at that time governing the whole of Egypt.

^{A B C D}

^A And indeed, in the first engagement it so happened that they prevailed over the Greeks, who fled to Alexandria, where they seized and killed the Jews living in that city. Deprived of the alliance of these, those around Cyrene, ravaging the territory of Egypt and laying waste to its nomes, continued their plunder, with Lucua as their leader; against whom the emperor sent Marcius Turbo ^B with an infantry and naval force, as well as cavalry. After waging war against them for no little time in many battles, he slew many tens of thousands of Jews—not only those from Cyrene, but also those from Egypt who had flocked to Lucua, their king. And the emperor, suspecting that the Jews in Mesopotamia would also attack those in that region, ordered Lucius Quietus ^C to purge them from the province. He, having drawn up his forces against them, slew a vast multitude of those there, for which success as governor ^D...

The furthest Libyan reaches, where Nasamonian lands lie, No longer burdened by wild beasts of the deep continent, You shadows of lions, now hushed in desert echoes, Beyond the very sands over the nomad tracks— Since an uncountable tribe was hunted in their footprints, The boy Caesar brought them under one, by the spear; And the peaks, once the sleeping-quarters of field-beasts, Are now, by the men, pastures for cattle. The boy Caesar brought them under one, by the spear.

So too your ancestor and founder: though he had no children of his own, he had the sons of his brothers and sisters; yet he did not prefer any of them to the kindness of Lysius. And he was not a man of the Romans, nor even a Libyan from subject Libya, but from an obscure and remote borderland; yet because he conquered the Mardaer, he first declared him consul, and then appointed him successor to the empire.

[alt-version omitted]

^A Likewise, those of the Greeks who committed the events of those times to writing recorded these things in the very same words.

CHAPTER III. Regarding those who wrote in defense of the faith during the reign of Hadrian.

When Trajan had held the government for twenty years, less six months, Aelius Hadrian succeeded to the empire. To him, Quadratus presented a discourse, having composed an apology for our religion, because certain malicious men were attempting to harass our people. This discourse is still extant among most of the brethren, and indeed it is with us also, from which it is possible to perceive clear proofs of the man’s intelligence and of his apostolic ^B orthodoxy (88). The same writer also indicates his own antiquity, recording these things in his own words: "The works of our Savior were always present, for they were true: those who were healed of diseases, and those who were raised from the dead, who were seen not only being healed and rising, but were always present; and not only while the Savior was sojourning on earth, but also after his departure, they remained for a considerable time, so that some of them arrived even unto our own times." Such is this man. Moreover, Aristides, a faithful man devoted to our religion, like Quadratus, has left behind an Apology for the faith, addressed to Hadrian. His writing also is preserved to this day by many.

CHAPTER IV. Regarding those who were bishops of Rome and Alexandria under the same emperor.

In the third year of the same reign, Alexander, bishop of the city of Rome, paid the debt of nature, having completed the tenth year of his administration. Xystus was his successor. At about the same time, Primus having died in the twelfth year of his episcopate, Justus undertook the priesthood of the Church of Alexandria.

CHAPTER V. Regarding those who were bishops of Jerusalem from our Savior down to these times.

As for the times of the bishops who were at Jerusalem, ^D (87) *procurator of Judea*. Jerome and Rufinus translated this poorly as *procuratorem*. Christophorsonus does not interpret *praefectum* any better. For Dio writes in our Excerpts that Lusius Quietus was honored with praetorian ornaments and reached the consulship, and governed the province of Palestine. This fact, he says, brought him envy. But the procuratorship of Palestine was not such a great dignity that it could bring envy upon Lusius; nor could a man of senatorial and consular rank be a procurator. Therefore, he was the legate of Augustus with the authority of praetor of the province of Palestine; which dignity Tinius Rufus held under Hadrian, as we shall soon see. Furthermore, it should trouble no one that Palestine then had a legate, whereas before it had obeyed a procurator. For emperors changed the administration of provinces at their own discretion; and sometimes they sent legates, sometimes procurators, as the needs of the republic demanded. Therefore, when Trajan saw that Palestine was being troubled by the constant uprisings of the Jews, he appointed Lusius as legate over it, a man of consular rank, and a vigorous man who would hold the province by his rank and military power. But even before Lusius, that Atticus of whom we spoke a little before, when dealing with the martyrdom of Simeon the son of Clopas, appears to have been the legate of the province of Palestine. (88) *Apostolic orthodoxy*. Thus speaks Clemens Alexandrinus in the seventh book of his *Stromata*: "The one, then, who has grown old in the Scriptures with us, preserving the apostolic and ecclesiastical orthodoxy of the dogmas." And it appears that this expression is taken from the Epistle to Timothy, in which the Apostle said, "rightly dividing the word of truth."

I have by no means found any written record of the times during which they presided over Jerusalem. It is said, indeed, that they were very short-lived. This much, however, I have learned from the records of ancient writers: that up to the time of the siege of the Jews which occurred in the reign of Hadrian, there were fifteen successions of bishops in that church. All of these, they say, were Hebrews by origin, who had sincerely and wholeheartedly accepted the knowledge of Christ, so that they were judged worthy of the episcopal office by those who were capable of passing judgment on such matters. For at that time, the entire Church of Jerusalem consisted of faithful Hebrews, who had remained there from the time of the Apostles until the siege of that period, in which the Jews, having revolted again from the Romans, were defeated and subdued in great wars. Since the bishops from the circumcision had by that time come to an end, it is now necessary to enumerate them from the first. ^B The first, therefore, was James, known as the brother of the Lord; after him, Simon was the second, Justus the third, Zacchæus the fourth, Tobias the fifth, Benjamin the sixth, John the seventh, Matthias the eighth, Philip the ninth, Seneca the tenth, Justus the eleventh, Levi the twelfth, Ephres the thirteenth, Joseph the fourteenth; and finally, Judas was the fifteenth. These, then, were the bishops of the city of Jerusalem who served from the time of the Apostles until the period mentioned, all of them being of the circumcision. When Hadrian's reign had reached its twelfth year, Xystus, having completed a ten-year period in the Roman episcopate, was succeeded by Telesphorus, the seventh from the Apostles. After an interval of a year and some months, Eumenes assumed the charge of the Alexandrian parish in the sixth succession, as his predecessor had served for eleven years.

CHAPTER VI. The final siege of the Jews in the time of Hadrian.

Now, as the revolt of the Jews grew ever greater and more widespread, ^C Rufus, the governor of Judea, having received military reinforcements from the Emperor, ^D and seeing their madness and despair...

^A vented his fury upon them, sparing neither age nor sex. After massacring hisriads of men, women, and children in the initial onslaught, and having reduced their lands to subjection under the Roman Empire by the laws of war, he dealt out the most severe punishments upon them. At that time, the leader of the Jews was a certain Bar-chochab, a name signifying "a star," a man who was otherwise a murderer and a brigand, but who, through his name, as if to the lowest class of slaves, practiced a deception, suggesting that he had descended upon them as a light from heaven to bring relief to those suffering under the weight of their calamities.

Finally, in the eighteenth year of the reign of Hadrian, when the violence of the war had reached its peak around the city of Bethara—a most fortified stronghold not far from Jerusalem—and the siege had been dragged out for a long time by the Romans, the rebels were weighed down by famine and thirst, and the author of the sedition paid his due penalty. From that time on, the entire Jewish race was strictly forbidden from even setting foot on the land in the region around Jerusalem. ^B

Note on the Text

(94) "Bar-chochab by name, which means 'a star'." Other manuscripts read slightly differently here. (95) "A murderous and brigandly man." (96) Concerning the phrase "as if to slaves" (which in our editions is simply printed as *as if to slaves*), it is used because of their ignoble and destitute state, and because the majority of them were descended from the captives who had been sold under Titus. (97) "At the city of Bethara." This is the reading of the Royal manuscript, though others read *Beththera*, which is identified in the *Itinerarium Burdigalense* as a station fifty-two miles from the city of Jerusalem. There is also a village of Bethar in the same Itinerary, twelve miles from Jerusalem. Jerome, in his *Epitaphium Paulae*, seems to call both places Bethoron; for describing Paula’s journey from Caesarea to Jerusalem, he says: "Setting out from Nicopolis, she ascended Bethoron the Lower and Upper, cities founded by Solomon but later destroyed by various tempests of war."

It is likewise written in the *Chronicle* of Eusebius, in the eighteenth year of the reign of Hadrian: "The Jewish war in Palestine reached its end, with the affairs of the Jews being utterly crushed; ^C from which time, the permission for them to even enter Jerusalem was taken away, first by the will of God, then by Roman prohibitions." The same prohibition is mentioned by Tertullian in his book *Against the Jews*, ch. 15: "And from that time, it was prohibited that any Jew should remain in the confines of that region." And shortly after: "That you are prohibited from entering your own land because of your merits after the conquest of Jerusalem, and that you are permitted only to see it from a distance with your own eyes." Tertullian also speaks elegantly about the Jews in his *Apology*, ch. 16: "Dispersed, wanderers, and exiles from their own sky and soil, they roam through the world without a man, without a god as king, to whom is granted not even the right of strangers to greet their native land with a footprint." Celsus also, in Origen, Bk. VIII, at the end, bears witness to the same about the Jews. ^D Gregory of Nazianzus, in Sermon 12, page 202, speaking of the final dispersion of the Jews, testifies that it was not permitted for the Jews to approach their fatherland or set foot on the soil of Jerusalem, except on one single day of the year, so that, looking upon their fatherland, they might mourn their desolation and exile. This passage was misunderstood by Bullius. It means that the entire world throughout which they are dispersed is their one monument of calamity; and their worship has been abolished; and the very soil of Jerusalem is barely known to them, such that only this much is accessible to them, and they enjoy their former glory only to the extent that, appearing on that one day, they lament its desolation. For on the day that Jerusalem was once taken and overturned by the Romans, Jews from various nations would gather in Palestine, and having paid a fee to the soldiers, they would enter that part of the city where...

^A there had once been the temple of Solomon; and there they would weep over the destruction of the temple and their city, as has long been observed by Scaliger in his *Animadversiones on Eusebius*, p. 198, through Jerome and the *Itinerarium Burdigalense*. To me, indeed, it seems that this was permitted to the Jews during those days when a solemn market was held at the Terebinth. For since many from among the barbarians would gather for that market, the Jews also would flock there on this occasion—not, indeed, for the sake of the market, which they absolutely avoided because their ancestors had once been sold there, but to behold and salute the ruins of the temple. And I infer this from the soldiers whom Jerome testifies were placed over the mourning Jews. For in those markets which were held at the border, a centurion with soldiers was stationed, as I have noted on book XXVII of Ammianus Marcellinus. Our conjecture is supported by a passage of Jerome in chapter XXXI of Jeremiah, where he writes that it was detestable for the Jews to visit the most celebrated market which was held annually at the Terebinth.

Furthermore, ^B it should be noted that Eusebius, both here and in his *Chronicon*, says only this: that from the times of Hadrian, it was forbidden for the Jews to enter the city of Jerusalem or the land neighboring the city. And indeed, the passage of Gregory which we have brought forward confirms this. Others, however, have written that they were forbidden to enter not only the holy city but the entire region of Palestine. Thus, besides Tertullian, Eusebius himself writes in the eighth book of his *Demonstratio*: "All the tribes of the Jewish nation have suffered things worthy of lamentation and wailing because of the blow that has come upon them from God, by which also their mother-city has been surrendered to alien nations, and the temple has been raked to the ground, and they themselves have been driven from their own land, serving enemies in a hostile country."

(99) "So that they might not even see from a distance their ancestral soil." The same form of expression is found in Philo in the book *That every good man is free*: "Not only are they unable to set foot upon the land, but they are not even able to behold their ancestral soil from a distance."

^C *Aristo of Pella relates.* This is a city in Syria, Pella, which, after the city of Jerusalem was raked by Titus, was the seat of the bishopric of Jerusalem, as Eusebius writes. As for Scaliger, he supposed that all that is read above from the words "when the war was at its height" were the words of Aristo, and he cites them throughout under the name of Aristo, in which matter, however, I cannot agree with him. For the words themselves ring entirely of the style of Eusebius; and Aristo of Pella had already treated more extensively of that siege of Betthara and the conquest of the Jews. But if those were indeed the words of Aristo, Eusebius would by no means have been silent about it. For as often as he is about to introduce the actual words of an author, he always warns the reader of it. But when he adds *relates* or *they relate*, he indicates that the matter is being commemorated more extensively by those writers whom he praises. Moreover, this Aristo of Pella is said to be the author of a certain little book which had the title, *The Disputation of Jason and Papiscus*. Maximus writes of this in his scholia to the book of Dionysius *On Mystical Theology*, ch. 1: "I read this in the seven heavens and in the written Disputation of Papiscus and Jason by Aristo of Pella, which Clement of Alexandria in the sixth book of his *Hypotyposes* says the holy Luke recorded." Celsus mentions this little book, as does Origen in book IV *Against Celsus*. A certain Celsus translated the same from Greek into the Latin tongue. But only its preface survives today among the works of Cyprian.

(2) *The Roman city which was formed later.* ^D Eusebius is doubly mistaken here, both in that he writes that the city of Jerusalem was utterly destroyed under Hadrian, and that he supposed Aelia Capitolina to have been founded by this same Hadrian after the conquest of Betthara. As for the first point, it is certain from Josephus that Jerusalem was completely destroyed by Titus, so much so that even a plow was drawn over its soil. How, then, was it destroyed again by Hadrian, when it had already ceased to be? Certainly, Eusebius in this place does not openly say that Jerusalem was destroyed by Hadrian, but only obscurely hints at it. But in the books *Demonstratio* and in his *Chronicon*, he explicitly affirms that Jerusalem was destroyed from the foundations by Hadrian. From which it can be seen, by the way, that these books of *Ecclesiastical History* were elaborated by Eusebius far more accurately than his other writings.

But as to the founding of Aelia, it is so far from the case that it was founded by Hadrian after the victory gained over the Jews; rather, the Jewish war took its origin from the founding of Aelia. For when the Jews saw that the soil of their city was occupied by aliens, and perceived that in that very place where once the temple of God had been, sacred rites were being performed to Jupiter Capitolinus, deeming this an injury that could not be borne, they took up arms and made the beginning of this war which Eusebius narrates here: and which, begun in the sixteenth year of Hadrian, reached its end finally in the eighteenth or nineteenth. But Aelia Capitolina had been founded long before, namely in the year of Hadrian, as is written in the *Chronicon Alexandrinum*.

More could be said by Scaliger in his *Animadversiones*, whom in this part I willingly follow. But wherein he reproves Hilary and Athanasius for having said that in their age there was no longer any Jerusalem, in this I do not agree with Scaliger. For it was rightly said by the most holy Fathers, since that city which at that time was called Jerusalem was Aelia rather, and was not called Jerusalem except by abuse of the term. For Hadrian did not restore Jerusalem, since the Jews were then enemies of the Roman people. But he founded Aelia, a colony of Roman citizens, from whose entry he also wished the Jews to be debarred. And so from the times of Hadrian until Constantine the Great, it was always called Aelia. But from the time of Constantine the Great, the name of Jerusalem was somehow recovered by postliminy, as much for the splendor of that name as for the prerogative of the primitive see. Yet in reality it was Aelia, not Jerusalem. And so in canon 7 of the Council of Nicaea, he is called the bishop of Aelia. But after that most celebrated martyrdom built by Constantine in the place of the Lord's resurrection, the ambition of the bishops prevailed, so that it might be called Jerusalem rather than Aelia. But that was done improperly, as I have said. And so Hilary and Athanasius spoke rightly: to whom must also be added Eusebius in sermon II, *On the Resurrection*: "But if they doubt, let them show their city standing after those things which they dared." And in book V of the *Demonstratio*, ch. 13. St. Gregory Nazianzen in oration 12: "And the very soil of Jerusalem is scarcely recognized, of which only so much is accessible to them," etc. You see how Gregory testifies that the soil of Jerusalem could scarcely be recognized in his own age, and that the Jews even then lamented its desolation, looking—visibly—to the true and ancient Jerusalem, not to that new one which had falsely usurped the old name. Therefore, Jerome spoke improperly.

^A in honor of the Emperor Aelius Hadrian, it is called Aelia. And indeed, the Church there having been gathered from the nations, Marcus was the first to be entrusted with the ministry of that place after the bishops of the circumcision.

CHAPTER VII

Who were the leaders of the falsely-named knowledge at that time.

Now that the Churches throughout the whole world were shining like brilliant stars, and the faith in our Lord and Savior Jesus Christ was flourishing among all nations, that malignant demon, ^B as an enemy of the truth and an eternal foe of human salvation, kept turning every device against the Church. For a long time, he had armed himself against it with persecutions from without; but then, having been excluded from these, he used wicked and deceitful men—as if they were perditious instruments and ministers of souls—to wage war with other methods. Devising every resource, so that these sorcerers and deceivers, by insinuating themselves and assuming the same name of our doctrine as we have, might lead those of the faithful whom they had snared into the depths of destruction; and at the same time, might deter those ignorant of our faith—deterred by their own examples—from the path that leads to the saving Word of God.

Therefore, from that Menander, whom we have already reported above to have been the successor of Simon, ^C there arose a sort of two-mouthed and two-headed serpentine power, which established the leaders of two different heresies: Saturninus, a native of Antioch, and Basilides, an Alexandrian. The former established schools of his impious doctrine in Syria, and the latter in Egypt. Irenaeus declares that Saturninus, for the most part, uttered the same falsehoods as Menander; but that Basilides, under the pretext of certain "arcana," invented portentous fables and extended the machinations of his impious opinion into the infinite.

Moreover, since at the same time many ecclesiastical men were undertaking the defense of the truth and were contending ^D more logically [for the ecclesiastical and apostolic glory—as some, even by means of their own writings, were fighting on that behalf...]

[As for the claim] that Aelius Hadrian was his name, and that he therefore legislated that the city should be so called—henceforth it is called Aelia to this day, from the title of the one who ruled and razed it.

[Regarding the footnote references preserved in the text:] (3) On the schools of the heretics. In the best codices, including the Mazarin and the Medicean, I found [the Greek term]. And, to state this once, this name is always written in this way in our codices. For this, Robert Stephanus, always adhering to the Royal copy, preferred to publish [a variant]; but for us, it was a matter of conscience not to change it. Yet I believe the consistency of our codices is by no means to be disregarded.

(4) "Into the infinite he extends his thoughts." The ancient translator of Irenaeus renders it: "He extends the sentiment of his doctrine into the infinite." Therefore, he calls the "things he devised" the inventions of Basilides, which Irenaeus reports in the same place. He says Basilides extended these into the infinite, because he had concocted certain fabulous and vain things. For this is the nature of a lie: that it is interminable and vague, defined by no certain mode or boundary. Truth, however, is certain and circumscribed by its own spaces, to which nothing can be added or taken away. Therefore, Plato in the *Theaetetus* rightly said, if I am not mistaken, that [truth] is "rhythm" or "consonance." And Homer called Thersites ["the immoderate"], that is, merely a liar.

^A and [defending] the apostolic and ecclesiastical glory, some already, through writings composed for those who would come after, provided safeguards against these very heresies that have been described. Among these, there has come down to us a most capable refutation against Basilides by Agrippa Castor, a writer of that time who was very well known, which reveals the cleverness of that man's sorcery. ^B Letting out his secrets, he says that he composed twenty-four books on the Gospel, and that he invented for himself prophets named Barcabbas and Barcoph, and others who never existed, and that he gave them barbaric names to strike with awe those who are amazed by such things. He says further that he teaches that it is a matter of indifference to taste meat sacrificed to idols, and that during times of persecution one should renounce the faith without hesitation, and that like the Pythagoreans, he commands a five-year silence for those who approach him. Having recounted these and other things similar to these regarding Basilides, the aforementioned writer unmasked the error of the described heresy and brought it into the open. ^C Irenaeus also writes that Carpocrates was a contemporary of these, the father of another heresy, which is called that of the Gnostics; these men deemed that the magical illusions of Simon—not secretly as he did, but now openly and publicly—should be handed down, as if they were something great; they boasted to an extreme degree in the amulets, ^D dream-senders, and some attendant demons—and others of similar types—performed by them through curiosity.

(5) "He composed twenty-four books on the Gospel." Eusebius does not say into which Gospel Basilides wrote these books, whether into the Gospel of Matthew or Mark. And perhaps Basilides had composed these twenty-four books as a commentary on his own Gospel. For Basilides had written a Gospel, and had entitled it with his own name, as Origen testifies in his *Homily 1 on Luke*, Ambrose in the preface to his *Luke*, and Jerome in his *Preface to Matthew*. These, however, were called the books of Basilides. Certainly Clement of Alexandria in *Stromateis*, Book IV, brings forward certain passages from book XXIII of Basilides' *Exegetica*.

(6) "Barcabbas and Barcoph." So it is in the royal codex. But in the codices of Mazarin, Medici, and Fukuda, it is written with a grave accent on the last syllable. And it is no different in Nicephorus, except that he circumflexes the last. Among Rufinus, too, and among Jerome in his *Indiculus Hereseon*, it is called Barcabbas. For so the manuscript codices of Rufinus prefer. Moreover, in these prophets Barcabbas and Barcoph, Isidore, the son of Basilides, had written books of *Expositions*, as Clement of Alexandria teaches in book V of the *Stromateis*: where it seems it should be amended, unless one prefers to think that this was also one of those prophets invented by Basilides. Among the number of these prophets was also Cham, in whose name Basilides had composed a book of *Prophecy*, as is gathered from the words of Isidore cited there by Clement. Christophorsonus inserted "angels" here, as if something were missing in the text of Eusebius. But Eusebius speaks only of the prophets whom Basilides had invented for himself. And so this passage of Eusebius was understood by Jerome in his *Catalogue*, where he speaks of Agrippa Castor, and by Theodoret in his book on the *Heretical Fables*, and Nicephorus in his fourth book.

Rightly, then, our Eusebius says that the heresy of Basilides began in the principate of Hadrian. For then first did the heretics begin to emerge from their hiding places and lift up their heads, when, with all the apostles already deceased, they thought the time was opportune for them to divulge the dogmas of their errors. Clement certainly in *Stromateis*, Book VI, testifies to the same thing regarding Basilides in these words:

(8) "Amulets." The Latins call what the Greeks call *philtra*. Ammianus Marcellinus, book XXIX: "They were seized immediately, those who, having been addicted to punishments during searches of their personal effects, were found to have been hiding certain old-womanly or ridiculous love-charms in their houses."

(9) "To some attendant demons." Tertullian speaks in Latin in his book *De Anima*, which he joins with catabolic and pythonic spirits that were being sent by the Magi. Now these were called attendant (*paredroi*) demons, who stood by men and averted diseases and misfortunes from them. Tertullian teaches this in his *Apologeticus*, chapter 23, in these words: "If they also send dreams, having at the same time the power of invited angels and demons standing by them." For the Magi had demons standing by and serving them, who were their *paredroi*; by whose help they performed many miracles. But they also sent such spirits to others, either to throw dreams upon them, or to stand by them perpetually for their protection. The former they called spirits, the second they called *paredroi*. Sometimes they would also strike down boys with magical spells, who then, as if excited by the comitial disease, would predict future things to those who consulted them. This they did through catabolic spirits, as Herald rightly observed regarding Tertullian's *Apologeticus*. Tertullian calls them catabolic spirits. From these it is clear...

^A that they had to teach those who were to come to the perfection of their initiation, or rather to their filthy acts, that they should perform all the most shameful things; for they maintained that in no other way could they escape the rulers of this world, as they call them, unless they rendered to each of them his due through unspeakable deeds. It was indeed the case that the spirit of malice, using these as ministers, made captives of those who were deceived by them, thus enslaving them pitiably to their destruction; and to the unbelieving nations he gave an abundant opportunity for disparaging the divine word, as the report arising from them was poured out to the calumny of the whole Christian nation. For this reason, then, the most unholy and absurd opinion about us was spread abroad among the then unbelievers, as if we were accustomed to commit *nefarious acts with mothers and sisters and to partake of accursed feasts.* Yet these things did not succeed for him for long, for the truth itself established and commended itself, and as time progressed it shone forth more clearly every day. For the inventions of the adversaries were immediately refuted by the truth’s own working and were extinguished, as new sects were constantly springing up ^B over others, while the former were being unceasingly dissolved, and their varied error-ridden shapes and many-formed ideas were vanishing in diverse ways.

The Catholic Church, however, which alone is true and always constant and like itself, was increased by new additions every day; its brilliance, its gravity, its sincerity, as well as its liberty, its moderation, and the sanctity of a life of divine philosophy, shone forth toward every race of Greeks and barbarians. Thus, along with time, the calumny against the whole faith vanished ^C, and that which alone prevailed among all and was confessed, remained most especially...

[index: entries preserved]

...the error of the learned Salmasius, who in his notes on Spartianus, p. 40, asserts that they are called *paredri* who, having been taken from among men to the gods, became assessors of the gods. Gothofredus embraced this opinion of Salmasius in his notes on the book *Ad nationes* of Tertullian. Far more correctly does Turnebus [speak] in book XXVI of his *Adversaria*, except that he interprets them as evil spirits, whereas good spirits and *alexicaca* (averters of evil) were also called by that name, as Lucian writes concerning Hephaestion. Finally, they generally called the nether gods *paredri*, not the heavenly ones, a fact which, not being observed at all by Salmasius, provided him with the cause of error. Thus Demosthenes in his funeral oration, in the end: *How should these not be considered fortunate, whom one might rightly declare to be assessors to the gods below?* Also concerning Osiris and the assessors below. *The assessor at the same time.* The prevailing opinion, they who prevail. The one who had obtained the office of overseeing the prevailing opinion, named Peter, a bold and very wicked man. *He puts forth agreements toward him who at that time was bishop of the prevailing opinion.* Damascius: *To this man, Zeno Augustus promised, if he should become one of those who prevail, the greatest authority after the emperor, namely, the prefecture of the praetorium, provided he became a Christian.* ^D But Porphyry also had spoken thus long before Damascius, in the book *On the Philosophy of Oracles*, a passage from which was cited by Eusebius in the ninth book of the *Praeparatio evangelica*, chapter 10, and by Theodoret in his book *On the Curing of Greek Superstition*: *The way indeed which leads to the gods is fortified, and arduous, and rough; of which barbarians have indeed found many paths: but the Greeks have wandered far from it, while those who now prevail have utterly corrupted it.* I know indeed that the interpreters of both Eusebius and Theodoret have explained the word otherwise. But I deny that Porphyry had any other meaning than the one I have expressed in my interpretation. So Chrysostom in his homily 54 on Matthew, p. 329: *Neither scourges, nor prisons, nor rulers...*

^A catching the eyes of all, not only of the Greeks, but of the barbarians as well. Moreover, with the lapse of time, that calumny which had been inflicted upon our entire religion was extinguished. And in the end our discipline remained, by the consensus of all, alone superior and victorious, and judged by everyone to excel the rest of the sects in modesty, gravity, and the precepts of divine wisdom: so much so that from that time to our own days, no one has dared to cast any stain of infamy upon our faith, or to bring against it any such calumny as those old enemies of our religion were accustomed to boast. But in those times, truth again brought forth many defenders into the light, who fought against the impious heresies not only with the living voice, but also by written disputations.

CHAPTER VIII. Who the ecclesiastical writers were then.

^B Among whom was the famous Hegesippus, whose testimony we have used very frequently in our previous books, when we were recounting the events that happened in the times of the apostles, as transmitted by his faith and narrative. In five books written in very simple language, he compiled the most truthful history of the apostolic preaching, and he clearly designates the very time in which he flourished when he writes in this manner concerning those who first began to erect idols: "For whom they made cenotaphs and temples, just as we see being done even now; among whom is also Antinous, a slave of Caesar Hadrian, in whose honor is held the Antinoian contest, which is celebrated even in our own time. For he also founded a city named after Antinous, and prophets."

^C At this time, on the contrary, we begin and prevail; for pious kings, etc. [These words are to be understood from Julian’s passage in his *Misopogon*, p. 99: "And God Himself bore witness to my words, when he left the suburb which he had long preserved in that storm, having turned the minds of those who were then in power elsewhere, and having restrained their hands." He calls the Constantinian times the storm and tempest, in which the temples of the gods had been overturned by the Christians throughout nearly the whole world; whose hands, however, the temple of Apollo Daphne was spared.]

^D [index: entries preserved]

^A And Justin (17), a genuine lover of true philosophy, was still occupied with the discourses of the Greeks at that time. He himself points to this time in his *Apology* to Antoninus, writing thus: "I think it is not absurd to mention here even Antinous, who lived recently, whom all were moved to worship as a god out of fear, knowing who he was and whence he arose." — The same person, mentioning the war against the Jews of that time, adds these words: "For indeed in the Jewish war that has just occurred (18), Barchochebas, the leader of the Jewish revolt, ordered that Christians alone be subjected to terrible punishments unless they denied Jesus the Christ and blasphemed." — At the same time, he also shows his conversion from Greek philosophy to the worship of God, that it did not happen to him without reason, but with judgment; he writes these things: "For I myself, while rejoicing in the teachings of Plato, hearing Christians maligned, and seeing them unafraid of death and all things that are considered dreadful, considered it impossible for them to be living in vice and love of pleasure. For who that is a lover of pleasure or intemperate, and considers the eating of human flesh to be a good thing, could be able to embrace death so that he might be deprived of his own desires? Would he not rather try by all means possible to live always this life here, and to escape the notice of the rulers, rather than denouncing himself so as to be put to death?" — And the same person further narrates that he received the ^B [prophets, a sacred scribe, a vestitor]. Among the Egyptians, those called prophets were leaders of the inner sanctuaries and the sacred rites. A prophet ^C must necessarily be added to the Greek words of Hegesippus. For in Greek it can hardly be said. But we must remember that Hegesippus writes in a very simple and common style, as Eusebius also testifies here. Therefore, his Greek words must be aided by interpretation. Salmasius, therefore, in his notes to the *Historia Augusta* (p. 41), has in vain attempted to emend them. He did not even understand who were meant here by 'prophets.' It must be known, therefore, that among the Egyptians the high priest who presided over the remaining priests and the *pastophori*, and who distributed the revenues of the temples to the others, was called a prophet. For first in the temple the cantor would proceed, then the horoscopist, then the scribe or the *pastophor*, then the vestitor, or last of all the prophet would proceed, carrying a water-jar in his bosom, as Clement of Alexandria teaches in book VI, p. 269. Epiphanius mentions the same in his book against heresies. Philostratus mentions the same prophets in his book *Life of Apollonius*, ch. 1, and Diogenes Laertius in the preface of his work; Themistius in oration 2, and Firmicus in his books on *Matheseis* more than once. Finally, Clement in his book of *Recognitions*, not far from the beginning: "I shall go to Egypt," he says, "and become a friend to the hierophants or prophets who preside over the shrines; and with money I shall entreat the invited magician to bring up a soul for me from the lower world." There were also prophets of Idæan Jove in Crete, of whom Porphyry speaks in his book *On Abstinence*. Further, mention is made of the prophets of Antinous instituted by Hadrian in an old Greek inscription which Casaubon cited in his notes to Spartianus. Add here the old inscription which Gruter reports on page 514, where a certain Embes is called an Egyptian, that is, a priest of Serapis. Why, then, is it any wonder if Antinous, having been consecrated by Hadrian, had prophets, especially since he was worshiped chiefly by the Egyptians? But why the Egyptians called their ministers 'prophets,' this seems to me to be the reason: because they believed that certain arcana and mysteries were handed down by them. For prophets are said to be, as it were, interpreters of arcana. ^D Antinous certainly had his own rites and mysteries, into which those who wished were initiated. Pausanias testifies to this in his *Arcadics*. That is: And the mysteries yearly, and every fifth year the contests are celebrated in his honor. (17) *According to this also, Justin.* Thus indeed the *Codex Regius*. But in the Medicean, Fuk., and Savil., it is read etc. However, the Codex Mazarinus has the text written, yet with three dots placed above the second syllable of the preposition, by which it is signified that it is to be deleted. To me, however, that reading is very pleasing. For *kata tauton* is the same as *kata to auto* of the same time. (18) *In the Jewish war that has occurred.* Rufinus and Christophorson, who followed him, translated: "In this Jewish war which is currently happening." Scaliger was also involved in the same error, as is gathered from his Eusebian *Animadversions*, p. 298. For he thought *to nyn* meant "most recent," not to say "present." And so he says that it follows necessarily from this word of Justin that the Jewish war was concluded toward the end of Hadrian’s times, and that Justin offered his *Apology* to Antoninus Pius at the beginning of his reign. But it is not at all necessary to affirm this; for *nyn* can be said of a thing which was done in our own age, and it has the same value as *to kath' hemas*, which Eusebius is accustomed to use of things done long before: as when he speaks of Porphyry the philosopher, *kath' hemas genomenos*. Finally, Justin himself in the place which we have before us speaks of Antinous thus: "of Antinous who has recently occurred," that is, of Antinous who lived in our age. Certainly the Greeks use *nyn* for "recently." Thus Sophronius, who translated Jerome's book *On Ecclesiastical Writers* into Greek, translated those words of Jerome, ch. 2: "The Gospel also which is called 'According to the Hebrews,' and which I recently translated into the Greek and Latin language," into Greek as: [original-script column: see facsimile]

^A regarding the letters from Serennius Granianus, a most illustrious governor, about the Christians, containing that it would not be just, for the sake of gratifying the clamors of the populace, to kill them without a hearing, answered Minucius Fundanus, proconsul of Asia, commanding that no one be killed without a charge and a reasonable accusation. And a copy of the letter is also provided, having preserved the Roman language as it was. He prefaces it with these words: "And having those words of the greatest and most illustrious Caesar Hadrian, your father, in order to demand of you, as we requested, that the trials be held, we did not request this as though commanded by Hadrian, but rather from the knowledge that this appeal is just. We have also subjoined a copy of Hadrian's letter, so that you may know that this also is true. And it is as follows." ^B To these the aforementioned man provided the Latin copy, and we have translated it into Greek as best we could, which is as follows.

CAPUT IX. Epistle of Hadrian, that no one of the Christians be punished without a hearing.

"Minucius Fundanus. I have received a letter written to me by Serennius Granianus, a most illustrious man, whom you have succeeded. It does not seem right to me that the matter be left unexamined, so that neither are men troubled, nor is an opportunity offered to informers for their malicious practices. If, therefore, the provincials are able to verify this petition ^C clearly against the Christians, so as to answer before the tribunal, let them turn only to this, but not to petitions and mere shouts. For it is by far more appropriate, if anyone wishes to bring an accusation, that he examine the matter formally. If, therefore, anyone brings an accusation and proves that anything is done by them contrary to the laws, you shall judge accordingly as the gravity of the crime requires; and truly, if anyone brings forward such an action for the sake of calumny, you shall note it and take care to punish him ^D with greater severity." These then, are the contents of the letter that has reached us concerning us.

^A

CHAPTER X.

Who were the bishops of Rome and Alexandria during the reign of Antoninus.

When Hadrian had completed his life after having reigned for twenty-one years, Antoninus, surnamed Pius, assumed the administration of the empire. In his first year, when Telesphorus had departed this life in the eleventh year of his ministry, Hyginus received the lot of the Roman episcopate. Moreover, Irenaeus records that Telesphorus finished his life with glorious martyrdom. In this same place he also teaches that in the times of the aforementioned Hyginus, Valentinus, the founder of a peculiar sect, and Cerdon, the author of the error of the Marcionites, both flourished at Rome. His words are as follows:

CHAPTER XI.

Concerning those who were authors of sects at that time.

"For Valentinus," he says, "came to Rome under the pontificate of Hyginus, flourished under Pius, and remained until Anicetus. But Cerdon, who preceded Marcion, also came to the Church in the time of Hyginus, who was the ninth bishop, and made confession; and he continued in this way, sometimes teaching in secret, ^B sometimes again making confession, and sometimes being convicted for the things he taught evilly, and withdrawing from the company of the brethren." These things he says in the third book *Against Heresies*. In the first book, moreover, he discusses these things again concerning Cerdon: "Cerdon, then, having taken his starting points from the followers of Simon, and having sojourned in Rome under Hyginus, who was the ninth in the episcopal succession from the apostles, ^C taught that the God proclaimed by the Law and the Prophets was not the Father of our Lord Jesus Christ." ^D

He maintained that the one was known, whereas the other was unknown; that the one was just, while the other was good. Marcion of Pontus, succeeding him, spread the school more widely, ^A blaspheming most impudently. The same Irenæus, having most thoroughly set forth the immense abyss of the manifold material of Valentinus, strips bare his hidden and secret wickedness, like a snake lurking in a hole. Besides these, he says that there was also another at that time, named Marcus, who was most experienced in magical trickery. He also writes of their unfinished rites and abominable initiations, revealing them in these words: "For some of them construct a bridal chamber, and perform the mystery, uttering I know not what words over those being initiated, and they affirm that what is being done by them are spiritual marriages, after the likeness of the heavenly unions. Others bring those to be initiated to a bath, and immersing them, speak thus: 'In the name of the unknown Father of all, into Truth the mother of all, into him who descended into Jesus.' Still others pronounce ^B certain Hebrew names, that they may strike greater terror into those being initiated."

But when Hyginus had died after the fourth year of his episcopate, Pius took up the ministry at Rome. In Alexandria, Marcus was appointed shepherd, after Eumenes had completed thirteen years in total. After Marcus had rested after a ten-year ministry, Celadion received the administration of the Church of the Alexandrians. And at the city of the Romans, in the fifteenth year of the episcopate, Pius having exchanged life with death, Anicetus became the leader of that Church. In his time, Hegesippus writes that he came to the city of Rome, and remained there continuously ^C until the episcopate of Eleutherus. At that same time, Justin, above all others, was flourishing; in the habit of a philosopher, he proclaimed the divine Word and defended our faith in written volumes. He, having even written against Marcion, survives him still.

^A Eusebius records his writing, mentioning the time when he was known in the life of the man. He speaks thus: “But as for Marcion of Pontus, who even now is still teaching those who believe, that one ought to think there is another God greater than the Creator, he, by the aid of the demons, has persuaded many people throughout the whole human race to speak blasphemy and to deny that the Maker of this whole universe is the Father of Christ, and to confess that another exists who is greater than Him who has created it. And all who have sprung from them, as we have said, are called Christians; just as also, although there are no common doctrines for philosophers, the name of philosophy, which is invoked, is common.” ^B To these he adds, saying: “And we have also a composition against all the heresies that have ever existed, which, if you wish to peruse it, we will give you.” This same Justin, having also worked very capably against the Greeks, addressed other discourses on behalf of our faith—which contain an apology—to the Emperor Antoninus, called the Pious, and to the Roman Senate. For he was conducting his studies in Rome. He reveals, moreover, who he was and whence he came, through the apology in these works.

CHAPTER XII. Concerning the Apology of Justin to Antoninus.

To the Emperor Titus Aelius Hadrianus Antoninus Pius Caesar Augustus, and to Verissimus the philosopher son, and to Lucius the philosopher son of Caesar, by nature the son, ^C and by adoption the Pious, a lover of instruction, and to the sacred Senate and the whole people of the Romans,

and to the Roman people, on behalf of those of every race of men who are unjustly hated and oppressed, I, Justin, son of Priscus, son of Bacchius, from Flavia Neapolis, a city of Syria-Palestine, being one of them, offer this address and petition. ^A And the same emperor, having been appealed to also by others of the brethren in Asia, who were being afflicted by every kind of insult by the local inhabitants, deemed the common assembly of Asia worthy of such an ordinance.

CHAPTER XIII.

The Epistle of Antoninus to the Common Assembly of Asia concerning our religion.

^{B A} Imperator Caesar M. Aurelius Antoninus Augustus, Armenicus, Pontifex Maximus, in his fifteenth year of tribunician power, thrice consul, to the common assembly of Asia, greeting. I know indeed that it is of concern to the gods themselves that men of this kind should not—

escape notice. For they would much sooner punish those who do not wish to worship them than you would. Those whom you drive into confusion you actually confirm in the opinion they hold, since you accuse them of being atheists. It would be preferable for them, when accused, to die rather than to live, for the sake of their God. Hence they are victorious, as they willingly surrender their own lives rather than obey what you demand of them. Regarding the earthquakes that have occurred and still occur, it is not unreasonable for me to admonish you, as you are despondent when such things happen, yet compare your circumstances with theirs. For while they gain greater boldness toward God, you, throughout all this time in which you seem to be ignorant, neglect both the gods and the other things, and even the worship of the Immortal One, whom you treat with hostility and persecute to the death—those very Christians who worship Him. Concerning such people, many of the governors of the provinces have already written to our most divine father, to whom he replied that they should not be molested in any such way unless they were discovered to be plotting anything against the Roman government. Many have also reported to me concerning such matters, to whom I have replied, following the policy of my father. If, however, anyone persists in bringing any of these people into difficulties for being what they are, let the one who is accused be acquitted of the charge, even if it is clear that he is a Christian; but the accuser shall be held liable to penalty. Published at Ephesus ^A in the common assembly of Asia. ^B

Note on the Text

^C As these things have thus proceeded, it is not unreasonable to admonish you—you who are despondent when such things occur—to compare your circumstances with theirs, and to ensure that nothing innovative be done regarding the Christians, and that no one be harassed; let it be published to our citizens of Alexandria. ^D

That Melito, the bishop of the Church in Sardis, provides testimony to this, being well known in that period, is evident from the highly useful apology he composed and submitted to the Emperor Verus 52 in defense of our belief.

CHAPTER XIV. What is recorded concerning Polycarp, the disciple of the apostles.

At that same time, when Anicetus was presiding over the Roman Church, Irenaeus relates that Polycarp, who was still alive, had come to Rome and held a discussion with Anicetus regarding a certain question concerning the day of Pascha. The same writer provides another account concerning Polycarp, which I considered necessary to append to the matters already stated about him; it is as follows:

From the third book of Irenaeus 53 *Against Heresies*:

"But Polycarp also, not only having been taught by apostles, and having associated with many who had seen the Lord, but also having been appointed by apostles into Asia as bishop in the Church at Smyrna—whom I also saw in my own early life, for he remained for a very long time, and when a very old man, having borne his witness most gloriously and illustriously, he departed this life—always taught these things: what he had learned from the apostles, which the Church also hands down, and which alone are true. The Churches in Asia, all of them, bear witness to these things, and those who down to the present time have succeeded Polycarp, who was a much more reliable and steadier witness of the truth than Valentinus and Marcion and the rest of the evil-minded. He, too, when he arrived in Rome at the time of Anicetus, turned many of the aforementioned heretics back to the Church of God, proclaiming that he had received one and only this truth from the apostles, which was such as is handed down by the Church. And there are still some who heard him tell that John, the disciple of the Lord, having gone into a bath-house at Ephesus ^B and having seen Cerinthus inside, leaped out of the bath without having bathed, but saying: 'Let us flee, lest even the bath should fall in, because Cerinthus, the enemy of the truth, is inside.' And Polycarp himself, when Marcion once arrived in his presence ^C"

^A and said: 'Acknowledge us,' ^B answered: 'I acknowledge the firstborn of Satan.' Such reverence did the Apostles and their disciples have, so as not to share even a word with any of those who adulterated the truth, as Paul also said: 'A man that is an heretic after the first and second admonition reject; knowing that he that is such is subverted, and sinneth, being condemned of himself.' There is also a most excellent letter of Polycarp to the Philippians, from which those who care for their own salvation can, if they wish, learn both the character of his faith and the preaching of the truth. Thus far Irenaeus. Now Polycarp ^C in that aforementioned letter to the Philippians, which is extant to this day, uses certain testimonies from the first Epistle of Peter. Antoninus, called the Pious, having completed the twenty-second year of his reign, was succeeded by Marcus Aurelius Verus, who is also called Antoninus, his son, together with his brother, Lucius.

CHAPTER XV.

How Polycarp, together with others, suffered martyrdom at Smyrna under Vero.

In this time, since most grievous storms of persecution had shaken Asia, Polycarp finished his life by martyrdom. I think it necessary to insert into this history the record of his death, as it has been handed down in written monuments and is circulated to this day. There is, moreover, a letter from the Church which Polycarp ^D ruled, addressed to the churches of Pontus, setting forth what happened to him in these words: 'The Church of God which sojourns at Smyrna, to the Church of God sojourning in Philomelium and to all the congregations of the holy catholic Church throughout every place, may mercy, peace, and love from God the Father and our Lord Jesus Christ be multiplied.'

^A We have written to you, brethren, regarding the martyrs and the blessed Polycarp, who by his martyrdom, as if placing a seal upon it, brought an end to the persecution. ^B For almost all the preceding events occurred so that the Lord might show us from above a martyrdom in accordance with the Gospel. For he was waiting to be betrayed, just as the Lord was, so that we too might become his imitators, looking not only to our own concerns, but also to those of our neighbors. For it is a mark of true and steadfast love to desire not only one’s own salvation, but that of all the brethren. Blessed and noble, therefore, are all the martyrdoms that have occurred according to the will of God; for we ought, in our piety, to attribute the authority over all things to God. For who could fail to admire their nobility, their endurance, and their love for the Master? They were scourged with whips until the internal structure of their flesh, even to the veins and arteries, was exposed, yet they endured, so that even the bystanders wept and lamented, while some of them were filled with such nobility that not one of them groaned or cried out, demonstrating to us all that at that hour the martyrs of Christ, while being tortured, were absent from the flesh, or rather, that the Lord stood by them and spoke with them. And by fixing their gaze upon the grace of Christ, they despised the torments of this world, buying for themselves eternal life at the cost of a single hour. And to them, the fire of their cruel tormentors seemed cold; for they had before their eyes the escape from the eternal and never-extinguished fire. And with the eyes of their hearts they looked upon the good things reserved for those who endure—which "ear has not heard, nor eye seen, nor has it entered into the heart of man"—but which were shown to them by the Lord, as they were no longer men, but already angels. Likewise, those condemned to the beasts also underwent terrible torments; they were stretched out as heralds, and punished with various other tortures, in order that, if possible, the tyrant might by persistent torment turn them to denial—for the devil devised many things against them. But thanks be to God, for he did not prevail against them in any of these ways. For the most noble Germanicus strengthened their cowardice through his own endurance; he even fought against the wild beasts in a distinguished manner. For when the proconsul wished to persuade him, telling him to consider his youth, he dragged the beast toward himself by force, wishing to be released all the sooner from their unrighteous and lawless life. ^C Because of this, therefore, the whole multitude, marveling at the nobility of the God-loving and pious race of the Christians, shouted: "Away with the atheists; let Polycarp be sought." Now, a certain Quintus, a Phrygian who had recently arrived from Phrygia, when he saw the beasts, became cowardly; it was he who had forced himself and some others to come forward voluntarily. When the proconsul entreated him much, he finally persuaded him to swear and to sacrifice. For this reason, then, brethren, we do not approve of those who deliver themselves up, since the Gospel does not teach this. But the most wonderful Polycarp, when he first heard this, was not troubled, but wished to stay in the city; however, the majority persuaded him to withdraw. And he withdrew to a farm not far from the city, and spent his time with a few others, doing nothing else but praying for everyone and for the churches throughout the whole world, which was his custom. And while praying, he fell into a trance three days before he was arrested, and he saw his pillow being burned by fire. And turning, he said to those who were with him in a prophetic manner: "I must be burned alive." And as those who were seeking him persisted, he moved to another farm; and immediately those who were searching for him arrived; and not finding him, they arrested two youths. One of them, when tortured, confessed, for it was impossible for him to remain hidden, since those who betrayed him were from his own household. And the Irenarch, who was also the steward, by the same name, Herod-called, was eager to bring him into the stadium, so that he might fulfill his own lot by becoming a partaker of Christ, and those who betrayed him might undergo the same punishment as Judas. Having the boy, they went out on Friday at the hour of supper, with police and horsemen, with their accustomed weapons, as if running after a robber; and arriving late in the hour, they found him lying in an upper room. And he could have departed from there to another place, but he did not wish to, saying: "The will of the Lord be done." So when he heard that they were present, he went down and spoke with them; and as those present marveled at his age and his steadfastness, some said: "Was there so much urgency to arrest such an old man?" ^D Immediately, therefore, he ordered them to be served food and drink at that hour, as much as they wished, and he asked them to grant him an hour to pray without interference. And when they permitted him, he stood and prayed, being full of the grace of God, so that for two hours he could not be silent, and those who heard him were amazed, and many repented that they had come against such a godlike old man. When he finished his prayer...

^A and set forth the things that followed regarding the narrative of Polycarp, they recount what they testified concerning the remaining martyrs, and they describe the steadfastness of soul they displayed in bearing their pains. They say that all who were present were struck with amazement when they saw them being mangled by whips even to the innermost veins and arteries, so that the parts of the body hidden deep within, and the very entrails and members, were exposed to view; at other times, laid upon shells—which are called *buccina*—and certain very sharp spikes strewn on the ground, and passing through every kind of punishment and torture, and finally being delivered to wild beasts for food. And they especially record that the most noble Germanicus distinguished himself ^B, who by divine spirit said: "Be of good courage, it is necessary for me to be burned." Furthermore, when those who were searching for him pressed him, he migrated to another village, and those who were tracking him arrived immediately. And when they did not find him, they seized two young servants. One of whom, being subjected to torture, revealed his hiding place. Certainly he could not hide, since it was his own household who betrayed him. And the Irenarch, who was also called Cleronomus, by the name of Herod, strove with all his might to bring him to the stadium, so that Polycarp might indeed fulfill his own lot, having become a sharer of Christ, while his betrayers might be punished with the same torments as Judas. Therefore, the *diogmitæ* and horsemen, having taken a boy with them, set out on the sixth day about the hour of supper, equipped with their usual arms, as if running against a robber. And arriving together toward evening, they found him lying in a certain upper room. From whence, although he could easily have migrated to another place, he refused to do so, saying: "The will of the Lord be done." When, therefore, he knew that they had entered, he came down from the upper room and spoke with them. And when all admired his age ^C and steadfastness, some of them said: "Why is so much effort made to capture an old man of this kind?" But he immediately ordered food and drink to be set before them, as much as they wished. And he requested of them one hour's time, in which he might freely and without impediment pray. And when they had granted this, he stood and prayed, being full of the grace of God: to such an extent that he himself could not be silent for the space of two hours, and those who heard him were held spellbound by admiration, and many of them repented that they had come to capture such a great and divine old man. When the prayer was finished, ^D and other things as they are held below.

^A Strengthening them with divine grace [to overcome] the natural fear of death 65. For when the proconsul wished to persuade him, and held out his age, and implored him—since he was quite young and in the prime of life—to have pity on himself, he did not hesitate, but eagerly drew the beast toward himself, almost pressing and provoking it, so that he might depart from their unjust and lawless life as quickly as possible 64. Upon his death, the entire multitude was rendered speechless at the fortitude of the godly martyr, and began all at once to shout for the virtue of the whole race of Christians: "Away with the atheists; let Polycarp be sought out!"

And indeed, when great tumult arose from these shouts, a certain Phrygian by birth named Quintus, who had recently arrived from Phrygia, having seen the beasts and the threats associated with them, grew faint of heart and, turning weak, finally gave up on his salvation 66. The history of the aforementioned writing showed that he had leaped to the tribunal with others rather rashly, and not out of piety; but having been captured, he nonetheless provided a manifest example to all that one ought not to be so reckless and thoughtless in throwing oneself into such dangers. And so, the events concerning these persons had their end.

But the most marvelous Polycarp, when he first heard these things, remained untroubled, maintaining his calm behavior and keeping his character unshaken, and he wished to remain in the city. ^B Yet, persuaded by those around him who implored and exhorted him to withdraw, he yielded to their opinion and departed to a farm not far from the city, staying there with a few others, doing nothing else night and day but persisting in prayers to the Lord, through which he would petition and beseech Him, asking for peace for the Churches throughout the entire world; for this was always his custom in all matters.

And indeed, while he was praying, three days before his arrest, he saw in a vision at night the pillow under his head suddenly consumed by fire and vanishing. Waking up at this, he immediately interpreted the vision to those present, practically prophesying what was to happen, and telling his companions plainly that he must change his life for Christ in fire. ^C When those who were searching for him were pressing on with all urgency, he was again compelled by the affection and love of the brothers to withdraw to another farm, where, after not much time, those pursuing him arrived; and they seized two of the boys who were there, and after torturing one of them, the brothers were led by him to Polycarp’s hiding place. And late in the hour, when those who were searching for him were intent upon their task with every zeal and diligence, he was again, as they say, compelled by the affection and charity of the brothers to move to another villa. ^D

^A And those who were pursuing him arrived there, and finding two boys in an upper room, they seized them and scourged one of them until he confessed; and so they were led by him to Polycarp’s retreat. They arrived in the evening and found him resting in an upper guest-room. Although he could easily have moved from that place to another house, he neglected to do so, saying, “The will of the Lord be done.” Thus, as soon as he learned that they were there, he descended, as is written in the same epistle, and addressed the men with a cheerful and placid countenance, so that those who had not known the man before thought they were seeing a miracle, as they looked upon his advanced age and the gravity and steadfastness of his appearance ^B and wondered why such great zeal was being exerted to arrest such an elder. But he, without any delay, immediately ordered a table to be set for them. Then he requested that they partake of abundant food, and asked of them a space of one hour that he might pray without hindrance. When they had granted this, he stood up and prayed, being so filled with the grace of the Lord that those who were present and heard him praying were struck with amazement, and many of them already repented that such a venerable and god-fearing elder was about to be put to death. Upon these matters, the account concerning him in the record states the following in these very words: “And when he had finished his prayer, having remembered all who had ever come into contact with him, ^C small and great, famous and obscure, and the whole Catholic Church throughout the world, when the hour arrived for him to depart, they set him on a donkey and led him ^D into the city, it being Great Sabbath. And there met him..."

^A the irenarch, Herod, and his father Nicetes. They, having taken him into their vehicle, sat beside him and tried to persuade him, saying: "For what harm is there in saying, 'Lord Caesar,' and to sacrifice, and so to be saved?" At first he did not answer, but as they persisted, he said: "I am not going to do what you advise me." And they, failing to persuade him, spoke harsh words and with haste cast him down, so that as he was descending from the vehicle, he injured his shin. But he, not even turning around, walked eagerly and with haste, as if he had suffered no harm at all, being led to the stadium. And there being such a great tumult in the stadium, that even to many it was not audible, to Polycarp as he was entering the stadium, a voice from heaven came: "Be strong, Polycarp, and act like a man." And the one who spoke, not a single person ^B saw, but the voice, many of our own heard. Being brought forward, therefore, there was a great tumult, as they heard that Polycarp had been captured. When he reached the proximity, the proconsul ^C asked if he were indeed Polycarp. And when he confessed it, he tried to persuade him to deny, saying: "Reverence thy age," and other things following these, as is their custom to say: "Swear by Caesar's fortune, repent, say: 'Away with the atheists.'" But Polycarp, with a severe face...

On the Date and Proconsul

[Note: The Latin text in the right-hand column from "Martii die 29" to the end of the page is a scholarly commentary regarding chronological disputes (the date of Polycarp's death in relation to the Chronicum Alexandrinum, the Acts of Pionius, and the proconsulship of Statius Quadratus). As this entire block constitutes scholarly apparatus discussing the preceding narrative, I provide it herewith as part of the definitive translation:]

[Regarding the chronology:] March 29; but Calippicus on the 31st of March. The Great Sabbath, which preceded that fourteenth day of the moon, falls on the day in March, or on the 7th day before the Kalends of April, on which day the author of the Alexandrian Chronicle testified that blessed Polycarp suffered. But there are many things in this opinion of Ussher, as well as in the other opinion of Bucherius, which do not satisfy me. For first, why do they follow the author of the Alexandrian Chronicle on the day of the passion of blessed Polycarp, but dissent from him on the year? Then, in the Acts of the martyr Pionius and in the Menaea of the Greeks, the birthday of blessed Polycarp is placed on a day in February. With which also agrees that note which is read at the end of this epistle of the Smyrnaeans. For in it is explicitly written that Polycarp suffered on the day of the month Xanthicus, that is, before the 7th day before the Kalends of March, as the old interpreter rightly translates. Which indeed we will confirm below with many arguments, against the opinion of Jac. Ussher, who says that the month of Xanthicus of the Smyrnaeans began from the day of the month of March. Finally, it seems by no means likely to me that the Church of the Smyrnaeans accepted the Great Sabbath in the Jewish manner. For although the Asians celebrated Easter with the Jews, it does not follow from that that they likewise observed the Great Sabbath with the Jews.

[Regarding the office of Irenarch:] The office of irenarch was to apprehend seditious men and disturbers of the public peace, and to bring the aforementioned notoriety to the tribunals of the judges, as St. Augustine teaches in epist. 140 and 159. Hence it is that Herod, the irenarch of the Smyrnaeans, is said here to have received Polycarp into his vehicle, whom he had ordered to be sought and apprehended by his subordinates. Moreover, irenarchs were created from the body of the curia, as the law in the Theodosian Code, *De decurionibus*, indicates, in which they are called "prefects of the peace"; in the letters of Libanius they are called *archontes* of peace. Finally, Theodosius the Younger entirely abolished them in the East. His constitution exists in the Theodosian Code. Moreover, they had under their disposition horsemen and *diomitae*. These were light-armed soldiers, fashioned for pursuing and capturing thieves. These are almost similar to the irenarchs whom we commonly call marshals.

[Regarding Statius Quadratus:] He who was called Statius Quadratus. For thus it is rightly written in the old Latin interpretation of this epistle, which I, James Ussher of Armagh, first published. It is written wrongly in the Greek text *Stratos*, and no more rightly in the Alexandrian Chronicle *Taktos*. He is, as I think, the proconsul of Asia mentioned by the sophist Aristides in the first and fourth of his Sacred Orations, where he also calls him a rhetor. Wherefore I do not doubt that he is the same as the consul Quadratus, whom Philostratus says was the teacher of Varus the sophist, who was accustomed to declaim extemporaneously from a set theme, and to emulate Favorinus the sophist. Aristides does not say in what year he held the proconsulship of Asia. But from his narration it seems to me that it can be elicited. For in the fourth of the Sacred Orations, Aristides says that shortly after that plague which ravaged Asia, Severus was proconsul. Eusebius in the Chronicle places that plague in the 6th year of M. Aurelius Antoninus. Therefore Severus was proconsul of Asia in the 9th year of M. Aurelius. In the same proconsulship, Aristides writes that he received letters from Italy from the emperors, namely from the senior Augustus and from his son. Where under the name of Augustus he understands Marcus. The son of the emperor is Commodus, who had already been called Caesar. Before Severus, in the previous year, Pollio had been proconsul, as Aristides testifies there. And immediately before Pollio, our Quadratus had been proconsul of Asia. For thus says Aristides in the same oration: where after he related those things which had happened to him under the proconsul Pollio, "Come," he says, "as if stepping through a ladder, let us remember that which happened before these things. When that sophist, whom I mentioned a little before, was proconsul, etc." This sophist is without doubt Quadratus, whom Aristides mentioned before in the same oration 4, where he also calls him a rhetor. Thus Quadratus was proconsul of Asia in the 7th year of the Emperor Marcus. In which year also Eusebius in his Chronicle reports the martyrdom of Polycarp. They are mistaken, therefore, who have reported the martyrdom of Polycarp later, namely in the 9th year of the Emperor Marcus. For since it is certain from the testimony of Aristides that Quadratus, under whom Polycarp suffered, held the proconsulship of Asia in the 7th year of the Emperor Marcus, the death of Polycarp must necessarily be assigned to that year.

^A “Be strong, Polycarp, and act manfully.” And this voice, indeed, was heard by none of those present, but the voice itself was heard by many of our own people. ^B And when he was brought to the tribunal, a great clamor arose among all the listeners when they heard that Polycarp had been captured. Furthermore, when he approached, the proconsul asked him if he were indeed Polycarp. Upon his confessing that he was, the proconsul began to persuade him to deny Christ, saying, “Respect your age,” and adding other things such as they are accustomed to say: “Swear by the genius of Caesar; repent; say, ‘Away with the impious.’” But Polycarp, gazing with a grave and stern countenance at the entire crowd that was in the stadium, and gesturing with his hand toward them, and sighing and looking up to heaven, said, “Away with the impious.” When the magistrate pressed him and said, “Swear, and I will release you; revile Christ,” Polycarp answered, “Eighty and six years have I served Him, and He has done me no wrong. How, then, can I blaspheme my King and my Savior?” But when he persisted again and said, “Swear by the genius of Caesar,” Polycarp said, “If you vainly imagine that I will swear by the genius of Caesar, as you say, pretending not to know who I am, hear it clearly: I am a Christian. And if you wish to learn the teaching of Christianity, grant me a day and listen.” The proconsul said, “Persuade the people.” Polycarp said, “You, indeed, I have deemed worthy of receiving an account, for we have been taught to render, as is fitting, to the authorities and powers ordained by God, such honor as does not harm us; but those I do not judge worthy to offer a defense to them.” The proconsul said, ^C “I have beasts; I will throw you to them if you do not change your mind.” He answered, “Call them, for our changing from better to worse is immutable; but it is good to change from the harsh to the just.” And again, the other said to him, “I will make you be consumed by fire, if you despise the beasts, unless you change your mind.” Polycarp said, “You threaten fire that burns for an hour and is shortly quenched. For you are ignorant of the fire of the future judgment and of the eternal punishment kept for the impious. But why do you delay? Bring what you will.” As he said these things and many others, he was filled with courage and joy, and his face was filled with grace, so that he not only did not collapse, troubled by what was said to him, but on the contrary, the proconsul was astonished, and sent the herald to cry out in the middle of the stadium three times, “Polycarp has confessed that he is a Christian.” When this was said by the herald, the whole multitude of the Gentiles and Jews living in Smyrna shouted with uncontrollable rage and a loud voice, “This is the teacher of Asia, the father of the Christians, the destroyer of our gods, who teaches many not to sacrifice nor to worship.” Saying these things, they shouted and asked the Asiarch ^D Philip to release a lion upon Polycarp.

At this, he refused, saying it was not permitted to him, since he had already concluded the amphitheater games. Then it seemed good to them all, with one accord, to cry out that Polycarp should be burned alive. For it was necessary that the vision which had been revealed to him upon the pillow should be fulfilled, when, seeing it burning while he was praying, he turned and said to the faithful who were with him in a prophetic manner: “I must be burned alive.” This then came to pass with such speed, faster than it could be spoken, as the crowds immediately gathered wood and brushwood from the workshops and the baths, with the Jews most eagerly assisting in this, as was their custom ^A. But when the pyre was prepared, putting off all his garments and loosening his girdle, he also attempted to take off his footwear ^B, something he had not done before, because each of the faithful was always eager to be the first to touch his skin. For in every respect of good conduct, even before his gray hairs, he had been adorned. Immediately, therefore, they fastened upon him the instruments prepared for the pyre. But as they were also about to nail him, he said: “Leave me as I am. For He who gives me to endure the fire will also enable me, without your nails, to remain unmoved in the pyre.”

On the Asiarchs

(77) That the Jews assisted in this. In our Mazar., Med., and Fuket manuscripts it is written: "most eagerly assisting in this," as is also read in the copies which Jacob Ussher of Armagh used. That Rufinus also read it this way appears from his version. For he interprets it thus: "Especially the Jews, burning more ardently for these things according to custom." (78) To take off his footwear. It was the custom of the ancient Christians to show this service to bishops and confessors. We read thus in the *Passion of Bishop Fructuosus*: "When he had come to the amphitheater, immediately the lector of the same, named Augustalis, approached him, begging with tears that he might take off his shoes." (79) For in every respect of good conduct, even before his gray hairs, he had been adorned. An unusual phrase in this sense, as others would say [Greek word]. But Nicephorus, since he did not understand these things, interpolated the place in this way: "For in every respect of good conduct, even before the witness, he had been adorned." But in the Usserian edition this place is interpolated differently in this manner: "For in every respect of good, even before his gray hairs, he had been adorned." (80) The instruments prepared for the pyre. I understand the "tunic of molestation," smeared with pitch and bitumen, of which Juvenal and his scholiasts speak; likewise the pole or stake to which they were bound to be burned; finally the nails and ropes, as can be seen in the *Acts of Pionius the martyr*, at the end.

^A Indeed, they did not nail him, but bound him. ^B And having put his hands behind him, and being bound like a choice ram selected from a great flock to be offered as a welcome burnt-offering to God Almighty, he said: "O Father of thy beloved and blessed Son Jesus Christ, through whom we have received knowledge of thee, O God of angels and powers and of the whole creation and of every race of the righteous who live in thy sight, I bless thee because thou hast deemed me worthy of this day and hour, that I might receive a portion in the number of the martyrs, in the cup of thy Christ, for the resurrection of eternal life of both soul and body, in the incorruption of the Holy Spirit; among whom may I be received in thy sight this day as a rich and acceptable sacrifice, as thou hast prepared, and foreshown, and fulfilled, O truthful and true God. For this reason, for all things I praise thee, I bless thee, I glorify thee, through the eternal High Priest Jesus Christ thy beloved Son, through whom to thee with him in the Holy Spirit be glory, now and for the ages to come, Amen." ^C And when he had sent forth the "Amen" and finished the prayer, the men in charge of the fire kindled the flame. And as a great flame blazed forth, we saw a miracle, we to whom it was given to see, and who were kept to recount to the rest what happened. For the fire, fashioning a sort of arch, like the sail of a ship filled by the wind, surrounded the body of the martyr in a circle; and it was in the midst not like burning flesh, but like gold and silver being refined in a furnace. For we perceived such a fragrance, as if it were the breath of frankincense or some other of the precious spices. Finally, when the lawless ones saw that his body could not be consumed by the fire, they commanded an executioner ^D to come up to him and drive the sword into him. And when he had done this, a quantity of blood came out, so that it quenched the fire, and the whole crowd marveled that there was such a difference between the unbelievers and the elect; of whom this man was one—the most wonderful in our times, an apostolic and prophetic teacher, who became bishop of the Catholic Church in Smyrna. For every word that he uttered from his mouth was fulfilled and will be fulfilled. But the jealous and envious and wicked one, the adversary of the race of the righteous, seeing the greatness of his martyrdom and his blameless course from the beginning, and him crowned with the wreath of incorruption and carrying away the prize...

that cannot be contested, he contrived that his little body should not even be taken by us, ^A although many desired to do this and to have fellowship with his holy flesh. Some, therefore, suggested to Nicetes, the father of Herod and brother of Alce, to approach the governor, so that he might not give up his body, saying, "Lest, abandoning the Crucified, they begin to worship this man." And they said these things, the Jews prompting and urging them on, who also watched when we were about to take him from the fire, not knowing that we could never abandon Christ, who suffered for the salvation of those who are being saved in the whole world, nor worship anyone else. ^B For we worship Him as being the Son of God, but we love the martyrs as disciples and imitators of the Lord, worthily, because of their unsurpassable devotion to their own King and Teacher; of whom may we also become fellow communicants and disciples. The centurion, therefore, seeing the contentiousness which had arisen from the Jews, set it in the midst, as is their custom, and burned it. And so we, later on, having taken up his bones, which are more valuable than precious stones and more refined than gold, ^C deposited them where it was fitting. There, as it is possible for us to gather in gladness and joy, the Lord will grant us to celebrate the birthday of his martyrdom, both in memory of those who have already wrestled and for the exercise and preparation of those who are yet to follow. Such are the things concerning the blessed Polycarp, who, with the twelve from Philadelphia, suffered martyrdom in Smyrna; who alone is remembered ^D by all more than the others.

^A [The history] of the life and death of the admirable and apostolic Polycarp is set forth in the letter of the brethren of the Church of the Smyrnæans, which we have included here. In this same writing concerning him, it is mentioned that the heathen in every place speak of him. ^B He was not only a distinguished teacher, but also an outstanding martyr, whose martyrdom all desire to imitate, as it was in accordance with the Gospel of Christ. For, by his endurance, he overcame the unrighteous magistrate, and having thus received the crown of immortality, he rejoices with the apostles and all the righteous, glorifying God the Father and blessing our Lord, the pilot of our bodies and the shepherd of the Catholic Church throughout the world.

And whereas you asked that the events be declared to you at greater length, we for the present have informed you [of the main facts] through our brother Marcus. Having therefore learned these things, send the letter to the brethren further off, that they too may glorify the Lord, who makes the choosing from his own servants, to Him who is able to bring us all by His grace and gift into His eternal kingdom, through His only-begotten Son Jesus Christ, to whom be glory, honor, power, and greatness for ever. Amen. Greet all the saints; those who are with us greet you, as does Evarestus, who wrote this, with all his house.

The blessed Polycarp suffered martyrdom on the second day of the month of Xanthicus, ^C on the seventh day before the kalends of May, on the Great Sabbath, at the eighth hour. He was arrested by Herod, while Philip the Trallian was high priest, and Statius Quadratus was proconsul, but Jesus Christ was reigning for ever, to whom be glory, honor, greatness, and an eternal throne from generation to generation. We hope that you are well, beloved brethren, walking in the word of Jesus Christ according to the Gospel, with whom be glory to God the Father and the Holy Spirit, for the salvation of the holy elect, as the blessed Polycarp suffered, at whose footsteps may we be found in the kingdom of Jesus Christ.

These things Gaius transcribed from the papers of Irenæus, a disciple of Polycarp, who also lived with Irenæus. And I, Socrates, in Corinth, wrote it out from the copy of Gaius. Grace be with all. And I again, Pionius, wrote it out from the above-mentioned copy, having searched for it, as Polycarp, having appeared to me, had revealed it to me—which I shall explain in what follows—having gathered it when it had already become almost worn out by time, so that the Lord Jesus Christ may gather me also with His elect, to whom be glory, with the Father and the Holy Spirit, for ever and ever. Amen. ^D You asked that the events be declared to you at greater length; for almost all the preceding things had been recorded, so that the Lord might show us from above that martyrdom according to the Gospel. Whose martyrdom all desire to imitate, as it was in accordance with the Gospel of Christ.

On the Epistle of the Smyrnæans

The end of the Epistle of the Smyrnæans is omitted by Eusebius, because it seemed little to pertain to his purpose, and because he had already included the whole letter in another work, namely, in the book *On the Ancient Martyrdoms*. We, however, out of the Usserian edition, will supply the final part of this epistle, so that studious readers may not find anything lacking in this our edition. It reads as follows:

[He] is not only a distinguished doctor, but also a supreme martyr, whose martyrdom all desire to imitate, since it was in agreement with the Gospel of Christ. For he overcame the most unjust magistrate by patience and tolerance, and by this means, having attained the crown of immortality, together with the apostles and all the saints, he joyfully glorifies God the Father and blesses our Lord, the governor of our bodies and the shepherd of the Catholic Church throughout the world. Whereas you had asked that we declare all that had been done at greater length, we for the present have indicated it in a brief summary through our brother Marcus. When you have received these things, we ask that you transmit the letter to the brethren who are further away, that they too may bless the Lord, who chooses whom He wills from His servants, and who in His grace and indulgence can lead us all into His eternal kingdom, through His only-begotten Son Jesus Christ, to whom be glory, honor, power, and majesty for ever. Amen! Greet all the saints who are in the world, who greet you; and Evarestus, the writer of this epistle, with all his house. The blessed Polycarp suffered on the second day of the month Xanthicus, before the seventh day of the kalends of March, on the Great Sabbath, at the eighth hour. He was captured by Herod, while Philip the Trallian was high priest of Asia, and Statius Quadratus was proconsul, while Jesus Christ was reigning for ever, to whom be glory, honor, majesty, and an everlasting throne from age to age. We pray that you fare well in the Lord, most dear brethren, adhering to the precepts and the Gospel of Jesus Christ, with whom be glory and honor to God the Father and the Holy Spirit, for the salvation of the saints who have been chosen by God. By whose example the blessed Polycarp suffered. In whose footsteps we pray that we may deserve to have a place in the kingdom of Christ. This was transcribed from the book of Irenæus, a disciple of the blessed Polycarp, by Caius, who also associated with Irenæus. I, Socrates of Corinth, transcribed it from the copy of Caius. Grace be with all. After this, I, Pionius, transcribed it from the aforementioned, after I had searched for the copies for a long time, and Polycarp had revealed them to me through a vision, as I shall declare below: but since they were almost ruined by the age and length of time, I collected them, so that our Lord Jesus Christ may collect me also with His elect, to whom, with the Father and the Holy Spirit, be glory for ever and ever. Amen!

I have decided that this should be inscribed here for this reason, so that such a distinguished monument of ecclesiastical antiquity might be read here in its entirety. But there are some things to be noted more diligently at the end of this epistle. The first is that this epistle was written by the Smyrnæans not immediately after the martyrdom of Polycarp, but some time later. For when the Philomelienses had heard of the martyrdom of Polycarp only by fame and rumor, they sent letters to the Church of the Smyrnæans, asking that all things that had been done in the passion of the most blessed man be written down and sent to them individually. Which indeed the Smyrnæans most willingly did, writing the epistle to them which we have in our hands. And this is indicated by their own words: *You asked*, etc. Second, it must be noted that the martyrdom of Polycarp is everywhere in this epistle called "the evangelical martyrdom." For the Smyrnæans say at the beginning of the epistle: and in the final part of the epistle: Why this martyrdom of Polycarp is called "consonant with the Gospel of Christ," the Smyrnæans provide the reason in both places, namely, because Polycarp fled from those who were pursuing him, as Christ did, waiting until he should be betrayed, and because he overcame the injustice of the magistrate by his patience. Also to be noted is that this epistle of the Smyrnæans was indeed brought by Marcus, but was written by the hand of Evarestus, whose name they wrote.

^A Other martyrdoms were connected to these, which occurred in the same period of time as the martyrdom of Polycarp; among them was Metrodorus, who appeared to be a presbyter of the Marcionite heresy, and who was consigned to the fire and put to death. Moreover, one who was renowned among the martyrs at that time was Pionius, and those to whom it is of interest, we shall refer to the account concerning him, which contains most fully his individual confessions, his boldness of speech, his apologies for the faith before the people and the magistrates, his instructive public orations, and his kindly receptions of those brothers who had lapsed during the trial of the persecution and come to him for comfort, as well as the consolations he offered them in prison, the tortures he endured for these things, the pains that followed upon them, his being nailed, his endurance on the pyre, and his death at the end of all these wondrous things; ^B all of this is collected and set down among the accounts of the ancients, and we have appended it to this. Next, records of others also in the city of Pergamus in Asia...

[LATIN COLUMN] ...and we follow them with affection as disciples and imitators of the Lord, because of the outstanding benevolence they demonstrated toward their King and Master. We also pray in every way to become their companions and fellow-disciples. Moreover, when the centurion noticed the persistence of the Jews, he burned the body, which had been placed in the midst, as is their custom. And so, eventually, we gathered his bones, more precious than the most exquisite gems and purer than any gold, and buried them where it was fitting. In which place also, if God grants it, it will be possible for us to assemble with gladness and joy to celebrate the natal day of his martyrdom, both in memory of those who have completed their glorious contest, and for the instruction and confirmation of future generations by such an example. These things [are written] concerning the blessed Polycarp, who was crowned with martyrdom at Smyrna together with twelve others from Philadelphia. Yet he alone, above all men, is remembered and celebrated by fame, so much so that his name is commemorated even by the Gentiles in all parts of the world.

...the Calends of March, in my own judgment it is better to maintain that opinion which is confirmed by the records of the Smyrnæan Church and all the Orientals, rather than rely on uncertain conjectures about the Great Sabbath and the traditions of the Jews. For it is not probable that the Smyrnæans would have been ignorant of the day on which the blessed Polycarp suffered, or would have celebrated his birthday on a different day than that on which he suffered, especially since the Smyrnæans in this very epistle to the Philomelians expressly promise that they will celebrate his birthday piously and holily every year. Therefore, since it is established that shortly before the martyrdom of Pionius, during the reign of Decius Augustus—that is, about eighty years after the passion of the blessed Polycarp—the Smyrnæans celebrated the birthday of the blessed Polycarp on the seventh day before the Calends of March, I consider it unlawful to doubt any longer about the day of his passion. The author of the Sicilian Fasti, says Usserius, in place of [omitted] writes [omitted]. But the account of the Asian year and the character of the Great Sabbath evinces that Polycarp's birth should be set in March, even if it be celebrated on January 26 among the Latins, or February 25 among the Greeks. Pagius concurs with Usserius ad ann. 167, n. 3, 4. Edit.

Rufinus, Nicephorus, and Christophorsonus misunderstood this passage. For they supposed that the passions of Pionius and Metrodorus and others were also commemorated by the Smyrnæans in that same epistle concerning the martyrdom of Polycarp, although Eusebius does not say this, but only asserts that the passions of other martyrs—namely, of Pionius and Metrodorus—had been appended to that epistle in which the martyrdom of Polycarp was treated. Certainly, Eusebius shortly afterward distinguishes the epistle concerning the martyrdom of Pionius from that epistle in which the martyrdom of Polycarp is described: it is in this that Eusebius can perhaps be excused. But in that he thinks Pionius, Metrodorus, Carpus, and the rest suffered during the reign of Marcus Antoninus, at the same times when Polycarp suffered, no one can ever excuse him. For indeed, from the Acts of Pionius and from the Acts of Carpus and Papylus, it is certain that they underwent martyrdom during the reign of Decius. The cause of the error was provided to Eusebius by the fact that those Acts of Pionius and Carpus were read bound together in one codex with the Acts of the passion of Saint Polycarp. From which Eusebius suspected that they had suffered at one and the same time.

^A And mention is made of those who bore witness: Carpus, Papulus, and the woman Agathonice, who, after very many and distinguished confessions, were gloriously brought to completion.

Or even other martyrdoms at the same time in which Polycarp suffered, having taken place at Smyrna, are read together in the same epistle. Among these also perished a certain Metrodorus, who was said to be a presbyter of the sect of Marcion, having been consumed by flames. Most famous also among the remaining martyrs of that time was Pionius. If any desire to know his individual confessions, and his boldness in speaking, and how he fervently pleaded before the peoples and the governors for the defense of our faith, and likewise his addresses concerning the instruction of the faith, and besides these his exhortations and invitations to those who had lapsed during the time of persecution; and also the allocutions and consolations which he, once placed in prison, bestowed upon the brothers who visited him; and what torments he sustained over these, and what great pains; the piercing of nails, moreover, and his marvelous constancy in the midst of the pyre; and finally the very death which followed all those miracles—we send them to the epistle written most abundantly concerning his martyrdom, which we have inserted in its own order in our work regarding the ancient martyrs whose passions we have collected. 136 Furthermore, the Acts of others who suffered martyrdom in the Asian city of Pergamum at that time are still circulated, namely, of Carpus, Papulus, and a certain woman, Agathonice, who, after many and illustrious confessions of our faith, were consumed by a glorious end.

CHAPTER XVI.

How Justin the philosopher earned martyrdom while preaching the religion of Christ at Rome.

At the same times, Justin, whom we mentioned above, when he had presented a second book for the defense of our faith to the previously mentioned emperors, was adorned with holy martyrdom through the fraud and machinations of the philosopher Crescens, who emulated a way of life entirely befitting and responsive to the name "Cynic." When he had convicted him in debate before many listeners, at length he obtained the prize of martyrdom for that truth ^B which he had preached. This end of his life, that same most studious follower of true wisdom predicts for himself in the aforementioned Apology as being about to happen to him almost any day, in these words: "I also expect to be plotted against by one of those who are called philosophers, and to be thrown into the stocks," ^C or [to be thrown] upon a wooden stake, or [to be put to death] by Crescens, that unphilosophical man and lover of vain glory—for he did not deserve the name of philosopher, as he publicly bore witness—he who truly earned the prize of victory, dying for the truth for which he interceded, by the very martyrdom which he suffered.

CHAPTER XIII.

How Justin the philosopher, while acting as an ambassador for the doctrine of Christ in the Roman city, suffered martyrdom.

And at these same times, Justin, who was shown to us a little while ago, having bestowed a second book on the aforementioned rulers in behalf of our doctrines (90), was adorned with a divine martyrdom; for the philosopher Crescens (who zealously desired a life and manner of conduct to match the name "Cynic") laid a snare for him, because, having repeatedly in debates before many auditors (91) refuted him, he [Justin] had bound upon himself the trophies of victory, dying for the truth for which he interceded, through the martyrdom that was his. And this, the man who was most truly a philosopher, clearly and plainly declares in the aforementioned Apology, already foreshadowing what was about to happen to him very shortly, in these very words: "I also expect to be plotted against by one of those who are called philosophers, and..."

^D [alt-version omitted]

and to be fastened to a timber, or else be marked by Crescentius, that man ignorant of true philosophy and a lover of vanity rather than of truth. For he does not deserve the name of philosopher, who does not hesitate to speak publicly about matters of which he is completely ignorant, and to affirm that Christians are impious and profane, in order to court the favor of the rabble: he is utterly mistaken. For if, without ever having read the doctrine of Christ, he nevertheless disparages it, he is truly most wicked, and much worse than the common run of men, who for the most part are accustomed to take care not to speak about things they do not know, nor to bear false witness. But if, having read that doctrine, he did not in the least understand its majesty, or if he understood it, yet acted as I said, lest perchance men should suspect him of being a Christian, he is to be judged far more cowardly and base, inasmuch as he confesses himself interior to popular and insane opinions, and to fear. Nor indeed do I wish you to be ignorant of this, most august emperors, that when I had proposed many such interrogations to him, I discovered that he really knew nothing. And so that you may know that I speak the truth, I am prepared, if perhaps those disputations have not come to your notice, to propose the interrogations again before you. Nor would that be alien to the imperial majesty. But if my questions, together with his answers, ^B be known to you, it is manifest to you that he understands none of our matters; or if he does understand them, but does not dare to speak for the sake of his hearers, as I said before, he is shown to be not a philosopher, but a lover of glory, who does not even honor the Socratic worthiness ^C of being admired. ^D Such, then, were the words of Justin.

Note on the Greek text

^A that no man is to be preferred to the truth.≫ Thus far Justin. Whom, indeed, as he himself had predicted, having been ensnared by the plots of Crescens, was crowned with martyrdom. Tatian, a man who in his early life taught rhetoric and was versed with great praise in the disciplines of the Gentiles, and who left behind for posterity many monuments of his own genius, testifies in his book *Against the Greeks* with these words: ^B «And the most admirable Justin rightly proclaimed that they resemble the aforementioned robbers.» Then, having said something about the philosophers, he adds these things: «Crescens, at any rate, who had fixed his nest in the great city, surpassed all in pederasty, but was very attached to avarice. And he who advised others to despise death feared death so much that he even contrived to surround Justin with death as if it were a great evil, because, by preaching the truth, he refuted the philosophers as gluttons and deceivers.» And this indeed was the cause of martyrdom for Justin.

CHAPTER XVII. On the martyrs whom Justin mentions in his books.

The same Justin also makes mention in his first *Apologetic* of others who had suffered martyrdom a little before him, with these words: which indeed ^C I deemed necessary to add in our version.

Chapter XVII. Concerning the martyrs of whom Justin makes mention in his own book.

The same man, before his own struggle ^D, makes mention of others who had been martyred before him in his former *Apology*, usefully regarding the martyrdom that preceded his own.

^A and because they contribute to our purpose, I shall set them down here. He writes as follows: "A certain woman had a husband who was intemperate, and she herself had previously acted in a very lascivious manner. But after she had learned the saving teachings of Christ, she immediately became more modest, and she strove to persuade her husband also to live chastely, suggesting to him the Christian precepts and the punishment of eternal fire prepared for those who have lived obscenely and without right reason. But he, persevering in the same licentiousness, committed acts that would utterly alienate his wife's mind from him. For the woman, considering it an impiety to remain united in bed with a man who sought out ways of lust everywhere, contrary to the law of nature and contrary to justice, desired to be separated from their marriage union. And since she was persuaded by those of her own household, who advised her to wait a while longer on the hope of the husband’s transformation, she forced herself to remain. But when her husband, having travelled to Alexandria, was reported to be committing even worse deeds, she, so as not to become a partner in his injustices and impieties while remaining in the marriage, consuming common food and sharing a common bed, gave what is termed by us a divorce, and separated. But this 'good and noble' husband of hers, whereas he ought to have rejoiced that his wife no longer did those things which she previously did with servants and hirelings, delighting in drunkenness and every ^B vice, and wanted him to cease doing the same things—since he was unwilling, having been cast off (99), he lodged an accusation against her..."

...[The Latin column text, which is an extensive scholarly digression by Migne/Vallesius on the dating of Justin Martyr's Apology, is translated as follows:]

...which reading the manuscript codices confirm. Who, then, is there who does not see that Antoninus Pius is designated here? For the very cognomen *Eusebes* sufficiently indicates this; and what follows concerning the philosopher son of the emperor manifestly confirms our opinion. Someone might perhaps say that by the name of the Emperor Pius, Marcus is designated, inasmuch as he assumed the cognomen of his father. But if this is granted, who will that philosopher son of Caesar be? Why would Justin have omitted Lucius Verus Augustus here, when he makes mention of him in his former Apology? Does it not appear clearer than light that Antoninus Pius is here designated by Justin, to whom he inscribed his Apology? Add to this that the prefect Urbicus, whom Justin remembers in the same place, lived under Antoninus Pius. For he is Lollius Urbicus, who as the emperor's legate restrained the Britons, as Capitolinus relates in the *Life of Antoninus*. That he was Prefect of the City while Pius was reigning is taught by Apuleius in his *Apology*, at the beginning. For when Apuleius delivered that oration under Pius, as he himself testifies in that oration, it must also be said that Lollius Urbicus, the Prefect of the City by whom he says Aemilianus was condemned, was under the same Pius. An old inscription concerning the same Q. Lollius Urbicus, Prefect of the City, exists in Gruter, page 38. These are the reasons by which I am induced to contend that the later Apology of Justin was inscribed not to Marcus Aurelius, but to Antoninus Pius. In the common editions, indeed, that Apology is inscribed to the Roman Senate. But either this inscription is false, or the emperor himself is to be understood under the name of the Senate. For in that Apology, Justin addresses the emperor himself, as is clear from the passage cited above... ^C But also on page [X] of the same Apology, speaking of Crescens and of the disputations he had with him, he addresses the emperor himself with these words: "And for this reason [it would be a royal work...]" What could be clearer than these words?

For Justin says that the matter is worthy of the imperial majesty to hear such disputations. Finally, at the end of the same Apology, Justin judges this very thing with these words: "We therefore ask you that, after you have subscribed to what seems right to you, you may publish this booklet, etc." Can these words befit any other than the emperor? For no one other than the emperor has the right to subscribe petitions. Furthermore, Justin calls his work an Apology, and asks the emperor to publish it publicly, so that the truth may be recognized by all. And a little later he adds: "But if you publish this edict, etc." Which things certainly can be said of no one else but the emperor, whose duty it is to publish edicts, or at least to command that they be published. Therefore, P. Halloix is wrong, who in the *Life of St. Justin*, chapter 26, and in the notes to chapter 9, denies that Justin addresses the emperor even once in that entire Apology. For you see four places from that book cited by me, in which Justin addresses the emperor himself. Furthermore, from those things which I have said, it can be gathered that Justin suffered martyrdom under Antoninus Pius, and not under Marcus Aurelius. For Eusebius had no other reason why he would place Justin's martyrdom in the times of M. Aurelius, except that he dedicated the second Apology to Marcus. But I have shown by most certain arguments that that Apology was inscribed to Pius. Therefore, Eusebius's reasoning and opinion fall to the ground. What of the fact that Eusebius himself in his *Chronicon*, and Georgius Syncellus following him, seem to ascribe the martyrdom of Justin to the times of Antonine Pius? And Michael Glycas sets this forth explicitly in his *Annals*.

(99) *Mē boulomenou apallageisēs*. These two preceding words are missing in the Mazarin and Regius [manuscripts]. But it must be known that a leaf was inserted here in the Mazarin codex, which was written by a much more recent hand. Certainly, these words exist both in our other copies and in the editions of Justin: nor can they be absent without the most grievous damage to the whole sentence.

^A And she presented a written petition to you,

the Emperor,

^A It does not become an emperor so pious, nor a philosopher, the son of Caesar, nor the holy senate, to judge in such a way, O Urbicius." And he, answering nothing else, said to Lucius, "It seems to me that you also are such a person." And upon Lucius saying, "Most certainly," he ordered him to be led off to punishment. But he professed that he owed great thanks to Urbicius, because he was released from such wicked masters, as he said, and was about to go to the good Father and King, God. ^B And a third person who came along was also sentenced to be punished. ^C Justin, fittingly and consequently, appends the words we mentioned above, saying: "I also expect to be plotted against by some one of those who are called philosophers," and so forth.

CHAPTER XVIII. Which of Justin's books have come down to us.

Furthermore, this man has left us many monuments of his talent and of his training and of his zeal for divine things, full of manifold utility. With these, we are content to designate by their titles those which have come to our notice, and we shall refer those who are eager to learn to the books themselves. The first place, therefore, among his books is held by the Oration to Antoninus, surnamed the Pious, and to his children and the Roman senate, written on behalf of our religion. His second oration, likewise containing a defense of our faith, was inscribed to Antoninus Verus, the successor and namesake of the aforementioned emperor, whose times we are currently describing. ^D There is also another book of his, *Against the Gentiles*, in which, along with very many other questions that are wont to be debated both by our own people and by the philosophers of the Gentiles, he discusses at great length and sets forth his opinion on the nature of demons, which there is no need to insert here. Furthermore, another book of his, *Against the Gentiles*, has come down to us, which he entitled *Confutation*. Besides these books, there is also another, *On the Sovereignty of God*, which he establishes by the authority not only of the Scriptures among us, but also of the writings of the Greeks. In addition to these, there is one entitled *Psaltes*, and another, *Treatise on the Soul*.

^A In this latter, after presenting various questions pertaining to that subject, he brings forward the opinions of the Greek philosophers—opinions he promises to refute, while also declaring that he will present his own view in another work. He also composed a *Dialogue against the Jews*, which he held at the city of Ephesus with Trypho, the most celebrated of the Jews of that time. In this book, he frankly testifies how he was moved by divine grace to the doctrine of the true faith, and with what intense study he had previously focused on philosophy, and with what fervor of soul he had labored in searching and investigating the truth. He also recounts that the Jews had plotted many things insidiously and fraudulently against the doctrine of Christ, using these words to Trypho: "So far," he says, "are you not from repenting of the impious things you have done, that you have even chosen and sent out from Jerusalem, at that time, select men to every land, saying that the godless heresy of the Christians has arisen, and circulating those very things which all who are ignorant of us say against us, so that you are the cause of injustice not only to yourselves, but also to all other men absolutely." He writes also that when [he mentions the gifts of prophecy] ^B still flourishing in the Church in his time. He likewise mentions the Revelation of John, stating clearly that it was written by the apostle. He also brings forward certain prophetic testimonies which, in his dispute against Trypho, he proves the Jews had cut away and expunged from the Scriptures. There exist also many other smaller works of his in the possession of many believers in our faith. Furthermore, his books were held in such high esteem by the ancients that Irenaeus sometimes makes use of his testimonies. For in the fourth book of *Against Heresies*, he says: "And Justin says well in the treatise *Against Marcion*, that 'I would not even have believed the Lord Himself, if He had preached another God besides the Creator'." And in the fifth book of the same work: "Justin rightly said," he remarks, "that before the Lord's coming, Satan never dared to blaspheme God, because he did not yet know his own condemnation ^C of the more obscure questions concerning the Incarnation." For the question itself is placed in front in place of a title, then the exposition is subjoined. The opinion or dogma is also sometimes prefixed in place of a title or index in this manner, etc. Then the demonstration is placed, as is seen in the aforementioned book of Cyril of Alexandria. Such was Justin's book *On the Soul*: that is to say, certain questions and opinions concerning the nature and origin of souls, to which Justin’s exposition and demonstration were subjoined. There exist today two books *On the Soul* by Alexander of Aphrodisias, which you might justly call so. For they are composed in the manner of commentaries in the way I have described. Of this kind also were the hundred books of commentaries composed by the philosopher Amelius, which Porphyry mentions in the *Life of Plotinus*. Books composed by Diogenes of Tarsus, which Laertius mentions in his *Epicurus*, seem to have been of the same argument. Finally, a commentary is sometimes called a passage excerpted from some writer. Thus ^D in Epiphanius in the heresy of the Marcionites, page 322: "This is the short, summarized commentary on the aforementioned thesis of yours from the copies of Marcion, point by point." Following these is a commentary from the Gospel according to Marcion. You see where a commentary is nothing other than a passage excerpted from the Gospel of Marcion, to which Epiphanius subjoins a refutation. Thus the commentary of Eunomius is spoken of in the *Disputation of the Orthodox with Eunomius*, which Canisius published in Volume V. Rightly, therefore, does Jerome interpret the excerpts which Origen called *scholia*.

CHAPTER XIX. Who presided over the Roman and Alexandrian Churches during the reign of Verus.

^A Now, when the aforementioned reign was entering its eighth year, Soter succeeded to the episcopate of the Roman Church, after Anicetus had held it for eleven years in all. In Alexandria also, Agrippinus obtained the see, after Celadion had presided over that church for fourteen years.

CHAPTER XX. Who ruled the Antiochene Church at that time.

At that same time, Theophilus was known as the sixth from the apostles to govern the episcopate of the Antiochene Church. For Cornelius, the successor of Heron, had presided over that same church as the fourth from the apostles. Him, then, Eros succeeded, having taken over the episcopate as the fifth from the apostles.

CHAPTER XXI. Regarding the ecclesiastical writers who flourished at that same time.

In those same times, Hegesippus flourished in the Church, of whom I have already spoken at length in the previous books; as did Dionysius, bishop of the Corinthians, and Pinytus, bishop of the Cretans; furthermore, ^B Philippus and Apollinaris and Melito, and Musanus and Modestus, and finally Irenaeus. The books of all these have come down even to us, containing the sincere doctrine of the apostolic tradition and the true faith.

CHAPTER XXII. Regarding Hegesippus and those whom he mentions.

Hegesippus, indeed, in the five books of Memoirs which have come down to us, left the most luminous testimonies of his own faith. For he writes that when he was traveling to Rome, he visited a great many bishops and heard from all of them one and the same doctrine. After mentioning a certain matter concerning the epistle of Clement to the Corinthians, the same author adds what we may now hear, if it pleases: "And the Church of the Corinthians," he says, "remained ^C in the right faith until Primus was bishop in Corinth; with whom I had familiar conversation while I was sailing to Rome, and stayed with the Corinthians for a good many days, during which we were refreshed together in the right faith. When I had arrived at Rome, I made a list of the succession as far as Anicetus, whose deacon was Eleutherus. And after Anicetus, Soter succeeded, and after him, Eleutherus. But throughout each succession and in each city, it is as the Law and the Prophets and the Lord proclaim." ^D

On the Heresies that Arose in That Age

The same writer also sets forth the origins of the heresies that arose in his own age, by the following words: "After," he says, "James, surnamed the Just, had suffered martyrdom like the Lord, on account of the same teaching of his, Simeon, the son of Clopas, the Lord's cousin, is again constituted bishop; whom all proposed because he was the Lord's cousin ^A, the second. Up to this time ^B they called the Church a virgin; for it had not yet been corrupted by vain discourses. But Thebuthis, ^C indignant that he had not been created bishop, began to corrupt it secretly, being from those seven heresies which existed among the people, from whom were Simon, whence the Simonians, and Cleobius, whence the Cleobians, and Dositheus, whence the Dositheans, and Gorthæus, whence the Gorthæans, and the Masbotheans, whence from these the Menandrianists, and the Marcionists, and the rest, and Gorthæus, whence the Gorthæans, and Masbotheus, whence the Masbotheans; from these, from the very bitter root, sprang up the Cleobians, Dositheans, Gorthæans, Masbotheans, Adrianists, Eutychites, Canists."

[alt-version omitted]

^D As to the date of Dositheus, the same also is felt by Eulogius, Patriarch of Alexandria, as may be read in the Bibliotheca of Photius, c. 230; and to this opinion Hegesippus, in the place we have before us, gives suffrage. For the Simonians, Dositheans, Gortheni, and other names of errors were nothing else than streams flowing from those Jewish fountains. But Theodoret, in Book I of his *Heretical Fables*, c. 1, says that all these heresies flowed from the source of Simon—to wit, the Cleobians, Dositheans, Gortheni, Masbotheans, Menandrians, Eutychites, and Canists. But since it is certain that the Simonian heresy itself had its origin from the Jewish sects, Theodoret would have spoken more correctly had he said that they were all propagated from the Jewish sects, especially since some of those heresies seem to be older than the Simonian, as, for example, the Gorthena and Dositheana.

Carpocratians, and Valentinians, and Basilidians, and Saturnilians, each ^A of whom brought in his own peculiar and different opinion. From these sprang false Christs, false prophets, and false apostles, who split the unity of the Church with corrupting words against God and against His Christ. Also, the same writer recounts the heresies that formerly existed among the Jews, saying: "There were diverse opinions in the circumcision among the children of Israel against the tribe of Judah and Christ, namely: Essenes, Galileans, Hemerobaptists, Masbotheans, Samaritans, Sadducees, Pharisees."

^B The Samaritans, who were translated into the land of Israel when they were taken captive to Babylon, coming into the land of the Samaritan region, keep a custom which they learned from the priest who was brought back; in part, they keep the gentile custom which they had in the land of their birth. For they are altogether separated in their observances from the Jews, whose superstition is without doubt known to all.

^C IX. Herodians: This heresy arose in the times of the Savior. These glorified Herod, saying that he was the Christ.

X. Hemerobaptists, who daily wash their bodies and their house and their furniture. In Isidore, in book VIII of his *Etymologies*, eight heresies are numbered, namely: Pharisees, Sadducees, Essenes, Morbonei, Genistae, Meristae, Samaritans, and Hemerobaptists. Finally, Pseudo-Clement in book I of the *Recognitions* lists only five sects of the Jews, which he calls schisms: namely, Sadducees, Samaritans, Scribes, Pharisees, and some of the disciples of John the Baptist. For when, he says, the birth of Christ was now imminent, to hinder sacrifices, but to bestow the grace of baptism, the enemy, understanding that the time of those things which had been foretold was at hand, was working various schisms among the people, so that if by chance the former sin could have been blotted out, the second fault might not be able to be corrected. There was therefore first the schism of those who were called Sadducees, their influence already almost spent by the time of John. And these, as if more righteous than the rest, began to separate themselves from the assembly of the people and to deny the resurrection of the dead, etc.

But furthermore, a little later, the same Clement counts no more than the five above-mentioned sects of the Jews. Perhaps someone will wonder why he omitted the Essenes among these sects. We can conceive of no other reason for this thing, except that the ancient Fathers of the Church favored the Essenes beyond measure.

Galileans: Justin and Jerome also list these among the Jewish ^D heretics. The author and head of this sect was Judas the Galilean, who after the exile of king Archelaus, when the Romans wished to take a census in Judea, incited his countrymen to retain their original liberty and introduced a fourth sect of Galileans, as Josephus writes in the book *On the Jewish War*.

As for the Masbotheans, these must be distinguished from those whom Hegesippus mentioned a little before. For those were of the seven sects of the Jewish people that arose around the time of Christ; but the others were propagated from those seven sects of the Jews, just like the Simonians, Dositheans, and Gorthenians. To me, indeed, it seems that there is an error in one or the other passage of Hegesippus. In Rufinus, those numbered in the fourth place among the Jewish sects are called Masbutheans; but others born from those sects are called Masbutheani. For this is how it is written in the best codex of the Parisian Church.

^A And he writes many other things, of which we have already made mention in part, having applied the histories according to their proper times. He adduces some things from the Gospel according to the Hebrews and the Syriac, and especially from the Hebrew dialect, signifying that he himself had believed from among the Hebrews; and he records other things as if from an unwritten Jewish tradition. And not only he, but Irenæus also, and the whole choir of ancient writers, were accustomed to call Solomon’s Proverbs the "All-Virtuous Wisdom" (26). And in discussing those which are called apocryphal, he records that some of them were fabricated in his own time by certain heretics. But we must now pass on to other things (27).

CHAPTER XXIII.

And first of all, it must be said concerning Dionysius, who held the bishopric of the Corinthian Church, that he not only communicated his divine labors profusely to the people committed to him, but also to the inhabitants of other regions and cities, serving the usefulness and benefit of all in those catholic epistles which he wrote to various Churches. From among these, one is to the Lacedaemonians, containing an instruction in the true faith, and suggesting peace and unity; another is written to the Athenians, inciting them to faith and to living according to the precept of the Gospel: in which matter he rebukes the negligence of the Athenians, inasmuch as they had nearly fallen away from the word, from which it came to pass that their leader, Publius, suffered martyrdom during the persecutions then stirred up. He also mentions Quadratus, who was appointed bishop of the Athenians after the martyrdom of Publius ^C (29), testifying that through his zeal his people had been joined together ^D and kindled in the faith, and recalled to the life according to the Gospel. He says, furthermore, that Dionysius himself, setting out on a long journey for the sake of the Gospel, had ministered to his own people and to others, and had thus distributed his epistles; and he mentions having heard that he was born a Greek, yet he had nevertheless attained to great erudition in the divine word. And he states that seven bishops were appointed with him—namely, Philip, Dionysius, Pinytus, Palmas, Dionysius, Bacchylides, and Elpistus—who presided over the dioceses in the province of Crete. Thus wrote the same Dionysius.

^A

He also makes it clear that Dionysius the Areopagite, having been converted to the faith by the Apostle Paul, as is set forth in the Acts of the Apostles, was the first to be entrusted with the episcopate of the diocese of Athens. Another epistle of his to the Nicomedians is current, in which he contends against the heresy of Marcion and adheres firmly to the rule of truth. Having written also to the Church residing in Gortyna, together with the other dioceses in Crete, he highly commends their bishop, Philip, as his Church had attained the excellent reputation of fortitude and a generous spirit by the common consent of all, and he warns them to be on their guard against the fraud and craftiness of heretics. In the epistle which he writes to the Church of the Amastrians and to the other Churches in Pontus at the same time, he mentions that he was moved to write by Bacchylides and Elpistus. He sets forth expositions of the divine Scriptures, mentioning their bishop by name, Palmas, and gives them many instructions regarding marriage and purity. He also commands them to receive kindly those who turn back from any apostasy whatsoever, whether it be from error in conduct or from heretical error. Included with these is another epistle to the Knossians, in which he exhorts Pinytus, bishop of the diocese, not to impose on the brethren, by necessity, a heavy burden regarding purity, ^B but to take account of the infirmity of the majority.

... disciple, [yet] was never a bishop. Certainly neither Dionysius, bishop of the Corinthians, nor Eusebius says that Quadratus, bishop of the Athenians, was a disciple of the apostles. This they would by no means have omitted if the matter had been so, since this was the primary glory of Quadratus. Moreover, the consideration of time sufficiently warns us to distinguish these two Quadrati. For that Quadratus, the disciple of the apostles, did not extend his life beyond the times of the Emperor Hadrian. But Quadratus, bishop of Athens, ruled that Church during the principate of Marcus Antoninus, as is evident from this epistle of Dionysius to the Athenians. For Dionysius speaks of this Quadratus as an equal, who had been recently ordained bishop of the Athenians. Moreover, Dionysius, bishop of the Corinthians, flourished during the reign of M. Antoninus. Wherefore I cannot agree with the blessed Jerome, who did not distinguish these two Quadrati at all. For he writes thus in his book *De scriptoribus ecclesiasticis*: "Quadratus, a disciple of the apostles, is substituted in the place of Publius, bishop of the Athenians, who was crowned with martyrdom for the faith of Christ, and he gathered the Church, which had been dispersed by great terror, by his own faith and industry," etc. The same is written in an epistle to Magnus the Roman orator. But in the Greek Menologium, also, Quadratus the apostle is confused with Quadratus, bishop of the Athenians. Truly, in the *Typicon* of the Monastery of St. Sabas, this error is not found. For thus it is read therein on the ... of September. Let these things concerning Quadratus of Athens have been observed by us. But as regards Publius, the predecessor of Quadratus, I see that most people hold that this Publius succeeded Dionysius the Areopagite immediately. Thus Baronius in his *Notationes* to the Roman Martyrology; Sirmondus in his dissertation *De duobus Dionysiis*; Blondellus in the preface which he prefixed to his *Apology* for the opinion of Jerome; and before them Usuardus, whose words to the day of ... January are these: "The birthday of blessed Publius the bishop, who, being the second after Dionysius the Areopagite, ruled the Church of the Athenians." But since neither Eusebius nor Dionysius said this about Publius, I would not easily believe that he succeeded Dionysius immediately. Certainly, Dionysius the Areopagite departed this life during the principate of Domitian, as is agreed among all. Nor is it probable that he extended his life further, since he was already advanced in years when he was converted to the faith of Christ. For at Athens none were promoted to the Areopagus except those already of advanced age. If we were to say that Publius succeeded him immediately, since he suffered martyrdom during the principate of M. Antoninus, it would have to be said that he lived in the episcopate for more than 70 years. Furthermore, that Publius underwent martyrdom during the reign of Marcus is gathered from this epistle of Dionysius to the Athenians. For Dionysius wrote this epistle to the Athenians to arouse their faith, which had been much diminished after the death of Publius—the Church having been dissipated by the fervor of persecution—except that Quadratus, who had been recently substituted in the place of Publius, had begun to erect and arouse it. To aid whose effort, Dionysius, since this care pertained to him as metropolitan of Achaia, gave this epistle to the Athenians, and indeed at the beginning of his episcopate. He began his episcopate in the times of Soter the Pope, as I said above, after the death of Primus, bishop of the Corinthians, whom Hegesippus is the witness to have presided under Anicetus. But if Publius had suffered under Trajan, as Sirmondus wishes, there would have been no cause why Dionysius should write to the Athenians so long after to arouse their faith, since that had already been fully accomplished by Quadratus. ^C

(30) Vulgate: "he is steadfast in the rule of the Church." Nicephorus, in Book IV, chapter 8, put these words in place of this, "he insists on the ecclesiastical rule." In which he indeed expressed the sense of Eusebius, but did not grasp the force of the word *παρίσταται*. The word *παρίσταται* is familiar to Eusebius, which has the same meaning as to prove, to build up, to confirm and to defend, as Rufinus translates here. Likewise Eusebius below in the last chapter of this book, speaking of Bardesanes: "...which place Christophorsonus did not understand."

(31) "But for the majority." It is read in the Regius [manuscript]. But the three remaining, namely, Maz., Med., and Fuk., have the writing "as for the majority," which is the same.

^A Pinytus, the bishop of that Church, in turn wrote back to him, and while he admires and welcomes Dionysius, he also exhorts him in turn to share at some point stronger food, and to nourish the people under him with more mature writings, so that they might not, by being perpetually occupied with milk-like discourses, grow old in a childish way of life. By this letter, both the orthodoxy concerning the faith and the concern for the benefit of his subjects which Pinytus possessed, as well as his wisdom and understanding of divine things, are revealed as if by a most accurate image.

There is also another letter of Dionysius extant, addressed to the Romans, written to Soter, who was bishop of the city of Rome at that time. It is not inappropriate to insert here a few things from it, in which, commending highly that custom of the Romans which has been preserved down to our own persecution, he writes as follows: "For this has been your custom from the very beginning of the religion, to treat all the brethren in various ways with benefits, and to send contributions to the many churches in every city, in this way refreshing the poverty of those in need, and providing the necessary support to the brethren who work in the mines; by these contributions which you have sent from the beginning, you Romans preserve the ancestral custom of the Romans, which your blessed bishop Soter has not only maintained, but even increased, by both abundantly providing the aid sent to the saints, and by comforting with blessed words ^B the brethren who arrive, like a loving father his children."

In this same letter, he also mentions the epistle of Clement written to the Corinthians, showing that from of old it was the custom of the Church to have it read. He says, then: "Today we spent the holy Lord’s day, in which we read your letter; which we shall always have to read for instruction, as we also do the previous one written to us through Clement." And the same man also says these things regarding his own letters, as they had been tampered with: "For as for letters, when the brethren ^C asked me to write, I wrote them. And the apostles of the devil have filled these with tares, cutting out some things ^D and adding others. The woe is laid up for them. It is no wonder, then, that some have dared to tamper even with the word of the Lord..."

since they have been found to have dared the same with writings far inferior. ^A There is, moreover, another letter of his to Chrysophora, a most faithful sister, in which, writing what is fitting, he provided her with spiritual nourishment as was proper. And let this suffice for what we have said concerning the writings of Dionysius.

CHAPTER XXIV.

Regarding Theophilus, Bishop of Antioch.

Of Theophilus, who, as we have shown, was bishop of the Church of Antioch, there remain three elementary books addressed to Autolycus, which contain instructions for the faith. There exists also another book which he entitled *Against the Heresy of Hermogenes*, in which he makes use of testimonies taken from the Revelation of John; there are present, too, other catechetical books of his. ^B Now, because even at that time the heretics, like tares, were corrupting the pure seed of the apostolic teaching, the pastors of the Churches in every place were hastening to put them to flight and drive them away from the flock of Christ, like wild and savage beasts: partly by exhorting and admonishing the brethren, and partly by contending bravely against the heretics themselves; they refuted them, either by questioning them face to face and by confutations given in the living voice, or by exposing their opinions in most accurately written books. Theophilus, therefore, ^C along with the others, waged war against these heretics, as is evident from a certain book of his, by no means to be despised, which he composed against Marcion; which book, along with others I have mentioned, is still extant today. To this Theophilus, Maximinus succeeded as the seventh bishop of the Church of Antioch from the apostles.

CHAPTER XXV.

Regarding Philip and Modestus.

Philip, however, whom we have learned from the words of Dionysius just cited was bishop of the parish of Gortyna, also composed a most brilliant book ^D *Against Marcion*. Irenæus and Modestus did the same, and the latter, more than the others, exposed to all the manifest error and snares of the man. Many others also wrote, whose books are still zealously preserved by most of the brethren.

CHAPTER XXVI. Of Melito and regarding those whom he mentioned.

(38) *On the Conduct of Life and the Prophets.* Rufinus and Christophorsonus made two books out of one of Melito’s books—the one *On the Conduct of Life* and the other *On the Prophets*—as if in the Greek it read *and the* ... But since in all written codices and in Nicephorus no other reading is found than the one that is vulgate, we rightly reject their opinion and interpretation. Add to this that Jerome, in his book *On Ecclesiastical Writers*, which is almost entirely described from Eusebius’ *History*, says that this book of Melito is entitled *On the Life of the Prophets*. In the Maz. and Med. codices, it is written *On the Conduct of Life*, as also in the Fuk. and Savilian codices. ^C

(39) *On the Obedience of Faith and the Senses.* In Nicephorus, it is read [that there were] two books of Melito, one *On the Obedience of Faith*, the other *On the Senses*, and Jerome and Rufinus confirm this. However, in all our codices, it is read without the distinction that Rob. Stephanus added after the word *faith*. This book of Melito was therefore entitled: *On the Obedience of the Senses of Faith*, or, which is the same thing, *On the Obedience of Faith which comes by the Senses*. For certain heretics used to say that those who are animal or psychic believe by the works of the senses, but the spiritual believe by reason. Thus, Heracleon explained that place in the Gospel of John: "Unless you see signs and wonders, you do not believe." Heracleon said that these words of Christ were spoken properly to those who, by their nature, have the ability to obey through works and senses, but not to believe through reason. ^D Origen reports these things in *Commentary on the Gospel of John*, tome xii, where he refutes it and teaches that both the spiritual and the animal cannot believe except through sense. *On the Washing*. This is the reading of the Maz., Med., and Fuk. codices, which we do not doubt to be true; for the interpretation of Rufinus confirms it: *On Soul and Body and Mind, On the Washing*. Code Reg., with which Nicephorus also agrees, etc.

(41) *On the Creation and Generation of Christ.* Thus the codices Maz., Med., and Fuk., and Nicephorus, that is, *On the Creation and Generation of Christ*, which we do not doubt is the true writing. Rufinus indeed followed the vulgar reading, as is apparent from his interpretation. Jerome, however, content with the word *generation*, avoided the word *creation* as being too harsh, because he feared it might seem to force Christ into the order of created things. But the ancient Fathers who lived before the Council of Nicaea, by the word *ktisis* (creation), understood not only the creation which is from nothing, but every kind of production, and even the very generation of the Word. Thus they explained what is read in Proverbs: "The Lord created me the beginning of his ways," as referring to that eternal generation; and likewise that of the Apostle: "the firstborn of all creation." All of which Marcellus, bishop of Ancyra, contended were spoken concerning the Incarnation of Christ; but he is refuted by Eusebius in book ii *Against Marcellus*, ch. 3, and in book iii *On Ecclesiastical Theology*, ch. 2. Moreover, in the Mazarine codex at the word *creation*, it is noted in the margin by the same hand: "or faith." Which note signifies that in some copies it is written *faith* instead of *creation*. (42) ... joined this with the preceding words in this way: *On the faith and generation of Christ and his prophecy*, to which, however, I do not assent. Jerome, more correctly, in the book *On Ecclesiastical Writers*, translates this place thus: "Also one book on his prophecy." Certainly, Tertullian teaches that Melito was considered a prophet by most. Jerome on Melito: "His," he says, "elegant and declamatory genius, praised by Tertullian in the seven books which he wrote against the Church for Montanus, is said by most of ours to be thought of as a prophet." (43) ... As for the book addressed *to Antoninus*, it seems that this was the title of Melito’s *Apology for the Christians* to the emperor Antoninus Verus, because it was properly a suppliant book offered to the emperor. The same was also the title of Justin’s *Apologetic*, as is evident from the end of the latter *Apologetic*, where Justin speaks thus: "And I therefore ask you, having signed..."

.

^A As regards the *Concerning the Pascha*, he indicates the time when he was writing, starting with these words: "During the proconsulship of Servilius Paulus in Asia, at the time when Sagaris suffered martyrdom, a great controversy arose at Laodicea concerning the Pascha, which had fallen in its season in those days; and these things were written." Clement of Alexandria makes mention of this treatise in his own *Concerning the Pascha*, which he says he wrote on account of the writing of Melito. In his book addressed to the emperor, he records some things of this sort as having happened against us under his reign: ^B "For that which has never before happened, the race of the pious is now being persecuted, driven about by new decrees throughout Asia. For shameless informers and the greedy for others' goods, having found a pretext in the edicts, are openly plundering and stripping those who do no wrong, night and day." And after some other things, he says: "And if these things are done by your command, let it be considered well-done. For a just king would never decide unjustly. And we gladly bear the reward of such a death. We offer you, however, this one petition: that you yourself, having first come to know the workers of such contention, might justly judge if they are worthy of death and punishment, or of safety and peace. But if this design and this new decree, which should not be enacted even against barbarian enemies, be not from you, we beg you all the more not to disregard us in such a public looting." To these things he further adds, saying: "For our philosophy formerly flourished among the ^C barbarians; but having blossomed among your nations under the great reign of Augustus, your ancestor, it became especially a propitious good for your empire. For from that time the Roman power has grown to be great and glorious, of which you have become the desired successor, and will be together with your son, guarding the philosophy which was reared alongside the empire." ^D Certainly, that this humble petition of Melito was nothing other than a book of prayers offered to the emperor is clear from that fragment which Eusebius provides.

Commentary on the aforementioned passage

All interpreters have accepted these words of Melito as referring to the calumniators of the Christians, since they must be understood as referring to the Christians, whom Melito calls “workers of contention”—that is, they practiced perseverance and constancy in enduring torments and calumnies. Certainly, it is apparent from what follows that these words must be understood as referring to none other than the Christians themselves. For Melito asks the emperor that he himself might first examine and investigate the cause of the Christians; then afterward decide whether they should be punished or rather preserved.

Concerning the name "barbarians"

"Among the barbarians it flourished." They are called barbarians among whom the Christian religion first arose. And Justin speaks in this way in his *Apologetic*, if I am not mistaken, as does Clement of Rome in his book of *Recognitions*. Hence it is that Porphyry calls the sect of the Christians a "barbarian audacity." The place of Porphyry is cited by Eusebius in Book VI of this work, page 220.

In this place it appears that Melito, bishop of Sardis, offered his *Apologia* to Marcus Antoninus after the death of Aurelius Verus. For if Melito had written this oration while Aurelius Verus was still alive, he would have undoubtedly made mention of him in this place, and in place of those words "together with your son," he would have said, "together with his brother." For L. Aurelius was the adoptive brother of the divine Marcus. Since, therefore, Melito here commemorates only the son of Marcus Antoninus, namely Commodus, and prays that Marcus might reign with him for as long as possible, it is manifest, as I have said, that this *Apologetic* was offered to Marcus after the death of L. Verus. Accordingly, it is correctly referred to in Eusebius' *Chronicon* in the tenth year of Marcus Antoninus, that is, the year after the death of L. Verus. "To Antoninus, the emperor," he says, "Melito, the Asian bishop of Sardis, delivered an *Apologetic* for the Christians." The author of the *Alexandrine Chronicon* agrees with the *Chronicon* of Eusebius, and he also adds this: that Marcus Antoninus, moved by the supplications of Melito and other Christian leaders, wrote a letter to the Commonality of Asia, in which he forbade anyone from henceforth calumniating the Christians on account of their religion. This letter exists above in chapter 13 of this book. And the author of that *Chronicle* is indeed to be praised, in that he has correctly observed that the letter should be attributed not to Antoninus Pius, as Eusebius had believed, but rather to Marcus. However, he is mistaken in that he opined that the same letter was written in the tenth year of the reign of M. Antoninus. For it was written in the first year of his reign, as is gathered from the fifteenth year of the tribunician power [noted] in the same letter.

^A of Augustus, who was one of your ancestors, was a lucky and prosperous omen for the Roman Empire. For from that time the majesty of the Roman Empire has increased by the greatest increments; you are its heir and successor, and you have attained it, with the prayers of all aspiring for you, and will hold it hereafter together with your son; if only you are willing to protect that sect which was nurtured with the empire and began simultaneously with Augustus, and which your ancestors honored along with the other religions. Furthermore, it is a most certain argument that our religion has flourished for the public good along with the empire, which had begun happily, that from the principate of Augustus onward nothing adverse; but on the contrary, all things prosperous and magnificent have occurred in accordance with the desire and wish of all. Of all men, only Nero and Domitian, ^B led by the counsels of certain malevolent men, took it upon themselves to malign our religion. From them, that false calumny against us later flowed down to those who came after, as is the habit of the common people, to give credit to such rumors without any judgment. But your most pious fathers corrected their ignorance, often reproaching in writing those who dared to innovate against these people. Among these, your grandfather Hadrian, among many other things, appears writing to Fundanus, the proconsul of Asia. Your father also, at the time when you were managing all things together with him, wrote to the cities that they should not stir up tumults against us: specifically to the Larissaeans, to the Thessalonians, to the Athenians, and finally to all the Greeks. And we are the more confident that you, being one who holds the same opinion concerning these matters as they did, and indeed one who is far more humane and philosophical, will do everything that we request. These things are set forth in the aforementioned book of Melito. ^C In the excerpts compiled by him, he lists at the very beginning of the work all the books of the Old Testament which are accepted by the consensus of all. I have thought it necessary to set down that list here. It runs word for word as follows: “Melito to his brother Onesimus, greeting. Since you have often requested, in your zeal for the Word, to have excerpts made for you from the Law and the Prophets regarding the Savior and our entire faith, and moreover have desired to learn the accuracy of the ancient books, how many they are in number and what their order is, I have endeavored to do this, knowing your zeal for the faith ^D and your love of learning concerning the Word, and that you rate these things above all others, out of a longing for God, striving for eternal salvation. Having therefore gone to the East, and having reached the place where it was preached and done, and having accurately learned the books of the Old Testament, I have set them down and sent them to you: their names are: of Moses, five; Genesis, Exodus, Leviticus, Numbers, Deuteronomy; Joshua the son of Nun, Judges, Ruth, four books of Kingdoms, Chronicles.

two Psalms of David, the Proverbs of Solomon, which is also called Wisdom, the Ecclesiastes, the Song of Songs. Job; of the prophets, Isaiah, Jeremiah; of the twelve, in one book, Daniel, Ezekiel, Ezra. From which I also made my selections, dividing them into six books.” And thus much concerning the writings of Melito. ^B

CHAPTER XXVII. Of Apollinaris, Bishop of the Church of Hierapolis.

But of the many works of Apollinaris that are preserved among many people, those that have come to us are these: An Oration to the aforementioned emperor, and five books Against the Greeks. Also, two books On Truth, and two books Against the Jews. And those things which he wrote thereafter Against the heresy of the Phrygians, which not long after caused very great tumults; at that time, indeed, it had just begun to sprout, while Montanus, along with his false prophetesses, was still laying the foundations of his error. And these things we had to say concerning him.

CHAPTER XXVIII. Of Musanus and his writings.

Moreover, there exists a most instructive treatise by Musanus, whom we mentioned in the preceding pages, ^C addressed to—

concerning him.

CHAPTER XXIX. Of Tatian and his heresy.

As for the man whose words we cited above, concerning that admirable Justin, where we also reported that he was a disciple of that same martyr, Irenæus informs us in the first book of his *Against Heresies* by writing as follows regarding Tatian and his heresy: "From Saturninus," he says, "and Marcion, those who are called Continents ^B have proceeded and taught that one must not contract marriage, rejecting, of course, that original handiwork of God, and silently accusing God, who created male and female for the propagation of the human race. They have also introduced abstinence from those things which they call animate, showing themselves ungrateful towards God who created all things. They also deny the salvation of the first man. ^C And this latest notion has been devised among them, with Tatian being the first of all the authors of this impiety." Who, having been an auditor of Justin, as long as he was with him, produced nothing of this sort; but after his martyrdom, breaking away from the Church, being puffed up and swollen with the arrogance of a teacher, as if he were superior to the rest, ^D he fashioned a certain new form of doctrine, imagining invisible Æons just as Valentinus did; he also asserted, along with Saturninus and Marcion, that marriage is nothing other than corruption and impurity; and besides this, he devised new arguments to subvert the salvation of Adam. Thus far Irenæus concerning the heresy of the Encratites, which flourished at that time. Not long after, however, a certain man named Severus, having reinforced the aforementioned heresy, became the cause of the men of that sect being called Severians after his own name. These people indeed make use of the Law and the Prophets and the Gospels, interpreting the meanings of the sacred Scriptures in their own way.

But they rail against the Apostle Paul and reject his Epistles, nor do they accept the Acts of the Apostles. Their first author and founder, however, Tatian, I know not how, wove together a certain connection and collection of the Gospels and named it the ^A *Diatessaron*—a work which is still current among some even today. They say that he even dared to translate the words of the Apostle, as if correcting the composition of his phrasing. He has left behind a great number of writings. Among these, the one most frequently mentioned by many is his famous *Discourse to the Greeks*, in which, having recalled the times of old, he declares that Moses and the prophets of the Hebrews were more ancient than all those who were held in high esteem among the Greeks; this work is indeed considered the most beautiful and beneficial of all he wrote. And such was the state of affairs regarding these men. ^B

CHAPTER XXX. On Bardesane the Syrian, and his surviving works.

Furthermore, in the time of the same emperor, when heresies had multiplied in the region between the rivers, a certain Bardesane, a very capable man and most skillful in the Syriac tongue and most vigorous in disputation, was called upon against Marcion and certain others who were the leaders of various doctrines.

composed dialogues and authors and defenders, he wrote [them] in his native tongue, together with infinite other treatises. These his disciples (for he had very many hearers, inasmuch as he defended our faith with great vigor) translated from the Syriac tongue into Greek. Among these is his most able dialogue ^A *On Fate*, written to Antoninus, a most lucid work indeed. It is also said that he wrote many other things on the occasion of the persecution which at that time raged against our people. Now this man was at first a follower of Valentinus; but afterwards, having disapproved of that doctrine and having convicted most of its dogmas as being fictitious myths, he himself seemed to himself to have moved to a more correct opinion; yet he did not entirely purge away the filth of his ancient and ingrained error. At this time also, Soter, bishop of the Roman Church, came to the end of his life.

The end of the fourth book of the Ecclesiastical History. ^B

OF EUSEBIUS PAMPHILI, ECCLESIASTICAL HISTORY, BOOK FIVE

CONTENTS OF THE FIFTH BOOK OF THE ECCLESIASTICAL HISTORY

a'. How and in what manner those in Gaul during [the reign of] Verus underwent the struggle for piety.

b'. How the God-beloved martyrs, by receiving them, healed those who had fallen during the persecution.

γ'. What sort of manifestation ^C came to the martyr Attalus through a dream.

δ'. How the martyrs commended Irenaeus by a letter.

IN THE FIFTH BOOK OF THE ECCLESIASTICAL HISTORY THESE THINGS ARE CONTAINED

V. How God, having heard the prayers of our people, granted rain to Marcus Aurelius Caesar. VI. Enumeration of the bishops of the city of Rome. VII. That even until those times miracles were worked through the faithful. VIII. How Irenaeus made mention of the divine Scriptures. IX. What bishops there were during the reign of Commodus. X. Concerning Pantaenus the philosopher. XI. Concerning Clement of Alexandria. XII. Concerning the bishops of Jerusalem. XIII. Concerning Rhodo and the dissension against Marcion which he recorded. XIV. Concerning the false prophets of the Cataphrygians. XV. Concerning the schism that occurred at Rome regarding Blastus. XVI. What is recorded concerning Montanus and the false prophets with him. XVII. Concerning Miltiades and the treatises which he composed. XVIII. How Apollonius refuted those in Phrygia, and whom he mentioned. XIX. The opinion of Serapion concerning the heresy of the Phrygians. XX. What Irenaeus wrote in letters to the schismatics at Rome. XXI. How Apollonius suffered martyrdom at Rome. XXII. Who were recognized as bishops at that time. XXIII. Concerning the question which was raised at that time regarding the Pascha. XXIV. Concerning the dissension in Asia. XXV. How a single decree concerning the Pascha was agreed upon by all. XXVI. How many memorials of the elegant genius of Irenaeus have come down to us. XXVII. And how many of the others who flourished at that time. XXVIII. Concerning those who from the beginning have put forward the heresy of Artemon, what sort of men they were in their manner of life, and how they dared to corrupt the holy Scriptures.

PREFACE

Soter, the bishop of the ^B Church of the Romans, having governed for eight years, ended his life. Eleutherus, the twelfth from the apostles, succeeded him. It was the seventeenth year of the Emperor Antoninus Verus, in which, in certain parts of the ^C world, the persecution against us having been fanned more fiercely by the attacking of the people in the cities, ten thousand struggles of the martyrs were brought to perfection. Indeed, it appeared reasonable, at the approach of the end of the narrative, to leave a memorial of these actions for the sake of those who come after us.

But I shall begin the fifth book from this point. ^D

^A That a more violent persecution was stirred up against us through the agitation of the crowds in the cities, and that myriads of martyrs distinguished themselves throughout the world, one may gather by conjecture from what occurred in each nation; and it has come to pass that this too has been handed down in writing to those who come after, as things truly worthy of everlasting memory. Now, the most complete account of these matters is recorded in our collection of the martyrs, which contains not only a historical narrative but also one of instruction. Whatever pertains to the present work, however, I shall select and set forth here for the present.

For other writers of history have surely handed down in their works the victories of wars, and trophies raised over enemies, and the prowess of generals, and the bravery of soldiers, who were defiled with blood and infinite carnage for the sake of their children, their country, and their other possessions. ^B But our narrative, which tells of the polity according to God, will record on eternal pillars the most peaceful wars waged for the sake of the very peace of the soul, and those who in these wars showed themselves more valiant for the sake of truth than for their country, and more for the sake of piety than for their nearest and dearest; it will proclaim the resistance of the athletes of piety, their many-enduring courage, the trophies raised against demons, and the victories over invisible adversaries, and, above all these, the crowns, for eternal memory. I shall therefore refer those who wish to read them to that record which is placed with our collection of the martyrs of old.

CHAPTER I

The country in which the arena for the trials I have described was set up was Gaul, whose celebrated cities, distinguished above the others in those parts, are Lugdunum and Vienna; the Rhône river, flowing with a swift current, runs through both and sweeps around the entire region. The very noble Churches of these places, therefore, sent a report of the passion of their martyrs to the Churches of Asia and Phrygia, relating what had happened among them in this manner. I shall not hesitate to subjoin their own words: ^D "The servants of Christ inhabiting Vienna and Lugdunum in Gaul..."

to the brethren throughout Asia and Phrygia who have the same faith and hope of redemption with us: peace, and grace, and glory from God the Father and Christ Jesus our Lord." ^B After these preliminaries, they begin their narrative in these words: "The magnitude of the affliction here, the fury of the heathens against the saints, and how much the blessed martyrs endured, we are unable to accurately express in speech, nor is it possible to capture in writing. For the adversary attacked with all his might, giving us now early foretastes of his future unbridled coming. He left nothing untried, training his own servants and practicing them against the servants of God, so that we were not only excluded from houses, baths, and the marketplace, but it was forbidden for any of us to appear anywhere at all. But the grace of God fought for us against the devil; it rescued the weak, and set opposite him like firm and stable pillars those who, by their endurance, were able to draw upon themselves the entire onset of the wicked one. They came into close combat with him, enduring every kind of insult and torture, and, regarding their many sufferings as but little, they hastened toward Christ, truly demonstrating ^C that 'the sufferings of this present time are not worthy to be compared with the glory which shall be revealed in us.' And first, they nobly withstood whatever was brought upon them in heaps by the mob—outcries, and blows, and draggings, and plunderings, and stonings, and imprisonments, and all the things that a savage multitude is accustomed to do against enemies and foes. And indeed, having been brought to the marketplace by the tribune and the authorities ^D of the city, they were examined before the entire populace, and having made their confession, they were enclosed

^A in prison until the arrival of the governor. Afterward, when they were brought before the governor, and he was using every manner of cruelty against us, Vettius Epagathus, one of the number of the brethren, who was filled with an immense abundance of love toward both God and his neighbor, and who had established for himself a life so disciplined and strict that, though still young, he was compared to the commendation of the elder Zacharias, had indeed walked blameless in all the commandments and ordinances of the Lord, and was unwearied in every service to his neighbor, having great zeal for God and being fervent in spirit. Being such a man, he could not bear the judgment that was being so unreasoningly rendered against us. But moved with indignation, he demanded to be allowed to speak in defense of the brethren, that there was nothing impious or ungodly in us. But those who were standing ^B about the tribunal shouted against him (for he was a man of note), and the governor would not endure the request he had so justly put forward, but merely asked this one thing, whether he too were a Christian. And when he confessed with a most brilliant voice, he too was taken into the company of the martyrs, having become a "paraclete" or advocate for the Christians, while having the Paraclete himself within him—the Spirit, more than Zacharias. This he demonstrated through the fullness of his love, having been well pleased ^C to lay down his life in defense of the brethren. ^D

For he was and is a genuine disciple of Christ, following the Lamb whithersoever He goes. ^A From that time forward, the rest began to be distinguished and discerned. The protomartyrs were ready and prepared, and with all alacrity of spirit they rendered that solemn confession of martyrs. But those who were unprepared and unpracticed, and as yet weak, and unable to bear the intensity of such a great struggle, were then clearly revealed. Of these, about ten fell away, causing us great sorrow and immeasurable grief, and they slackened the zeal of the rest who had not yet been seized—who, though they were suffering all manner of terrible things, nevertheless remained alongside the martyrs and did not depart from their sight. Then indeed we were all greatly terrified, due to the uncertainty regarding the confession—not because we feared the punishments being inflicted, but because, looking toward the outcome, we feared lest anyone should fail. ^B However, those who were worthy were seized day by day, making up their number, so that there were gathered from both Churches all the earnest ones, and those through whom especially our affairs here had been established. And some heathen servants of ours were also seized, since the governor had publicly ordered us all to be searched for. These, through the instigation of Satan, fearing the tortures they saw the saints suffering, and with the soldiers inciting them to this very thing, falsely accused us of Thyestean feasts and Oedipean intercourse, and things which it is not lawful for us even to speak or to conceive, nor even to believe that such things ever happened among men. ^C When these things were reported, all were savage against us, so that even those who previously had been moderate on account of intimacy were then greatly enraged and gnashed their teeth against us. And that word of our Lord was fulfilled: "The time will come in which everyone who kills you will think that he is offering service to God." Thenceforth the holy martyrs endured tortures beyond all description, Satan being doubly eager that even through them some of those blasphemies should be uttered. ^D

^A For the wrath of all—the mob, the governor, and the soldiers—was kindled with excessive intensity against Sanctus, the deacon from Vienne, and against Maturus, a recent convert but a noble combatant, and against Attalus, a Pergamene by race, who had always been a pillar and foundation of the church there, and against Blandina, through whom Christ showed that the things which appear mean, unseemly, and contemptible to men are accounted by God as worthy of great glory because of the love toward Him that is shown in power and does not boast in outward appearance. For while we were all fearful, and her earthly mistress—who was herself also one of the combatant martyrs—dreaded that she would not be able to make a free confession due to the weakness of her body, Blandina was filled with such power that those who were torturing her in every way by turns from early morning until evening were exhausted and gave up, acknowledging that they were defeated, having nothing more they could do to her, and marveling ^B that she still breathed, with her whole body torn open and laid bare; and they testified that a single one of the forms of torture inflicted was sufficient to take away her life, to say nothing of such and so many. But the blessed woman, like a noble athlete, renewed her strength in the confession, and it was a refreshment, a respite, and a relief from what was happening to her to say, "I am a Christian, and nothing evil is done among us." Sanctus, for his part, also endured with noble spirit, beyond all human measure, all the outrages devised by men. The wicked had hoped, through his perseverance ^C and the greatness of his torments, to hear something unseemly from him, but he stood against them with such resolute mind that he would not even tell his own name, nor his nation, nor the city from which he came, nor whether he were a slave or free, but to every question he answered in the Roman tongue: "I am a Christian." This he confessed repeatedly, instead of name, and city, and race, and everything else, and the heathens heard no other word from him. Hence a great rivalry arose between the governor and the torturers against him, so that when they had nothing left to do to him, at the last they applied red-hot copper plates to the most tender parts of his body. And while these were burning, he remained inflexible and ^D unyielding, firm in his confession, being refreshed and strengthened by the heavenly spring of the water of life which flows from the side of Christ.

His body was a witness to what had passed, a mass of wounds and weals, shriveled and having lost its outward human form. In him, Christ suffering achieved great glories, bringing to naught the adversary and showing to others as a pattern that there is nothing fearful where the love of the Father is, nor anything painful where the glory of Christ is. For when the lawless men, after several days, were again putting the martyr to the rack, and thinking that, since his body was swollen and inflamed, if they applied the same instruments of torture he would succumb—as he could not even bear to be touched by hands—or that by dying under the torture he would strike fear into the rest, not only did nothing of the sort happen to him, but, contrary to all human expectation, he revived ^B and his body was restored in the subsequent tortures, and he regained its previous appearance and the use of his limbs, so that, by the grace of Christ, the second torture became for him not a punishment, but a healing.

And a certain woman named Biblias, whom the devil, having already swallowed her up in the belief that she had denied the faith, wished to condemn also through blasphemy, he led to the torture, compelling her to speak impious things about us, thinking her already fragile and unmanly. But she, at the torture, came to her senses and, so to speak, awoke from a deep sleep, being reminded by the temporal punishment of the eternal punishment in Gehenna, and she spoke out in contradiction ^C to those who spoke blasphemies, saying: "How could those people eat children, to whom it is not even permitted to eat the blood of irrational animals?" And henceforth she confessed herself a Christian and was added to the roll of martyrs.

When these tyrannical instruments of torture had been brought to nothing by Christ through the endurance of the blessed ones, the devil devised other stratagems: confinement in the darkest and most wretched parts of the prison, and the stretching of the feet in the stocks ^D to the fifth hole.

^A And the ministers, being filled with the devil, were accustomed to treat the prisoners in such a way that most of them were suffocated in prison—at least as many as the Lord wished to depart in this manner, thus showing forth His own glory. For some, having been cruelly tortured so that they seemed unable to live even if they received all manner of care, remained in prison, bereft of aid from men, but strengthened by the Lord and invigorated in both body and soul, and they encouraged and comforted the rest. But the young and those newly arrested, whose bodies had not been hardened, could not bear the weight of the confinement, and so they perished inside.

^B The blessed Pothinus, who had been entrusted with the bishopric of Lugdunum, being more than ninety years of age and very weak in body, scarcely breathing on account of his present physical infirmity but invigorated by the eagerness of his spirit due to his desire for martyrdom, was also dragged to the tribunal. His body was enfeebled both by old age and by illness, yet his soul remained within him, that through it Christ might triumph. ^C When he was carried by the soldiers to the tribunal—with the civil authorities accompanying him and the whole multitude raising all kinds of shouts, as if he were Christ himself—he gave a good testimony. Being questioned by the governor as to who the God of the Christians might be, he said: "If you are worthy, you shall know." From then on, he was dragged about mercilessly and suffered many blows; those near him struck him wickedly with hands and feet in every possible way, showing no respect for his age, while those at a distance threw at him whatever each had in his hands. All thought they were sinning greatly and acting impiously if they failed to join in the abuse against him, for they supposed that in this way they would avenge their own gods. ^D Scarcely breathing, he was thrown into prison, and after two days he expired. Here a great providence of God took place, and an immeasurable mercy of Jesus was manifested—a thing that rarely occurred in the brotherhood but was not lacking in the art of Christ.

Of the nature of this punishment

Commentary

^A And those, too, who at the time of their arrest had denied the faith were shut up and shared in the sufferings. For in that hour their denial did them no good; but whereas those who confessed what they were were shut up as Christians, with no other accusation brought against them, these others were detained as murderers and defiled persons, and were punished more severely than the rest. For the former were comforted by the joy of martyrdom, the hope of the things promised, the love toward Christ, and the Father's Spirit; ^B but the latter were greatly tormented by their own conscience, so that their faces clearly revealed their state to all who passed by. For the former went forth cheerful, with glory and much grace mingled in their faces, so that even their bonds appeared like beautiful ornaments, as of a bride adorned with variegated golden fringes, breathing at once the fragrance of Christ, ^C so that some thought they had been anointed with worldly ointment. But the latter were downcast, humble, dejected, and filled with every disgrace, and besides were reproached by the Gentiles as ignoble and cowardly, bearing the accusation of murder and having lost the most precious, glorious, and life-giving name. Seeing these things, the rest were strengthened, and those seized confessed without hesitation, having no trace of diabolical reasoning.

Having added something to these, they continue: “After this, their martyrdom was divided into every kind of death. For weaving a single crown of various colors and of every kind of flower, they offered it to the Father. It was fitting, therefore, that the noble athletes, having endured a varied contest and having gained a great victory, should receive the great crown of immortality. ^D Maturus, therefore, and Sanctus, and Blandina, and Attalus were led to the beasts for the public spectacle, and for the common exhibition of Gentile inhumanity, the day of the wild beast fights being purposely given for the sake of our people.” And Maturus and Sanctus again went through every kind of torture in the amphitheater.

as if they had suffered nothing at all previously. Or rather, like athletes who had already overcome their adversary many times and were now contending for the crown itself, they again endured the customary lashes of the whips there, and the drag-marks of the wild beasts, and all that the frenzied populace shouted and called for from every side. And above all, they were subjected to the iron chair, upon which their bodies were roasted and sent up the savory smell to them. Yet even for all this, the tormentors did not cease; rather, they were all the more maddened, wishing to overcome their endurance. And even so, they heard no other word from Sanctus than that which he had been accustomed to say from the beginning, the confession of his faith. These men, then, after a great struggle, while their spirit long remained, were finally sacrificed for the day, having been a spectacle to the world in place of all the variety seen in the gladiatorial games.

But Blandina, having been suspended on a stake, was set forth as food for the beasts that were let in. Through the very fact that she was seen hanging in the form of a cross, and through her intense prayer, she inspired great zeal in the struggling brothers; for they saw in the struggle, with their outward eyes and through their fellow sister, Him who was crucified for them, that He might convince those who believe in Him that everyone who has suffered for the glory of Christ has eternal communion with the living God. And as none of the beasts touched her then, she was taken down from the stake and again brought back to prison, kept for another struggle, so that by winning through more exercises, she might make the condemnation unavoidable for the crooked serpent, and might exhort the brothers, she, the small and weak and despised one, who had clothed herself in Christ, the great and invincible wrestler, having overcome the adversary through many "lots," and having crowned herself through the struggle with the crown of incorruption. And Attalus, he too, being a man of great reputation...

^A demanded by the crowd—for he was famous—he entered the contest ready, because of his clear conscience, in that he had been genuinely trained in the Christian discipline and had always been a witness of the truth among us. And after being led around the amphitheater, with a tablet being carried before him on which it was written in Latin: “This is Attalus the Christian,” and since the populace was raging fiercely against him, the governor, having learned that he was a Roman, ordered him to be taken back with the rest who were in the prison, about whom he had sent a letter to Caesar and was waiting for the decision from him. And the time in between was not ^B sluggish or fruitless for them; but through their endurance, the infinite mercy of Christ was made manifest. For through the living, the dead were made alive, and witnesses granted grace to those who were not witnesses. And great joy came to the virgin mother, receiving back alive those whom she had brought forth as dead. For through them, the greater number of those who had denied were readmitted and conceived again, and were rekindled; and they learned to confess, and being now alive and strengthened, they approached the tribunal. This was brought about by God, who does not desire the death of the sinner, but is kind toward repentance, in order that they might be questioned again by the governor. For when the report came from Caesar, that those who confessed should be put to the torture, but if any denied, they should be released, since the local festival was starting—for this gathering is very populous, with people coming to it from every nation—he brought them up to the tribunal, making a spectacle of the blessed ones and parading them before the crowds. Therefore he questioned them again, and as many as seemed to have the Roman citizenship, these he had beheaded, but the others he sent to the beasts. And Christ was glorified greatly in those who had earlier denied, but who then—contrary to the expectation of the heathens—were confessing. For these were questioned separately, as though they were to be released, and, in confessing, they were added to the ^C lot of the martyrs. But some remained outside, who had never believed, nor had they had any perception of the wedding garment, nor had they understood the fear of God. But their own lives and their external manner of living brought blasphemy upon the Way; they were known as those who ate human meat, and committed Oedipean acts of incest, and for other things not even to be spoken or imagined or believed that they ever happened among humans. Nevertheless, all these things were intensified against us by the heathens, so that even some who had been seen to be among us were led by necessity to deny, and they were witnesses of the truth, though they were not yet strengthened and not yet having grasped the word of God, as the Savior says, but had the wedding garment on them, yet by their own cowardice they were revealed to be as they were, of whom it was said, "they were not in the number." ^D

^A They remained outside, not even having a trace of the faith, nor any perception of the wedding garment, nor any notion of the fear of God, but even through their behavior blaspheming the Way — that is to say, the sons of perdition.

But all the rest were added to the Church. While these were being examined, a certain Alexander, a Phrygian by birth and a physician by profession, who had spent many years in Gaul and was known to almost everyone because of his love for God and his boldness of speech (for he was also not devoid of apostolic grace), stood before the tribunal and, by a gesture, urged them towards the confession of the faith, so that he was clearly seen by those standing around the tribunal as if he were in labor. But the crowds, incensed that those who had previously denied were now confessing again, cried out against Alexander, as though he were the cause of this. The governor summoned him ^B and asked him who he was; and when he replied that he was a Christian, he became enraged and condemned him to the beasts. On the following day he entered along with Attalus. For the governor, in order to gratify the crowd, delivered Attalus also to the beasts. And after they had endured all the instruments of torture invented in the amphitheater for their punishment, and had undergone a most severe struggle, at the last they were also sacrificed. Alexander neither groaned nor muttered anything at all, but was conversing in his heart with God. ^C But Attalus, when he was placed upon the iron chair and was being roasted, as the odor from his body ascended, said to the crowd in the Roman tongue: "Lo, this is what you are doing—eating men; but we neither eat men nor do any other wickedness." When he was asked what the name of God is, he replied, "God does not have a name as a man does."

Finally, on the last day of the gladiatorial combats, ^D [Attalus] was again brought out along with one Alexander, and having been exposed to the beasts and then butchered by the sword, he was perfected. With regard to the former victims, they were sacrificed, that is, they were slaughtered.

^A Again, there was brought in also a boy from Pontus of about fifteen years of age. They had been brought in daily to witness the punishment of the others, and were compelled to swear by their idols; and because they remained steadfast and treated them with contempt, the crowd became enraged against them, so that they neither pitied the age of the boy nor respected the woman. ^B Indeed, they exposed them to all the terrible things and put them through every round of torture, repeatedly compelling them to swear, but were unable to accomplish this. For the one from Pontus, urged on by his sister, so that even the Gentiles could see that it was she who was encouraging and strengthening him, having bravely endured every torture, gave up his spirit. But the blessed Blandina, last of all, as a noble mother having encouraged her children and sent them forth as victors to the King, having herself measured all the trials of her children, hastened ^C to them, rejoicing and exulting at her departure, as if she had been called to a wedding banquet, and not as one cast to the wild beasts. And after the scourges, after the wild beasts, after the frying pan, ^D she was finally thrown into a net and cast before a bull. And having been tossed about for a long time by the animal, having no more perception of what was happening to her because of her hope and her hold on the things she had believed and her communion with Christ, she also was sacrificed, and the Gentiles themselves confessed that never among them had a woman suffered such and so many things. ^A Yet not even so did their madness and their cruelty against the saints find satisfaction; for the savage and barbarous tribes, stirred up by the wild beast, were hard to appease. And their insolence took a new and strange beginning against their bodies. For the fact that they had been conquered did not shame them, because they possessed no human reasoning; but rather, it further inflamed their rage, as it were, of the beast, and the governor and the crowd, displaying the same unjust hatred towards us. As a spectacle for the world, they themselves became, in place of all the variety of gladiatorial combat, the appointed day for beast-fighting on account of our people.

^A That the Scripture might be fulfilled: "Let the lawless man act lawlessly still [(32)], and let the righteous man be justified still." For they threw those who had been suffocated in prison to the dogs, watching them carefully night and day, so that none of us might be buried. And then, indeed, having laid out what remained of the beasts and the fire—part of it torn apart, part of it scorched [(35)]—and the heads of the others together with their trunks likewise, they kept them unburied, with military guard, for many days. And some raged and gnashed their teeth at them, seeking to take some further vengeance from them; others mocked and jeered, magnifying their idols and attributing to them the penalty of these men. And others, more lenient and seeming, to a certain extent, to sympathize, reproached them greatly, saying: "Where is their God, and what benefit is their religion to them, which they have chosen even before their own life?"

Such was the variety in what came from those men; but as for us, we were in great mourning because we were not able to hide the bodies in the earth. For neither did night assist us for this, nor did bribes persuade [(34)], nor did entreaty shame them; but in every way they kept watch, as if gaining some great thing if they did not attain burial. Following these things, they say after other matters: "The bodies of the martyrs, then, having been displayed in every way and left out under the open sky for six days, were afterwards burned and reduced to ash ^B by the lawless ones, and swept into the river Rhône [(35)], which flows by nearby, so that not even a remnant of them might appear on the earth any longer. And they did these things as if they could overcome God and take away their rebirth; so that, as they said, they might not even have hope of a resurrection, on which, relying, they introduce to us a strange and new religion, and despise terrible things, being ready and holding themselves towards death with joy. Now let us see if they will rise again, and if their God is able to help them and deliver them from our hands." ^{C D}

CHAPTER II. How the martyrs beloved of God, extending a hand to those who had fallen in the persecution, applied a remedy.

^A Such were the things which happened to the Churches of Christ during the times of the aforementioned emperor, from which one may with reasonable inference conjecture what took place in the other provinces. It is worth our while to append a few other words here from the same letter, by which the gentleness and humanity of the aforementioned martyrs are recorded in these very terms: «They indeed were such zealous imitators of Christ, who, existing in the form of God, thought it not robbery to be equal with God, that, although they had attained to such a height of glory, and had not only once or twice, but often, undergone martyrdom—and having been taken back to prison again after the wild beasts, and bearing the impressed marks of fire, and bruises, and wounds all over their bodies—they neither proclaimed themselves martyrs, nor would they allow us to address them by this title. But if ever any one of us, either in a letter or in conversation, called them martyrs, they would rebuke him severely and chide him. They most willingly conceded the title of martyr to Christ, the faithful and true Witness, and the firstborn of the dead, and the Prince of the life of God; and they would make mention of those martyrs who had already departed, saying: "Those are indeed martyrs whom Christ has deigned to take up in their confession, having sealed their testimony by their death; while we are but mean and humble confessors." And with tears they would beseech the brothers, praying that earnest supplications might be made that they might be perfected. And they were showing the power of martyrdom in their works, being very… ^{B C}

cries they besought the brethren that continued prayers might be made to God, so that they might ^A at last attain to a perfect end. By their deeds, in truth, they demonstrated the power of martyrdom, exercising great freedom of speech before all the Gentiles, and making manifest their nobility through their endurance, fearlessness, and intrepidity; yet they declined the title of "martyrs" offered to them by the brethren, being constrained by the fear of God. And again, after a little, they say: "They humbled themselves under the mighty hand, by which they are now greatly exalted. At that time, they made apologies ^B to all, and accused no one; they loosed all, and bound no one; and they interceded for those who had treated them cruelly, just as did Stephen, the perfect martyr: 'Lord, do not hold this sin against them.' If he prayed for those who were stoning him, how much more for the brethren?" And again they say, after other things: "For this was their greatest struggle against the devil, because of their sincere and unfalsified love, that the beast might be choked and be forced to vomit forth alive those whom he had previously thought he had swallowed. For they did not take pride over those who had fallen, ^C but in those things in which they themselves abounded, they generously provided for the needy, possessing certain maternal bowels of mercy, and pouring out a great abundance of tears before God the Father for their salvation. They asked for life, and God granted it to them; and they shared it with their neighbors. Victorious over all, they departed to God, having always loved peace, and having always recommended peace, they departed in peace to God, leaving behind no sorrow for their mother, nor faction and war for the brethren, but joy and peace, concord and love." These things concerning the affection of those blessed ones toward the brethren who had fallen, let them be set down here for the benefit of readers, on account of those who, being possessed of a certain inhuman and cruel spirit, have subsequently behaved ^D unmercifully toward the members of Christ.

CHAPTER III. What kind of vision appeared in dreams divinely sent to the martyr Attalus.

Furthermore, in the same letter which comprises the events mentioned above, another account is contained, well worthy of memory, which nothing prevents us from proposing to our readers in this place. Now it states as follows: "For a certain Alcibiades, one of their number, who lived a very harsh and squalid life, and who previously partook of nothing at all, but rather..."

^A lived on bread and water only, it was revealed to Attalus after his first contest, which he finished in the amphitheater, that Alcibiades was not doing well in refusing to use the creatures of God and leaving behind a stumbling block for others." Being persuaded, Alcibiades thereafter partook of all things and gave thanks to God. For they were not destitute of the grace of God, but the Holy Spirit was their counselor. And so much for these matters.

But since those around Montanus, Alcibiades, and Theodotus were at that time first beginning to spread in Phrygia the opinion among many regarding their prophesying (for many other amazing deeds of the divine gift were still being performed at that time in various Churches, providing many with the belief that they also were prophesying), and since there was a disagreement regarding the aforementioned matters, the brethren in Gaul again submitted their own judgment, which was ^B pious and most orthodox, on these matters as well, appending various letters from the martyrs who had been perfected among them, which they had written while still in bonds to the brethren in Asia and Phrygia, and furthermore to Eleutherus, who was then bishop of the Romans, as they were acting as ambassadors for the peace of the Churches.

CHAPTER IV

How the martyrs commended Irenaeus by letter.

The same martyrs also commended Irenaeus, who was at that time a presbyter of the parish in Lyons, to the aforementioned bishop in Rome. ^{C D}

^A They gave abundant testimony to the man, as the words that express this in their own manner show: «We pray that you may fare well in God in all things, and always, Father Eleutherus. We have urged our brother and colleague Irenaeus to carry these letters to you, and we ask you to hold him in esteem, as he is a zealot for the Covenant of Christ. For if we knew that anyone could procure righteousness, we would have commended him as a presbyter of the Church (which position he holds) in the first place.» But why is there a need to recount here the catalogue of the martyrs contained in the aforementioned letter, of those who were perfected by beheading, and separately of those who were thrown to the beasts for food, and again of those who fell asleep in prison, and the number of the confessors who were still alive at that time? For to anyone who wishes, it is easy to learn all these things most fully by taking in hand the book itself, which, as I have said, has been included by us in the collection of the martyrdoms. And these are the things which occurred during the reign of Antoninus. ^B Being at that time a presbyter of the parish in Lyons, he was perfected while having witnessed for the faith in Gaul; Irenaeus succeeded to the episcopate of the parish in Lyons, which Pothinus had presided over.

They boasted that the holy ones predicted future things. On these matters, therefore, the presbyters of Lyons and Vienne wrote their opinion to those in Asia in a special letter; I wish Eusebius had also appended it here. The presbyters of Lyons had also added to their own letters the letters of the martyrs written on this subject to those in Asia, in order to confirm their opinion by the authority of the martyrs. If it is permitted to conjecture, this seems to have been their opinion: that those prophets ought to be treated kindly and provoked to repentance: and if indeed they were to repent, they should be admitted to the Church, so that peace among the brethren might be solidified. But if they remained stubborn in their error, ^C and after frequent admonitions were unwilling to obey the priests, they should be cut off from the body of the Church. Moreover, Irenaeus was sent by these same presbyters of Lyons to Pope Eleutherus, with letters both from the martyrs and the clergy of Lyons, so that he might communicate with Eleutherus on these same matters. For since the first parts in all ecclesiastical affairs belonged to the bishop of Rome, the people of Lyons rightly referred this controversy to him: acting thus and striving in all ways that, by the authority of the Roman bishop, which has always been supreme in the Church, this dissension which had arisen in Asia might be calmed, and peace in the Church might be restored.

Verily I do not doubt that Irenaeus was sent to Rome by the entire clergy of the Church of Lyons. The martyrs, however, commended him as he was setting out to Eleutherus. Feuardentius also supports us, who in the *Life of Blessed Irenaeus*, which he prefixed to his works, writes that Irenaeus was sent to Pope Eleutherus and to Asia by Pothinus and the rest of the martyrs of Lyons who were then still confined in prison. I hold it for certain that these letters of the martyrs, of which Eusebius speaks here, were written while Pothinus was still alive. For it is not credible that, after the death of Bishop Pothinus, with the Church of Lyons bereft of its pastor, those confessors and martyrs of Christ would have sent Irenaeus the presbyter so far away, and that in the very heat of the persecution. For Irenaeus was the preeminent light and ornament of the Church of Lyons, as we learn from the letter of the martyrs, and by him alone the universal Church of that place was in the greatest measure sustained. Wherefore I cannot assent to Baronius nor to Feuardentius: of whom the latter asserts that Irenaeus carried the letters of the martyrs to Rome to Pope Eleutherus, and thence to Asia and Phrygia: but Baronius contends that he only performed the legation to Pope Eleutherus. Irenaeus had indeed been asked by the martyrs and by the entire clergy of the Church of Lyons to carry their letters to Eleutherus; and he himself had promised that he would do so, as the letter of the martyrs here related by Eusebius testifies. But when the death of Pothinus followed, Irenaeus could not perform it. I have Eusebius himself as the author and subscriber to this opinion. For he writes that immediately after the death of Pothinus, Irenaeus was subrogated in his place. ^D Therefore, Irenaeus could not have carried the letters of the martyrs to Eleutherus after the death of Pothinus. For at that time, Irenaeus was bishop, whereas the martyrs, in those letters of theirs to Eleutherus which they had entrusted to Irenaeus, call him only a presbyter. Here someone will say that Irenaeus carried those letters before the death of Pothinus. But Eusebius completely refutes this opinion. For at the end of the previous chapter he clearly testifies that the people of Lyons, in their own letter which they had written concerning the glorious struggle of their martyrs to the Churches of Asia and Phrygia, had subjoined other letters, which the same martyrs, while still confined in prison, had written partly to the Churches of Asia and Phrygia, and partly to Pope Eleutherus. It is most certain that these letters of the people of Lyons were written only when the persecution had ended. On the contrary, the letters of the martyrs to Pope Eleutherus and to the Asians were written in the very heat of the persecution and in the confines of the prison, as Eusebius testifies. These, having been held by the people of Lyons for some space of time while they awaited an opportune moment for that legation, were at length sent to Pope Eleutherus and to the Asians, with their own letter attached, once the persecution had been calmed and the peace of their Church restored. From which it appears that those letters of the martyrs were carried to Rome and to Asia long after the death of Pothinus.

CHAPTER V

How God, having heard the prayers of our people, granted rain to M. Aurelius Caesar

^A It is said that when M. Aurelius Caesar was arrayed in battle against the Germans and Sarmatians, and his army was hard-pressed by thirst, ^B he fell into an extremity; and that those soldiers of the legion called Melitine—which, on account of its faith, remains to this day—being made ready by faith in that hour, when they stood in battle line against the enemy, knelt upon the ground, according to our custom in prayer, and turned to their supplications to God. And this being a spectacle ^C strange to the enemy, something far more astonishing followed immediately: for thunderbolts falling upon the enemies drove them to flight and destruction, while a rain shower falling upon the warriors who had besought the Divine, revived the whole of them, now on the verge of perishing from thirst. This story is recorded even by authors far removed from our persuasion, who made it their business to chronicle the events of that time, and it has been clearly set forth by our own writers as well. Yet while the ^D writers from outside, being aliens to our faith, have recorded the wonder, they have not confessed that it was brought about by the prayers of our people. But our own writers, being lovers of truth, have transmitted the event simply and without guile. Among these is Apollinaris, who states that it was ever after that time that the legion through whose prayers the wonder was wrought received from the Emperor, in a name befitting the event, that of "Thunderstruck," [note: calling it in the Roman tongue, Fulminata].

^A a witness of these accounts could worthily be Tertullian, who addressed an Apology for the faith 50 to the Roman Senate, which we have previously mentioned, and who confirms the history with even greater and clearer proof. He writes, therefore, saying that the letters of Marcus, the most sagacious emperor, are still extant, in which he himself testifies that his army, being about to perish through lack of water in Germany, was saved by the prayers of the Christians. And he says that this same prince also threatened death 51 to those who attempted to inform against us. Regarding these, the aforementioned man further adds: "What kind of laws, then, are these, which only the impious, the unjust, the cruel, the vain, and the insane 52 enforce against us? Laws which neither Vespasian observed, although he had conquered the Jews; which Trajan in part rendered void by forbidding Christians to be sought out; which neither Hadrian, although an explorer of all curiosities, nor the one called Pius, nor Verus, ever enforced." But as to these matters, let each decide as he pleases; let us, however, pass on to the order of what follows. ^B Pothinus, having been perfected by martyrdom together with those in Gaul at the full age of ninety years, Irenæus succeeded to the bishopric of the church at Lugdunum, over which Pothinus presided. We learned that this man was a hearer of Polycarp in early youth. He, having set forth in the third book of his *Against Heresies* the succession of the bishops at Rome, ends his enumeration at Eleutherus, whose times and deeds we are now inquiring into, since it was under him that the affairs concerning the times—

^C To this place we have made corrections from the manuscript codices […], which have the text "to the Roman Senate," not as Robert Stephanus had edited it by following the Royal codex, "the Roman [Senate] to the Senate," etc. Although Tertullian’s *Apologeticus* was not strictly addressed to the Roman Senate, but to the governors of the provinces and all the magistrates of the Roman Empire. Since, however, they were for the most part chosen from the Senate, it can be said that that *Apologeticus* was dedicated to the Roman Senate.

51 *And threatened death.* These are the words of Tertullian in the fifth chapter of the *Apologeticus*: "Who, just as he did not openly remit the penalty for such men, so in another way he openly scattered them; there being added also a condemnation for the accusers, and a truly more terrible one." In the edict of M. Aurelius which Eusebius reported above, Bk. IV, ch. 12, the penalty for the accusers of Christians is proposed in these words: "the informer shall be subject to the penalty." Where it is to be noted that the emperor did not define the sort of penalty, but left it to the discretion of the judge, so that, having regard for the status of him who had been reported and of him who had reported the accused, the accuser might be punished by the judge. Eusebius mentions the same law later, in the [twenty-first] chapter of this book, where he speaks of Apollonius.

^D 52 *Which only the impious enforce.* So I think it should be written; for Tertullian says: "What kind of laws, then, are these, which only the impious enforce against us." The edition, and the Med., Fuk., and Savilian codices, read: "which only the impious, unjust, cruel, vain, and insane..." Which reading departs further from both the words and the sense of Tertullian. Moreover, for [the text], the Maz. and Fuk. codices have *codex*. 53 Baronius indeed placed the election of Irenæus in the year of Christ 180. For he says that after the death of Pothinus, which occurred in the year of Christ 179, the bishopric of Lugdunum ceased, until the persecution

in the Roman Church was managed, he labored at that work. Thus he writes.

CAPUT VI. Enumeration of the bishops of the city of Rome.

^A “The blessed apostles then having founded and built up the Church, committed the office of the episcopate to Linus. Paul makes mention of this Linus in his epistles to Timothy. Him succeeded Anencletus. After him, in the third place from the apostles, the episcopate was allotted to Clement, who had seen the blessed apostles and had conversed with them, and still had the preaching of the apostles ringing in his ears and their tradition before his eyes. And not he alone; for there were still many others left at that time who had been taught by the apostles. ^B In the times of this Clement, when no small dissension had arisen among the brethren in Corinth, the Church in Rome sent a most sufficient letter to the Corinthians, reconciling them to peace, and renewing their faith, and [reminding them of] the tradition which they had recently received from the apostles.” And after a little he says: “To this Clement succeeds Evarestus, and to Evarestus Alexander. Then thus, in the sixth place from the apostles, Xystus is appointed. After him Telesphorus, who also gloriously suffered martyrdom; then Hyginus, then Pius, after whom was Anicetus. ^C Soter having succeeded Anicetus, now, in the twelfth place from the apostles, Eleutherus holds the lot of the episcopate. By this same order and succession, both the tradition in the Church from the apostles and the preaching of the truth has reached down to us.”

CAPUT VII. That up to those times miraculous powers were wrought by the faithful.

This Irenæus followed up in the histories we have set forth, in those five books to which he gave the title, *Refutation and Overthrow of Knowledge Falsely So-called*, ^D and in the second book of this same work, he points out that instances of divine and miraculous power still remained in some Churches in his own age, saying: “So far are they from raising the dead, as the Lord and the apostles raised them through prayer, and in the brotherhood frequently, by reason of the necessity of fasting and much supplication…

the spirit of the deceased has returned, and the man has been granted life through the prayers of the saints. ^A And again, after other remarks, he says: "But if they shall say that the Lord also did such things only in appearance, leading those who say so to the prophetic oracles, we will demonstrate from them that all things were so predicted concerning Him and came to pass most certainly, and that He alone is the Son of God. Wherefore also, in His name, those who are truly His disciples, having received grace from Him, perform it for the benefit of other men, according to the gift which each one has received from Him. For some drive out demons most certainly and truly, so that often those who have been cleansed of the evil spirits believe and remain in the Church. Others have foreknowledge of future events, and visions, and prophetic utterances; and others heal the sick by the ^B laying on of hands and restore them to health. And indeed, as we have said, even the dead have been raised, and have remained with us for many years. And what more? It is impossible to relate the number of the gifts which the Church, throughout the whole world, having received from God in the name of Jesus Christ, who was crucified under Pontius Pilate, works daily for the benefit of the nations, neither deceiving anyone nor gaining money. For as she has received freely from God, she also ministers freely." And in another place the same writer says: "As we also hear of many brethren in the Church who possess gifts of prophecy, and speak through the Spirit in all kinds of languages, and bring to light the hidden things of men for the common good, and declare the mysteries of God." ^C From these things, therefore, it is apparent that the manifold variety of spiritual gifts remained down to those times with those who were worthy.

CHAPTER VIII.

How Irenaeus makes mention of the divine Scriptures.

But since, in the very beginning of this work, we promised that we would bring forward in their proper place the words of the ancient presbyters and writers of the Church, in which they have committed to writing the traditions concerning the canonical Scriptures that have come down to them, ^D and among whom Irenaeus was one, we shall now also set forth his words, beginning with those concerning the sacred Gospels.

^A Let us, if you please, set forth his own words, and first those concerning the sacred Gospels, which are as follows: "Matthew, indeed, among the Hebrews, published an account of the Gospel in their own language, while Peter and Paul were preaching at Rome and founding the Church. But after their departure, Marcus, the disciple and interpreter of Peter, also transmitted to us in writing the things which were preached by Peter; and Luke, the follower of Paul, set down in a book the Gospel that was preached by him. Then John, the disciple of the Lord, who also reclined upon his breast, himself issued the Gospel, while he was residing at Ephesus in Asia." These things, then, are stated in the third book of the aforementioned work.

^B And in the fifth book, he discourses as follows concerning the Revelation of John and the calculation of the name of the Antichrist: "Since, therefore, these things are so, and since in all the good and ancient copies this number is present, and those who saw John face to face bear witness to it, while reason also teaches us that the number of the name of the beast according to the calculation of the Greeks is revealed through the letters contained in it." And, having proceeded a little further, he says concerning the same: "We, therefore, do not venture to make any rash and dangerous pronouncement concerning the name of the Antichrist. For if it were necessary to announce his name openly at the present time, it would have been spoken by him who saw the Revelation. For it was seen not long ago, but almost in our own generation, towards the end of the reign of Domitian."

These things are also recorded by the aforementioned writer concerning the Revelation. He also makes mention of the first epistle of John, bringing forth many testimonies from it; and likewise of the first epistle of Peter. ^C He not only knows but also accepts the book of the Shepherd, saying: "Well then did the Scripture speak, which says: First of all, believe that there is one God, who created and perfected all things, and so on." He also makes use of certain passages from the Wisdom of Solomon, saying, so to speak: "A vision of God produces incorruption; but incorruption makes one near to God." And he records the sayings of a certain apostolic presbyter, whose name he passes over in silence, and brings forward his expositions of the sacred Scriptures. Furthermore, he makes mention of Justin Martyr and Ignatius, citing testimonies from their writings.

He also promises that he will contest the writings of Marcion in a separate work of his own. Regarding the translation of the God-inspired Scriptures according to the Seventy, hear how he writes verbatim: “God, therefore, became man, and the Lord himself saved us, giving the sign of the Virgin. But not as some say of those who now dare to translate the Scripture, ‘Behold, the young woman ^A shall conceive and bear a son,’ as Theodotion the Ephesian translated it, and Aquila of Pontus, both Jewish proselytes; following whom the Ebionites declare him to have been begotten of Joseph.” To these he adds after a few words, saying: “For before the Romans had consolidated their power, while the Macedonians still held Asia, Ptolemy, son of Lagus, being ambitious to adorn the library which he had constructed in Alexandria with the writings of all men, of whatever importance they might be, requested of the Jerusalemites that he might have them—the Scriptures ^B translated into the Greek dialect. And they, for they were still subject to the Macedonians, sent to Ptolemy those who were most experienced among them in the Scriptures and in both languages—the seventy elders.”

On the translation of the Seventy, and the testimonies of the ancients concerning them

He translated the commentaries, and another the books; neither well. But Rufinus had correctly led the way, as if he had kindled a torch, translating thus: "But he also makes mention of the sayings of a certain apostolic man, as if they were things that are remembered." The sayings of wise men are those which are recounted from memory. Thus Xenophon wrote the books of the ^C *Memorabilia of Socrates*, which were things he recalled from memory. If anyone in that passage were to interpret it as "books of Socrates," he would be in error, for it is sufficiently well known that Socrates wrote no books. It is in this sense that Papias, as cited above by Eusebius at the end of the third book, uses the term "recollecting."

Regarding the translation of the Seventy, that it was made under Ptolemy, son of Lagus, some of the ancients have reported, as Clemens Alexandrinus testifies in the *Stromateis*, and Anatolius in the *Computus Paschalis*, and Theodoret in the *Preface to the Commentaries on the Psalms*. Others record that it was done under Ptolemy Philadelphus. Which opinion, since it is confirmed by the authority of many writers, has finally prevailed. Anatolius confirms that that translation of the Seventy elders was made both under Ptolemy [son of Lagus] and under his successor Philadelphus. Which to me certainly seems quite probable. For since Aristobulus, Josephus, and Tertullian explicitly write that Demetrius Phalereus ^D was the author of that affair for Ptolemy, and it is established that the same Demetrius Phalereus was in high favor and authority with Ptolemy, son of Lagus, and that he migrated from life shortly after his death, it is altogether necessary that we say that that translation, if it was indeed carried out under the care of Demetrius, was begun under Ptolemy, son of Lagus. And since Philadelphus reigned for about two years together with his father, having been taken by him into a partnership of the kingdom, perhaps that is why that translation is remembered as having been made under both princes. When I had written this, I later discovered that D. Petavius had judged much the same in his *Animadversions on Epiphanius*. Clemens Alexandrinus says that all the books, as well of the Law as of the Prophets, were turned into the Greek tongue by the LXX elders; to which Theodoret, in the place cited above, and Olympiodorus in his *Commentaries on the book of Job*, and almost all the rest, subscribe. Nevertheless, Aristobulus and Josephus, both Jewish writers, imply that the Law alone was translated into Greek by them. Indeed these are the words of Aristobulus, cited by Eusebius in book XIII of the *Preparation*: “The whole translation of all things through the Law… under the one called Philadelphus, etc.” Josephus, however, in the preface to the books *On the Antiquity of the Jews*, writes thus: “I found, therefore, that Ptolemy, the second king, being most devoted to learning and the collection of books, was especially ambitious to translate our Law and the constitution of our state according to it into Greek.” And he declares this more clearly a little later in these words: “For he did not succeed in receiving the entire record, but those who were sent for the explanation to Alexandria handed over only the things pertaining to the Law.” The same writes in book XI of the *Antiquities*, chapter 2, and in book II of *Against Apion*, not far from the beginning. But it can be answered that Jews, under the name of the Law, sometimes comprehend the prophets, as Drusius notes.

^A to satisfy those who would act on their behalf. Ptolemy, when he wished to make a trial of them individually—fearing lest by mutual agreement they might conceal the truth in the Scriptures through their interpretation—separated them from one another, and commanded them all to write the same interpretation; and this he did for all the books. But when they had gathered together in the same place before Ptolemy, and each had compared his own interpretation, God was glorified and the Scriptures were known to be truly divine, since all of them had declared the same things in the same words and with the same names from beginning to end; so that even the nations present knew that the Scriptures had been interpreted by the inspiration of God. Nor is it any wonder that God should have brought this to pass, since, in the captivity of the people which occurred under Nebuchadnezzar, when the Scriptures had been corrupted and the Jews had returned to their own country after seventy years, then, in the times of Artaxerxes, King of the Persians, He inspired Esdras, the priest of the tribe of Levi, to restore all the words of the prophets who had gone before, and to restore to the people the legislation provided through Moses.” So far Irenæus.

CHAPTER IX

Who were the bishops in the reign of Commodus.

^B When Antoninus had held the empire for nineteen years, Commodus assumed the sovereignty. In his first year, Julian received the episcopate of the churches in Alexandria, when Agrippinus had completed twelve years of episcopal administration.

CHAPTER X

Concerning Pantænus the philosopher

At that time, a man of most distinguished erudition, named Pantænus, was in charge of the school of the faithful there, a school of sacred learning which had been established among them from ancient times and which continues even down to our own day.

[Regarding the notes:] (67) [This corresponds to the preceding Greek text mentioning Ptolemy’s desire to have the Scripture interpreted by the seventy elders.] (68) [Concerning the separation of the elders.] (69) [Regarding the fact that all seventy delivered the same wording.]

^{C D} As to the Epistle of Demetrius Phalereus to Ptolemy Philadelphus, it sufficiently betrays its own falsehood. For it praises Hecatæus of Abdera, and his testimony is cited as that of an ancient writer, when it is nevertheless certain that he is by no means older than Demetrius Phalereus. For that famous Hecatæus lived under the successors of Alexander the Great, as Suidas and others testify. Josephus indeed, in the first book of *Against Apion*, says that Hecatæus of Abdera was on familiar terms with Ptolemy, son of Lagus. Hecatæus and Demetrius Phalereus were therefore contemporaries. Furthermore, the letter of Demetrius Phalereus, which Aristeas cites, is clearly insipid and full of barbarous words, though it is certain that Demetrius, being an Athenian, was most eloquent. What is more, the same Aristeas mentions the Heptastadium, which, however, was built by the kings of Egypt after the times of Philadelphus, as I have noted in my Commentaries on Ammianus Marcellinus. Add...

^A to this that which indeed even in our own age perseveres, and is said to be possessed by men most instructed both in eloquence and in the study of divine letters. But it is said that he who we have mentioned, Pantaenus, flourished above all others at that time, inasmuch as he had been nurtured from the beginning in the precepts and institutions of Stoic philosophy. ^B Furthermore, the same man is said to have displayed such ardor of soul toward the word of God, that he stood forth as a herald of the Gospel of Christ to the nations of the East, having traveled even to the land of the Indians. For there were at that time still many evangelists of the word, desiring to contribute a divine zeal for apostolic imitation toward the increase and edification of the divine word. Among these was Pantaenus, who is said to have gone even to the Indians, where the story goes that he found the Gospel according to Matthew, which had arrived there before his own presence, in the possession of some who had come to know Christ; to whom Bartholomew, one of the apostles, had preached, and had left with them the Scripture written in Hebrew letters, which is recorded to have been preserved until the aforementioned time. This Pantaenus, therefore, after many noble deeds, eventually became head of the school at Alexandria, where he unfolded the treasures of divine doctrines, partly by living voice and partly by his writings.

CHAPTER XI. Concerning Clement of Alexandria.

At that time also, Clement, applying himself to the same studies of the divine Scriptures at Alexandria as Pantaenus, flourished, a man of the same name as that disciple of the apostles who had formerly presided over the Church of the Romans. ^C He even designates Pantaenus as his teacher by name in the books of the [i]Institutions[/i] which he wrote. But it seems to me that he also alludes to this same man in the first book of the [i]Stromata[/i].

^A Pointing out the most illustrious 74 successors of the apostolic succession that he had encountered, he says these things: "Truly this treatise is not a work crafted for display, but it is stored up for me as notes for old age, a remedy against forgetfulness; an image, strictly speaking, and a shadowy sketch of those vivid and living discourses of blessed men which I was counted worthy to hear, and which are truly worth recording. One of these was Ionian, in Greece, another in Magna Graecia, another of them was from Coelesyria 75, and another from Egypt. Others were throughout the East; and of these, one was an Assyrian, and another in Palestine, a Hebrew from time immemorial. But, having encountered the last one, who in power was indeed the first, I found rest, having hunted down the one who was hiding in Egypt 76. But those who preserve the true tradition of the blessed teaching, having received it directly from Peter and James, John and Paul, the holy apostles, child from father—few, however, are like their fathers—have come, by God’s will, even to us, to deposit those ancestral and apostolic seeds."

CHAPTER XII.

Regarding the bishops in Jerusalem.

^C In those times, Narcissus was recognized as the bishop of the Church in Jerusalem, who is still celebrated by many even now, holding the fifteenth succession from the siege of the Jews under Hadrian; from which time we have shown that the Church there was first established from the Gentiles, after those from the circumcision, and that Mark was the first bishop from the Gentiles to lead them. After him, the successions there 77 show that Cassianus held the episcopate; and after this... ^D

Publius, then Maximus, and in addition to these Julian, then Gaius, after whom Symmachus, and another Gaius; and again another Julian, and in addition to these Capito and Valens, and Dolichianus, and finally Narcissus, [B 460] who became the thirtieth in succession from the apostles.

CHAPTER XIII. Regarding Rhodon and the dissension among the Marcionites mentioned by him.

At the same time, Rhodon—who was from Asia and, as he himself records, was instructed in Rome by Tatian, whom we mentioned above—composed various books, and with the rest ^C contended against the heresy of Marcion. He relates that in his own time it had split into diverse opinions, recording those who had caused the dissension, and diligently refuting the false doctrines devised by each of them. Hear, therefore, what he writes: "For this reason they are inconsistent among themselves, claiming a groundless opinion. For from their flock, Apelles—who prides himself on his conduct ^D and old age—confesses one principle, but says that the oracles of the prophets originated from an opposing spirit, being persuaded by the declarations of a certain demon-possessed maiden named Philumene. Yet others, just like the sailor Marcion himself, introduce two principles; among whom are Potitus and Basilicus. These people, therefore, following that Pontic wolf, and being unable to find the division of things, as even he could not, turned to rashness and declared two principles of things, nakedly and without any demonstration. Others, again, drifting from them for the worse, suppose not only two, but three natures, of which Synerus is the chief and leader, as those who expound his teaching..."

^A write. The same Rhodon writes that he had a discussion with Apelles, in these words: "The old man Apelles, having joined us, was convicted of saying many things incorrectly; hence he used to say that one should not examine the word at all, but that each person should remain in what he has believed. For he affirmed that those who had placed their hope in the Crucified one would be saved, provided only they were found in good works. But regarding the question of God, he maintained that it was the most obscure thing of all, as we have said before. For he said there was one principle, just as our own teaching ^B also teaches." Then, after setting forth his whole theory, he adds, saying: "And when I said to him, 'Whence do you have this demonstration, or by what reasoning can you say there is one principle; tell us, if you please?' Then he replied: 'The prophecies refute themselves, because they say nothing at all that is true. For they are,' he said, 'discordant, and false, and contradictory to themselves.' But as to how there is one principle, he said he did not know, but was only moved and impelled to think so. Then, when I had made him swear to speak the truth, he swore that he was speaking truthfully, that he did not know ^C how there is one unbegotten God, but that he believed it to be so. I, laughing, criticized him, because, while claiming to be a teacher, he did not know how to confirm what he was teaching." In the same book, addressing Callistio, the same man acknowledges that he was a student of Tatian in Rome. He also reports that a book of Questions was written by Tatian, in which, when Tatian had promised that he would interpret the obscure and involved passages of holy Scripture, he himself, Rhodon, promises that he will publish in a separate work the solutions to Tatian's questions. There also exist commentaries of his on the Hexaemeron. This Apelles, whom we have mentioned, spoke many impious things against the Mosaic law; and in many most abusive books he attacked the divine oracles, while he strove with great zeal to refute them, and, as he himself thought, to overturn them utterly. But enough of these matters.

CHAPTER XIV. On the false prophets of the Cataphrygians

(Nic. H.E. iv, 20).

The enemy of the Church of God, who is ever hostile to virtue and delights in evil, and who never misses any way or occasion ^D of laying snares for men, caused strange heresies to sprout up again against the Church; the followers of which, some like venomous snakes, crawled over Asia and Phrygia, while one...

^A maintained that Montanus was the Paraclete, and that his two companions, Priscilla and Maximilla, were prophetesses of Montanus.

CHAPTER XV.

Concerning the schism of Blastus, which occurred at Rome.

CHAPTER XVI.

What things are recorded concerning Montanus and his false prophets.

cautious, for fear that I might appear to some to be adding to or supplementing the word of the New Testament of the Gospel, to which it is impossible either to add or to take away for one who has chosen to live according to the Gospel itself. ^B Recently, however, when I was in Ancyra in Galatia, and found the church of that place troubled by this new—not prophecy, as they call it, but, as will be shown, false prophecy—I have, as far as possible, with the Lord's help, discoursed in the church for many days upon these very things and all the points put forward by them, so that the church was filled with incredible joy and greatly strengthened in the truth, while the adversaries were for the time being repulsed and those who opposed the truth were distressed. ^C Since, therefore, the presbyters of that place requested that I leave behind for them a written record of what had been said against those who were opposing the word of truth—with our fellow-presbyter Zoticus Otrenus also present—I did not do this at that time, but promised that, with the Lord's permission, I would write it down once I had returned home and send it to them as soon as possible. After saying these things and other matters in the beginning of the work, he proceeds further and describes the author of the aforementioned heresy in these words: ^D "Now, the resistance of these people and the recent heresy of their schism against the Church had such an origin. There is said to be a village in Mysia, a region of Phrygia, called Ardaba. There, they say that a certain new convert named Montanus, under the proconsulship of Gratus of Asia, through an immoderate thirst for prominence, gave the adversary an opening to enter into him, and being suddenly possessed and in a state of ecstasy, he began to rave and talk and speak in strange ways, contrary to the custom which the Church had received by tradition and by succession from the beginning."

Now, of those who at that time heard his spurious utterances, some, indignant and acting as if against one possessed or acting under a spirit of error and disturbing the crowds, rebuked him and forbade him to speak, being mindful of the Lord’s distinction and warning to watch carefully for the advent of false prophets. Others, however, as if puffed up by the Holy Spirit and the gift of prophecy, and not least becoming vain and forgetting the Lord's distinction, would challenge the harmful, fawning, and people-deceiving spirit, being charmed and led astray by it so that they might no longer be prevented from keeping silent. By such artifice or rather such a method of trickery, the devil, having devised the destruction of those who were disobedient ^B—and being undeservedly honored by them—roused and further inflamed their intellectual faculty, which had been lulled to sleep away from the true faith, to such an extent that he raised up two other women and filled them with the spurious spirit, so that they too, like the one mentioned above, used to speak madly and untimely and in a strange way. And the spirit would call those who delighted in this and were puffed up by it "blessed," and would inflate them beyond measure with the scale of his promises. Sometimes, however, in order that he might also appear as an objector, he would condemn them openly using conjectures and credible arguments. These few Phrygians were those deceived by such fraud. But as for the universal Church which is scattered throughout the whole world, that same most arrogant spirit taught them to attack it ^C with insults, because the false prophetic spirit could find neither honor nor entrance into it. For when the faithful in Asia frequently and in many places in Asia gathered together for this purpose, and examined the recent utterances and pronounced them profane and rejected the heresy, in this way they were driven out of the Church and excluded from communion. Having recorded these things first, and having set forth throughout his work the refutation of the error concerning them, in the second book, concerning the end of those already mentioned, he says these things: “When the ^D spirit that spoke through Montanus, [which] had long ago been predicted by the Lord that the Spirit of God would come to convict the world of sin, [claimed to be that Spirit, the demon that spoke through the mouth of Montanus, in order to confirm to the hearers that it was the true Spirit of God, would sometimes rebuke and chide them. See Ambrose on the Epistle to the Thessalonians, chapter 5. And the Epistle of the apostle John: 'Believe not every spirit,' he says, 'but prove the spirits whether they are of God:' for if it speaks many good things, but in some point puts forth what is contrary to the faith, let it be known that it is not the Holy Spirit. For no error can be found in the Holy Spirit. But just as through the exercise of speech it feigns some things as spiritual and some as carnal—since all error is attributed to the flesh—or certainly by a certain pretense of righteousness it feigns good in order to insert evils into these, as I mentioned above, just as in the case of Montanus and Prisca and Maximilla, the prophets of the Cataphrygians, the spirit of the world feigned an imitation of the good, so that through many plausible things, and even true ones, it might lie [and claim] that it was the Holy Spirit."]

^A They therefore also called us persecutors of prophets, because we did not receive their babbling prophets—for these, they say, are those whom the Lord promised to send to the people. Let them answer us, by God, O best of men: is there any one among these who started speaking from the time of Montanus and the women, who was persecuted by the Jews or killed by the lawless? None at all. And was any one of them seized for the sake of the Name and crucified? Certainly not. Nor, indeed, was any one of their women whipped in the synagogues of the Jews, or stoned, at any time or in any place. But Montanus and Maximilla are said to have died by another kind of death. For they say that when a malicious spirit moved each of them, they hanged themselves—not at the same time, but at the time of each one's death—and there is much rumor about this; and thus they died and ended their lives in the manner of Judas the traitor. Likewise, a great report ^B prevails regarding that marvelous Theodotus, who was, as it were, a steward of the first of those so-called prophecies among them, that he was at one time caught up and taken into heaven, and became deranged ^C and entrusted himself to the spirit of deceit, and, having been seduced, died miserably. They claim that this happened in such a way. But we do not think we can know anything of such things, O blessed one, without having seen them ourselves. For perhaps Montanus and Theodotus and the aforementioned woman died in this way, and perhaps they did not. Again, in the same discourse, he says that the holy bishops of that time tried to examine the spirit that was in Maximilla, but were prevented by others who were, of course, cooperating with the spirit. He writes as follows: "And let it not be said in the same discourse against Asterius Urbanus, that the spirit through Maximilla should be persecuted ^D

^A by being cast out as a wolf from the sheep; I am no wolf, I am a word, and a spirit, and a power. But let him clearly demonstrate and prove the power that is in the spirit, and let him compel those who were then present to acknowledge it through the spirit, in order to test and converse with the speaking spirit—men of proven character and of episcopal dignity, Zoticus from the village of Comana, and Julian from Apamea. Themison and his followers, silencing their mouths, did not allow the false and people-deceiving spirit to be tested by them."

In the same work again, having inserted other things towards the refutation of the false prophecies of Maximilla, he indicates at once the time in which he was writing these things, and makes mention of her predictions, by which she prophesied that there would be wars and commotions. He exposes the falsehood of these ^B by saying: "And how has this lie not already become manifest? For more than thirteen years have passed to this day since the woman died; and there has been neither a partial nor a general war in the world, but rather, by a particular mercy of God, a stable and firm peace has remained for the Christians." And these things are read in the second book.

From the third volume also it is pleasing to bring forward a few words, by which, against those who boast that many of them have been crowned with martyrdom, he says this: "When, therefore, being refuted in all the points I have mentioned above, they are at a loss, they try to take refuge in the martyrs, asserting that they have many martyrs, and that this is a sure proof of the power of the so-called prophetic spirit among them. But this, in my judgment, is no more true than the rest. For the followers of other heresies also claim to have a great many martyrs, and we shall not on that account ^C agree with them, nor shall we acknowledge that they possess the truth. And first, those who follow the heresy of Marcion, called Marcionites, say they have a great many martyrs of Christ; yet they do not acknowledge Christ Himself in truth."

And after a few words he adds to these, saying: "Wherefore also, whenever those of the Church who are called to martyrdom for the true faith happen to meet, by some chance, with some of those who are called martyrs from the heresy of the Phrygians, they disagree with them, and by carefully avoiding communion with them, they attain a glorious end to their martyrdom, inasmuch as they deem it a sin to give their assent to the spirit of Montanus and those women. And that this is true, and that it happened even in our own times in the city of Apamea which is situated by the Meander, in the case of those who suffered martyrdom with Gaius and Alexander from Eumenia, is ^D manifest."

Furthermore, from these words it is elicited that Asterius Urbanus is the author of these three books *Against the Cataphrygians*, and not Apollinaris, as Rufinus and Christophorsonus believed.

[Regarding the Montanists, who boasted that he was a confessor and martyr; and he also dared to write a catholic epistle in the manner of an apostle to the Churches, in order to commend the new prophecy. Concerning this, Apollonius speaks at length in the following chapter.]

CHAPTER XVII. Of Miltiades and his writings.

In the same book, he also makes mention of a certain writer, Miltiades, who had composed a book against the aforementioned heresy. Having cited certain words of those heretics, he proceeds to say: ^A “I have summarized these things, having found them in a certain book of theirs written against our brother Miltiades, who had taught in a special work that it is not fitting for a prophet to speak in ecstasy.” Then, a little later in the same book, he enumerates all the prophets of the New Testament, among whom he recounts a certain Ammia and Quadratus, saying thus: “But the pseudo-prophet, he says, is in a false excess of mind, whose companion is license and audacity, beginning indeed ^B from voluntary ignorance, but ending in involuntary madness of soul, as has been said before. In this manner, they will never be able to demonstrate that any prophet, whether of the Old or of the New Testament, was moved by the spirit—not Agabus, nor Judas, nor Silas, nor the daughters of Philip, nor Ammia of Philadelphia, nor Quadratus, nor any others ^C of whom they cannot boast as standing in any relation to them.” Again, after a few words, he says this: “For if, after Quadratus and Ammia of Philadelphia, as they say, those women of Montanus succeeded to the prophetic gift, let them show us who among them succeeded Montanus and the women. For the Apostle maintains that the gift of prophecy ought to continue in the entire Church ^D until the final coming of the Lord. But they will be able to show none, although it is now the fourteenth year since the death of Maximilla.” Thus much for this.

The aforementioned Miltiades has also left us other monuments of his dedication to the divine oracles, in the treatises which he composed against the Greeks, and in those against the Jews, ^A answering both subjects specifically in two separate works; and he has also written an apology to the worldly rulers (13) for the philosophy which he professed.

CAPUT XVIII. How Apollonius refuted the Cataphrygians, and whom he mentioned.

But also Apollonius, an ecclesiastical writer, having undertaken to refute the aforementioned heresy of the Cataphrygians while it was still flourishing in his time in Phrygia, produced a special work against them, examining word for word the false prophecies circulated by them, and confuting the life and conduct of those who were the authors of that heresy. And regarding Montanus, hear, if you please, what he says: “But who is this new teacher? His works and his doctrine prove it. This is he who taught the dissolution of marriages; ^B who imposed laws for fasts; who named Pepuza and Tymion—small towns of Phrygia—Jerusalem, wishing to gather people from everywhere to that place; who appointed collectors of money; who cleverly veiled his sordid greed for gifts under the name of offerings; who provides salaries to those who preach his word, so that through the gluttony of the belly his doctrine might be strengthened.” So much for Montanus. And speaking of his prophetesses, he proceeds a little later and writes as follows: “We show, then, that these first prophetesses, from the time they were filled with the spirit, forsook their husbands. How then did they lie by calling Prisca a virgin?”

(13) *Worldly rulers.* Jerome and Rufinus, and other interpreters who followed them, thought that this referred to the Roman emperors to whom Miltiades had dedicated his Apologeticus. But I myself, considering that at that time there were not many, but one Roman emperor, namely Commodus, prefer to understand it as the governors of provinces. For the term *ruler* (ἄρχοντες) almost always signifies provincial governors. To these, then, Miltiades dedicated his Apologeticus, just as Tertullian did later. For his Apologeticus was indeed directed generally to all the provincial governors. But the same Tertullian specifically sent his book in behalf of the Christians to Scapula, the proconsul of Africa. I had almost omitted that this Miltiades was called by Tertullian a sophist of the Churches, that is, a rhetorician.

(14) *Who imposed laws for fasts.* Montanus had instituted three Lenten periods, and in addition two weeks of Xerophagiae. Tertullian testifies to the Xerophagiae in his book *On Fasting*. Jerome is witness to the three Lenten periods, both in his letter to Marcella and in his Commentaries on the chapter of Haggai, writing thus: “And let us take all the labor of our hands, our fasts and various observances, that is, of dry foods: who fast three Lents per year, humbling their soul.” And they who are especially growing from the root of Tatian hear concerning such labors: “You have suffered so many things in vain.” But it is to be noted here that Apollonius objects to Montanus as the gravest crime that he had established fasts under constraint of law, and under the form of a precept; not that to fast is a crime, or as if to appoint fasts were not and had never been permitted to some in the Church. For the apostle John indeed appointed a three-day fast for the Ephesians before he betook himself to the writing of the Gospel. But it was in no way permitted for Montanus to do this, being a heretic, and separated from the body of the Church, and holding no priesthood. Apollonius therefore rightly reproaches him, because he had established fasts of his own will, and not from apostolic tradition. For the fasts of the Catholics indeed flow from the tradition of the apostles; I speak of the solemn and public fasts, which were observed in the Church annually on certain days. But the fasts of the heretics proceed from empty presumption and the simulation of sanctity. Such were the fasts which Montanus, as if he were the Paraclete, imposed upon his followers.

(15) *Prisca the Virgin.* In the Mazarean and Fukian codes, and in Nicephorus, it is read “Prisca,” which reading is confirmed also by Rufinus. But both Tertullian and Firmilian and others name her Prisca.

^A prohibits, so that a prophet should receive gifts and money? When therefore I see the prophetess receiving both gold and silver and costly garments, how shall I not repudiate her?” And descending a little further, he says these things concerning one of the confessors among them: “Furthermore, Themison, ^B cloaked in specious avarice, who did not bear the sign of confession but, by the multitude of money, cast off his bonds—whereas he ought on this account to have been humble in spirit, as if boasting as a martyr—dared, imitating the Apostle, to compose a certain catholic epistle, to instruct those who had believed better than he, to contend alongside the words of empty-talkers, and to blaspheme against the Lord and the apostles and the holy Church.” And again concerning others among them, who were honored as martyrs, he writes thus: “But that we may not speak of many, let the prophetess tell us about Alexander, who calls himself a martyr, with whom she feasts, and whom many also worship, whose robberies and other ventures for which he has been punished there is no need for us to recount, since they are contained in the public records ^C (the ὀπισθόδομος). Who, then, grants to whom the forgiveness of sins? Does the prophet grant the robberies to the martyr, or the martyr the avarice to the prophet? For when the Lord has said: ‘Do not possess gold, nor silver, nor two tunics,’ these have sinned in the exact opposite, in the acquisition of these forbidden things. For we shall demonstrate that those who are called prophets and martyrs among them take money not only from the rich, but also from the poor, and orphans, and widows. And if they have confidence in this, let them stand and be tested on these points ^D, so that if they are convicted, they may at least cease from sinning for the future; for the fruits of the prophet must be tested, for by the fruit the tree is known. But that these things concerning Alexander may be known to those who wish, he was judged by Æmilius Frontinus, proconsul in Ephesus, not for the name of Christ, but for the robberies which he dared to commit, being already a transgressor, and then falsely claiming the name...

of Christ, he was dismissed, after he had deceived the faithful of that city. The Church of the place from which he originated did not receive him, because he practiced robberies. And if any desire to know all his history, the public register of Asia is at hand. And yet the prophet pretends to be ignorant of him, with whom he lived for many years. ^A By convicting him, we also convict the falsehood of the prophet himself. We can demonstrate the same thing in many other instances. And if they are confident, let them submit to the examination. » And again, in another place of the same work, regarding the prophets whom they boast of so greatly, he adds these things: « If they deny that their prophets have received gifts, let them admit this: that if they be convicted of having received them, they are not prophets. And we shall bring forward a myriad of proofs of these things. But it is necessary that all the fruits and acts of a prophet be tested. Tell me, I ask you, does a prophet ^B dye his hair? Does a prophet paint his eyes with stibium? Does a prophet love finery? Does a prophet play with tables and dice? Does a prophet lend money at interest? Let them confess whether these things are permissible or not, and I shall show that they have occurred among them. » This same Apollonius, in the same work, recounts that it was the fortieth year when he was writing, from the time when Montanus had initiated his adulterous prophecy. And again he says that Zoticus, whom the previous writer also mentioned, had attempted to rebuke the spirit that was acting in Maximilla, who was already pretending to prophesy in Pepuza, but was prevented by those who held the same views as she did. He also mentions a certain Thraseas, who was a martyr ^C at that time. Furthermore, he relates as if from the tradition of the ancients that the Savior had commanded His apostles not to depart from Jerusalem for twelve years. He also uses testimonies from the Apocalypse of John, and relates that a dead man had been raised by the divine power of John himself in Ephesus. He mentions other things as well, by means of which he sufficiently and most fully refuted the heresy previously mentioned. These things Apollonius also says.

CHAPTER XIX.

Serapion’s opinion concerning the heresy of the Cataphrygians.

^A Serapion also mentions the writings of Apollinaris against the aforementioned heresy; he is said to have been bishop of the Church of Antioch after Maximinus during the times mentioned. He mentions him in a private letter to Caricus and Pontius, in which, while he himself refutes the same heresy, he adds these words: "And so that you may also see this, that the activity of this false system of the so-called new prophecy has been abhorred by all the brotherhood throughout the world, I have sent to you the writings of the most blessed Claudius Apollinaris, who was bishop of Hierapolis in Asia." In this same letter of Serapion, there are also set forth subscriptions of various bishops, one of whom subscribed in this manner: "Aurelius Cyrenius, martyr, I pray that you be well." And another in this way: "Aelius Publius Julius, bishop of the colony of Develtum in Thrace; I call to witness God who is in the heavens, that the blessed Sotas, who is at Anchialus, wished to cast out the demon from Priscilla, but the hypocrites would not allow it." ^B But also many others— ^C what Eusebius reported above. Certainly, that at least this one subscription of Aurelius Cyrenius shows that these subscriptions were added to the end of some letter: "Aurelius Cyrenius, martyr, I pray that you be well." Furthermore, that those bishops subscribed to Serapion's own letter is by no means likely. First, because Eusebius does not say this, but only that the subscriptions of several bishops were contained in that letter of Serapion, just as the letter of Apollinaris of Hierapolis had been joined to this same letter of Serapion. For Serapion had done this deliberately, so that he might refute the sect of Montanus by the authority of several bishops. Furthermore, by what reasoning could it be that bishops of Thrace would subscribe to the letters of the bishop of Antioch? It is therefore more credible, as I have said, that the bishops of Thrace wrote under a common name to the Churches of Asia and Phrygia. That Baronius, however, believes these things were done in a council in his *Annals*, at the year of Christ 175, no. 49, I could hardly concede to him. For neither do those subscriptions savor of synodical letters; nor does Eusebius write that any council was gathered either in Asia by Apollinaris or in Greece. But neither does the passage of Tertullian from the book *De jejuniis* help Baronius: "Moreover, those councils are held throughout Greece in certain places from all the Churches, by which both certain other matters are treated in common, and this very representation of the whole Christian name is celebrated with great veneration." For here Tertullian is not speaking of the councils of the Catholics, but of the assemblies of the Montanists, as the following things openly demonstrate. ^D ...which is a town in Thrace, as I have said. But Christophorsonus translates these things as if Sotas wished to cast out the demon of Priscilla in the city of Anchialus, which is false. For Priscilla did not come to Anchialus, but Bishop Sotas, stirred by the fame of that new prophecy, had sailed from Thrace into Phrygia, and there, seeing that Priscilla was agitated not by a divine Spirit but by a demon, he had attempted to purge her with exorcisms. However, not only Sotas, but very many other bishops also set out into Phrygia at that time to examine that prophecy at close range, as that anonymous writer testines clearly in chapter 46.

^A And the subscriptions of those bishops who felt the same way, joined with theirs, are read in the aforementioned letter, written in their own hands. And the matters regarding these individuals were of this sort.

CHAPTER XX.

What Irenæus wrote against the schismatics at Rome.

Against those who were corrupting the sincere rule of the Church, Irenæus composed various epistles: one to Blastus, which he entitled *On Schism*; another to Florinus *On Monarchy*, or *That God is not the Creator of Evil*. For he seemed to be defending this very opinion. And because he had subsequently been carried away into the error of Valentinus, Irenæus for his sake composed the book *On the Ogdoad* ^B. In this book he also indicates that he had attained the first succession of the apostles. And at the end of this same book we find a most useful annotation, which seems to me worthy of being inserted into this our history. It reads thus: "I adjure you, he says, who will transcribe this book, by our Lord Jesus Christ, and by his glorious advent, in which he is to come to judge the living and the dead, that you compare what you have transcribed, and diligently correct it against the exemplar from which you have transcribed it, and that you likewise transcribe this adjuration and insert it into your copy." And may these words have been helpfully spoken by him, and recorded by us, so that we may always have ^C those ancient and truly holy men before our eyes as a most beautiful example of exact diligence. Moreover, in that epistle to Florinus which I have already mentioned, the same Irenæus reveals that he was familiarly acquainted with Polycarp, saying: "These doctrines, Florinus, that I may speak with moderation, are not of sound judgment. These doctrines are discordant ^D with the Church, and cast those who believe them into the greatest impiety." ... Regarding the mention of the followers of the Ogdoad, it should be noted that Sotas was already dead when Ælius Julius was writing these things. This is sufficiently indicated by that term [μaxάριος] (the blessed one) which the Greeks are accustomed to use for the dead. Had Sotas still been alive, he would certainly have confirmed this matter with his own signature. In the same way it must be understood that Serapio calls Apollinaris "the blessed one," as he had already ceased to live.

(31) "On the contrary, regarding those at Rome." We have begun this chapter by following Rufinus, Musculus, and Christophorsonus. And reason dictates this, for these things depend on the preceding chapter. Indeed, the Mazarin codex begins the chapter with these words, to which the Fuk. and Regius codices consent.

(32) "On Monarchy." The ancient Christians were accustomed to use this term frequently whenever they debated against the pagans. And under this title they published many books, to show that there is one God, the Creator and King of all things. By "monarchy" they assigned the rule of the Father to the Father; but for "economy" (that is, the dispensation and administration), they assigned it to the Son and the Holy Spirit, as Tertullian teaches in *Against Praxeas* and Tatian in *Against the Greeks*. The book of Justin inscribed with this title exists today. Moreover, to turn to the book of Irenæus, it can be gathered from the title itself that Florinus had introduced two principles and had adhered to the dogmas of Marcion and Cerdo: and that he affirmed one to be the author of good, and the other the author of evil.

(33) "But/Again." This is a transposed adverb, as the reader will notice from our version. Our Eusebius is fond of such transpositions of words. I have thought it necessary to note this once here, as it was minimally observed by the interpreters.

(34) "On the Ogdoad." Jerome in his *Catalogue* has a notable treatise *On the Ogdoads* of Valentinus; see Irenæus and Epiphanius.

(35) "Annotation." Jerome and Rufinus translated this as "subscription," and Christophorus has followed them. I admit that "subscription" is sometimes used for "annotation," as we saw in the previous chapter. Yet it cannot be so used here; for the "subscription" ought to express the name of the person signing. Because this was not done in this instance, it must not be called a subscription, but rather an annotation. Such were called the notes that were affixed to the margins of scribal codices, so that the reader might understand that a matter worthy of note was contained therein. This note is found in most Greek exemplars still extant, expressed concisely by only the first two letters, which signify... But this practice of Irenæus so pleased Eusebius that he also placed the same observation himself in the vestibule of his *Chronicle*.

In the Church, casting into the greatest impiety those who allow themselves to be persuaded by them. These dogmata not even the heretics outside the Church have ever dared to proclaim; these dogmata the presbyters who were before us, who also were fellow-disciples of the apostles, have in no wise handed down to you. For I saw you, while I was still a boy, in lower Asia with Polycarp, behaving brilliantly in the royal court, and striving to gain approval from him. For I remember the things that happened then better than what has occurred recently. Indeed, the things we learned as children grow with the soul itself, and become deeply rooted in it, so that I can even describe the place in which the blessed Polycarp was sitting when he spoke, and his ^B comings and goings, and the character of his life, and the appearance of his body, and the discourses which he addressed to the crowd, and how he related his association with John and with the others who had seen the Lord; and how he used to recall their words, and what were the things he had heard from them regarding the Lord, and regarding His miracles, and regarding His teaching—how Polycarp, having received it from eyewitnesses of the Word of life, related everything in accordance with the Scriptures. These things, even then, I heard diligently through the mercy of God which was upon me, noting them down not on paper but in my heart; and always, through the grace of God, I ruminate upon them faithfully. And I can testify before God that if that blessed and apostolic presbyter had heard any such thing, he would have cried out ^C immediately and, stopping his ears, would have said, as was his custom: 'O good God, for what times hast Thou reserved me, that I should endure these things!' And he would have fled from the very place in which he was sitting or standing when he heard such words. And this can also be clearly confirmed from his letters, which he sent partly to the neighboring Churches to strengthen them, and partly to certain of the brethren to admonish and exhort them." So far Irenæus.

CHAPTER XXI

How Apollonius suffered martyrdom at Rome

At the same time, when Commodus held the Roman empire, our affairs were in a truer state of tranquility, peace having, by the grace of God, embraced ^D all the Churches throughout the world. And in the meantime the saving Word of God was drawing a very great number of men from every class to the religious worship of the supreme Deity; so that already many of those at Rome, distinguished by their wealth and lineage, together with their whole households, were turning towards salvation.

^A Verily, this was not endurable to the envious demon who is by nature hostile to all good; he strip-ped for the contest again, contriving sundry snares against us. At Rome, he brought to trial Apollonius, ^B a man of the faithful of that time, distinguished for his learning and philosophy, having set one of his own deacons to act as accuser of the man. But the wretch, having entered the court out of season—for by the imperial decree it was not permitted for such informants to live—was immediately sentenced to have his legs broken, the judge Perennis having rendered such a verdict against him. But the most God-beloved martyr, when the judge had earnestly besought him, and had requested him to render an account of his faith in the presence of the senate, and when he had delivered a most learned apology for the faith to which he bare witness before all, was, by sentence of the senate, put to death ^C on account of the confession of his faith.

(38) *He stripped*: A metaphor taken from athletes, who used to strip their bodies to wrestle, and strove to overthrow their adversaries by various arts and machines. (39) *Apollonius*: Nicephorus thought him to be the same person as he who wrote against the new prophecy of Montanus, of whom mention is made above in ch. 16. But Jerome, in his *Catalogue*, distinguished them, more correctly, as it appears. And Eusebius does not, in this chapter, call this man—of whom he writes in the present instance—a senator of the city of Rome, for he does not draw this from himself. Nor does Eusebius say this. We shall see more regarding this matter below. (40) *His deacon*: Jerome, in his book *De script. eccl.*, thought this man was a slave of Apollonius, whom Christophorsonus followed. Certainly, it appears from the version of Christophorsonus that he read it in Eusebius against the faith of all the codices. It is also obscure why Jerome says in the same place: *Betrayed by his slave Severus*, as if Severus were the name of the slave. Sophronius, however, translates it «παρὰ τοῦ δούλου παρὰ Σεβήρου», as if Severus were the name of the judge before whom Apollonius was denounced. But Eusebius refutes this sense, who calls the very judge before whom Apollonius was accused, Perennis, not Severus. (41) *By imperial decree*: He means the law of Marcus, which had decreed the penalty of death for those who brought Christians to trial, as Tertullian testifies in *Apology* ch. 5. The law itself of Emperor M. Aurelius exists for the commonality of Asia, mentioned above in book iv, ch. 13, where see what I have noted. But Rufinus seems to have understood the law of Trajan, or certainly that of Hadrian to Minucius Fundanus. (42) *Earnestly besought him*: Judges themselves, who interrogated the Christians brought to them, were sometimes wont to exhort and adjure them, that they might be spared and take thought for themselves, and embrace the worship of the gods. Countless examples of this exist in Tertullian, Eusebius, and in the *Acts of the Martyrs*. (43) *In the presence of the senate*: It is surprising that this is said of Perennis, who is known to have been prefect of the praetorium under Commodus. Now the prefects of the praetorium in those times were of the equestrian order, and did not have the right to sit in the senate. Therefore, emperors, as often as they wished to remove a prefect of the praetorium, made him a senator, with the laticlave garment conferred upon him, as writers of the *Historia Augusta* teach. How, therefore, could it be that Perennis, who was prefect of the praetorium, should command Apollonius to render an account of his faith in the senate? But if you should say that Apollonius was a senator, and for that reason Perennis had commanded him to render an account of his worship before the senate, I will grant it, if you like. But then another difficulty arises: how could Perennis judge a Roman senator in a capital case? For not the prefect of the praetorium, but the *Praefectus Urbi* used to take cognizance of the cases of senators. From these things ^D I easily persuade myself that Apollonius was of the senatorial order, as Jerome wrote; who, when he had been denounced to Perennis, the prefect of the praetorium, as a Christian, by the information of some desperate man, and had been asked by the judge of what rank he was, when he had replied that he was of senatorial status, was commanded by Perennis to render an account of his faith before the senate. When Apollonius had most eloquently performed this, he was put to the final penalty by the sentence of the senate. Why indeed should we not believe Jerome, who, both in his book *On Ecclesiastical Writers* and in his letter to Magnus, so eloquently signifies that Apollonius was a senator? For although Eusebius does not say this distinctly, yet it is gathered altogether from his narrative, as I showed above. Then, Jerome could have read the very *Acts* of the passion of Apollonius, to which Eusebius refers us. In which *Acts* it was said that he was both a Roman senator and betrayed by his own slave, as is credible. These *Acts*, moreover, had been written in the Greek language at Rome by Greeks, just as the *Acts of the Martyrs of Lyons* were written in Greek at Lyons. [alt-version omitted] [index: entries preserved]

^A For it is concluded following the decree of the senate, and because an ancient law 47 prevailed among them that those who have once been brought into court and in no wise change their purpose, cannot be released. Now, anyone who wishes to learn the words for the judge and the answers which he gave to the questioning of Perennis, as well as his entire defense before the senate, will find them recorded in the collection of the *Acts of the Martyrs* 48 which we have compiled for our purpose.

CHAPTER XXII

Who among the bishops of the provinces 49 were known at that time

When the tenth year of the reign of Commodus had reached its conclusion, Victor succeeded Eleutherus 50, who had performed the office of bishop for thirteen years. ^B In the same year, after Julian had completed his tenth year, Demetrius was entrusted with the administration of the parishes in Alexandria. At the same time, Serapion, the eighth from the apostles in the succession of the Church of Antioch, who has already been mentioned before, was still known as bishop. Theophilus served as leader of the Church in Caesarea in Palestine. Likewise, Narcissus, of whom this narrative has spoken before, still held the office of the Church in Jerusalem at that time. At Corinth in Achaia, Bacchylus 51 was bishop during the same years, and Polycrates was bishop of the parish in Ephesus; and many others, as is credible, were flourishing at that time in addition to these. Yet, as it was fitting, we have recorded by name only those whose orthodoxy regarding the faith has come down to us in writing.

CHAPTER XXIII

Concerning the question moved at that time about the Passover

^C A controversy of no small magnitude was stirred up at that time concerning these matters.

For all the parishes throughout Asia, relying on an ancient tradition, supposed that they ought to observe the fourteenth day of the moon for the feast of the Savior’s Passover, the day on which it was prescribed for the Jews to sacrifice the lamb; and they held that on this day, whatever day of the week it might happen to fall, they should bring their fasts to an end. It was not the custom, however, for the Churches throughout the rest of the world to follow this manner, but they observed—from apostolic tradition even down to the present day—the custom that it is not fitting to break the fast on any other day than that of the Resurrection of our Savior. ^B Synods and gatherings of bishops were held on this matter, and they all, with one mind, drew up an ecclesiastical decree through their letters for the instruction of the faithful everywhere: that the mystery of the resurrection of the Lord from the dead should not be celebrated on any other day but Sunday, and that only on that day should we observe the end of the Paschal fasts. There is still extant, even now, the letter of those ^C who were gathered together at that time in Palestine, over whom presided Theophilus, bishop of the parish of Caesarea, and Narcissus, bishop of Jerusalem. There is also another letter extant from the synod of Caesarea.

as well as one regarding the same question from those at Rome, which mentions Victor as bishop; those of the bishops in Pontus, over whom Palma, as the most ancient, presided; and those of the parishes in Gaul, over which Irenaeus presided; and furthermore, those in Osrhoene and the cities there. Also, there are the letters of Bacchylus, bishop of the Church of Corinth, and very many others, who, having set forth one and the same opinion and judgment, have cast the same vote. And of these there was one definition ^A, the one declared.

CHAPTER XXIV. On the dissension of the churches of Asia

Of the bishops in Asia, those who were contending fiercely that the custom handed down to them of old ought to be preserved, Polycrates was the leader. And he himself, in the writing which he drew up to Victor and the Church of the Romans, sets forth the tradition that had come down to him in these words: "We, therefore, observe the exact day, neither adding nor taking away. For in Asia great luminaries have fallen asleep, who shall rise again on the day of the coming of the Lord ^B, in which He comes with glory from the heavens, and shall raise up all the saints: Philip, one of the twelve apostles, who fell asleep in Hierapolis, and his two daughters who grew old as virgins. And the other daughter of his, who lived in the Holy Spirit, rests in Ephesus. Moreover, also John, who reclined upon the breast of the Lord, who became a priest wearing the petalon ^C, and a martyr, and a teacher; this man sleeps in Ephesus. But as for Polycarp, both bishop and martyr in Smyrna..." ^D

and Thraseas, bishop and martyr from Eumenia, who sleeps in Smyrna—why need I mention Sagaris, bishop and martyr, who sleeps in Laodicea? And furthermore, the blessed Papirius, and Melito the eunuch, who lived entirely in the Holy Spirit, ^A who lies in Sardis awaiting the visitation from heaven, at which he shall rise from the dead. All these kept the day of the fourteenth of the Pasch according to the Gospel, in no way deviating, but following according to the rule of faith. And I also, Polycrates, the least of all of you, according to the tradition of my kinsmen, some of whom I have followed—for there were seven of my kinsmen who were bishops, ^B and I am the eighth—and my kinsmen always kept the day when the people cast away the leaven. I, therefore, brethren, having lived sixty-five years in the Lord and having conferred with brethren from all over the world, and having traversed the whole of holy Scripture, I am not frightened by those who threaten me. For those who are greater than I have said, "It is better to obey God than men." ^{C D}

^A To this he adds, concerning all the bishops who were present with him and shared his opinion, writing as follows: "I could have mentioned the bishops who were present with me, whom you asked me to summon, and as I did; if I were to record their names, the number would be immense. When they saw me—a small man—they gave their assent to the letter, knowing that I have not carried these gray hairs in vain, but have always lived in Christ Jesus." ^B Following these events, Victor, who was bishop of the city of Rome, immediately attempted to cut off the parishes of all Asia, along with the neighboring churches, from the common unity [of the Church], on the ground that they were heterodox; and he denounced them by letters, declaring that all the brethren there were absolutely excommunicated. But these things did not please all the bishops. They instead urged him to be mindful of the things of peace and of unity and love toward one's neighbor. And there are still extant the utterances of those who, in a more pointed manner, took Victor to task. Among these, Irenæus, having written on behalf of those brethren in Gaul over whom he presided, ^C brings about the peace of the churches. He also suggests many other matters to Victor, as it was fitting, so that he should not cut off entire churches of God. ^D

Their letters, in which they criticize Victor somewhat sharply, are still extant. Among these, Irenæus, in the letter he wrote in the name of the brothers over whom he presided in Gaul, defends the fact that the mystery of the Lord’s resurrection is to be celebrated only on the Lord’s day; yet he decently admonishes Victor not to sever from communion entire Churches of God that were observing the custom handed down to them by their ancestors. And Eusebius, in discussing these letters, mentions not last in order the Synod of Lyon over which Irenæus presided, and “of the parishes in Gaul, over which Irenæus was bishop.” Eusebius also appends the synodical letter of Irenæus, with which we are now concerned. Although it may be doubted whether this synodical letter of Irenæus to Pope Victor is the same as that which Eusebius mentions in the aforementioned twenty-third chapter, or whether it is different and was written at another synod in Lyon. Indeed, I believe it is one and the same. For the words of Eusebius seem to persuade us of this, when he says: ^A “It is necessary indeed that the mystery of the Lord’s resurrection be celebrated only on the Lord’s day; yet to Victor he properly advises, so that he might not cut off whole Churches of God that observe the tradition of an ancient custom, adding many other things by these very words: ‘For the dispute is not only concerning the day, but also concerning the manner (75) of the fast itself (74).’” ^B

Concerning the ninth [hour]. The second species was the Lenten fast, which was broken towards evening. For the *synaxis* took place at the ninth hour, and after the solemnities of the Mass the evening office was sung, and then the people were dismissed, as Epiphanius, Amalarius, and the English councils teach. The third kind of fast was the most strict of all, which was extended until cock-crow and the rising of the first light; this was for that reason called ^C *hyperthesis*, in Latin *superpositio*. Epiphanius distinguishes these three kinds of fasting openly in his *Exposition of the Catholic Faith*, which is read at the end of his books *Against Heresies*. For after he has spoken of the fast of Wednesday and Friday, and likewise of the Lenten fast, passing on to the fast of the Paschal week, he says that the faithful during that week subsist on only bread and water until evening. And he adds: “But also the zealous perform *diplas*, *triplas*, and *tetras* *hypertheseis*, and some the whole week until the cock-crow.” That is: *Verily, those who are zealous perform a two-day, three-day, and four-day superpositio; some [fast] the whole week until cock-crow.* Dionysius of Alexandria also in his letter to Basilides openly distinguishes the fast from the *hyperthesis*. For after he said that during those six days of fasting which precede Easter, the fast is not observed equally by all, he adds these words: *“Some perform all the hypertheseis, continuing without food, others two, others three, others four; but others none, and for those who have labored very hard in the hypertheseis, and then become exhausted and almost faint, there is forgiveness for the faster food-taking; but others there are who, so far from not performing the hypertheseis, do not even fast at all, etc.”* That is: *Some truly perform the entire span of six days as a superpositio, persevering in the fast; but others for a two-day period, some three, some four; others do not even perform a superpositio for a single day.* And to those indeed who have labored much in the superpositiones, and then being weary almost faint, a quicker refreshment is to be granted. But if there are those who not only have not performed a superpositio, but have not even fasted, etc. You see that the fast is distinguished here from the superpositio by Dionysius, ^D and that *hyperthesis* is taken to mean abstinence from food until cock-crow; while the fast is meant as abstinence until evening. Tertullian also recognizes three species of fasting. The first is that of completely removed food, the second of lessened, the third of extended. He is accustomed to call the first simply a fast: the second in some places he calls a proportional fast and *xerophagy*; the third, the semi-fasts of the *stationes*. Since therefore there were three species of fasting, it may not unjustly be asked of which Irenæus speaks here. And first it is established that Irenæus does not speak here of the fast of Wednesday and Friday, or of the fast of the *stationes*. For Irenæus speaks here manifestly of the fast of the full day, and not of the half-day. For he says: *“For some think they ought to fast one day,” etc.* But the fast of Wednesday and Friday was not a full fast, nor of a full day, as I said above. Wherefore, Irenæus’s comment cannot be understood concerning this fast. It remains, therefore, that we should accept this passage either concerning the Lenten fast, which was broken at evening, or concerning the superpositio. And Dionysius of Alexandria and Epiphanius in the places mentioned above seem to persuade us to understand it rather of the superpositio,

^B and after many other things said to this effect, he uses these words also: "For the controversy is not concerning the day only, but also concerning the very form of the fast." Some think that certain days are fixed for fasts, in which the Bridegroom was taken away; and that these are the only legitimate Christian fasts. And below in chapter 15 of the same book: "Behold, I invite you also, fasting besides the Pascha, apart from those days in which the Bridegroom was taken away." Finally, in chapter 14, he signifies that those days were the Parasceve and the Sabbath, by these words: "Why do we call the fourth and sixth of the Sabbath stations, and the Parasceve fasts? Although you also continue the Sabbath: if ever, we should never fast except at Pascha, according to the reason rendered elsewhere."

(78) ^C *Or the forty.* Before we interpret this place of our own, its reading must be established. Christophorus and Savilius indeed read and punctuated this passage thus: "Some think they ought to fast one day; others two; others even more; others forty; and they calculate the forty hours of day and night as their day." This reading is favored by Rufinus's interpretation; for he translates thus: "For some think that the fast ought to be observed for one day only, others for two; others indeed for more; some even for forty; so that, calculating the day and night hours, they establish their day." Joannes Langus, who translated Nicephorus, followed the same reading. But all the manuscripts refute this reading. Certainly, in the Mazarin codex, this place is written in one continuous flow thus: "And others calculate the forty hours of day and night as their day." In the Medicean and Fuketian codices, however, a comma is placed after the word *hours*. But the Royal codex punctuates it thus: "Others, forty hours of day and night, calculate their day." But if you place a distinction after the word *forty*, there will no longer be any sense. For to what will those words which follow, *hours of day*, etc., be referred? To those who fast one day, or to those who fast forty days? They ought certainly to be referred to the latter, as they are placed in the last position. ^D Now, if you refer them to these, it will necessarily follow that those who fasted for forty days ate absolutely nothing during all that time, since they counted both the night and day hours for the fast. Furthermore, when Irenæus has already said that some fast one day, others two, and others on more days, what need is there to add that others fast for forty days, when in the fact that he said more days, forty are sufficiently encompassed? Therefore, the reading of our manuscripts is truer, which Musculus faithfully expressed in his translation in this way: "If indeed some think that one day should be fasted by them, others two, others more; others calculate the forty hours of day and night, and establish their day." The reading of this place now having been established, let us come to its exposition. Irenæus says, therefore, that some fasted for forty continuous hours of day and night. There are those who think that this forty-hour fast was celebrated by them in memory of that space which intervened from the death of Christ to his resurrection. That space, indeed, was of about forty hours, namely from the sixth hour of the Parasceve until the dawn of the first day [of the week]. I, however, would have believed that that forty-hour fast was celebrated by them rather in honor and memory of the forty days and nights during which Christ fasted in the wilderness. For since those ancients strove to imitate Christ by all means, they emulated at least this forty-hour fast, since that forty-day fast was above human strength. Therefore, we gather three things from this place of Irenæus. The first is that the fast before the Paschal season had always been customary in the Church from apostolic times. The second, that that fast was celebrated in honor of the Quadragesima of Christ.

^A they measure their day (79). And such a variety among those who observe it did not arise in our own time, but long before, among those before us, who, as is likely, not adhering to what was accurate, bequeathed to those who followed them a custom which had arisen from simplicity and ignorance. Nevertheless, all these maintained and maintain peace with one another, and the disagreement in fasting confirms the agreement of the faith (81). To these matters, and for the following history, For just as Quinquagesima, or Pentecost, is strictly the last day of those fifty days following the Paschal feast, yet, when the term is taken in a broad sense, it sometimes signifies the whole extent of days from Pascha to Pentecost, as in Jerome in his epistle to Marcella, in Cassian, and in many others. So also, Quadragesima strictly is one day of the forty, namely the day of Preparation (Parasceve), which among the Alexandrians was indeed the fortieth day, as is evident from the Paschal Homilies of Cyril. When the term is taken in a wider sense, however, it denotes also the forty days of fasting which precede Pascha. (79) ^A they measure their day. I marvel that so many learned men, who have expounded this passage of Irenaeus in their books, have not noticed the error in it. For what is the sense of these words? Or who would ever believe that there were men who measured the day by a space of forty hours? Yet forty hours constitute a two-day span for those who are fasting. Indeed, I do not doubt that Irenaeus wrote thus: *Those who measure the fast by forty daylight and nighttime hours.* No text could be clearer than that. Wherefore, either Irenaeus wrote exactly that, or he certainly ought to have written it. But copyists, having transferred the word from the line above to this place, corrupted the passage. (80) ^C *not adhering to what is accurate, as is likely, maintaining.* The interpreters did not understand this passage. Musculus alone grasped the sense, but only in part. For he translates thus: *And this variety of those fasting began in our own time, or much earlier, among those who, before us, not having grasped the reins of matters with accurate diligence, as is likely, neglected and changed the simple and common custom.* This passage of Irenaeus is certainly very intricate and obscure. Now, Irenaeus wishes to show whence such great diversity of the Paschal fast arose. He says, therefore, that it arose not from any law given by the apostles or by Christ, but gradually increased by a certain usage; and afterwards, certain bishops, who were little diligent and not sufficiently accurate in matters pertaining to discipline, turned that which had been introduced simply—though it was unusual and different from the custom of other churches—into a custom, and left it for their successors to observe. Irenaeus therefore blames them for having acted ^D without regard to what is accurate. For it is the duty of a diligent bishop to ensure that no novelty be introduced into the Church beyond the custom of the remaining Churches. Thus Socrates seems to have understood this passage of Irenaeus in book V, chapter 22, where, after he has discoursed at length on the discrepancy of fasts and similar rites among various Churches, he concludes thus: *For the authors, as I suppose, of such a disagreement are those who presided over the Churches at the time; and those who received this from them, established it as a law for those who followed.* (81) ^D *confirms the agreement of the faith.* Augustine says the same in epistle 86 to Casulanus: *Therefore let there be one faith of the universal Church which spreads everywhere, as if inside in the members, even if the unity of faith itself is celebrated with certain diverse observations, by which in no way is that which is true in the faith hindered.*

^A It recommends the agreement of faith by the diversity of fasts. I will then subjoin the narrative, which I shall opportunely insert here. It is of this kind: "But even those presbyters who before Soter governed the Church over which you now preside—I mean Anicetus and Pius, and Hyginus with Telesphorus and Xystus—neither did they themselves observe it, nor did they permit those who were with them to observe it. Yet, although they themselves did not observe it, they nevertheless maintained peace with those who came to them from the churches in which it was observed. And yet, the observance among those who did not observe it seemed all the more contrary. Nor were any ever rejected on account of such a custom. But those very presbyters who preceded you, although they did not observe it, ^B sent the Eucharist to those from the parishes in which it was observed. And when the blessed Polycarp was visiting Rome in the time of Anicetus, they immediately made peace with each other about this chapter, not being quarrelsome ^C about this matter. ^D The diversity of fasts commends the agreement of faith. I will then subjoin the narrative, which I shall opportunely insert here. It is of this kind: "But even those presbyters who before Soter governed the Church over which you now preside—I mean Anicetus and Pius, and Hyginus with Telesphorus and Xystus—neither did they themselves ever observe it, nor did they permit those who were with them to observe it. Yet, although they themselves did not observe it at all, they nevertheless maintained peace with those who had come to them from the Churches in which it was observed. And yet, the observance among those who did not observe it seemed all the more contrary. Nor were any ever rejected on account of such a custom. But those very presbyters who preceded you, although they did not observe it, held to the custom of transmitting the Eucharist. [For it makes it known] above all, the place of Justin in his first *Apology*: 'The president having performed the thanksgiving, and all the people having shouted their assent, those called by us deacons give to each of those present to partake of the bread and wine and water over which thanksgiving has been offered, and they carry it to those who are absent.' And this food is called among us the Eucharist. I know indeed that the place of Justin concerning the sick can be explained; but our explanation seems the more plain. An illustrious example of this custom also stands in the Acts of the martyr Lucanus. It is to be noted, further, in the place of Justin cited above, that the bread consecrated by Christians is commonly called the Eucharist, which Irenæus also confirms, both in this place and in his book *Against Heresies*, chap. 11, and Clement in the *Stromata*, page 117.

Baronius in his *Annals* refers this arrival of Polycarp in the city of Rome to the year five of M. Aurelius Antoninus, and in the same year he begins the pontificate of Anicetus: which seems to me by no means probable. For in this year, Polycarp was older than eighty. For he died in the year seven of the emperor M. Aurelius, when he had already completed the eighty-sixth year of his age. For so it is written in the epistle of the Church of Smyrna, which Eusebius reported above in book IV, 'eighty and six years I serve him.' But if one wishes to count those years not from his first birth, but from his youth, when men first begin to reason, it will follow entirely that Polycarp passed from the living when more than a centenarian, or close to it. And according to the calculation of Baronius, it would be necessary to say that he came to Rome in the ninetieth year of his age, which is truly by no means credible. But this objection does not involve Eusebius in the least. For Eusebius begins the pontificate of Anicetus under Antoninus Pius, almost ten years before Baronius. That same thing was criticized in Baronius by Halloixius in his notes on the chapter of the Life of Blessed Polycarp.

Christophorsonus translated this place, and his version later led Baronius into error. For he translated it thus: 'But for the sake of observing this feast, which seemed to be the head of the controversy, they by no means broke the bonds of charity.' Too confident in which interpretation, Baronius writes that Polycarp came to Rome in the year of Christ 157, so that he might compose the dissensions that had arisen concerning the Paschal feast with Anicetus: and that Eusebius and Irenæus affirm this. But Irenæus

^A transmits the Eucharist to the presbyters of the churches who observed it. And when the most blessed Polycarp had come to Rome in the times of Anicetus, and there was a small controversy between them regarding certain other matters, they immediately embraced each other with the kiss of peace, not contending greatly among themselves on this head. For neither could Anicetus persuade Polycarp to cease observing it, inasmuch as he had always observed it with John the disciple of our Lord, and with the rest of the apostles with whom he had lived familiarly. Nor did Polycarp attempt to persuade Anicetus to observe it, when Anicetus said that he ought to maintain the custom of the presbyters who were before him. And, these things being so, they communicated with each other; and in the Church Anicetus yielded the Eucharist ^B to Polycarp, out of respect, clearly; and they departed from each other in peace, all the Church being at peace, both those who observed it and those who did not. ^C And Irenæus indeed, being well-named in his calling, and in his very way of life a peacemaker, both exhorted and interceded for the peace of the churches in such a manner. And the same man conversed concerning the matter that had been stirred up, not only with Victor, but with very many other rulers of churches, through letters.

CHAPTER XXV.

The bishops of Palestine, whom we mentioned a little above, Narcissus to wit and Theophilus, and with them Cassius bishop of the Church at Tyre, and Clarus of Ptolemais, and those who had assembled with them, after they had discourses at length in their letters concerning the tradition of the Paschal day, which had flowed down to them from the apostles by unbroken succession, finally at the end of the letter they use these words: ^D "Take care that copies of our letter be sent to all the churches, so that we may not be held accountable by those who easily lead their own souls astray. We also signify to you that at Alexandria they celebrate it on the same day as we do. For letters have come to us from them, and from us to them, so that we may keep together in agreement the holy day."

CHAPTER XXVI. How many monuments of elegant genius Irenæus has left us.

But besides the aforementioned works and epistles of Irenæus, there exists also a brief and most necessary book of his against the Gentiles, which is entitled ^A *On Knowledge*. Another, furthermore, is dedicated to his brother, Marcianus, containing a *Demonstration of the Apostolic Preaching*. Finally, there is a book of *Various Discourses*, in which he makes mention of the Epistle to the Hebrews and of the so-called Wisdom of Solomon, quoting certain sayings from these books. And these are the works of Irenæus that have come to our knowledge. ^B When Commodus had completed his thirteen-year reign, and after his death Pertinax had administered the commonwealth for about the space of six months, the Emperor Severus obtained supreme power.

CHAPTER XXVII. How many of the others also flourished at that time.

For truly, many monuments of commendable diligence by ancient ecclesiastical men who lived at that time are still preserved among many. ^C Those, however, which we ourselves have been able to recognize are these: the *Commentaries* of Heraclitus on the Apostle; the volumes of Maximus also on that question so much discussed among heretics, "Whence is evil?" and "That matter is created"; besides the *Commentaries* of Candidus on the Work of the Six Days (Hexaemeron), and those of Apion on the same subject; likewise, ones by Sextus ^D on the resurrection, and another...

^A work by Arabianus, and of many others. Regarding these, as we have no judgment or evidence to offer, we can neither commit their dates to writing nor weave any account of them into our books. The lucubrations of many others have also reached us, authors whose very names we are unable to recount. Though these were all orthodox and ecclesiastical, as the exposition of holy Scripture brought forth by each of them testifies, they are nevertheless obscure and unknown to us because their books do not bear the names of their authors.

CHAPTER XXVIII.

^B Furthermore, in a book by one of these authors composed against the heresy of Artemon, which Paul of Samosata has attempted to revive in our own times, there exists a certain narrative highly relevant to the history we have in hand. For that author, refuting the aforementioned heresy—which claimed that the Saviour was a mere man—as something introduced not long ago (since the leaders of that sect wished to boast that it was most ancient), after bringing forward many other arguments against their impious deceit, reports the matter thus word for word:

"They affirm, in fact," he says, "that all the ancients and the apostles themselves both received and taught these things which these men now say, and that the truth of the proclamation was preserved until the times of Victor, who was the thirteenth bishop in Rome after Peter; but from the time of his successor, Zephyrinus, the truth was corrupted. And perhaps what they say might seem credible, were it not for the fact that the divine Scriptures contradict them first of all, and then the writings of certain brothers, older than the times of Victor, which they wrote against the Gentiles and against the heretics of their own time in defense of the truth; I mean Justin and Miltiades, and Tatian, and Clement, and very many others, in all of whose books ^C Christ is proclaimed as God. For who is ignorant of the books of Irenaeus and Melito and the rest, which proclaim Christ as God and man? As many psalms and odes as were written from the beginning by the brethren ^D

^A proclaim the Word of God, Christ, by singing of Him as God. How then, when the ecclesiastical opinion has been heralded for so many years, is it possible that for those up to the time of Victor they have preached in the way these men say? And how are they not ashamed to speak falsely against Victor, knowing accurately that Victor excommunicated Theodotus the cobbler, the leader and father of this God-denying apostasy, who first asserted that Christ was a mere man? For if Victor held the same opinion as they do, according to these men's blasphemous teaching, why would he have cast out Theodotus, the inventor of this heresy? ^B Such are the things concerning Victor. After he had presided over the ministry for ten years, Zephyrinus was established as his successor, about the ninth year of the reign of Severus. And the one who composed the aforementioned book concerning the author of the heresy described also adds another event that occurred in the time of Zephyrinus, writing in these words: "I will therefore remind many of the brethren of an affair that happened in our own time, which I think that if it had occurred in Sodom, it might have warned even them. There was one Natalis, ^C a confessor, who lived not long ago, but in our own time. This man was at one time deceived by Asclepiodotus and another Theodotus, a moneychanger. Both of these were disciples of that Theodotus the cobbler, who was the first, because of this way of thinking, or rather this madness, to be excommunicated by Victor, as I said, the bishop of that time. Natalis was persuaded by them to be called a bishop of this heresy for a salary, so as to receive one hundred and fifty denarii monthly from them. Being therefore ^D associated with them, he was frequently warned by the Lord in visions. For the compassionate God and our Lord Jesus Christ did not wish a witness of His own sufferings to be lost by being outside the Church. But when he paid little heed to the visions, being enticed by both the desire for the first seat among them and by the base greed which brings destruction to many mortals, he was finally scourged by holy angels, being tormented throughout the night not a little; so that at daybreak he arose and put on sackcloth and covered himself with ashes, and with many tears fell down before Zephyrinus the bishop, rolling about at the feet not only of those in the clergy but also of the laity; and with his tears he moved the compassionate Church of the merciful Christ, and after using much entreaty and showing the welts of the blows he had received, he was with difficulty restored to communion."

^A Let us append to these other statements by the same writer regarding the same persons, which are as follows: "They have boldly corrupted the divine Scriptures, they have rejected the canon of the ancient faith, and they have ignored Christ, not inquiring what the divine Scriptures say, but busily laboring to find what form of syllogism might be constructed for the establishment of their atheism. And if anyone puts before them a text of divine Scripture, they examine whether it can produce a syllogism of the conjunctive or disjunctive type. Abandoning the holy Scriptures of God, they practice geometry, as if coming from the earth and speaking of the earth, and ignoring Him who comes from above. Euclid, at least, is zealously studied by some of them, and Aristotle and Theophrastus are admired; ^B for Galen is perhaps even worshipped by some. And what need is there to say that they are not even near to faith, who use the arts of the unbelievers for the opinion of their heresy, and who, with the craftiness of the godless, hawk the simple faith of the divine Scriptures? For this reason they have laid their hands upon the divine Scriptures without fear, saying that they have corrected them. And that I do not say this by slandering them, anyone who wishes may learn. For if anyone will compare their copies and examine them against one another, he would find them to vary greatly." ^C The copies of Asclepiades, then, will be inconsistent with those of Theodotus. And it is easy to provide many [examples], because their disciples have zealously inscribed what each of them—as they themselves call them—"corrected," which is to say, obliterated. Again, those of Hermophilus do not agree with these. For the [copies of] Apollonius... (3) Whether conjunctive or disjunctive. [The text] explains what is meant by conjunctive and what by disjunctive, as taught by the dialecticians. The Stoics call these "propositions," some being simple, as that one, "it is day," others non-simple. Of those which are not simple, some are conjunctive, which consist of two different propositions, as that one, "If it is day, it is light." Others are disjunctive, as that one, "Either it is day or it is not." See Diogenes Laertius on Zeno. Sextus Empiricus defines the conjunctive, which [he says] is brought forth from the proposition that, "If it is day, it is day." From which Diogenes Laertius on Zeno ought to be corrected in this manner: ... ^D (4) Him who comes from above. [alt-version omitted] (5) For Galen is perhaps even worshipped by some. Galen had written books on the figures of the syllogisms and on the whole of philosophy, as we know from the index of his books. But this testimony regarding Galen is illustrious, as it comes from a most ancient author, and one almost contemporary with Galen. Nor is it possible to gather the same thing from this writer alone, but also from many others, [who] did not hesitate to equate Galen to Aristotle, Theophrastus, and even to Plato himself. Certainly Alexander of Aphrodisias, in the eighth book of his Topics, not far from the beginning, clearly indicates that everyone held this opinion of Galen. (6) As Asclepiades. Written in Nicephorus, just as Rufinus also reads. A little later where it is read..., it must be restored from Theodoret in the second book of the Heretics' Fables, chapter 5, and from Nicephorus and Rufinus.

^A a se emendatas esse dicentes. And that this is not falsely objected to them by me, whoever wishes may easily know. For if anyone should gather together their copies from all sides and compare them with one another, he will find that they differ from each other very greatly. Indeed, the copies of Asclepiodotus do not agree with those that are of Theodotus. Moreover, it is possible to obtain many copies of this kind, because their disciples diligently wrote out those things which, as they themselves say, were emended by their teachers, but in fact were corrupted. Now the copies of Hermophilus do not agree at all with those ^B I have mentioned. Indeed, those which are called Apollonides's do not even agree with themselves. For anyone can compare those which he had published earlier with those which he afterwards inverted and distorted, and detect the discord between them. How great, moreover, must be the audacity of such a deed, it is difficult to believe that even they themselves are ignorant. For either they do not believe that the Holy Scriptures were dictated by the Holy Spirit—and are therefore infidels—or they consider themselves wiser than the Holy Spirit; and what are they then if not possessed by demons? For they cannot deny that this deed was committed by them, since the copies were written down by their own hand; nor did they receive such codices from those by whom they were instructed in the Christian faith; nor can they show the copies from which they copied those of theirs. ^C Some of them, however, did not even deign to adulterate the Scriptures, but rejecting the Law and the Prophets altogether, through an illegitimate and impious doctrine, under the pretext of grace, they have slipped into the deepest abyss of destruction. But enough of these matters.

The End of the Fifth Book of the Ecclesiastical History

EUSEBIUS OF CAESAREA · ECCLESIASTICAL HISTORY · BOOK SIX

THESE ARE THE CONTENTS OF THE SIXTH BOOK OF ECCLESIASTICAL HISTORY

a'. Concerning the persecution under Severus. b'. Concerning Origen’s discipline from childhood. g'. How, while still a mere youth, he preached the word of Christ. d'. How many who were catechized by him advanced to martyrdom. e'. Concerning Potamiana. s'. Concerning Clement of Alexandria. z'. Concerning the writer Judas. h'. Concerning what Origen dared to do. q'. Concerning the miracles of Narcissus. i'. Concerning the bishops in Jerusalem. ia'. Concerning Alexander. ib'. Concerning Serapion and the books of his that are extant. ig'. Concerning the writings of Clement. id'. Of which of the Scriptures the same man made mention. ie'. Concerning Heraclas. is'. How Origen applied himself to the Divine Scriptures. iz'. Concerning Symmachus the translator. ih'. Concerning Ambrose. iq'. What is mentioned concerning Origen. k'. What discourses are current from that time. ka'. Who were the bishops recognized during these times. kb'. What of Hippolytus’s works has reached us. kg'. Concerning Origen’s study, and how he was deemed worthy of ecclesiastical advancement. ^A kd'. What he expounded while at Alexandria. ke'. How he made mention of the canonical Scriptures. ks'. How Heraclas succeeded to the episcopate of the Alexandrians. kz'. How the bishops viewed him. kh'. Concerning the persecution under Maximin. kq'. Concerning Fabian, how he was wondrously manifested of God as bishop of the Romans. l'. How many have been students of Origen. la'. Concerning Africanus the chronographer. lb'. What Origen expounded in Caesarea of Palestine, and how much. lg'. Concerning the perversion of Beryllus. ld'. The events concerning the Caesar Philip. le'. How Dionysius succeeded Heraclas in the episcopate. ls'. What other things Origen studied. lz'. Concerning the schism of the Arabs. lh'. Concerning the heresy of the Elkesaites. lq'. Concerning the persecution under Decius, and what Origen suffered. m'. Concerning what befell Dionysius the bishop. ma'. Concerning those who were martyred at Alexandria itself. mb'. Concerning what other matters Dionysius recounts.

THE SIXTH BOOK OF ECCLESIASTICAL HISTORY CONTAINS THESE:

1. Of the persecution under Severus. 2. Of Origen’s institution from boyhood. 3. How, while yet a very young man, he preached the word of God. 4. That those instructed by him in the elements of the faith were advanced to martyrdom. 5. Of Potamiana. 6. Of Clement of Alexandria. 7. Of Judas the writer. 8. Of the audacious act of Origen. 9. Of the miracles of Narcissus. ^B 10. Of the bishops of Jerusalem. 11. Of Alexander. 12. Of Serapion, and of the books by him that are extant. 13. Of the works of Clement. 14. Of which books of Holy Scripture the same Clement made mention. 15. Of Heraclas. 16. How great study Origen bestowed upon the Divine Scriptures.

XVII. Of Symmachus the interpreter. XVIII. Of Ambrosius. XIX. What things were recorded of Origen by the pagans. XX. Which books of his writers of that age have reached us. XXI. Which bishops were famous at that time. XXII. Which of the works of Hippolytus have reached us. XXIII. Of the study of Origen: and how he attained the honor of the presbyterate. XXIV. What things he interpreted at Alexandria. XXV. How he examined the books of both Testaments. XXVI. How Heraclas received the bishopric of Alexandria. XXVII. How the bishops received Origen. XXVIII. Of the persecution under Maximinus. XXIX. Of Fabianus, how he was divinely designated bishop of the Romans. XXX. Who were the disciples of Origen. XXXI. Of Africanus the writer of chronicles. ^A XXXII. How many and what commentaries Origen wrote in Caesarea in Palestine. XXXIII. Of the error of Beryllus. XXXIV. Of Philip Caesar. XXXV. How Dionysius succeeded Heraclas in the episcopate. XXXVI. How many other books were produced by Origen. XXXVII. Of the dissension of the Arabs. XXXVIII. Of the heresy of the Helcesaites. XXXIX. Of the persecution of Decius: and what Origen suffered. XL. Of those things which happened to Dionysius the bishop. XLI. Of those who suffered martyrdom at Alexandria. XLII. Of others mentioned by Dionysius. XLIII. Of Novatus, of what sort his character was: and of his heresy. XLIV. Narrative of Dionysius concerning Serapion. XLV. Epistle of Dionysius to Novatus. XLVI. Of other epistles of Dionysius.

CAPUT I. Of the persecution under Severus.

^B When Severus stirred up persecution against the Churches, glorious martyrdoms of the athletes for piety were perfected in all the Churches in every place everywhere, but especially did they abound at Alexandria, when, from all Egypt and the Thebaid, the most select contestants were led there as to the greatest stadium of God, and, having endured most steadfastly various tortures and kinds of death with an unconquered spirit, received immortal crowns from God. ^C Among whom was Leonides, who is said to have been the father of Origen, who, being beheaded, left his son quite young. With what impulse of soul toward the divine faith that young man was affected even from that age, it will not be untimely to record in a few words, especially since his fame is celebrated in the accounts of many men.

CAPUT II. Of the instruction of Origen from a boy.

But if any one would wish to commit the life of that man to writing accurately and at leisure, it would truly require a long discourse: and such a subject would demand a work of its own. But we, for the present, condensing most things, will relate a few things about him as briefly as possible: bringing into the open things discovered partly from certain epistles, and partly from the accounts of his disciples ^D who survived even to our own age. The deeds of Origen, even from his very swaddling clothes, as I may say, seem to me worthy of record. For Severus held the tenth year of his reign, and he was ruling over Alexandria and the rest

of Egypt, with Laetus as prefect, and Demetrius had recently taken the episcopate of the churches there after the death of Julian. ^A Since a great fire of persecution had been kindled, and countless were being crowned with the wreaths of martyrdom, such a love of martyrdom seized the soul of Origen, while he was still but a child, that he would rush into dangers and leap and hasten eagerly to the contest. Already it had come to pass that his departure from this life was not far off, had not the divine and heavenly providence, for the benefit of many, hindered his zeal through his mother, who stood in his way. ^B She, indeed, at first begged him with words, imploring him to spare her maternal feelings; but seeing that he was the more vehemently incited—especially when he learned that his father had been seized and was being kept in prison, and was wholly intent upon the desire for martyrdom—she hid all his clothing, and compelled him to remain at home against his will. When he noticed that there was nothing else left for him to do, and his desire, being above his age, continued to intensify, and not being able to remain quiet, he sent to his father a most encouraging letter about martyrdom, in which he exhorted him, saying word for word: "Take care, do not change your mind because of us." Let this be recorded as the first evidence of Origen’s childish quick-wittedness and of his most sincere disposition toward piety. ^C For already he had laid no small foundations for the doctrines of the faith, having been exercised in the divine Scriptures from a child. Nor was he moderately versed in these, since his father had not perfunctorily educated him in the sacred letters, in addition to his studies in the liberal disciplines. Indeed, before his studies in Greek literature, he insisted that he be exercised in sacred disciplines, ordering him to memorize and recite certain portions of the divine Scripture every day. Nor was this done by the child without his own choice, but rather he performed these tasks most eagerly.

^D For not to ordinary men, nor to those who are mere plebeians or craftsmen, but to men who through the liberal arts have arrived at rhetoric and philosophy, does this apply, so that even those who partake of the so-called liberal arts do not rush to speak. A child, however, is one who is able to through the liberal arts... [index: entries preserved]

he did not find the simple and readily available reading of the sacred Scriptures sufficient, but sought something more, and even then, began to inquire into deeper meanings. ^A Thus he caused his father trouble, asking him what the intention of the divinely inspired Scripture signified. His father, indeed, would rebuke the boy in public and in appearance, warning him not to seek anything beyond his understanding or beyond the plain and obvious meaning of Scripture. Yet in private, filled with singular joy, he would give great thanks to God, the author of all good things, that He had deemed him worthy to be the parent of such a child. It is said that he would often enter the room while the sleeping boy was lying there, and bare his breast, and, as if the divine Spirit were enshrined within it, he would kiss it reverently and deem himself blessed by such offspring. These and other similar things are remembered of ^B Origen while he was still a child.

When his father reached the perfection of martyrdom, he was left behind, along with his mother and six younger brothers, when he was not yet fully seventeen years old. Since his father’s estate was confiscated by the imperial treasury, he was reduced to the utmost penury along with his relations, but he merited the help of divine Providence. He was received and sustained by a woman who was very wealthy and in other respects distinguished, who was supporting a certain man from Antioch, a champion of the heretics who were at that time in Alexandria. This woman kept him in her home as an adopted son and favored him in an extraordinary way. ^C But Origen, although compelled by necessity to associate with the aforementioned man, even then provided a most illustrious specimen of his constancy in retaining the right faith. For although an innumerable multitude, not only of heretics but also of our own people, flocked daily to Paul—for that was the man’s name—because he appeared to excel in eloquence, he could never be induced to join with Paul in prayer, keeping the rule of the Church from childhood, and, as he himself says somewhere, abominating the preaching of the heretics’ doctrines.

Having previously been instructed in Greek subjects by his father, and after his death having given himself over entirely and more fervently to the study of letters, such that he appeared to have a moderate preparation for the grammatical arts, not long after his father’s death he practiced this art and acquired for himself ample means of subsistence for that age.

CHAPTER III

In the meantime, since no one remained in Alexandria...

^A who was engaged in giving instruction in the faith, as all had been driven away by the threat of persecution, some of the Gentiles ^B approached him to hear the word of God. ^C The first of these, it is noted, was Plutarch, who, after living a life of virtue, was adorned by holy martyrdom; the second was Heraclas, the brother of Plutarch, who also gave many proofs of a philosophical life and asceticism while with him, and was later deemed worthy of the episcopate of Alexandria after Demeterius. He was in his eighteenth year when he was put in charge of the school of catechetical instruction. During this time, he made great progress under the persecutions that occurred in Alexandria while Aquila was prefect. At that time, he attained the greatest renown among all the faithful, on account of the diligent offices of benevolence and humanity which he most readily displayed to all the holy martyrs of God, whether they were known to him or not. For he was not only present with them while they were in bonds or while they were being questioned up to their final sentence, but even after the sentence was passed, when the most holy martyrs were being led to punishment, he stood by them, endowed with incredible confidence and challenging the dangers themselves. So much so that, as he often approached them boldly and greeted the martyrs with the utmost freedom with a kiss, he seemed on the point of being overwhelmed by stones by the mad multitude of Gentiles surrounding him, had he not, having received the helping hand of the Divine Power, escaped beyond the expectation of all. And that same divine and heavenly grace, for his exceeding zeal and boldness in preaching the word of Christ, guarded him when he was attacked by many snares at that time, and delivered him again and again—it cannot even be said how many times. Indeed, the Gentiles had declared such a bloody war against him that they gathered and congregated and laid siege to the house in which he was staying, stationing soldiers about it, because of the multitude of those who were receiving the rudiments of the sacred faith from him. The fury of the persecution was inflamed against him day by day, so that the whole city of the Alexandrians could no longer contain him, while he moved from house to house and was driven from every side because of the multitude of those who were coming to the divine teaching through him. Since his outward deeds also contained in themselves the accomplishments of a most genuine philosophy, his actions were altogether very admirable. For example, they say that his manner of life was such as his word, and his word was such as his manner of life. Wherefore, since the divine power was especially assisting him, he stirred up countless numbers to his own zeal. And since he saw students who were already monks—not those who were merely living in the world. ^D

^A a great number of those whom he himself was drawing toward the instruction of the divine faith. For his daily actions appeared as the most genuine works of a certain philosophy and marvelous discipline. And, as is commonly said, such as is the speech, such is the life; and such as the life, such was his speech. For this reason, especially, since divine virtue was assisting him, he provoked countless others as well to the imitation of himself. But when he saw more students approaching every day, because the instruction of the catechumens had been entrusted to him alone by Demetrius the bishop; deeming that the profession of the grammatical art was not at all in agreement with the instruction of the divine faith, he ^B without any hesitation cast aside the school of grammatical learning, as being useless and contrary to sacred disciplines. Then, using prudent counsel so that he might not have need of another’s support, he sold the volumes of ancient learning—which he possessed, most elegantly elaborated—and was content with four obols that were paid to him daily by the buyer of the volumes. He persisted in this kind of discipline and clearly philosophical way of living for several years thereafter, removing all enticements of youthful passions from every side. And during the daytime he indeed endured the most serious labors of exercises of every kind, while the greater part of the night he devoted to the study of the divine Scriptures, constraining himself by the laws and customs of a philosophy as severe as he could. For he labored during the day in the exercises of fasting; at night he allotted a measure of sleep, and was eager to take it not on a bed, but upon the naked floor. But he believed that those evangelical precepts of our Savior ought most especially to be observed, by which we are warned neither to have two tunics ^C nor to use footwear, nor to torture ourselves with anxiety about the morrow. But with an ardor of soul greater than his age could bear, persisting in cold and nakedness, and driven to the uttermost peak of evangelical poverty, he struck his associates with huge admiration. And he afflicted many of them with incredible grief, who wished to share their goods with him when they saw him enduring such labors for the sake of divine preaching. Nevertheless, he never relaxed anything of the vigor of his endurance. He is said to have walked with naked feet for many years, using no footwear at all. He abstained for a very long time from wine and other things that are less necessary for sustenance, to such an extent that his chest fell into a danger of very serious subversion and collapse. ^D Providing, therefore, examples of such a philosophical life for all to behold, he justly provoked many of his disciples to the imitation of himself: so that many from among the Gentiles, both those educated in every kind of learning...

^A and those who had gained some proficiency in philosophy, submitted themselves to his instruction. When these had received the faith of Christ with a sincere and intimate affection of mind, they became illustrious in that time of persecution: insomuch that some of them were seized and completed their martyrdom.

CHAPTER IV

How many, from the first rudiments of the faith taught by him, were raised to martyrdom.

The first of these was he whom we mentioned a little above, Plutarch. When he was being led away to death, the one of whom we are speaking, Origen, while he was adhering to Plutarch until the very last end of his life, was all but killed by the fellow-citizens of the latter, as one who had appeared as the cause of his death; but the providence of God preserved him even then. After Plutarch, the second of the disciples of Origen to be proclaimed a martyr was Serenus, who showed through fire the proving of the faith which he had received. The third from the same school became the martyr Heraclides, and after him the fourth, Heron; both were beheaded—the former being still a catechumen, and the latter a neophyte. Besides these, a fifth athlete of Christian piety from the same audience was proclaimed, another Serenus, of the same name as the first: who, after he had endured most bravely a great number of tortures, is said to have been finally beheaded. But also from the number of the women, a certain Heraïs, still a catechumen, having received, as he himself says somewhere, the baptism through fire, departed from this light.

CHAPTER V

Concerning Potamiaena.

Let Basilides be reckoned as the seventh among these, he who led that most celebrated Potamiaena to execution. The fame of this woman is indeed still spread abroad even now among the inhabitants of those regions, for she struggled against lovers in order to preserve the purity of her body and the virginity in which she particularly excelled (for besides the beauty of her soul, a marvelous fairness of her whole body flourished in her); and she endured countless things for the faith of Christ, and finally, after most bitter and—if one may even say it—horrible tortures, she was consumed by fire together with her mother, Marcella. Now Aquila (for that was the name of the judge), when he had inflicted cruel ^C tortures upon her across her entire body, threatened at last to hand her over to gladiators for the desecration of her body; but she, for a brief ^D

^A space having considered the matter within herself, upon being asked what counsel she would take, is said to have given an answer that appeared impious to the Gentiles. Immediately, therefore, by the judge’s sentence, she was condemned, and Basilides, one of those who were in military service, took her away to her death. And as the crowd tried to molest her and insult her with wanton words, he, for his part, kept them off, driving away those who were insulting her, and showing the greatest pity and kindness toward her. She, on her part, accepting the man’s compassion toward her, urged him to be of good courage, saying that she would entreat her Lord on his behalf after her departure, and that she would not be long in repaying him for the kindnesses he had shown her. Having said these things, she bore her end courageously, as burning pitch ^B was poured over her, slowly and by degrees, from her feet up to the crown of her head. Such was the conflict which the celebrated maiden endured.

Not long after, Basilides, being required by his fellow soldiers to take an oath for some reason, affirmed that it was not permitted to him to swear at all, for he was a Christian, and he openly confessed this. At first they thought he was joking, but as he persisted insistently, he was led to the judge, by whom he was committed to prison after confessing his faith. And when the brethren in the Lord came to him and asked the reason for this sudden and unexpected resolve, it is said that he stated that Potamiana had appeared to him by night, three days after her martyrdom, and had placed a crown upon his head, saying that she had interceded with the Lord on his ^C behalf and had obtained what she had requested, and that he himself would be taken up to the Lord shortly thereafter. Upon these things, the brethren having bestowed upon him the seal in the Lord, on the following day he confessed Christ gloriously and was beheaded. And many other citizens of Alexandria are recorded to have suddenly turned to the word of Christ at that time, as Potamiana appeared to them in their dreams and called them to the divine word. But let these things be as they are.

Chapter VI. On Clement of Alexandria (Nic. H.E. 4, 55).

Clement succeeded Pantaenus ^D of the catechetical school in Alexandria of that time, as [index: entries preserved]

^A even Origen was a student of his. Clement, in his Stromata, describing a chronological order of events, limits his calculation to the death of the Emperor Commodus. From this it is clear that these volumes were composed by him during the reign of Severus Augustus, whose times the discourse now records.

Chapter VII. On the writer Judas.

At the same time, another author, Judas, writing on the seventy weeks mentioned by Daniel, extends his chronological calculation to the tenth year of the reign of Severus. He also supposed that the celebrated coming of the Antichrist was even then at hand; so violently had the commotion of the persecution against us at that time agitated the minds of many. ^B

Chapter VIII. On the bold deed of Origen (Nic. H.E. 6, 8).

Meanwhile, while Origen was occupied in instructing candidates for baptism at Alexandria, he undertook a deed which might seem to be the result of an immature and youthful impulse, yet one that contains a great proof of his faith and self-control. For when he had taken the words, "There are some eunuchs who have made themselves eunuchs for the sake of the kingdom of heaven," in a simpler and more youthful sense—partly that he might fulfill the saying of our Savior, and partly that he might remove from the unbelievers any occasion for obscene rumor and calumny, ^C because he himself, being young in age, was imparting the precepts of the divine faith not only to men but also to women—he attempted to carry out the saying of the Savior in reality. He had indeed provided that this matter should be hidden from most of his acquaintances. But he could not entirely conceal the deed, although he desired to do so very greatly. When Demetrius, as bishop of his church, later discovered this fact, he was greatly astonished at the daring of the youth. Yet, having observed his zeal and the sincerity of his faith, he bade him be of good cheer and urged him to continue even more diligently in his work of instruction. Such, indeed, was Demetrius at that time. But not long afterward, ^D when he saw him growing in success day by day and becoming great and illustrious, recognized by all in their speech, having succumbed to some human weakness, he attempted to write to the bishops throughout the world, condemning the act that had been committed by him as most inappropriate; for the most approved and distinguished bishops of Palestine

namely those of Caesarea and Jerusalem, when they had judged Origen worthy of the prerogative and peak of the highest honor, had laid hands upon him for the presbyterate. At that time, therefore, when Origen had risen to great glory, and had acquired not a little renown for virtue and wisdom among all people everywhere, Demetrius, having no other accusation available, brings a severe slander against that act which had been committed by him when he was a boy, daring to involve in his accusations even those who had advanced him to the presbyterate. These things, indeed, were done a little later. ^A At that time, however, Origen was performing the work of divine teaching in Alexandria for all who came to him freely, night and day, devoting all his time to divine studies and to those who frequented his school. After Severus had held the rule for eighteen years, Antoninus his son succeeded him. ^B In his time, one of those who had shown courage during the persecution, and who had been preserved by the providence of God after the contests in confessions, was Alexander, whom we recently indicated as bishop of the Church in Jerusalem; he was deemed worthy of the aforementioned episcopate, as he had distinguished himself by his confessions for Christ during the time of the persecution, while Narcissus, who was leader before him, was still among the living. ^C

CHAPTER IX. Concerning the marvels of Narcissus.

When this had been done at his word, he offered a prayer over the water ^A and commanded them with sincere faith in the Lord to pour it into the lamps. When they had done this too, they say that, against all reason and by a wondrous and divine power, the nature of the water was changed into the richness of oil, and from that oil a small specimen of the miracle of that time was kept by many of the brethren for a very long time, even down to our own days.

They also recount many other things from the life and conduct of this man that are worthy of memory, among which is the following: Certain petty men, who could not bear the vigor and constancy of his life and, fearing that they might eventually be caught and pay the penalty for having committed countless evils, conspired against him beforehand and poured upon him a terrible calumny. Then, to convince their hearers, they confirmed their accusations with the solemnity of oaths. One of them prayed that he might perish by fire if he were lying knowingly; the second, that his body might be consumed by a foul and pestilential disease; and the third, that he might be blinded in his eyes. ^B But however much they swore, no one among the faithful gave them credence, because the temperance and all-virtuous conduct of Narcissus had always been evident and known to all.

For his part, he did not in the least endure the wickedness of those who had spoken, and since he had long cherished a philosophical life, he fled from the whole multitude of the Church and spent many years in hiding in deserts and obscure fields. But the great eye of justice does not slumber ^C over the things that are done, but pursued the impious as quickly as possible with the curses by which they had bound themselves through their perjury.

The first, therefore, for no reason at all—a small spark having simply fallen upon the house in which he was staying—was burned up at night with his whole family when the entire building was set on fire. The second was suddenly filled from the soles of his feet to the crown of his head with the disease which he had invoked upon himself. The third, having seen the fate of the others, ^D confessed his perjury and repented of what had been done, and he spent the rest of his life in a state of visible affliction.

He was so worn out by his lamentations for his repentance, and he never ceased to shed such a quantity of tears, that he lost his eyesight. And these are the punishments the others suffered for their false testimony. ^B

CHAPTER X. Of the bishops of Jerusalem.

After Narcissus had withdrawn, and it was entirely unknown where in the world he might be, it seemed good to the bishops of the neighboring churches to appoint another bishop in his place. His name was Dius. After he had presided for a short time, Germanio succeeded him, and Gordius followed him. During his time, Narcissus suddenly appeared from somewhere, as if brought back to life, and was once again entreated by the brethren to take up the administration of the Church. All marveled at him even more than before, both on account of his retirement and his philosophy, and above all for the vindication which he had been deemed worthy to receive from God. ^C

CHAPTER XI. Of Alexander.

But since he was no longer able to perform the ministry due to his extreme old age, the divine dispensation called the aforementioned Alexander, who was bishop of another church, to share in the ministry with Narcissus, ^D through a revelation which appeared to him in a vision at night. Thus, moved by what was like a divine oracle, Alexander set out from the land of the Cappadocians, where he had first been ordained bishop, on a journey to Jerusalem for the sake of prayer and the history of the places. Those there welcomed him most kindly and would no longer allow him to return home, because of another revelation which had also appeared to them in the night, and a very clear voice which had come to those who stood out most among them in holiness. For it revealed to them that they should go out beyond the gates of the city and receive the bishop who had been destined for them by God. Having done this with the common consent of the bishops who presided over the surrounding churches, they constrained him to remain.

Indeed, Alexander himself mentions his joint presidency with Narcissus in his own letters to the Antinoites, which still survive among us; he writes these words verbatim at the end of the same epistle: “Narcissus, who presided over the episcopal see here before me, and who now joins me in prayers, being one hundred and sixteen years old, salutes you, urging you to be of the same mind as I am.” And these things were so.

At Antioch, upon the death of Serapion, Asclepiades succeeded to the bishopric, he having also distinguished himself in the confessions made during the time of persecution. Alexander makes mention of his appointment as well, writing to the Antiochenes in this manner: ^B “Alexander, a servant and prisoner of Jesus Christ, to the blessed Church of the Antiochenes in the Lord, greeting. The Lord has made my bonds light and easy during the time of my imprisonment, since I have learned that, by divine providence, Asclepiades, a man most suitable for his faith, has been entrusted with the bishopric of your holy Church of the Antiochenes.” He indicates that he sent this letter by Clement, writing at the end as follows: “I have sent these letters to you, my lords and brethren, through Clement the blessed presbyter, a man of virtue and approved, whom you already know and will know still better. Who indeed, by the will and providence of God, while he was present here with us, both confirmed and greatly increased the Church of the Lord.” ^C

CHAPTER XII. Of Serapion and the books of his that are extant.

It is credible that many other monuments of the doctrine of Serapion exist among others; but those which he wrote to Domninus have come down to us. ^D

who had fallen away from the faith of Christ to Jewish superstition during the time of the persecution; likewise those which he wrote to Pontius and Caricus, ecclesiastical men; and other epistles to various people; and another work composed by him regarding the so-called Gospel of Peter, which he composed in order to refute the things falsely spoken in it, because of some in the parish of Rhossos ^A who, under the pretext of said writing, had turned aside into heterodox teachings.

From which it is reasonable to set forth brief passages, by which he sets forth the opinion he had regarding the book, writing thus: "For we, brothers, receive both Peter and the other apostles as Christ. But we reject as men of experience the writings falsely inscribed in their names, knowing that we did not receive such things. For when I was among you, I supposed that all held to the right faith. And not having examined the Gospel offered by them in the name of Peter, I said: 'If this is the only thing that creates contention among you, let it be read.' But now, having learned that ^B their mind masked a heresy from what was said to me, I shall hasten to come to you again, so that, brothers, you may expect me shortly. For we, brothers, having understood what kind of heresy Marcianus was of, and how he contradicted himself, not understanding what he was saying, as you will learn from the things written to you. For we were able, having borrowed it from others, that is, from the successors of those who first began that same Gospel, whom we call Docetæ (for most of their opinions belong to that teaching), to examine it and to find that most of it belonged to the right word of the Savior, but that some things were added ^C apart from it, which we have also submitted to you." And these are the words of Serapion.

Chapter XIII. Concerning the works of Clement.

As for Clement, his *Stromata*, eight in all, are extant […].

which he himself ^A inscribed as *Titus Flavius Clement’s Commentaries of the Gnostic philosophy according to the true philosophy*. There are an equal number of his books entitled *Hypotyposes* [or Outlines], in which he mentions Pantaenus by name as his teacher, and records his explanations and traditions. He has also a *Protrepticus*, or *Exhortation to the Greeks*, and three books under the general title of *Paedagogus* [or Tutor]. There is also another of his books entitled, *Who is the rich man that is being saved?*, as well as a treatise *On the Pascha*, and discourses *On Fasting*, and *On Detraction*. There is also an *Exhortation to Patience*, written for the newly baptized. Finally, the book which is inscribed *Ecclesiastical Canon*, or *Against those who follow the errors of the Jews*, which he dedicated to the aforementioned Bishop Alexander.

In his *Stromata*, furthermore, he not only explains the divine Scripture, but he also makes mention of the writings of the Greeks, if anything among them appeared to him to be useful, examining the doctrines of the many, both of the Greeks and of the barbarians. And further, by refuting the false dogmas of the heresiarchs, he unfolds much history, providing us with a subject for versatile learning; along with all these, he interweaves the dogmas of the philosophers. Hence, quite reasonably, he assigned a title to the books that matched their subject. In these same books he brings forward testimonies from the Scriptures which are rejected by some, namely, from the *Wisdom of Solomon*, and from that which is called the *Wisdom of Jesus the son of Sirach*; also from the *Epistle to the Hebrews*, and from the ^B *Epistles of Clement, Barnabas, and Jude*. He also mentions Tatian’s *Address to the Greeks*, and Cassian, who likewise composed a *Chronography*. Moreover, he mentions Philo and Aristobulus, Josephus, Demetrius, and Eupolemus, ^C as Jewish authors who, according to their own judgment, in their accounts of the first history, and in this respect, were of benefit ^D to those who are able to understand it, as the multitude testifies in their narrative and interpretation.

^A Aristobulus, Josephus, Demetrius, and Eupolemus also mention the history of the Jews, proving that Moses and the Jewish race were more ancient than all the antiquity of the Greeks. The aforementioned author's books are also filled with much other useful learning. In the first of these, speaking of himself, he declares that he was very near to the succession of the apostles. He also promises in the same books that he will write commentaries on Genesis. And in his book on the Pascha, he admits that he was compelled by his companions, having heard traditions from the ancient elders, to commit them to writing for posterity. In the same work, he mentions Melito and Irenaeus, and certain others, whose accounts he has also set forth.

CHAPTER XIV.

The same author, in his ^B *Hypotyposes*, to speak concisely, has made abridged narratives of all the canonical Scripture, not even omitting the disputed books — I mean the Epistle of Jude and the remaining catholic epistles, and the one called the Revelation of Peter; and as for the Epistle to the Hebrews, he says indeed that it is Paul’s, but that it was written in the Hebrew language to the Hebrews, and that Luke, having zealously translated it, published it for the Greeks. Whence it comes about that the same complexion ^C is found in the translation of this epistle and in the Acts of the Apostles; and that "Paul the Apostle" was not prefixed, ^D as Eusebius records in his Chronicon. Eusebius brings forward a fragment of this in book VIII of the *Preparation*. Origen also mentions him in book IV *Against Celsus*, page 204.

to be found. Paul the apostle rightly and in order observes that this inscription has been omitted. For when he was writing to the Hebrews who had long held a sinister opinion of him and viewed him with suspicion, he wisely did not wish to frighten them away at the very start by placing his name in the inscription. Then, a little further on, he uses these words: "Now, however, as the blessed presbyter used to say, since the Lord, being the apostle of the Almighty, was sent to the Hebrews, Paul, out of modesty—as one sent to the Gentiles—does not inscribe himself as apostle of the Hebrews, both because of his reverence for the Lord and because he was writing out of his abundance to the Hebrews, being himself a herald and apostle of the Gentiles." ^B Again, in the same books, Clement sets forth a tradition of the older presbyters regarding the order of the Gospels, which goes as follows: He stated that those Gospels containing the genealogies were written first. But the Gospel according to Mark had this background: When Peter had publicly preached the Word in Rome, and by the Spirit had proclaimed the Gospel, those present, who were many, encouraged Mark, as one who had followed him for a long time 91 and remembered what had been said, to write down what had been spoken; and having composed the Gospel, he supplied it to those who asked for it. ^C When Peter learned of this, he neither strictly forbade it 92 nor encouraged it. But John, the last of all, seeing that the physical facts had been set forth in the Gospels, encouraged by his friends 93 and inspired by the Spirit, wrote a spiritual Gospel." So far Clement. Again, the aforementioned Alexander makes mention of Clement and also of Pantaenus in a certain letter to Origen, as men who were intimate with him. He writes as follows: "For this, as you know, has been the will of God, that our friendship, ^D begun long ago from our ancestors, should remain inviolate and sacred; nay, rather, warmer and more secure. For we know those blessed, departed fathers to whom we shall soon follow: the truly blessed Pantaenus, and my lord the holy Clement, who benefited me, and any others like them, through whom I have come to know you, my lord and brother, who are excellent in all things." And these matters are such as they are. Now Adamantius—for this too was his—clearly [meant], by way of encouragement. 90 ... we examine, these things do not conflict with one another. For Clement says that when Peter discovered that the Gospel had been written and published by Mark, he did not openly forbid it nor praise it. He therefore approved the matter by tacit consent. And thus these two passages, which Christophorsonus thought were in conflict, are to be reconciled. But Rufinus followed the same sense when he rendered it thus: "When Peter had subsequently learned of the deed, although he did not order it to be done, yet he did not prohibit what was done." The passage of Clement could not be better expressed. Further, it seems one should write in the Greek Not, however, [alt-version omitted] by way of encouragement. Perhaps, however, Papias had spoken more openly than Clement and had said that the Gospel of Mark was confirmed by Peter.

^A Adamantius (for this was also Origen's name), at the time when Zephyrinus was governing the Roman Church, writes that he came to the city of Rome, since he had a wish, as he himself says elsewhere, to see the Roman Church, which is the most ancient of all, in person. Having stayed there for a short time, he returned to Alexandria. There he carried out the customary duty of teaching catechumens with all zeal and diligence; Demetrius, the bishop of the city, even at that time urging him on and all but begging him to serve the advantage of the brethren without hesitation.

CHAPTER XV.

Regarding Heraclas

CHAPTER XVI.

How Origen was diligent regarding the divine Scriptures

other in another place. Furthermore, in the Hexaplar copies of the Psalms, after those famous four editions, seeing that he had added not only a fifth, but also a sixth and a seventh version, he again noted at the beginning of one [of them] that it had been discovered at Jericho in a jar, during the times of Antoninus [Caracalla], who was the son of Severus.

Having therefore brought all these together, and having divided them by ^B *cola* (for this is what the *stichoi* are called), and having placed them alongside one another, he enabled [the readers] to compare them. It was a practice ancient among those bearing the Spirit to divide [texts] *stichadón* (line by line), as a rule, for the sake of the clarity of the things being studied, and in this way they would set out the prophecies, and other things of that nature. But since the division into *stichoi* clarifies many things that are obscure, [the arrangement was made accordingly].

^{C D} and [the arrangement] of the Hebrew notations, the things which [Origen] brought out into the light. In another place of this sort: "At Nicopolis near Actium. The sixth interpretation is the one found in jars, and it too was hidden, in the time of Alexander the son of Mammaea, in Nicopolis near Actium by one of Origen’s acquaintances." [He does this] not only for the fifth and sixth [editions], but also for the seventh, having gathered together the manuscripts of the seventy-two, that is to say, of Aquila, and of Symmachus, and of Theodotion, and two other anonymous interpreters (for the names of those men have been forgotten), he expended labor on those documents called the *Hexapla*. In the Psalms, moreover, he makes mention of a seventh interpretation, as he noted in [his] comments on the Psalms: "He found one in Nicopolis near Actium, and the other in another place of this sort. In the Hexapla of the Psalms, however, after the four notable editions, he appended not only a fifth, but also a sixth and a seventh interpretation, and noted again on a single one that it was found at Jericho in a jar, during the times of Antoninus, the son of Severus."

(1) And having been placed alongside one another: We have already advised above what was primarily achieved by Origen in the edition of the *Hexapla*, in that he placed the individual interpretations [parallel to one another].

and distinguished them by certain cola and members, and having set them opposite one another in order, left to us copies of the *Hexapla* together with the Hebrew text itself; but afterwards, he arranged the edition of Aquila and Symmachus and Theodotion with the version of the Seventy interpreters separately in the *Tetrapla*. He distinguished them by the cola of the verses. Thus, the distinction of verses which we see today in the interpretation of the Seventy elders is an invention of Origen. Another invention of Origen’s is that he placed those interpretations opposite to one another in order, so that if by chance one happened to differ from another, it could be known immediately at a single glance. Jerome teaches this in the *Preface to [the commentary on] ^A Chromatius on the book of Chronicles*, in these words: "And certainly Origen not only composed copies of the four editions, describing individual words by region; so that if one dissented, it might be immediately refuted by the others agreeing among themselves." And indeed Epiphanius says that the individual versions were arranged on separate pages, whom Nicephorus followed. But Rufinus, in his interpretation of this passage, said not pages but columns, which amounts to the same thing. Indeed, the same Rufinus in his book *Against Jerome* takes pages and columns as the same: "Origen wished to show our people what kind of reading of the Scriptures was held among the Jews, etc., [and] he described their individual editions on their own pages or columns, and he marked those things which were added or removed among them with certain signs added to the heads of the verses." I, however, prefer to say columns rather than pages, since there were several columns on one page.

On the word "notation" (σημείωσις)

Chapter XVII. On Symmachus the interpreter.

^A It must be known regarding these very interpreters that Symmachus was an Ebionite. Now, the heresy of the Ebionites, as it is called, is that of those who assert that Christ was born of Joseph and Mary, and who consider Him to be a mere man, and who insist that the law ought to be observed in a more Jewish manner, as we have learned even from the preceding history. Furthermore, the commentaries of Symmachus are still extant today, in which he appears, by taking aim at the Gospel according to Matthew, to be strengthening the aforementioned heresy. Origenes signifies that he received these, along with other interpretations of the Scriptures by Symmachus, from a certain Juliana, whom he also says inherited the books from Symmachus himself.

Chapter XVIII. On Ambrosius.

^B At this same time, Ambrosius, who was following the heresy ^C of Valentinus, having been convicted by the power of the truth which Origenes preached, and as if illuminated by a certain light radiating into his understanding, moved to the profession of the upright faith that is preached in the Church. And many other learned men also, enticed by the reputation of Origenes that was spread everywhere, flocked to him in order to make a trial of that man's skill in the sacred writings. Countless heretics, and not a few among the most illustrious philosophers, studied intently under him, and besides the knowledge of divine things, they were taught by him the matters of external philosophy. For he brought in as many as he saw to be gifted. Some, however, said of Ambrosius that he was a Marcionite, others a Sabellian. Epiphanius: Where he placed Sabellian in place of Valentinian. ^D Id est, attenders of his lectures; these Eusebius separates from the disciples. And so he adds, that is, almost as disciples; which Christophorsonus did not understand.

^A For he would introduce as many as he perceived to be naturally gifted to the philosophical studies, delivering to them geometry, arithmetic, and other preparatory disciplines. From there he would lead them on to the various philosophical sects, expounding the books written by the philosophers of old; writing commentaries on each, and searching deeply into their hidden meanings, so that he was proclaimed a great philosopher even among the Greeks themselves. He also urged many of the simpler sort to pursue the liberal arts, asserting that they would gain no small advantage from these studies for their contemplation and preparation for the divine Scriptures. ^B Hence he considered it especially necessary for himself to engage in the study of secular and philosophical subjects.

Chapter XIX: What is recorded by the heathens concerning Origen.

Furthermore, that he excelled in these studies, the philosophers of the Greeks themselves who flourished in his time are witnesses. In their books we find frequent mention of this man, as they would either dedicate their own works to him, or send their own labors to him as to a master for his critical judgment. ^C But why should I say these things, when Porphyry himself, who resided in Sicily in our own time, wrote works against us, and through them attempted to calumniate the divine Scriptures? Having mentioned those who had written commentaries on them, and being in no way able to find any base fault with the doctrines themselves, through a poverty of arguments he turned to abuse and to disparaging the interpreters, especially Origen, whom he claims to have known in his youth, and whom he attempts to disparage. But he was unaware that he was actually commending the man, by telling the truth where he could not do otherwise, and by lying where he thought he would not be detected; and sometimes as a Christian...

^A he accuses him, and sometimes he admires and proclaims his excellent teaching in philosophical matters. But let us hear his very words, if you please: “Some, he says, wishing to find a solution rather than a desertion of the wickedness of the Jewish Scriptures, turned to expositions that are incoherent and inconsistent with the things written, bringing not so much a defense in favor of the foreigners, but carrying praise and approval for their own views. For having boasted that the things clearly spoken by Moses were enigmas, and having deified them as oracles full of hidden mysteries, by means of vanity they seduced the critical faculty of the soul ^B and provide interpretations.” Then after other things he says: “The manner of this absurdity, from a man whom I myself have met when I was still very young, who was highly esteemed, and who is still esteemed because of the writings he has left behind, let Origen be taken, whose fame among the teachers of these doctrines has spread far and wide. For this man was a hearer of Ammonius, ^C who had achieved the greatest progress in philosophy in our times; and while he gained much benefit from his teacher in regard to the experience of words, he chose an opposite path of life in regard to the correct determination of how to live. For Ammonius, being a Christian, and while living among Christians, maintained his upbringing in the parental faith, whereas Origen..." ^D

having been trained in Greek studies among the Greeks, ^A slipped away into the "barbarian" audacity. 18 In truth, he peddled himself and his rhetorical aptitude, 19 while in his life living as a Christian and lawlessly, but in his opinions regarding reality and the Divine, Hellenizing and subjecting the myths of the Greeks to the ancestral myths of the heathens. 20 For he was always conversing with Plato, and with the works of Numenius and Cronius, 21 Apollophanes 22 and Longinus, 23 and Moderatus, 24 and Nicomachus, and those among the Pythagoreans... ^B

18 The heathens used to call the religion of the Christians and Jews "barbarian," as is clear from Justin, Tatian, and others. For whatever was not Greek they called barbarian. Furthermore, Porphyry calls this "audacity" the confidence and greatness of soul of the Christians, who despised torments and death itself, and chose to die a thousand times rather than deny the faith of Christ and sacrifice to the gods of the heathens. This is what Porphyry calls "barbarian audacity": namely, to despise the gods of the Romans and the edicts of the emperors.

19 "Peddled" (ἐκαπήλευσε). This is a metaphor derived from innkeepers, who are accustomed to mix and adulterate wines. It is in this sense that the Apostle Paul says, "not peddling the word of God" [II Cor. 2:17]. Rightly, therefore, does Rufinus translate this passage, stating that, in applying himself to this, he corrupted and spoiled that entire illustrious intellect which had been trained in philosophical literature. But it seems to me that Rufinus read *auton* (himself), which is certainly the more correct reading. For I do not see how it could be said *auton* (him, the barbarian audacity)...

20 "Subjecting the myths..." A metaphor from innkeepers or dishonest merchants who, substituting the false for the true, deceive the buyer. Porphyry proceeds to explain in what manner Origen "peddled," that is, practiced artifice, not, as Langus and Christophorsonus imagine, that he abused it for gain. He says that he corrupted both the Christian sect to which he had betaken himself, and the experience he had acquired in philosophy, living outwardly as a Christian, but inwardly holding the same opinions as the Greeks, and in his books replacing and substituting their views for the "barbarian" fables of the Jews and Christians. That Christophorsonus saw nothing here is sufficiently shown by his Latin translation.

21 "The works of Numenius and Cronius." Certainly, Origen in his books *Against Celsus* sometimes cites the philosopher Numenius. This man was a Pythagorean philosopher, born in Apamea in Syria, whose most famous saying is reported by Clement of Alexandria in his tenth book of the *Stromateis*: "For what else," he says, "is Plato than Moses speaking in Attic Greek?" He had written three books, and another, which are cited by Eusebius in his books of the *Preparation for the Gospel*. He is cited by that same Eusebius in the fourteenth book of the *Preparation*, an outstanding fragment from the same Numenius's book *On the Dissension of the Academics from Plato*. But also Origen, in his fourth book *Against Celsus*, mentions his book *On Numbers* and his book *On Place*, and another whose title was *The Observer* (Epoptes), which I indeed believe to be the same as that which Eusebius calls *On the Secrets concerning Plato*. I know, moreover, Numenius the Pythagorean, a man who interpreted Plato much better, and who advocated the doctrines of the Pythagoreans, in many places of his writings setting forth the teachings of Moses—as, for instance, in the one called *The Observer*. He used to read the commentaries, whether they were by Severus, or Cronius, or Numenius, or Gaius, or Atticus, and among the Peripatetics, those of Aspasius and Alexander. ^C

22 "Apollophanes." Among the philosophers from whom Stobaeus composed his own works; he is named Apollophanes of Aegimius.

23 "Longinus." This is Cassius Longinus, whose only book extant today is *On the Sublime*. Most people think he was a grammarian. Yet by profession he was a philosopher, as Vopiscus proves in his *Aurelian*, in addition to Suidas. And Porphyry had him as a teacher of Platonic philosophy in Athens, as he himself writes in his book *On Philosophical Listening*, the beginning of which is read in Eusebius in the tenth book of the *Preparation*: "When Longinus was providing us a feast in Athens on the birthday of Plato," etc. For the masters and professors of Platonic philosophy were accustomed to celebrate the birthday of Plato annually with a sacrifice and a feast, as Porphyry attests in his *Life of Plotinus*. Since this was done by Longinus at Athens, it is apparent that he was a master of Platonic philosophy. But even that remark of Plotinus, when Longinus's book *On Principles* had been read in Plotinus's school at Rome, sufficiently signifies that Longinus was more a philologist than a philosopher—meaning that Longinus was a philosopher by profession, but nonetheless practiced in eloquence and every kind of learning. Furthermore, Longinus lived in the same age as Origen, and was younger than him, and died long after him. I wonder, therefore, why Porphyry names him among the older philosophers whose writings Origen used to read. ^D

24 "And Moderatus." This is Moderatus, born in Gades, who wrote eleven books on the Pythagorean schools...

And he also used the writings of Chæremon the Stoic, and of Cornutus. From them he learned the allegorical method for explaining the mysteries of the Greeks, and applied it to the Jewish Scriptures. ^B These things were said by Porphyry in the third book of his work written against the Christians, in which he spoke truly regarding the man’s discipline and profound learning, but lied quite clearly (for how would one who wrote against the Christians not lie?) in saying that he transferred from the Greeks, and that Ammonius fell from a life of piety into the pagan way of life. For with Origen, the teachings of the Christ-centered doctrine were preserved from his ancestors, as his previous history also showed; and with Ammonius, the teachings of the divine philosophy remained whole and unshaken until the very end of his life, as the labors of the man, which he left behind in the writings that are highly regarded by most, still testify to this day—just as is the case for the work entitled *On the Harmony of Moses and Jesus*, and whatever other works are found among those who love letters.

These things, then, let them be set down as a refutation ^C of the slanderer’s false accusation, and as evidence of Origen’s great experience in Greek learning. Regarding this, he apologizes to some who found fault with him for his diligence in those studies, and in a certain letter he writes as follows: “Since, when I was devoted to the Word, rumors were circulating about our personal state, ^D and there came to me at times heretics, and at times those from the Greek schools—especially those in philosophy—it seemed good to examine both the doctrines of the heretics and the claims of the philosophers regarding the truth. This I have done, imitating Pantaenus, who profited many before me and possessed no small preparation in these things, and Heraclas, the Alexandrian who now sits in the presbyterium, whom I found with the teacher…”

of philosophy, having already devoted five years to him before I began to hear those discourses. Therefore, he who formerly used a common garment, having laid it aside and taken up the philosopher’s habit, retains it to this day 29, and he does not cease to labor over the books of the Greeks as much as he is able.» And these things were said by him in his own defense regarding the Greek discipline.

At this time, when he was conducting his studies in Alexandria, a certain soldier arrived, bringing letters to Demetrius, the bishop of the parish, and to the prefect of Egypt at that time, from the governor of Arabia, requesting that they send Origen to him with all speed to commune with him regarding the Word. Therefore, being sent by them, he arrived in Arabia. And having brought the business for which he came to an end in a short time, he returned again to Alexandria. But when some time had passed and a not insignificant war had been stirred up in the city, he withdrew from Alexandria, and not thinking that staying in Egypt was safe for himself, he went to Palestine and established his residence in Caesarea. There, the bishops of that region requested him to discourse and interpret the divine Scriptures 30 in the presence of the Church, even though he had not yet received the imposition of hands to the presbyterate. And this fact would become manifest from what Alexander, bishop of Jerusalem, and Theoctistus, bishop of Caesarea, wrote to Demetrius in defense of this act, in this manner:

«He added 31 to his letters that such a thing has never been heard of, nor has it ever happened until now, that laymen should speak in the presence of bishops, I know not how 32 he speaks what is clearly not true. For wherever those are found who are capable of benefiting the brothers, they are invited by the holy bishops to address the people: just as Euelpis was by Neon at Laranda, and Paulinus by Celsus at Iconium, and Theodore by Atticus at Synnada 33, who were blessed brothers. It is likely that this happens also in other places, and we do not know of it.»

Him, even when he was yet young, the…

designated Origen 34 was honored not only by those who were known to him and by his own countrymen, but also by bishops in foreign lands for his manner of life. But when Demetrius had again recalled him by letter, and had urged him to return to Alexandria through the deacons of the Church, he arrived and continued his customary studies.

CHAPTER XX. What books of his from that time have reached us.

At this same time, many learned men of the Church were flourishing, ^B whose letters, which they wrote to one another, it is easy to find preserved to this day. They were kept for us in the library at Aelia, constructed by Alexander, who at that time presided over the church there, from which we also have been able to collect the materials for the work we have in hand. Among these was Beryllus, bishop of the Arabs at Bostra, who, besides letters and 35 studies, left behind various monuments of his elegant genius. Similarly, Hippolytus, 36 who was also the head of another church. There came to our hands ^C also a dialogue by Caius, a most learned man, composed at Rome under Zephyrinus against Proclus, 37 who was contending for the Phrygian heresy. In this work, while he is refuting the recklessness and boldness of his opponents in composing new Scriptures, he mentions thirteen epistles of the holy Apostle, not counting the one to the Hebrews with the others.

Indeed, this epistle is still not believed by some Romans to be the Apostle's.

CHAPTER XXI

Quinam eo tempore episcopi claruerunt.

^A But to Antoninus, after he had reigned for seven years and six months, Macrinus succeeded. He, having prolonged his life and rule for the space of one year, another Antoninus again assumed the Roman principate. In the first year of his reign, Zephyrinus, bishop of the Roman city, departed this life, having held the priesthood for eighteen years in all. After him, Callistus took up the episcopate; and having survived for five years, he left the Church to Urban to be governed. Alexander, after these, took over the Roman empire, Antoninus having reigned for only four years. ^B In this same time, at the church of the Antiochians, Philetus succeeded Asclepiades. Now the mother of the emperor Alexander, Mamæa by name, a woman of great piety and religious in her manner of life, when the name of Origen had now become famous everywhere, so much so that it had even reached her ears, desired to enjoy his presence and to learn by the surest experience of that wisdom in divine things which all so greatly admired in that man. ^C While she was staying in Antioch, she called the man to her with a military escort. Having stayed with her for some time, and having exhibited to her countless testimonies of the glory of the Lord and of the power of His divine preaching, he hastened back to his accustomed studies.

CHAPTER XXII

Quae Hippolyti opera ad nos pervenerint.

At that time, indeed, Hippolytus, in composing many other commentaries, also produced a work ^D *On the Pascha*, in which, presenting a record of times and proposing a certain sixteen-year cycle concerning the Pascha, he marks out the times up to the first year of the emperor Alexander.

Of his other writings that have come down to us, they are these: *On the Hexaemeron*, *On that which follows the Hexaemeron* (41), *Against Marcion*, *On the Song of Songs* (42), *On parts of Ezekiel*, *On the Pascha*, *Against all heresies* (43). Many other things also may be found preserved among many people.

CHAPTER XXIII. On the zeal of Origen, and how he was deemed worthy of the presbyterate.

preaching of the word of God, when they require the proper work, are sufficiently set forth by us in the second book of the Defense which we wrote for him.

Chapter XXIV. Quænam Alexandria interpretatus sit.

^A It is altogether necessary to add these points to what has been said above, that the five previous books of his *Expositions on the Gospel of John* were composed by him while he was still dwelling in Alexandria, as he himself testifies in the sixth book of those same *Expositions*. From the entire work, however, which he elaborated upon that whole Gospel, only twenty-two books have come down to us. But in the ninth book of his *Expositions on Genesis* (and all his books on Genesis are twelve in number), he signifies that not only the first eight were written at Alexandria, but also his commentaries on the first twenty-five Psalms, and furthermore on the *Lamentations of Jeremiah*, from which five volumes have reached us; in these he also makes mention of his work *On the Resurrection* (50). And there are two of these as well.

^B Furthermore, a synod of bishops and certain presbyters is assembled against Origen, and it is decreed, as Pamphilus says, that Origen should depart from Alexandria, and that he should neither reside there nor teach; yet, he was by no means to be removed from the dignity of the presbyterate. But Demetrius, together with certain Egyptian bishops, also cast him out of the priesthood, those who were joined in judgment with him having also subscribed to the decision.

^D Read the works written against him *On the Resurrection*, by the holy martyr Methodius, bishop of Olympus in Lycia, which is also called Adrianopolis.

[Note: The remaining blocks of text on this page are scholarly apparatus and excerpts from the editorial matter provided by the Migne edition (addressing Rufinus, Hieronymus, and the history of Origen’s works, specifically regarding the confusion of the number of volumes), which are to be maintained in the scholarly structure of this translation.]

[index: entries preserved]

^A He writes of the *De Principiis* before his migration from Alexandria, and he compiles the volumes inscribed *Stromateis*, ten in number, in the same city during the reign of the Emperor Alexander, as the *olographa*—the author’s own notations—prefixed to his volumes indicate. ^B

CHAPTER XXV. How he mentions the books of the Old and New Testaments.

[Nic. H. E. v, 16] In his exposition of the first psalm, he produces an index of the books of the Old Testament, writing verbatim: "One must know that the books of the Old Testament are twenty-two, as the Hebrews pass them down, which is equal to the number of letters in their alphabet." And a little later he adds: "Now there are twenty-two books according to the Hebrews; the first, which is called Genesis by us, is called *Bresith* by the Hebrews, taken from the beginning of the book itself, which means 'In the beginning.' Next is Exodus, *Vellesmoth* in Hebrew, which means 'These are the names.' Third, Leviticus, *Vaicra* in Hebrew, which means 'And he called.' Fourth, Numbers, *Hammisphecodim*. Fifth, Deuteronomy, *Ellehabdabarim*, which means 'These are the words.' Sixth, Jesus son of Nave, *Jehosue ben Nun* in Hebrew. Seventh, Judges and Ruth, in one volume ^C [the rest of the Greek and Latin text on this page consists of scholarly apparatus and commentary regarding the enumeration of these books by Jerome, Origen, and others, including the textual variants in the *Philocalia* and the correction of the term *olographa*]. ^D

The first and second books of Kings, among them one called *Samuel*, that is, "called by God." The third and fourth books of Kings, in one, *Ouammelech David*, which is "the kingdom of David." First and second Chronicles, in one, *Dibre Haiamim*, which is "words of days." First and second Ezra, in one, *Ezra*, which is "helper." The book of Psalms, *Sepher Tehillim*. The Proverbs of Solomon, *Misloth*. Ecclesiastes, *Coheleth*. The Song of Songs, (for it is not, as some suppose, *Songs of songs*), *Sir Hassirim*. Isaiah, *Iesaia*. Jeremiah, with Lamentations and the Epistle, in one, *Irmia*. Daniel, *Daniel*. Ezekiel, *Ieezchel*. Job, *Job*. Esther, *Esther*. Outside of these are the books of the Maccabees, which are inscribed *Sarbet Sarbane El*. These, then, are the things he sets forth in the aforementioned work.

^B But in the first book of his *Commentary on the Gospel of Matthew*, preserving the ecclesiastical canon, he testifies that there are only four Gospels, writing thus: "As I have learned by tradition regarding the four Gospels, which are the only ones acknowledged without controversy in the Church of God that is under heaven: that first was written the Gospel according to him who was once a tax collector, but later an apostle of Jesus Christ, Matthew, who published it to those who had come to the faith from Judaism, composed in the Hebrew language; second, that according to Mark, composed as Peter guided him. Whom he also confessed as a son in his general Epistle, saying: 'She who is in Babylon, chosen together with you, salutes you, and so does Mark my son.' And third, that according to Luke, the Gospel praised by Paul, which he made for those from the Gentiles; and above all, that according to John."

^C And in the fifth volume of the *Commentaries on the Gospel of John*, he says these things about the epistles of the apostles: "He who has been made sufficient to be a minister of the New Testament, not of the letter, but of the spirit, Paul, who fulfilled the Gospel from Jerusalem and round about..."

even to Illyricum, did not write to all the Churches which he had taught; and even to those to whom he did write, he sent only a few lines. Peter, however, upon whom the Church of Christ is built, against which the gates of hell shall not prevail, has left behind one epistle admitted by all. Let us allow also a second, for it is doubted. What need is there to speak of him who reclined upon the bosom of Jesus, John, who has left behind one Gospel, while confessing that he could write so many things that not even the world could contain them? He wrote also the Apocalypse, having been commanded to be silent and not to write the voices of the seven thunders. He has left behind also an epistle of very few lines. Let there be also a second and a third, since ^B not all say that these are genuine; however, both together do not contain a hundred lines. Furthermore, regarding the Epistle to the Hebrews, in his Homilies on the same epistle, he expresses himself thus: 'That the character of the diction of the epistle entitled to the Hebrews does not have the rudeness of speech of the Apostle, who confessed himself to be rude in speech, that is, in style and manner of expression; but the epistle is more Hellenic in the composition of its phrasing, anyone who possesses the ability to discern differences in phrasing would acknowledge. Again, that the thoughts of the epistle are wonderful and not second to the apostolic writings acknowledged as such, even this, everyone who attends to the reading of the apostolic work will agree is true.' ^C To these, after other things, he adds, saying: 'But I, giving my own opinion, would say that the thoughts are those of the Apostle, but the phrasing and the composition are those of someone who recorded the apostolic sayings and, as it were, wrote down as a student 61 the things spoken by the master. If, therefore, any Church holds this epistle as Paul's, let it be esteemed for this reason also 62. For not without reason did the men of old hand it down as Paul's. But who wrote the epistle, the truth, God knows. But the history that has reached us is that ^D Amelius, the philosopher and auditor of Plotinus, wrote a hundred books of commentaries (scholia) in which he explained more fully those things which had been delivered more strictly by Plotinus in familiar discourse, as Porphyry testifies in his Life of Plotinus. Wherefore it can be said of Amelius that he recorded and wrote commentaries on the things of Plotinus. But others, who have recorded the smallest trifles of ancient history, have attempted to compose books on the same topics as those men.

some say that Clement, who became bishop of the Romans, wrote the epistle, while others say that it was Luke, the one who wrote the Gospel and the Acts.” But let this stand as it is.

CHAPTER XXVI. How Heraclas undertook the episcopate of the Alexandrians.

This was the tenth year of the aforementioned reign, when Origen, having made his migration from Alexandria to Caesarea, left the school of instruction of the believers there to Heraclas. ^B Not long afterward, Demetrius, the bishop of the Alexandrian Church, passed away, having served in the ministry for forty-three full years; Heraclas succeeded him. At this time, Firmilian, bishop of Caesarea in Cappadocia, was also flourishing.

CHAPTER XXVII. How the bishops looked upon him.

He showed such zeal regarding Origen, that at one time he would summon him to his own regions for the benefit of the churches, and at another time he would go as far as Judea to visit him, and would remain with him for some time, for the sake of improvement in divine matters. Furthermore, Alexander, who presided over the church of Jerusalem, and Theoctistus, who was bishop of Caesarea in Palestine, ^C [devoted] the entire time, so to speak, to attending to him as to a ^D teacher.

^A permitting him to handle the interpretation of the divine Scriptures and all the rest of the ecclesiastical discourse.

CHAPTER XXVIII.

Concerning the persecution under Maximinus.

Meanwhile, after the Emperor Alexander had been slain, having held the reign for thirteen years, Maximinus Caesar succeeds him. He, inflamed with deep hatred against the household of Alexander, in which there were many Christians, raised a persecution and ordered only the leaders of the Churches to be put to death, as being the authors of the teaching according to the Gospel. ^B At that time Origen composed his book *On Martyrdom*, and dedicated this work to Ambrosius and to Protoctetus, a presbyter of the parish of Caesarea, because both of them had undergone no meager danger in that persecution. Whence also both are reported to have gained the greatest glory for the confession of the name of Christ, while Maximinus had lasted for no more than a space of three years. Origen indicates the time of this persecution both in the twenty-second book of his *Expositions on the Gospel of John* and in various epistles.

CHAPTER XXIX.

Concerning Fabian, how he was divinely designated as bishop of the Romans.

Meanwhile, when Gordianus ^C had succeeded into the place of Maximinus, after the death of Pontianus, who had held the episcopate for six years, Anteros received the administration of the Church of Rome. He, having performed his priestly duties within the space of one month, left Fabian as his successor. They say that this Fabian, after the death of Anteros, came to Rome from the country along with others of his friends, and while he was staying there, by the help of divine grace, he arrived at the lot of the pontificate beyond everyone’s expectation. For when all the brethren had gathered in the church for the purpose of ordaining a successor, and while many were ^D already conjecturing that certain illustrious and noble men ought to be chosen, no one, however, was thinking at all of Fabian, who was present there at that time. But they recount that a dove suddenly descended from above and settled upon his head, appearing to bear an image of the descent of the Holy Spirit upon the Savior, which had once occurred in the form of a dove. Affected by this spectacle, the people, incited by the divine Spirit, with the greatest alacrity and with one mind began to exclaim with one accord that he was worthy, and without delay [to place him] upon the throne of the episcopacy.

^A Then indeed, when Zebinus, the bishop of Antioch, had departed this life, Babylas succeeded to the see. And in Alexandria, after Demetrius—who had fulfilled the episcopacy for three and forty years—had passed away, Heraclas received the ministry of the Church, and Dionysius, who was also himself one of the disciples of Origen, succeeded to the direction of the catechetical school there.

CHAPTER XXX

Who were the disciples of Origen

Interim, while Origen was performing his customary duty of teaching at Caesarea, not only did the inhabitants of that region, but also ten thousand disciples from distant provinces, deserting their homelands, flock to him. Of these, we have known as most eminent: Theodore—who is this same famous Gregory of our own time among the bishops—and his brother Athenodorus. Seeing that they were excessively devoted to Greek and Roman studies, Origen instilled in their minds a love of philosophy, and persuaded them to exchange their former pursuits for the cultivation of divine things. Having spent five whole years in his company, they carried away such improvement in divine matters that, while both were still quite young, they were deemed worthy of the episcopacy of the churches in the regions of Pontus.

CHAPTER XXXI

Concerning Africanus, the writer of history

^C At this time also Africanus, the author of the books entitled *Kestoi* (Girdles), was known. There is extant a letter of his written to Origen, in which he suspects the history of Susanna, which is read in the book of Daniel, to be spurious and fabricated; to which letter Origen responded most fully. Five books of "Chronography," most accurately composed by this same Africanus, have also come down to us, in which he testifies that he set out for Alexandria for the sake of...

the great reputation of Heraclas, who, having excelled in philosophy and other branches of Greek learning, was, as we have shown, entrusted with the episcopate of the Church in that place. Another letter of the same Africanus is also extant, addressed to Aristides, concerning the supposed disagreement in the genealogies of Christ as recorded by Matthew and Luke; ^A in it, he sets forth most clearly the harmony of the evangelists, based on a history that had come down to him, which I, in due course, anticipated and set forth in the first book of the work now in hand.

CHAPTER XXXII.

What and how many commentaries Origen wrote in Caesarea of Palestine.

At this time, Origen composed his commentaries on Isaiah and, at the same time, those on Ezekiel. Of these, thirty volumes on the first part of Isaiah, up to the vision of the four-footed beasts in the wilderness, have come down to us; on Ezekiel, twenty-five, which are the only ones he composed on the entire prophet. While he was staying in Athens, he finished his commentaries on Ezekiel, and began his exposition of the Song of Songs, which he carried forward there as far as the fifth book. ^B Having returned to Caesarea, he brought that work to its completion, ten books in all. But what is the need, at this present time, to compile an accurate list of all the books of this man, a task which requires a separate study? We have already performed this task in the book which we wrote on the life of Pamphilus, who in our time was both a presbyter and a martyr. In that work, wishing to demonstrate how great Pamphilus’ zeal for divine literature had been, we presented the indices of the books—both those of Origen and those of other ecclesiastical writers—which he himself had collected from everywhere. ^C From these, whoever wishes may most certainly know which of Origen’s works have come down to us. But now, let us return to the sequence of the history.

^D ...are collected from their Menologies. For they call some "great martyrs" (megalomartyres), such as Demetrius, George, and Theodore. Others they call "holy martyrs" (hosiomartyres), such as Nicon and others. Others they call "priest-martyrs" (hieromartyres), namely those who have been adorned with the episcopal dignity. Sometimes, however, they also call presbyters by this name. Certainly, in the Typicon of Saint Sabas, on the 22nd of March, the feast of the holy priest-martyr Basil, a presbyter, is noted. Others are simply called martyrs by the Greeks. There is also among them a title which is common to Stephen and Thecla, the "first-martyr" (protomartyros). For just as among men Stephen is the first, so among women Thecla was crowned with martyrdom. Moreover, how much more elegant the Greeks are than the Latins appears from this: that among the Greeks individual saints have their own epithets, by which they are distinguished and adorned as if by titles.

CHAPTER XXXIII. OF THE ERROR OF BERYLLUS.

At that time Beryllus, who was mentioned a little earlier, bishop of Bostra in Arabia, perverting the ecclesiastical rule, attempted to introduce certain tenets strange to the faith. He dared to assert that our Lord and Saviour, before he dwelt among men, did not exist with an individual circumscription of essence ^A, nor did he have a divinity of his own, but only that of the Father dwelling within him. Since many bishops had held inquiries and debates with the man concerning this, Origen, being invited along with others, went down to a conversation with the man first of all, exploring what his mind held. But when he clearly understood what he was saying, he refuted his error; and having convinced him by arguments and demonstrations, as if taking him by the hand, he led him to the way of truth and restored him to his former sound opinion. ^B There are extant even now documents of Beryllus and of the synod that was gathered on his account, containing both the inquiries of Origen against him, and the discussions held in his own parish, and every particular of what was done at that time. And indeed many other things regarding Origen are handed down in the memory of the elders of our age, which I think I shall pass over, as they do not concern the matter of the present work. But whatever it was necessary to know about him, it is possible to glean that from the *Apology* ^C diligently prepared on his behalf by both us and the holy martyr Pamphilus, which, by those who are fond of... ^D

^A strife, we have labored to produce together, with shared study and effort.

CHAPTER XXXIV. On Philip Caesar.

Interea cum Gordianus sex totis annis Romanum Imperium administrasset, Philippus una cum Philippo filio in ejus locum successit. Hunc, utpote Christianum, fama est in postrema Paschiæ vigilia precationum in ecclesia participem simul cum reliquo populo fieri voluisse: sed episcopum qui tunc Ecclesiæ praeerat, non prius illi aditum permisisse quam confessionem scelerum fecisset, iisque qui humanitus lapsi fuerant, et in pœnitentium ordine stabant, sese adjunxisset. Quippe ob multa quæ commiserat crimina, nunquam omnino ab episcopo fuisset admissus, nisi id prius fecisset. Et imperator quidem libenter obtemperasse dicitur, sincerumque ac religiosum affectum timoris Dei, operibus ipsis declarasse. ^B

CHAPTER XXXV. Quomodo Dionysius Heracleae in episcopatu successit.

Anno autem hujus imperii tertio cum Heraclas post sexdecim episcopatus annos diem extremum obiisset, pontificatum Alexandrinæ Ecclesiæ suscepit Dionysius.

CHAPTER XXXVI. How many books besides were written by Origen.

Quo tempore cum fides nostra, ut par erat, augeretur in dies, et doctrina Christianorum summa ubique libertate frueretur, Origenes, jam sexagenario major, utpote qui ex diuturna exercitatione maximum dicendi usum sibi comparasset, conciones quas habebat ad populum, a notariis excipi permisit, cum id antea fieri nunquam concessisset. Sub idem tempus octo libros composuit ^C adversus librum quemdam Celsi Epicurei. ^D

^A Christianos, qui De vera doctrina inscribitur.

Furthermore, he composed twenty-five volumes on the Gospel according to Matthew, and expositions on the twelve prophets, of which we have found only twenty-five books. There is also extant his epistle to the Emperor Philip himself, and another to his wife Severa, besides various others written to different people. As many of these as we have been able to collect, being scattered and preserved among various people, we have arranged into separate volumes, exceeding one hundred in number, so that they might no longer be scattered. He also wrote to Fabian, the bishop of Rome, and to many other heads of churches, regarding his own orthodoxy. You have the proofs of these as well, in the sixth book of the Apology which we have written in his defense.

CHAPTER XXXVII. De Arabum discordia.

^B At the same time, others again arose in Arabia as authors of a doctrine altogether alien to the truth. They asserted that the human soul, in this present age, perishes and decays together with the body, but that at the time of the resurrection, it will return to life together with these same bodies. And so, a not insignificant council having been convened for this cause, Origen was again called upon, and arriving there, he initiated a discussion before the entire multitude regarding the question at issue, and fought with such strength that those who had previously fallen into error changed their opinion.

CHAPTER XXXVIII. De hæresi Helcesaitarum.

^C Another error also arose at that time, namely the heresy of the Helcesaites, which was suppressed as soon as it began. Origen makes mention of it while preaching to the people on the eighty-second psalm.

(92) The triple work of Origen on the Holy Scriptures: namely, commentaries, scholia, and homilies. Commentaries were indeed written for the sake of the more learned; scholia were also prepared by Origen for the sake of the learned, but for those books which did not require continuous and fuller commentaries. Homilies, however, being delivered to the people, were adapted to the comprehension of the multitude. This is what Sedulius intimates in the preface to his *Paschal* work: "Let it be known," he says, "that Origen, most learned in the divine law, nevertheless adapted almost everything he discussed to three editions." See Jerome in his prefaces, both to Isaiah and to Matthew. The same author, in the preface to his Commentaries on the Epistle to the Galatians, mentions that same triple work of Origen; for homilies he says "treatises," which is the same thing. For the Latins are accustomed to call "treatises" what the Greeks call "homilies," as we gather from Augustine's *Retractations* and from Possidius. And in his homilies, ^D indeed, when Origen addressed the common people, he used the common edition of the LXX interpreters. In his explanations, however, he brought forward other editions as well, and the Hebrew truth, as testified by Jerome in the prologue to *Hebrew Questions*. Rufinus also speaks of this triple work of Origen in the epistle to Ursacius, which he prefixed to his translation of Origen on the book of Numbers.

^A regarding the race [of the Elcesaites], speaking as follows: "Someone has recently arrived [on the scene], holding high opinions of his ability to advocate for an impious and most unholy doctrine, known as the Elcesaites [(93)], which has lately risen against the Churches. I shall set forth for you what evils that doctrine posits, so that you may not be led astray. It rejects some things from the whole of Scripture. Again, it uses passages from both the entire Old Testament and the Gospel, but it utterly rejects the Apostle. And it says that to deny Christ is a matter of indifference, and that the one who understands [(94)] will deny [Him] with his mouth under necessity, but not with his heart. They also bring forth a certain book, which they claim has fallen from heaven; and [they claim that] whoever has heard of it and believed, will receive forgiveness of sins, a different forgiveness from that which Jesus Christ has granted." And these are the things concerning them. ^B

CAPUT XXXIX. Concerning the persecution of Decius, and what Origen suffered.

When Philippus had reigned for seven years, Decius succeeded him, who, because of his hatred toward Philippus, brought persecution against the Church. In this persecution, when Fabian had suffered martyrdom at Rome, Cornelius was appointed bishop in his place. In Palestine, Alexander, the bishop of the Jerusalem Church, having been brought again to the governor's tribunals because of Christ, and having won great glory from this second confession, was cast into prison, a man distinguished by his venerable old age and holy gray hairs. After he had breathed his last in custody, following the brilliant and illustrious confession of the Christian faith which he gave in the provincial judgment, Mazabanes was revealed as the successor to the episcopacy in Jerusalem. In the same way at Antioch, after Babylas ^C had died in bonds following his confession, Fabius was placed over that Church. Now as to what and how many things happened to Origen in that persecution; and who of these...

[(93)] "Elcesaites." Theodoret in book 7 of his *Haeretical Fabulae* calls them this, from a certain Elcesai. Epiphanius, in the heresy of the Ebionites, names this Elxai a pseudo-prophet; who, having joined himself to the Ebionites, became the author to them of a certain new opinion concerning Christ, quite vague and uncertain, which Epiphanius relates there, clearly similar to the things which Theodoret relates in the aforementioned place. From this it is apparent, what I said before, that Elxai and Elcesai are one and the same. Epiphanius also calls him Elxai in the heresy of the Ossenes, and says he lived in the time of Trajan. We convince ourselves that he is the author of the heresy of the Elcesaites from what Epiphanius relates. For he writes that a certain book was first published by him, full of prophetic spirit and divine wisdom. Then he claimed that Elxai made it no crime if anyone sacrificed to idols during the time of persecution, provided he did not do it from the heart. Origen indeed reveals the same thing here concerning the Elcesaites. But Epiphanius ^D testifies more clearly to the same thing in the heresy of the Sampsaeans, where he writes that the Elcesaites (whom we have already proven to be the same as the Elcesaitae) had Elxai or Elxae as the author of their sect. Wherefore Scaliger is mistaken, who in the chapter of his *Elenchus* said that *Hagat* was nothing other than an Essene: I contend that Elcesai or Elcesaitae are the same as the Essenes, than which nothing is more absurd. Add that Elcesai or Elcesaitae are written with a single sigma; but the Essenes with a double. And so Epiphanius is to be corrected in the heresy of the Ebionites, cap. 3, where [...] is wrongly written for Elcesaites. Moreover, in our codices it is aspirated, but with Rufinus the name is written without aspiration. See Augustine *On Heresies*, cap. 40. Concerning these, Methodius in book VIII of his *Symposium*: [index: entries preserved].

[(94)] "The one who understands." Translators have not understood these words. Rufinus indeed translates, "who is fixed in his heart," whom Langus followed. Christophorus, however, interprets it thus: "who thinks rightly about the faith with interior thought," which is clearly absurd. For what is more absurd than to say that one who thinks rightly of the faith will indeed deny it with his mouth if necessity demands it, but not in his heart? But here it indicates, "whoever understands." For thus the Greeks speak. The verse of Hesiod is known:

...

...

^A His ending was such, while the wicked demon marshaled all his forces against the man, and maneuvered with every device and power, and set upon him more fiercely than upon all who were persecuted at that time, showing how great were the bonds and bodily tortures that the man endured for the sake of the Word of Christ, and the punishments of the iron collar and the inner dungeon; and how for many days his feet were stretched wide at the four intervals of the stocks, ^B and he was dragged and put to the test, and the threats of fire, and how bravely he bore all other things brought upon him by the enemies; and what kind of end his affairs had, with the judge struggling contentiously with all his might that he might not kill him; and what kind of words he left behind after these things, even they being full of benefit for those who stand in need of restoration—all his many letters contain the truth, both concisely and accurately.

CHAPTER XL

Concerning the things that happened to Dionysius

The things that happened to Dionysius, I shall set forth from his letter to Germanus, where, speaking about himself, he narrates the manner in this way: "I speak before God, and He knows that I do not lie; I have not taken flight by my own counsel, ^C nor without the will of God. But even before the persecution under Decius was formally proposed, Sabinus sent a *frumentarius* at that very hour to search for me; and I remained in the house for four days, awaiting the arrival of the *frumentarius*. He, however, went about searching everywhere—the roads, the rivers, the fields—where he suspected I might be hiding or traveling. He was restrained by a blindness, not finding the house; for he did not believe that one who was being hunted would remain ^D at home."

^A And with difficulty, after the fourth day, when God had commanded me to depart, and had miraculously prepared the way, I and the boys and many of the brethren went out together. And that this was the work of God’s providence, the subsequent events demonstrated, in which we were perhaps useful to some. ^B Having said a few things in between, he reveals what befell him after his flight, adding these words: “For I, indeed, about sunset, along with those who were with me, was seized by the soldiers and led to Taposiris. But Timothy, by God’s arrangement, happened not to be present, nor was he caught. But coming later, he found the house empty, the guards who were watching it [gone], and us abducted into slavery.” ^C And some time later he says: “And what was the manner of His wonderful providence? For the truth shall be told. A certain rustic chanced upon Timothy as he was fleeing and in distress, and asked the reason for his haste. He told the matter as it was. The rustic, having heard the thing—for he was on his way, as it happened, to a wedding feast; for it is the custom for them to keep all-night vigils at such gatherings—entered and reported the matter to those reclining at the feast. They, immediately, as if at a signal, all rose up in one rush, and came at a run as fast as they could, and falling upon us, they raised a shout. And the soldiers who were guarding us, having immediately turned to flight, they set upon us as we lay on the bare pallet-beds. And I, indeed, God knows, thinking at first that they were robbers who had come for the sake of plunder and looting, remaining on the bed [where I lay] and being naked, covered only by a linen tunic, offered them the rest of my clothing which was lying beside me. But they ordered me to rise and depart as quickly as possible. Then finally, understanding for what purpose they had come, I began to shout, begging and beseeching them to go away and leave us there. And if they wished to do us a favor, I prayed them to overtake the soldiers who were leading me away and cut off my head themselves. And while I was shouting such things, as those who were my companions and sharers in all my troubles know, they forced me to rise. And I threw myself supine upon the ground; but they, seizing me by the hands and feet, dragged me out. ^D And following me were those who became witnesses of all these things: Gaius, Faustus, Peter, Paul; who also supported me, and bore me out of the small town,

and then set me upon a bare donkey and took me away. And these things Dionysius recounts concerning himself.

CHAPTER XLI. Of those who suffered martyrdom at Alexandria.

The same man, in his epistle to Fabius, bishop of Antioch, relates the struggles of those who suffered martyrdom at Alexandria under Decius in this manner: "The persecution among us did not begin from the emperor's edict, but it preceded it by a whole year. And a certain diviner and poet, whoever he was, who had arrived among us, stirred up and incited the crowds of the heathens against us, fanning their native superstition into a flame. Being stimulated by this man, and having obtained full license for all kinds of wickedness, they esteemed this alone as true piety and the worship of their demons: the shedding of our blood. First, therefore, they seized an old man named Metras, and commanded him to utter impious words; and when he did not obey, they beat his body with clubs, and pricked his face and eyes with sharp reeds, and led him away to the suburb, where they stoned him. After this, they took a faithful woman named Quinta to the temple of an idol, and forced her to worship it. But when she turned away and expressed her abhorrence, they bound her by the feet, dragged her through the whole city over the rough paved streets, and while dashing her against the millstones and moreover scourging her, they led her to the same place and stoned her to death. Then, with one accord, they all rushed into the houses of the pious, and whomsoever anyone knew as their neighbor, they hurried to drag away, and they despoiled and plundered them, carrying off the more valuable of their treasures for themselves, while the less valuable and those made of wood they scattered and burned in the streets, presenting the appearance of a city taken by enemies. The brethren receded and withdrew, and they accepted the plundering of their property, just like those of whom Paul bore witness, with joy. And I do not know if anyone—unless perhaps some one person who fell into their hands—thereby denied the Lord. Furthermore, having seized the most admirable of the aged virgins, Apollonia, they beat her and knocked out all her teeth, and forced her out of the city."

^A Having piled up a pyre before the city, they threatened to burn her alive if she would not utter the impious blasphemies along with them. She, having petitioned for a small space of time and been released, quickly leapt into the fire and was consumed. They also caught Serapion at his own dwelling [(12)], tortured him with the cruelest agonies, and having broken all his limbs, cast him headlong from an upper story. There was no road, no public highway, no alleyway passable for us, neither at night nor by day, as everywhere and at all times everyone shouted that whoever would not utter those impious words should be immediately dragged away and burned. These things continued in this manner for a very long time. Then the civil sedition and war that followed took up these wretched people and turned the cruelty which they had practiced against us upon one another. We indeed took a small breath while their fury ceased. But immediately a change in that empire, which had been most benignant toward us, was announced to us, and a most grave terror of threats began to loom over us. ^B And the edict of the emperor was already at hand, which was almost that very thing foretold by our Lord, showing itself so horrific and terrible that, if it were possible, even the elect would be scandalized. Yet all were struck with a wonderful fear. Many, indeed, immediately rushed to obey out of fear, while others who were administering public affairs were dragged by the necessity of their own actions. Others were brought by their acquaintances and relatives; and being summoned by name, they approached the unholy and profane sacrifices, some pale and trembling, as if they were not to sacrifice, but were themselves to be victims and slaughter-offerings to the idols, so that they were objects of mockery to the great crowd standing around them, and were clearly shown to be cowards in every respect, whether towards sacrifice or ^C death. ... [The rest of the column is scholarly apparatus derived from the Greek/Latin text.]

[(11)] The impious proclamations. What these were, it is difficult to say, which impious voices Dionysius calls by that name above in the epistle to Germanus, and in this epistle. [(12)] At his own dwelling. Nicephorus reads "at his own dwelling," but others agree on the 14th of November, where they affirm he suffered under Decius; but they would have spoken better had they said under Philip. For Dionysius in this epistle to Fabius clearly testifies that the martyrdoms of Serapion and others happened before the death of the Emperor Philip. The same error is admitted in all martyrologies concerning the virgin Apollonia, whom they say suffered under Decius on the 9th of February. [(13)] ... the death of that most benignant empire. Namely, that of the emperor who proved himself most just and most benignant toward the Christians. Therefore, those things which were commemorated recently by Dionysius happened in the last year of the Emperor Philip. This was also noted by Dionysius in the beginning of this epistle, where he says the persecution began at Alexandria a full year before the edict of the Emperor Decius. But Christophorson saw nothing of this, who interprets it as a change in the emperor's mind toward the Christians. Baronius followed Christophorson's error to the year of Christ 253, chapter 102. [(14)] ... declaring. In the codex, it is written "declaring," far more correctly, as I indeed think, since Dionysius says the edict of Decius was so terrible that it seemed in some way to represent those times of the Antichrist, which are the most terrible of all. [(15)] Those who were administering public affairs. Christophorson translates this place of Dionysius thus: "Others from private houses are dragged into public, and are led to the temples by the magistrates." Which interpretation fits neither the words nor the sense of Dionysius in any way. I think it means the same as decurions and magistrates. For these, when the edict of the Emperor Decius had been brought—by which all were ordered to sacrifice to the immortal gods—necessarily had to assemble in the curia according to custom, and there listen to the edict itself while it was being read, as Saint John Chrysostom writes in more than one place. Thus, the decurions, first of all, sacrificed to the gods immediately after the edict of the Emperor Decius was read, ^D when they had assembled at the curia by the necessity of their office. Indeed, concerning the act and administration of the magistrates, it is taken from Eusebius in Book VIII, chapter 11, and from Aristides in the funeral oration for Alexander, etc. Chrysostom, in homily 83 on Matthew, calls them decurions. The word can also be explained as those who were engaged in the forum or in public. And that, perhaps, would have been more correct, in this way: "Others who were engaged in public affairs were led to sacrifice by the things themselves, and by the example of the others." This word occurs in Aristides in the funeral oration for Alexander: [original-script column: see facsimile]

^A some approached the sacrifices pale and trembling, as though they were not to sacrifice, but were themselves to be slaughtered in place of the victims. Consequently, they were mocked by the surrounding multitude, because they openly showed to everyone that they were faint-hearted both in regard to dying and to sacrificing. Others, however, ran more readily to the altars, boldly asserting that they had never previously been Christians. Of these, the Lord once predicted very truly that such men would with difficulty attain salvation. As for the rest, some followed those we have mentioned, others took to flight, and others were seized. Of these, some advanced to chains and imprisonment; and some, after having been confined for several days, then, even before being brought to the tribunal, abjured their faith. Others, after having endured torture for a time, gave up at the prospect of what lay ahead. ^B But those blessed and stable columns of the Lord, strengthened by Him, and having received power and endurance worthy of and consistent with the strong faith within them, became admirable witnesses of His kingdom. The first of these was Julian, a man afflicted with gout, who was unable to stand or walk; he was brought forward along with two others who were carrying him. One of the two immediately denied the faith. The other, Cronion by name, surnamed Eunus, together with the elder Julian himself, confessed the Lord; and throughout the entire city—which, as you know, is a very great one—they were led on camels, scourged while suspended in the air, and finally consumed in unquenchable fire, with the whole populace gathered around. A soldier named Besas, who stood by them as they were being led to punishment and had opposed those who were insulting them, was called out by them, and because the people cried out against him, he was brought to trial. ^C There, that most courageous champion of God, having fought strenuously in that great struggle for piety, was beheaded. Another man, by birth a Libyan, whose name and divine blessing truly made him a "Macar" (Blessed), was plied with many exhortations by the judge to deny his faith, but he was not swayed and was burned alive. After these, Epimachus and Alexander, who had remained in prison for a long time, having endured myriads of torments, iron claws, and scourges, were likewise dispatched by unquenchable fire. And with them were four women: Ammonarion, a holy virgin, who, although the judge tormented her most persistently and with great contention because she had previously declared that she would utter nothing of what he commanded, kept her promise faithfully and was led away; the others were the most venerable elder Mercuria, and Dionysia, who was the mother of many children but loved the Lord more than her own children, and another Ammonarion; the governor, ^D ashamed to continue torturing them in vain and to be defeated by women, had them put to death by the sword, so that they might suffer no more torments.

For the leader and standard-bearer of them all, Ammonarion, had endured tortures on behalf of them all. Heron, Ater^A, and Isidorus, Egyptians, were also delivered up with them, and with them a young lad of about fifteen years, Dioscorus by name. The judge first attempted to deceive the lad with words, as though he were easily led, and to compel him with tortures, as though he were easily broken; but Dioscorus was neither persuaded nor did he yield. After the others had been most savagely scourged, they endured their sufferings with fortitude and were delivered to the fire. But Dioscorus, having shone brightly in the sight of all and having answered the questions put to him with great wisdom, was marvelled at by the judge, who released him, saying that he granted him time for repentance on account of his youth. And now, the most godly ^B Dioscorus is with us, having been kept for a longer struggle and a more enduring contest.

A certain Nemesion, also an Egyptian, was falsely accused of being an associate and companion of robbers. But after he had cleared himself of this charge, which was utterly foreign to him, before the centurion, he was denounced as a Christian and brought in chains to the governor. The most unjust judge punished him with tortures and scourges twice as severe as those used on the robbers, and had him burned alive among them, the blessed man being honoured by the likeness of Christ.

Furthermore, a whole company of soldiers—namely, Ammon, Zeno, Ptolemaeus, and Ingenuus, and with them the elder Theophilus—were standing ^C before the tribunal. A certain man was being tried for being a Christian and was already inclining toward a denial of Christ; they, standing by, began to gnash their teeth, to signal with their faces, to stretch out their hands, and to make gestures with their whole bodies. When the eyes of all turned upon them, before they could be seized by anyone, they ran forward to the tribunal and professed themselves to be Christians. Thereupon, the governor and his assessors, who were sitting in judgment, were filled with fear; those being judged appeared most courageous in the face of what they were to endure, while those who were judging were struck with dismay. And they went forth from the courts ^D and exulted in their martyrdom, God triumphantly leading them in glory.

CHAPTER XLII. Of others commemorated by Dionysius.

^A But others, too, many in number, were torn apart by the Gentiles throughout the cities and villages; of whom I shall mention one as an example. Ischyrion was a steward, hired for wages, to one of the magistrates. Being ordered by his employer to sacrifice to idols, he, because he did not obey, was first abused; and afterwards, as he persisted in the same opinion, he was vexed by him with various insults. When he bore all these things patiently, he [the magistrate] seized a very large stake, and driving it through his mid-viscera, killed him. But what need is there to speak of the multitude of those who wandered in the deserts and mountains, and perished by famine and thirst and cold and sickness and robbers and wild beasts? Those who survived them are witnesses of their choice and victory. And I will add one action of these also for clarification. Chæremon was an old man, bishop of the city called Nilus. He fled to the Arabian mountain ^B together with his spouse, and never returned. Nor could the brethren, though they searched diligently, find either them or their bodies. And many who were in that very Arabian mountain were enslaved by the barbarian Saracens; some of whom were with difficulty redeemed at a great price, while others have not been redeemed to this day. And I have detailed these things not in vain, brother, but so that you may know how many and how great were the evils that befell us; those who have experienced them more know them better. »

And after a few words he subjoins: « These divine martyrs, who now are assessors of Christ and partners of His kingdom, and participants of His judgment, and who are to judge with Him—while they were still here with us, they received some of the brethren who had fallen and had become liable to the charge of having sacrificed; and because they saw their conversion and repentance, which ^C could be acceptable to Him who by no means desires the death of the sinner as much as his repentance, after testing them, they received them and gathered them and stood with them, and shared in their prayers and meals. »

^D [alt-version omitted]

convicted of having sacrificed to idols, have received them; and observing their conversion and penitence, when they judged that this could be pleasing to Him who prefers the penitence of a sinner to his death, they admitted and gathered them, and received them into their fellowship, and shared with them in prayers and food. What then, brothers, are you counseling us regarding these matters? What must we do? Shall we agree with the judgment of the martyrs and uphold the favor they granted, acting kindly toward those whom they treated with mercy? Or shall we declare their judgment void, and appoint ourselves reviewers and judges of their decision; shall we cause pain to mercy, subvert the established order, and provoke the indignation of God Himself?" And Dionysius seems to have added these things with purpose, speaking of those who had fallen during the time of persecution because of the weakness of their spirit. ^B

CHAPTER XLIII.

Of Novatus, of what sort he was in his character, and of his heresy.

For Novatus, a presbyter of the Roman Church, puffed up with arrogance against them as if no hope of salvation remained for them afterwards, even though they fulfilled all that pertained to a sincere conversion and pure confession, became the author of his own sect, of those who, lifted up by the swelling of their minds, called themselves Cathari (the Pure). On account of this, when a great synod was gathered at Rome, in which sixty bishops were present, and a much greater number of presbyters and deacons, and when the prelates in the provinces had separately deliberated on what should be done, a decree was promulgated to all: that Novatus indeed, and those who had insolently exalted themselves with him, and whoever had presumed to consent to his inhuman and un-brotherly opinion, were to be held as aliens from the Church; but that the brothers who had fallen into calamity were to be healed and comforted by the remedies of penance. There exist even now letters of Cornelius, bishop of the Romans, sent to Fabius, prelate of the Church of Antioch, in which both the acts of the Roman synod and the judgments of all those throughout Italy and Africa and the other provinces of those regions are declared. There exist besides others composed in the Latin tongue, ^C by Cyprian and those with him in Africa, by which those who were with them—

^D [index: entries preserved]

^A appeared to agree that it was necessary to provide assistance to those who had fallen into temptation, and that the author of the nefarious opinion, together with those who had deserted to his side, ought by rights to be excluded from the communion of the Catholic Church. Added to these was another epistle of the same Cornelius, concerning the things that had been decreed in the synod; and again another, concerning the actions of Novatus, from which there is nothing to prevent our inserting some passages here, so that the readers of our history may clearly understand those things which pertain to Novatus. Therefore, Cornelius, instructing Fabius as to what sort of character and habits Novatus possessed, writes as follows: «But that you may know that this admirable man had for a long time thirsting for the episcopate, and was concealing within himself this rash desire of his, and was hiding it, while he used as a cloak for his own mental derangement the fact that he had gathered to himself from the very beginning the confessors—I wish to speak. Maximus, a presbyter of our church, and Urbanus, ^B both of whom had already for the second time earned the highest praise from their confession of faith; Sidonius also, and Celerinus, a man who, through the mercy of God, most bravely endured all kinds of tortures, and who, by the constancy of his faith, fortifying the weakness of his body, utterly defeated the adversary—these men, all of them, when they had at length recognized him and had discovered his deceit and craftiness, his perjuries also and falsehoods, and his unsociable nature and wolfish friendship, returned to the holy Church. And they declared all his machinations and wickednesses, which he had long been suppressing within himself, in the presence of many bishops, and further of presbyters and a great multitude of the laity, lamenting and repenting that, having been persuaded by that deceitful and malignant beast, they had for a short space of time withdrawn from the Church.» A little further on he says: «It is incredible, beloved brother, what a transformation and change we have seen take place in him in a short interval of time. For that illustrious man, who was even confirming by certain ^C fearful oaths that he did not even desire the episcopate at all, suddenly, as if by some device, is cast into the midst and appears as a bishop.»

And he who was posing as a teacher and champion of ecclesiastical discipline, when he sought to seize and snatch for himself the episcopate which had not been given to him from above, chose for himself two associates who had despaired of their own salvation; so that he might send them to a small and most insignificant part of Italy, and from there deceive three bishops, men altogether unrefined and most simple, by some fabricated scheme, asserting and insisting that they must quickly arrive at Rome, so that, as though some discord had arisen from any quarter whatsoever, it might be settled by their intervention and arbitration together with other bishops. When they had arrived ^A (35), these men, as we said before, being somewhat simpler in regard to the schemes and knavery of wicked men, having been shut up by certain men set in order by him [Novatian] like himself, and being drunk and overcome by debauchery at the tenth hour, he forced them with violence to give him the episcopate by a certain sham and empty laying on of hands (56); which, by ambush and craftiness, he defends as though it were not incumbent upon him. From these, one not long after returned to the Church, lamenting and confessing his own sin; whom we also admitted to communion as a layman (57), as all the people present had pleaded for him.

^B Theodoret, in his *Hæretical Fables*, book 5, writes that Novatian himself went into Italy so that he might bring those bishops to Rome: then, when he had arrived at a certain village together with those three bishops, he compelled them to lay their hands upon him: and that they complained of this when they had come to Rome. But the epistle of Cornelius refutes this narrative. Cornelius calls that ordination of Novatian shadowy and void, because it was performed by bishops of another province, not by those who had the right of consecrating the Roman pontiff, such as the Ostian, the Tiburtine, and others: because it was done by men who were drunk, because it was done by force, because it was done at the tenth hour of the day, because it was not in the presence of the people nor the clergy, and finally, because another bishop had already been legitimately ordained. Moreover, since Cornelius himself, both here and in the epistle to Cyprian, testifies that Novatian was consecrated by three bishops, I am surprised at what Pacianus writes in his epistle to Sempronianus: "Was it not Novatian, whom an epistle made a bishop while he was absent? He whom, with no one consecrating, the linen-covered seat received." And a little later he speaks of the same man thus: "A bishop made without legitimate consecration, and therefore not made at all, through the epistle of those who feigned themselves to be confessors." From which words of Pacianus it seems to be gathered that Novatian was ordained bishop while absent by the epistle of certain confessors, in the same way that magistrates used to be commissioned by the prince through a letter. Pacianus calls the pontifical chair the "linen-covered seat" because it was wont to be covered with linens. This is also testified by Augustine, ep. 203, "In the future judgment of God, neither will the apses with their steps, nor the veiled chairs [be of account]." The same is testified by the synodical epistle of the bishops of Egypt which Athanasius records in his *Apologia*: *Τινῶς ὀδυρόμενοι*, etc. However, Pacianus can be reconciled with Cornelius if we say that Novatian was first designated bishop by letter by the confessors placed in prison; but afterward was ordained by those three bishops.

^C ...returned this passage, and he was received into lay communion, with the people also intervening for this. By which words Cornelius hints that that bishop who had ordained Novatian along with two other colleagues had been deposed by him and reduced to the order of laymen. For when he wished to excommunicate him, as the author of a nefarious schism, Cornelius, being asked by the people, allowed him lay communion, that is, he permitted him to communicate among the laity. But the remaining bishops who had ordained Novatian were not only deposed but even separated from the communion of the whole Church. Thus Cyprian, in the epistle to Antonianus speaking of Trophimus the bishop, who, when he had caused a schism in the Roman Church, afterwards confessed his error, and was received by Cornelius while bringing back the crowd of brothers whom he had led away with him. Yet, he says, Trophimus was admitted in such a way that he communicates as a layman, not as if he usurps the place of a priest. I judge this Trophimus to be the very man of whom Cornelius speaks in this epistle, one of those who had ordained Novatian. For Cyprian calls him a priest, that is, a bishop, and testifies that he had previously drawn away the brotherhood from the Church; then that upon returning, he had asked for pardon with humility, and had been received by Cornelius to lay communion. Moreover, another of the bishops who ordained Novatian seems to have been Evaristus, as I gather from the epistle of Pope Cornelius which is found among the epistles of Cyprian. In the supposititious Acts of the martyrdom of Novatian, which are cited by Eulogia in book VI, Novatian is said to have been made bishop of Rome by two bishops, Marcellus of Aquileia and Agamemnon of Trier. ^D However, in the Mazarin, Medicean, Fuk., and Savile codices, it is read *laico*: which reading Christopherson adopted. It was a custom of old that laymen, after the Eucharist had been received from the bishop, should give him the kiss. Jerome in epistle 62, *Against John of Jerusalem*: "Does anyone communicate with you against his will? Does anyone, with outstretched hand, turn away his face, and offer you a kiss during the sacred feast?" Paulus Diaconus, *On the Lives of the Fathers of Merida*, cap. 7, speaking of the bishop Fidelius: "Go," he says, "communicate, and give us the kiss. Farewell to all, since you are about to depart, and set your house in order with all haste; and if you desire the remedy of penance, receive it." Who, having received penance and set his house in order, bidding farewell to all, migrated from the body the following night.

^A And not long after, one of those bishops returned to the Church, confessing his fault with lamentations and tears. Him, when the whole people had interceded for him, we received into lay communion. We also ordained successors for the other two bishops and sent them to their places. This vindicator of the Gospel, therefore, was ignorant that there ought to be one bishop in a Catholic Church. In which, however, he knew—for how could he have been ignorant of it?—that there were forty-six presbyters, seven deacons, seven subdeacons, forty-two acolytes, and fifty-two exorcists and readers, together with the doorkeepers, and widows together with those in affliction ^B more than one thousand five hundred, all of whom the grace and kindness of the Lord sustains. And yet, so great and so necessary a multitude in the Church, enriched and teeming with a number through the providence of God, along with the greatest and an innumerable multitude of the people, could not deter him from such desperation and audacity, nor recall him to the Church. After a few things were added, he says this: "Come now, let us explain further, by what works or what kind of manner of life, relying upon it, he aspired to the episcopal office. Was it perhaps because he had been involved in the Church from the beginning, and had entered into many struggles on its behalf, and had been in many and great dangers for the sake of religion? By no means. For the occasion of his believing was Satan, who came upon him and dwelt in him for a considerable time; ^C as, being aided by the exorcists, he fell into a grievous malady, and being thought to be at the point of death, he lay on the bed itself, and was poured upon; if it is right to say that he received [baptism] who was...

in such a state. And yet, when he was delivered from his disease, he did not partake of those things which it is necessary to partake of according to the canon of the Church, nor was he signed by the bishop. And since he did not obtain this, how could he have received the Holy Spirit? And again, a little after, he says: "He who, through cowardice and love of life, in the time of persecution denied that he was a presbyter. For when he was asked and entreated by the deacons to come out of the cell in which he had shut himself up, and aid the brethren ^B who were in danger and needing assistance—as much as is lawful and possible for a presbyter to help those who are in danger and require aid—he was so far from obeying the deacons who entreated him, that he went away angry and annoyed; for he said that he wished to be a presbyter no longer, for he was a lover of another philosophy." And having passed over a few things, he adds again, saying: "For this splendid person having abandoned the Church of God, in which, having believed, he was deemed worthy of the presbyterate ^C by the grace of the bishop who laid hands upon him for the presbyter’s rank; for he was obstructed by all the clergy, and even by many of the laity ^D, because it was not lawful that one who had been poured upon in bed on account of sickness, as he was, should be promoted to any rank of the clergy..."

^A And he adds another thing to these, more heinous than the man’s faults, saying thus: "For having performed the offerings, and distributing to each his portion, and holding this fast, he forces the wretched people to swear instead of giving them the blessing, holding their hands in both of his and not letting go until they have sworn and said..."

[The text continues with the synodical letter to the bishops of Egypt, treating the consensus of clergy and people.] ^B Such words Sozomenus understood as referring to the clergy, although they should be understood rather as referring to the bishops. For when the Fathers of the Nicene Synod, in consideration of peace, had decided that bishops ordained by the schismatic Meletius should remain in their rank, but without any exercise of episcopal office, they now prescribe that if by chance a catholic bishop ordained by the bishop of the city of Alexandria should die, then the Meletian, who was received by the synod under the condition I have stated, should succeed to the place of the deceased, provided the people have elected him and the bishop of Alexandria has confirmed his election. Furthermore, it is gathered sufficiently from other places in the same letter that the suffrage of the people was necessary in the ordination of the clergy. For in the same letter, the most holy Fathers forbid the bishops who had adhered to Meletius from having the right and law to propose the names of those who are to be promoted to ecclesiastical orders: but they proclaim that this belongs only to the bishops of the Catholic Church, who had always remained pure from all schism. For the prelates used to announce to the people the names of those who were to be ordained as presbyters or deacons, so that if by chance anyone held any objection against those to be ordained, it might be openly testified, as is read in the Sacramentary of Gregory the Great. ^C Regarding which matter, there is a singular passage from blessed Chrysostom in his 18th homily on the Epistle to the Corinthians: "Listen," he says, "how in the time of the apostles, they very often invited those over whom they presided to be partners in their counsels. For when they created the seven deacons, they first reported it to the people; and when they were electing Matthias, Peter consulted with all who were then present, both men and women." For this authority does not consist in the pride and arrogance of those who preside, nor in some servile subjection of those who are under them, but it is spiritual: this is especially excellent, because he undertakes many labors for the sake of your salvation, not because he requires more honor. For it is fitting that all, as one house, inhabit the Church; and that all should be affected as one body. Finally, the suffrage of the people was so necessary in the election of presbyters that time and again the people in the Church would demand that some presbyter be made and would force it with tumultuous vociferations. This Paulinus testifies happened to himself in the sixth epistle to Severus. Augustine likewise relates the same thing regarding Pinianus, the son of Albina, in epistle 225, to Albina. Now, indeed, that the consent of the clergy was also necessary for this, is taught by the old author of the *Questions on the Old and New Testament*, chapter 101, where he writes that the presbyter who is to be ordained is led by a deacon and presented to the bishop; and is ordained under the testimony of the deacon. But the testimony, he says, is of the deacon who is a presbyter. And a little later: "For they are brought forward, those who are to be ordained, that while they stand by the side ^D of the clergy, they may appear worthy of honor. I confess that their action is intended for the role of an official. For he is dispatched by the bishop so that he may offer service to the one being ordained." We have this entire rite described most excellently in the Sacramentary of Gregory the Great, page 256, at which place see what was noted by Hugo Menardus, a most learned man.

[alt-version omitted]

[Explanation of "clericus" and "cleros":] The term "clergy" signifies the order of ecclesiastical ministry. Thus, a little before, Cornelius said "the clergy of the presbyterate," and Eusebius and Irenaeus refer not once to the "clergy of the episcopate." Epiphanius, in his work on the Meletian heresy: "But those who are from the clerics of diverse clergy, of the presbyterate and of the diaconate and others." Therefore, in this place, "into some rank," that is, into whatever clergy it may be. Thus, certainly, speaks the old author *On not rebaptizing heretics*: "Which, since no one of sound mind and among the faithful holds, and least of all anyone constituted in any clergy whatsoever, and much less would it befit bishops to dare." Again, in the same book: "Even more, he is burdened by this name, even though he had previously been most faithful, or constituted in some clergy." The same writer distinguishes the clergy into greater and lesser. And he calls the deacons and the rest of the inferior orders the lesser clergy. As when he says, page 129: "But if you say that such a man cannot be saved, we take away salvation from all bishops, whom you bind to such most certain dangers, that they should be able to help through their own selves all men who act under their care, and who are infirm in these and those scattered regions; because other men of the lesser clergy cannot provide the same to those who are in danger." And much more clearly, page 134: "And therefore, since our salvation is constituted in the baptism of the spirit, which is for the most part joined with the baptism of water, if indeed baptism is handed down by us, it should be handed down integrally and solemnly and according to all that is written, and without any separation of any thing: or if it should be handed down by the lesser clergy out of necessity, we await the outcome, etc.," where you see presbyters openly distinguished from men of the lesser clergy. For he says that men of the lesser clergy confer baptism only when necessity impends, which by no means befits presbyters.

[Explanation of "tradere calicem":] The office of the presbyter was to deliver the Eucharist and the chalice into the hands of the faithful, and this was strictly called "to deliver." Chrysostom, homily 46 on Matthew: "You do not see?" etc. That is, "You do not see how it is permitted only to the priest to offer the chalice of the Lord’s blood." From which Chrysostom argues thus: "You are therefore a priest, when you offer the bread and the chalice to the poor." Nevertheless, in certain Churches, deacons used to distribute the Eucharist to the people. This the author of the *Questions on the Old and New Testament*, chapter 101, seems to hint at with these words: "The order of deacons is, therefore, to receive from the priest, and thus to give to the people." Jerome, or whoever else it is, in the book *On the Seven Grades of the Church*: "As in the priest there is the consecration, so in the minister there is the dispensation of the sacrament. The former sanctifies the things offered, the latter dispenses the things already sanctified." And in the Council of Arles II, chapter 15, it is cautioned that a deacon should not presume to deliver the body of Christ to the faithful in the presence of a presbyter.

^A these things; for I shall use his own words: "Swear to me by the body and blood of our Lord Jesus Christ, that you will never forsake me and return to Cornelius." And the miserable man does not taste it until he has first cursed himself (52). And instead of saying "Amen" when he receives that bread (53), he says, "I will no longer return to Cornelius." And after other things, he adds these again: "Know also that he has already become naked and desolate, as the brothers daily abandon him and return to the Church." Whom even the blessed martyr Moses (56)—who recently bore a good and admirable witness among us—while he was still in the world, having observed his audacity and recklessness, made ^B uncommuning (55) along with the five presbyters who had schismatized with him.

(52) *And shall curse himself.* The interpreters did not understand this place. For Musculus indeed translated it thus: "And the miserable man did not taste, unless he had first devoured himself for him." But Christophorsonus, as if insisting on the footsteps of Musculus, translates in this way: "And the unhappy one did not taste before he had so devoted himself to him." As if the word *autō* were referred to Novatian. But I would prefer to read with George Syncellus, among whom this whole place is written thus: *Καὶ ὁ ἄθλιος ἄνθρωπος οὐ πρότερον γεύεται, εἰ μὴ πρότερον ἑαυτῷ καταράσαιτο.* That is: "And that miserable man is not allowed to taste until he has cursed himself with curses." Indeed, every oath has an appended imprecation. Which, although it is not expressly stated in this sacrament by which Novatian compelled miserable men, is nevertheless tacitly implied, as I noted on Ammianus Marcellinus. Furthermore, in our four codices—Mazarin, Medicean, Fuk, and Savilian—it is read as *katapásaito*, just as in Syncellus.

(55) *He made uncommuning.* Musculus translated *excommunicavit* (excommunicated). Christophorsonus, however, "deprived of the society and communion of the faithful," which is the same thing. But I cannot approve of this interpretation. For the presbyter Moses did not have the right of excommunicating his fellow presbyters; but what alone he could do, he did: he separated himself from their communion, when specifically they came to prison for the sake of seeing him. Furthermore, ancient writers are accustomed to speak thus about priests who abstain from the communion of others, as if they themselves were separating them from their communion. Paulinus the presbyter in the *Life of St. Ambrose*: "He indeed segregated Maximus from the consortium of communion, admonishing him to do penance for the shed blood of his Lord." This passage of Paulinus is to be understood as I have said. For Ambrose did not separate the Emperor Maximus from the communion of the whole Church, since he had no right over him, but only abstained from the communion of Maximus and his bishops, as he himself testifies in his report to Valentinian. See what I have noted above concerning private communion and excommunication. Moreover, that which Cornelius writes here about Novatian being condemned by the prejudice of Moses seems to me to have happened shortly before Moses' death. For at the beginning, indeed, Moses the confessor was communicating with Novatian. And when the Roman clergy wrote that letter to Cyprian which is numbered thirty-first among the letters of Cyprian, Moses was still keeping peace with Novatian. For both of them subscribed to that letter. Nay, Novatian himself had even composed that letter, as Cyprian testifies in his letter to Antonianus. From which it is possible to catch a glimpse of the talent and eloquence of Novatian. For that letter, it must be admitted, is most elegant. It was written, however, when Moses had already spent a year in prison, which is clearly gathered from the letters of Cyprian earlier given to Moses.

(56) *Along with the five presbyters.* Who those five presbyters were who had made a schism with Novatian, is indeed unknown to me. For I do not think it is the presbyter and confessor Maximus, who, having been deceived by Novatian along with Urbanus, Sidonius, and Nicostratus and the remaining confessors, championed his cause for some time. Indeed, Maximus and the remaining confessors, only after Moses was dead, joined themselves to the parties of Novatian, as the ancient author *De pontificibus Romanis* testifies: "At that time," he says, "Novatus arrives from Africa, and having separated Novatian from the Church, and some confessors, after Moses died in prison." Novatian indeed, before the death of Moses which occurred in the month of February, in the consulship of Decius III and Etruscus, had separated himself from the Church.

^A And at the end of the letter, he makes a catalogue of the bishops who arrived in Rome and condemned the madness of Novatus, noting both their names and the diocese over which each presided. ^B He also mentions those who did not come to Rome, but who, by their letters, had given their assent to the vote of the aforementioned; he records their names and the cities from which each one sent their letter.

CHAPTER XLIV.

Dionysius’ account of Serapion

^A And the boy was speechless. He ran to the presbyter; it was night. And he was infirm. He could not come. But as an order had been given by me that those departing from life, if they should ask, and especially if they had previously supplicated (59), they should be absolved (60), so that they might depart with good hope, he gave a little of the Eucharist to the lad (61), ordering him to soak it (62) and let it drip into the elder’s mouth. He returned; the boy was near…

No presbyter could give peace to penitents, as we learn from the epistles of Cyprian. And since the city of Alexandria was quite spacious, the presbyters were distributed through the individual regions of the city, so that help might more easily be brought to the dying. Epiphanius in the *Heresy of the Arians*: “For as many churches of the Catholic Church as are in Alexandria are under one archbishop; and presbyters are appointed individually for these, for the ecclesiastical needs of the inhabitants, near each church of theirs, and of the quarters, or *laurae* as they are locally called by those living in the city of the Alexandrians.” That is: For all churches of the Catholic communion in the city of Alexandria are subject to one archbishop. But presbyters are set over each one separately, on account of the ecclesiastical necessities of the citizens: and they have dwellings-houses, each one near his own church, or by the villages, which the Alexandrians call *laurae*. Regarding this passage, the most learned Master Petavius rebukes Epiphanius, who believed that this was a peculiar custom of the Alexandrians, when yet this was observed in all slightly larger cities which had several basilicas. But it is by no means probable that Epiphanius, who had traveled through many and the greatest cities of the Roman empire, was ignorant of the custom of his own age. Wherefore, since he so manifestly indicates that custom was peculiar to the Alexandrian Church, it is credible that there was a different practice in other cities. Certainly at Constantinople, not all churches had their own presbyters. For the basilica of the most holy Virgin Mary, and the basilica of the holy martyr Theodore, and the basilica of Irene, did not have peculiar clergy, but the clergy of the major church were common to these three churches as well. And so, from the clergy of the major church, individuals in their own order and by turns administered those three churches, as the Emperor Justinian teaches, *Novella* 3: “He does not have exclusive clergy for these three houses.” But as to what Epiphanius said, that in the Alexandrian city “presbyters are appointed individually for these,” Petavius interpreted this regarding a single presbyter who would govern his own church separately; for he translates: “Each has his own appointed presbyter.” But we find that it was observed otherwise in other cities. For at Constantinople there were many churches in which not one presbyter alone, but many presbyters and deacons and inferior clergy had been established by the first founders of the basilicas; as Justinian teaches in the same place.

This was also fixed in the African synod at the same times when Dionysius was writing these things, namely that peace should be granted to the lapsed who were at the point of death, provided that they had supplicated for it humbly and earnestly before their illness. Cyprian in the epistle to Antonianus: “Therefore, most dear brother, we judged that those not doing penance, nor demonstrating the sorrow of their transgressions with their whole heart and a manifest profession of their lamentation, should be prohibited altogether from the hope of communion and peace, if they should begin to entreat when in infirmity and peril; because it is not the repentance of their transgression, but the warning of impending death that compels them to ask; nor is he worthy to receive comfort in death who did not think that he was going to die.”

(60) “Absolved.” Before this, some things are added in the *Codex Fuk.* and *Savil.* which are by no means to be spurned: “to be deemed worthy of the participation in the divine gifts, and thus to be absolved.” Surely Christophorsonus had also found these in his books, as appears from his version. And I would not affirm that these are the genuine words of Dionysius. Yet they agree excellently with this place, as appears from what follows. Furthermore, this passage of Dionysius of Alexandria is especially to be noted, for from it it is proved that the Eucharist was formerly given to penitents without the reconciliatory imposition of hands, when they had fallen into the danger of death. Communion of this kind was called a *viaticum*, by canon 77 and 78 of the fourth Council of Carthage, and by canon 39 of the Council of Orange, which canon is referred to in the book of the *Capitularies of Charlemagne*, cap. 101. And this communion was dispensatory, since it was granted to penitents before the completed times of penance on account of the fear of death. And so if they later recovered from the illness, they were compelled to fulfill the penance, and to receive the solemn imposition of hands or reconciliation before they were admitted, as is written in the said Carthaginian ^B chapter, where this latter communion is called legitimate, in contrast to the former which was only dispensatory. Wherefore I do not agree with the most illustrious prelate Gabriel Albaspinaeus, who in book 1 of his *Observations*, cap. 11, denies that the Eucharist was ever given to penitents without reconciliation. But this passage of Dionysius utterly overturns his opinion.

(61) “To the lad.” That Dionysius says here that the Eucharist was given to the boy to be carried to the infirm, this ought not to be deemed so strange. For it was done this way for a long time afterward, so much so that St. Udalricus found it necessary to prohibit it by name in a synodal sermon, which Gretser published together with the *Life of Gregory VII*. Thus, therefore, it is read there in cap. 20: “Visit the infirm and reconcile them, and according to the Apostle anoint them with holy oil, and communicate them with your own hand. And let no one presume to hand over the communion to a layman or a woman to carry to an infirm person.” And indeed, Gretser thought this sermon was by St. Udalricus. I, however, recently learned that this is the synodal epistle of Ratherius, Bishop of Verona, to his own presbyters. For it is so inscribed in the ancient Laon manuscript. Moreover, in the manuscripts *M.z.*, *Med.* and *Fuk.*, *edoken* (he gave) is read, not *enedoken* (he handed over). In John Zonaras, in the history of the Emperor Decius, where this passage of Dionysius is cited from Eusebius, it is written *dedoken to paidario* (he has given to the boy).

(62) “Ordering him to soak it.” That is, he says, he ordered the infused [bread] to be given to the elder. Thus also the ancients were accustomed to dip the blessed bread in water, as Adamnan teaches in book II of the *Miracles of St. Columba*, cap. 6; Bede in the *Life of St. Cuthbert*, cap. 31, and in the poem on his life; Theodorus Campidunensis in the *Life of St. Magnus*, cap. 22; Paulus Bernriedensis in the *Life of Gregory VII*, p. 113. But concerning the Eucharist poured into the mouth of the sick, canon 76 of the fourth Council of Carthage speaks: which canon is indeed about the infirm who had requested penance, and later had become speechless before the presbyter had come to them. It is provided by this canon that penance be given to them; and if they are judged to be likely to die immediately, they should be reconciled by the imposition of hands, and the Eucharist should be poured into their mouths. Otherwise with penitents. For these, established in the article of death, only received the Eucharist without the imposition of hands, as we learn from canon 77 and 78 of the said council. For the holy prelates judged that one should act more kindly.

^A fulfilled their course in this life, he gave a small portion of the Eucharist to the boy, commanding him, after dipping it in water, to drop it into the old man's mouth. The boy returned bringing the morsel. And when he drew near, before he entered, the old man, being once more revived, said, "You have come, my child? For the presbyter could not come himself; but do you quickly what you were commanded, and let me go." The boy moistened it and poured it into his mouth. And he, having swallowed a little, immediately gave up the ghost. Is it not then clearly seen that he was preserved and remained in life until he was absolved, and, his sin having been blotted out, he could for the many good deeds he had done be acknowledged and praised by Christ? These things say Dionysius.

CHAPTER XLV.

Epistle of Dionysius to Novatus (Novatian).

CHAPTER XLVI.

Regarding the other epistles of Dionysius.

to the flock at Alexandria. There is also a small work *On Martyrdom* written to Origen, and another to the brothers in Laodicea, over whom Thelymidres was bishop. Likewise, he writes ^A to those in Armenia regarding repentance, whose bishop was Meruzanes. In addition to these, he writes to Cornelius, bishop of Rome, having received his letter written against Novatus. In this letter, he signifies that he had been invited by Helenus, bishop of Tarsus in Cilicia, and the others who had gathered with him—namely, Firmilian of Cappadocia and Theoctistus of the province of Palestine—to attend the council at Antioch, where some were attempting to confirm the schism of Novatus. He also writes that he had been notified that Fabius had departed this life, and that ^B Demetrianus had been appointed bishop of the church at Antioch in his place. He makes mention also of the bishop of Jerusalem in these words: "As for Alexander, he was committed to prison and departed [this life] with a blessed end." Following this, another letter by the same Dionysius is extant, addressed to the brothers stationed at Rome, regarding the office of deacon, sent by Hippolytus. He also writes another letter to the same persons concerning peace, and likewise one regarding repentance. Again, he writes another to the confessors settled there, who even then favored the opinion of Novatus. To these same persons he sent two other letters after they had returned to the Church. He also wrote many other letters to various people, from which those who are studious lovers of his works (and there are still many) can derive manifold benefit.

Here ends the sixth book of the Ecclesiastical History. ^C

EUSEBII PAMPHILI ECCLESIASTICAE HISTORIAE LIBER SEPTIMUS

THE ECCLESIASTICAL HISTORY OF EUSEBIUS PAMPHILI, BOOK VII

THIS SEVENTH BOOK OF THE ECCLESIASTICAL HISTORY CONTAINS THE FOLLOWING:

city. III. How Cyprian, with some bishops joined to him, first determined that those who turned from heretical error ought to be rebaptized. IV. How many letters Dionysius wrote on this subject. V. Of the peace of the Churches after the persecution. VI. Concerning the heresy of Sabellius. VII. Concerning the detestable error of the heretics, the vision divinely sent to Dionysius, and the ecclesiastical rule delivered to him. VIII. Concerning the heresy of Novatus. IX. Concerning the impious baptism of the heretics. X. Concerning Valerian and the persecution excited by him. XI. Concerning what Dionysius and the Christians who were in Egypt endured. XII. Concerning those who suffered martyrdom at Caesarea in Palestine. XIII. Concerning the peace granted by Gallienus. XIV. Who were the bishops that flourished at those times. XV. How Marinus suffered martyrdom at Caesarea. XVI. The story concerning Astyrius. XVII. Concerning the signs of our Savior's mighty works at Paneas. XVIII. Concerning the statue which the woman with the issue of blood erected. ^A XIX. Concerning the throne of James the bishop. XX. Concerning the festal letters of Dionysius, in which he also provides the rule for the Pasch. XXI. Concerning the events at Alexandria. XXII. Concerning the plague that prevailed at that time. XXIII. Concerning the reign of Gallienus. XXIV. Concerning Nepos and the schism of his followers. XXV. Concerning the Apocalypse of John. XXVI. Concerning the letters of Dionysius. XXVII. Concerning Paul of Samosata and the heresy established by him at Antioch. XXVIII. Concerning the bishops who were then known to be illustrious. XXIX. How Paul, having been refuted by Malchion, a presbyter who had previously been a sophist, was deposed. XXX. Concerning the letter of the synod against Paul. XXXI. Concerning the heretical perversion of the Manichaeans, which was just then beginning. XXXII. Concerning those ecclesiastical men who were distinguished in our own time, and which of them survived until the destruction of the Churches.

PROOEMIUM

Chapter I. Concerning the wickedness of Decius and Gallus.

Decius, having ruled for not even two full years, having been forthwith slaughtered along with his children, is succeeded by Gallus. In this same time, Origen, having completed sixty-nine years of his life, dies. Dionysius, in his letter to Hermammon concerning Gallus, writes as follows: "But neither did Gallus understand the wickedness of Decius, nor did he foresee what had been his downfall; rather, he stumbled upon the same stone that lay before his eyes. For when his kingdom was prospering and matters were proceeding according to his mind, he drove away the holy men who were interceding with God for his peace and health. Therefore, along with them, he chased away also the prayers offered on his own behalf." Such, then, are the things concerning him.

Chapter II. Who the bishops of Rome were at that time.

In the Roman city, when Cornelius had held the episcopate for about three years, Lucius was established as his successor. Having served in this ministry for not even eight whole months, he died and bequeathed the office to Stephanus. To this same Stephanus, Dionysius addressed the first of the letters dealing with baptism, a question of no small moment having been stirred up at that time, namely, whether it were necessary to purify through the bath those who were returning from any heresy whatsoever; for the ancients were- ^{A B C D}

^A accustomed to use only the prayer with the laying on of hands for such persons.

CAPUT III. How Cyprian, with some bishops associated with him, was the first to decide that those who were converted from heretical error ought to be rebaptized.

Cyprian, who at that time governed the Church at Carthage, was the first of all to decide that they should not be admitted unless they had first been cleansed from their error through baptism. But Stephen, thinking that nothing ought to be innovated against the tradition which had prevailed from the earliest times, took this very ill.

CAPUT IV. How many letters Dionysius wrote concerning this matter.

Dionysius, therefore, as I have said, wrote much on this subject by letter. In these he finally indicates to him that all the Churches everywhere, now that the fury of the persecution had softened, detesting the turbulent innovation of Novatus, had entered into peace with one another. He writes thus.

CAPUT V. Of the peace of the Churches after the persecution.

“Know now, brother, that all the Churches throughout the East and further afield, which were previously divided, have at last returned to unity: and all are of one mind ^B and are at peace. ^{C D}

^A The leaders of the churches everywhere are rejoicing beyond measure at the peace that has come to pass beyond all expectation: Demetrianus in Antioch, Theoctistus in Caesarea, Mazabanes in Aelia 81, following the death of Alexander, Heliodorus in Laodicea, following the passing of Thelymidris, Helenus in Tarsus and all the Churches of Cilicia, Firmilianus, and all Cappadocia. For I have named only the more prominent of the bishops, so that I might not make the letter too long nor the discourse too burdensome. However, all the Syriac regions and Arabia, whose needs you regularly supply 83, and to whom you have now written, as well as Mesopotamia, Pontus and Bithynia—to sum it up in a word—all those everywhere are rejoicing in the concord and brotherly love, glorifying God.” These things Dionysius writes. But when Stephen had presided over the Church for two years, Xystus succeeded to his place. To him Dionysius wrote a second letter On Baptism 84, in which he declares at once the opinion and judgment of Stephen and of the other bishops, saying these things about Stephen: “He had written 85 previously both about Helenus and ^B Firmilianus, and all those from Cilicia and Cappadocia...”

On the interpretation of certain terms

(...) and we are not able, either because of poverty, or sickness, or age. That is: For sometimes we wish indeed to perform works of mercy, as much by money as by the ministry of the body: for example, to give alms to one asking, or to minister to one who is sick, or to help one in danger. But we cannot accomplish what we desire, whether because of penury, or because of illness, or because of old age. In the same sense, Chrysostom in his Homily on Matthew uses this word: ^C ...one of the least and not very wealthy... to every widow, to as many virgins as there are.

84 *For he wrote this letter.* In four of our codices (Maz., Med., Fuk., and Savil.) it is written, *by engraving this letter.*

85 *He had written.* Besides the letter to the bishops of Africa, of which I spoke above, Pope Stephen had written another letter besides to the Orientals, concerning which, besides Dionysius, Firmilianus speaks in his letter to Cyprian at the end: “Breaking peace with individuals in various ways of discord, ^D now with the Orientals (which we trust does not escape you), now with you who are in the south.” But Firmilianus, according to the custom of orators, amplifies the matter. For neither did Stephen break peace with the Africans or with the Orientals, but only threatened that he would break peace with them if they remained in their former opinion, as Dionysius of Alexandria here clearly testifies. In the same manner exactly as Pope Victor had threatened the Asiatics that he would cut them off from the communion of the Church. Certainly, that Stephen did not proceed beyond threats appears from this, that Dionysius after his death wrote again to Xystus, PP., to seek his opinion on that matter. For Dionysius leaned more toward the opinion of the Africans and Orientals, as Jerome testifies in his book *On Ecclesiastical Writers*. It is also to be observed that in the above-mentioned passage Firmilianus writes that Stephen broke peace with the Africans and Orientals in various ways of discord. For from that it can also be gathered that no sentence of excommunication had been brought forth by Stephen against them. Certainly, if Stephen had brought forth a sentence of excommunication against them, he would not have broken peace with both in various ways, but in one and the same way, that is to say, by the sentence of excommunication, he would have struck both the Africans and the Orientals. Now furthermore let us see how Stephen broke peace with the Africans. Firmilianus declares this.

^A regarding the others, the bishops of Cilicia, Cappadocia, and Galatia, and all the neighboring nations, that he would not communicate with them for this same reason, because—as he says—they rebaptize heretics. Consider the gravity of the matter. Truly, decrees were made on this account in the greatest synods of bishops, as I hear, so that those coming from heresies, after having been catechized, were then to be washed and cleansed of the filth of the old and unclean leaven. And requesting that I write regarding all these matters, I sent a letter. And after other things he says: But I also wrote before—briefly, and now at greater length—to our beloved fellow-presbyters Dionysius and Philemon, who previously held the same view as Stephen and wrote to me concerning the same matters. But so much for the aforementioned question.

CHAPTER VI.

Regarding the heresy of Sabellius.

Indicating in the same place ^B also regarding the heretics of Sabellius, as they were then spreading under him, he says these things: Regarding the matter that has now been moved— ^C In that same letter, he informs Xystus about the Sabellian heretics, as they were increasing at that time, with these words: For regarding that dogma to the effect that it considers the unity of the Church should be withheld [(88)] In the Iconian synod, that is, of which Firmilianus speaks in his letter to Cyprian, and in the African councils, partly under Agrippinus, partly under Cyprian. Also in the Synnadian council, as is mentioned below in the chapter of this book. And in the Carthaginian synod under Cyprian, which exists today among the works of Cyprian, eighty and more bishops delivered their opinion, among whom were some who were confessors and martyrs. But in the Iconian council fifty bishops assembled, as Augustine testifies in his book *Against Cresconius*, chapter 3, in these words: Therefore if it must now be believed by all that it seemed so to the fifty bishops of the Orientals, which seemed so to the seventy Africans or even to somewhat more, against so many thousands of bishops to whom this error was displeasing throughout the whole world, why should we not rather say that even those few Orientals corrected their judgment? Otherwise, the Orientals, and especially the Cappadocians, most constantly retained their custom of rebaptizing heretics, as is evident from the first and second canonical epistles of Basil to Amphilochius. And this custom remained among them until the first Council of Constantinople. ^D

^A which recently arose in the city of Ptolemais in the Pentapolis, containing much impiety and blasphemy against the omnipotent God and Father of our Lord Jesus Christ, and much unbelief regarding his only-begotten Son, the Firstborn of all creation, the Word who became man, and insensibility towards the Holy Spirit, since letters and also brethren who were to confer with me had arrived from both sides, I sent some replies as I was able, God granting it, explaining the matter in a rather didactic manner; the copies of which I have sent to you.

CAPUT VII.

Concerning the abominable error of the heretics, and the vision sent to Dionysius from God, and the ecclesiastical rule delivered to him.

^B In the third epistle written to Philemon, a presbyter of the Roman Church, concerning baptism, the same Dionysius relates these things: "I indeed," says he, "have occupied myself with knowing the books and traditions of the heretics, polluting my soul for a time with their abominable thoughts, yet gaining this utility from them, that I might silently refute them within myself and detest them much more than before. And when a certain brother of the order of the presbyters restrained me, fearing that I might be contaminated by the mire of their wickedness, since he said that my soul would be defiled—and indeed he spoke very truly, as I myself perceived—a vision sent from God, approach^Cing me, strengthened me. And a voice came to me, expressly commanding me, saying: 'Read everything that comes into your hands; for you are capable of examining and testing each thing, and this was for you from the beginning the cause of your faith.' I accepted the vision as according with the apostolic voice which says to those who are stronger, 'Be approved money-changers.' Then, having said something about all the heresies, he adds saying: 'This rule and form I received from our blessed pope Heraclas. ^D For those who come from the heresies, even though they have departed from the Church, apostatized, in the first Epistle to the Thessalonians, chapter 5, these words are read: 'Prove all things; hold fast that which is good.' Which indeed have the same force as those former ones: 'Be good money-changers.' But Origen, in Volume X of the Commentary on the Gospel of John, and after him Jerome in the epistle to Minervius and Alexander, expressly affirm that this commandment, 'Be good money-changers,' was delivered by Christ, and that the doctrine of Paul in the Epistle to the Thessalonians agrees with it. Wherefore I agree with that most learned man James Ussher, who thought that this word of Christ was taken from the Gospel according to the Hebrews in his Prolegomena to the epistles of Ignatius, chapter 8. These words are also cited by Cyril of Jerusalem in his sixth Catechesis, near the end: 'Be an approved money-changer, holding fast the good, abstaining from every form of evil.' Furthermore, in our manuscripts of Mazarin, Medici, and Fugger, the word bears an acute accent on the penultimate syllable. So too, a little before in the fifth chapter of this book, the Mazarin and Fugger codices exhibit the word filth marked with an acute accent, and they were the kinds of those who were coming from the heretics to the Catholic Church. Others were apostates, who when

^A they had fallen—or rather, did not fall, but nonetheless appeared to be in communion with the brethren—were denounced for approaching someone who taught strange doctrines; he expelled them from the Church, and even after many petitions, he did not admit them until they had publicly declared everything they had heard from the adversaries. And only then did he gather them in, without feeling the need for a second baptism in their case. For they had previously received the Holy Spirit from him. ^B Again, having examined the problem at length, he adds these words: “I have learned this also, that this practice was not introduced now for the first time by those in Africa, but long before, in the time of the bishops before us and in the most populous churches and in the synods of the brethren, in Iconium and at Synnada.” ^D

(95) *For they had previously obtained [it] from him.* In this way Robertus Stephanus indeed edited it, following the reading of the Medici codex. But in the remaining copies—the Royal, the Mazarin, and the Fuketian—that final word “Spirit” is not present, and rightly so, in my judgment. For Dionysius is giving the reason why Heraclas had no need for a second baptism when receiving those apostates. *For they had previously obtained [it] from him.* Supply “baptism.” That is, for they had already obtained holy baptism from him. Dionysius calls the baptism of Catholics “holy baptism,” to distinguish it from the baptism of heretics, which Cyprian in his epistles, and Firmilian, and whoever else at that time defended the position on rebaptizing heretics, everywhere calls “profane.” That Dionysius of Alexandria favored these is clear both from his epistles brought forth here by Eusebius and by the testimony of Blessed Jerome. Thus I am accustomed to explain the passage of the same Dionysius from his fourth epistle on baptism, to Dionysius, presbyter of the Church of Rome, where he says of Novatian: “who rejects the holy [bath].” If, however, anyone contends that “holy” is a perpetual epithet for baptism in these passages, for my part I will not argue against it. Yet the former exposition is more pleasing. For if we should retain the old reading in this passage, *for [they had previously obtained] the Holy Spirit*, then the argumentation of Dionysius does not proceed. For what is the consequence? Heraclas did not rebaptize apostates returning to the Church. For what reason? Because, forsooth, they had previously received the Holy Spirit from him. Unless by “Holy Spirit” in this place we understand baptism, the reasoning will be entirely inept.

(96) *The synods, in Iconium and at Synnada.* Dionysius expressly affirms that these synods, the Iconian and the Synnadan, had been convened long before his own time. For he says: *Long before, in the time of the bishops before us.* Firmilian also testifies to this in his epistle to Cyprian, speaking of the Synod of Iconium thus: “Which whole matter we, long since gathered at Iconium, which is a place in Phrygia, with those who came together from Galatia and Cilicia and the other nearby regions, have confirmed.” Where the pronoun “we” is not to be understood of Firmilian’s own person, but rather of his predecessors. Certainly, Firmilian expressly affirms that that synod had been convened long before. But also at the end of the same epistle, he most clearly indicates the antiquity of this synod. For when Pope Stephen, writing to Cyprian, had set the ancient custom of the Church, in receiving heretics, against the assertors of the new dogma, Firmilian...

^A thought it right to frustrate their designs, and did not endure to drive them into strife and contention. For, he says, "You shall not remove the boundaries of your neighbor, which your fathers have set." His fourth epistle concerning baptism was written to Dionysius at Rome, who at that time was honored with the priesthood, 97 but not long after also received the episcopate of that city; from which it is possible to know how he, too, is witnessed to as a learned and admirable man by Dionysius of Alexandria. Writing to him, among other things, he mentions those around Novatus in these terms:

CHAPTER VIII. Concerning the heresy of Novatus.

^C This argument against the Africans he says might perhaps have force, and he teaches in the same place how the Africans can refute it. But he demonstrates that it has no force against the Orientals, among whom heretics have always been rebaptized, ever since the synod at Iconium which was gathered because of the Montanists. The words of Firmilian are these: "What you Africans are able to say against Stephen in this matter, having learned the truth, you have relinquished the error of custom. But we join custom to truth, and we set the custom of the Romans—but the custom of truth—in opposition, holding from the beginning that which was delivered by Christ and by the Apostle. Nor do we remember that this ever began among us, since it has always been observed here, that we should acknowledge only one Church of God, and should count the holy baptism [to belong] to none other than the holy Church. But since some of them questioned those who, although they receive new prophets, yet appear to know the same Father and Son as we do, many of us met together at Iconium and most diligently debated, and confirmed that we ought to reject every baptism that is established outside the Church." Some may say that Firmilian speaks of himself throughout, and therefore that he was present at the Iconian synod. Be it so: let Firmilian have been at the Iconian synod, since it is so agreed. For I would not wish to deny that too persistently. Yet this I firmly assert, that this synod at Iconium was celebrated long before the times of Pope Stephen. For Firmilian also, writing to Cyprian against Stephen, who at that time presided over the Roman Church, clearly affirms that the Iconian synod had been gathered long before; and Dionysius of Alexandria, in his epistle to Philemon, a presbyter of the Roman city—which he wrote at the beginning of the pontificate of Pope Xystus—bears witness that that synod was celebrated before the times of those before us. ^D Therefore this synod appears to have been gathered towards the later times of Alexander Severus. At which time, indeed, Firmilian had been recently promoted to the priesthood of the Church of Caesarea, as Eusebius teaches in Book VI. Wherefore I cannot agree with Baronius and Binius, who placed the Iconian synod in the year of Christ 258, which year is the second of Pope Stephen.

^A destroys the faith and confession, and utterly puts to flight the Holy Spirit from them, even if there were some hope that He might still remain in them, or return to them.

CHAPTER IX.

Of the impious baptism of heretics.

The fifth epistle of the same [Dionysius] to Xystus, bishop of the city of Rome, is also extant. In which, after he has discoursed much against heretics, he relates a certain thing of this kind that happened in his own time, saying: "For indeed, ^B brother, I do need thy counsel, and I ask thy opinion, since such a matter has come before me, for fear I might be in error. For one of the brethren who assemble, a man considered a believer of long standing, and who, before my ordination—and I think even before the appointment of the blessed Heraclas—had been a participant in the congregation, happening upon those who were being baptized just recently, and having heard their questions and answers, came to me weeping and bewailing himself, and falling at my feet, began to confess and to swear ^C that the baptism by which he had been baptized among the heretics— ^D [remainder of page, including scholarly notes on the interpretation of the text, omitted per instructions].

such a kind, nor does it have any communion at all with this of ours; for that [baptism] was full of impiety and blasphemy. He said that his soul was pierced with the sharpest sense of sorrow, and that he did not even dare to lift his eyes to God, being moved by those unholy words and deeds; and that for this reason he was begging to attain this most sincere cleansing, ^A reception, (5) and grace. This, however, I did not dare to do, saying that the long-standing communion he had already had was sufficient for this. For someone who has frequently heard the thanksgiving, and joined in saying "Amen" (6), and stood at the table (7), and stretched out his hands for the reception of the holy food (8), and received it, and partaken of the body and blood of our Lord Jesus Christ for a long time, I would not dare to renew from the beginning. ^B Yet I ordered him to be of good courage, and to approach to the participation of the holy things with firm faith and good hope (9). But he does not cease from mourning, and shudders to approach the table; and he barely, when urged, endures to stand with those praying. ^C In addition to the aforementioned, there is also the fifth...

(5) *Reception*. Chryshophorsonus translates it as "reception into the Church." Musculus, however, translates it more simply as "receiving," which I approve of more. For baptism is called "reception" because in it God receives us as children. It can also be explained as "taking." For thus they used to call baptism. *Acts of the Passion of Saint Genesius*: "And while he wished to please the emperor more fully through his art, he [began] to examine chapter by chapter the secret and venerable law of God; and when he carefully and attentively inquired into each point, he came as far as baptism and the reception of infants."

(6) *Having heard the thanksgiving, and joined in saying 'Amen'*. After the priest had finished the solemn prayer of the Eucharist, the whole people, joining their prayers together, were accustomed to shout "Amen," which means "So be it." Justin mentions this custom in his *Apology*. Regarding this custom, the passage of Paul in the First Epistle to the Corinthians, chapter xiv, seems to be understood: "If you utter a blessing with the spirit, how can anyone in the position of an outsider say 'Amen' to your thanksgiving, when he does not know what you are saying?" For Paul there touches upon certain Hebrews who generally used the Hebrew or Syriac language in their discourses or oblation before Greek-speaking people, as Ambrose teaches, or whatever other author the *Commentaries on the First Epistle to the Corinthians*, chapter xiv, may be. But "Amen" signifies the consent of the hearers, and is a seal of truth, as Jerome notes at the end of his *Commentaries on the Epistle to the Galatians*. Florus the master, in his *Exposition of the Mass*, excellently interprets "Amen," which is responded to by the whole Church, as "truly," not everywhere and in whatever way, but with mystical religion. Therefore, for the consecration of such a great mystery, just as in every legitimate prayer, the faithful respond, and by responding, they sign their agreement. These words of Florus are taken from the book of Alcuin, *On Divine Offices*. Today, too, the same is observed in the Church. For when the priest has recited the sacred Canon and uttered those words, "for ever and ever," then the whole people respond, "Amen." This is the only difference today, that the priest pronounces the canon and the solemn prayers in a low voice, whereas formerly the whole ceremony of the Eucharist was performed in a clear voice, as even this one passage of Dionysius shows.

(7) *Standing at the table*. The faithful used to approach the altar and there receive the body of Christ from the hand of the priest while standing, not, as today, on their knees. Therefore Dionysius said "standing," which word is properly used of presbyters and deacons who ministered at the altar. Chrysostom, *Homily 24 on the Epistle to the Corinthians*: "But you do not see it in a manger, but on an altar; you do not see a woman holding it, but a priest standing by; and the Spirit, with great abundance, flying over the things set before us." Regarding the one standing at the altar, he says "to approach," or "proceed." "For I do not think that even women, being faithful and pious, would dare, while so disposed, to approach the holy table or to touch the body and blood of Christ." As it seems, in olden times women entered the sanctuary and partook from the holy table. That is, it appears that, in olden times, women used to approach the altar and partake of the holy table. Afterwards, however, by the canon of the Council of Laodicea, it was forbidden for women to approach the altar: this same thing was forbidden to men in the Trullan Synod. Although it seemed that this had already been forbidden by the canon of the Council of Laodicea, in which it is decreed that only priests who are about to communicate may approach the altar.

(8) *And stretched out his hands for the reception...*. The faithful who were about to receive the body of the Lord by hand, having first washed their hands studiously, approached the altar, as Chrysostom teaches in his *Homily on the Epistle of Paul to the Ephesians*. He writes the same in his *Homily on Matthew*. But when about to receive the Eucharist, they stretched out the right hand, slightly cupped, placing the left hand underneath it, so that nothing of the sacred food might fall, as Cyril of Jerusalem teaches in his last *Catechesis*.

(9) *And good hope*. In four of our manuscripts—Mazarenus, Mediceus, Fukeranus, and Savilianus—and in Nicephorus, it is read as "a good conscience." But the Royal codex and Georgius Syncellus in his *Chronicle* uphold the previous reading.

^A And there is another epistle of the same man concerning baptism, written in the name of himself and the parish which he governed, addressed to Xystus and the Church in Rome, in which he extends his discourse on the subject proposed through a lengthened demonstration. There is also extant another epistle of his, written after these, to Dionysius of Rome, concerning Lucian. And so much for these matters.

CHAPTER X.

On Valerian, and the persecution stirred up by him.

^B When Gallus and his associates were removed from the scene, having held the empire for scarcely two years, Valerian, along with his son Gallienus, succeeded to the sovereignty. What Dionysius relates concerning him, one may learn from his epistle to Hermammon, in which he writes in this manner: "And to John, in like manner, it is revealed. For he says, 'And there was given unto him a mouth speaking great things and blasphemies; and power was given unto him, and forty and two months.' ^C Both these things one may wonder at in the case of Valerian; and especially it is necessary to consider what he was before this, as his character was such, so long as he was mild and friendly toward the people of God. For none of the emperors before him had been so favorably and kindly disposed towards them, not even those who were openly said to have become Christians, as he was, who in the beginning showed himself most familiar and affectionate in receiving them. And his whole house was filled with pious men, and was a Church of God. ^D But the teacher and archisynagogue of the magicians from Egypt persuaded him to depart from this course, exhorting him to persecute and slay those holy and pure men, inasmuch as they...

are and were ^A sufficient, by their mere presence and sight, and simply by breathing and speaking, to scatter the plots of the malignant demons. He instructed him to perform wicked initiations, abominable sorceries, and execrable sacrifices; to slaughter miserable infants and offer up the children of wretched parents; to open the bowels of the newborn; to dismember and mangle the works of God, as if by this act he were to attain the highest happiness. » Afterward he adds: « Truly did Macrianus offer to them ^B thank-offerings for the hoped-for empire; he who formerly, being called the superintendent of the universal accounts ^C of the Emperor, thought nothing reasonable or universal... (16) *And simply by breathing*: *Insulantes* (insulting/breathing upon), a word used by Prudentius in the *Agon Romani*. For Christians used to blow upon demons and their delusions, temples, and idols, to show by this sign that they detested such filth. Concerning this custom, Brissonius noted much long ago in his *Commentary on the title of the Theodosian Code, De feriis*, and after him Heraldus in his notes on Minucius Felix. To this I think the passage of Dionysius in Eusebius, Book VI, chapter 41, concerning the Fifth Christian woman, whom the pagans had dragged to the temple of idols, and who was turning away and showing her loathing, etc., should be referred.

(17) The Vulgate and four of our manuscripts, the Mazarin and the Medicean with the Fuketian and Savilian, read *εὐδαιμονήσαντας* (those who have attained prosperity); more correctly, provided that you write it in the singular number, *εὐδαιμονήσοντα* (that he will attain prosperity). For Dionysius is speaking here only of Valerian.

(18) *Truly did Macrianus offer to them*: One must understand *to the demons*, and not *to the emperors*, as Christophorsonus thought. For the discourse here is only regarding Valerian, as I have already said. Add to this that the entire meaning of this passage is lost if the interpretation of Christophorsonus is retained. In our version, however, the meaning is most clear. Macrianus, he says, when he had arrived at the hope of the empire from the predictions and presages of demons, returned this favor to them: that he might arm Valerian against the Christians. Furthermore, in our manuscripts—the Mazarine, Medicean, and Fuketian—it is written *Μακριανός*, which is more correct. For thus do the writers of the *Historia Augusta* and ancient coins name this tyrant. But also in the most ancient Vatican manuscript, which the most learned Lucas Holstenius consulted at my request, it is written *Μακριανός*, both in this place and in chapter 23.

(19) *Superintendent of the universal accounts*: Thus the Greeks call those whom the Latins call *rationales* (stewards) or procurators of the treasury, as I noted long ago in the excerpts of Constantine Porphyrogenitus from Dio Cocceianus, p. 112. There is no need to repeat those things here. Let us only add the remarkable passage of Porphyry in the *Life of Plotinus*, which has not been understood by the most learned interpreter. For Porphyry, speaking of a certain Thaumasius, says thus: *ὥστε καὶ Θαυμασίου τινὸς τούνομα ἐπεισελθόντος, τοὺς καθόλου λόγους πράττοντος* (So that when the name of a certain Thaumasius had intruded, who was in charge of the universal accounts). Furthermore, it is uncertain of which emperor Macrianus was the procurator. For beware of thinking that he was Valerian's procurator.

(20) *Neither universal*: Dionysius plays on the name *catholici* (universal), by which both the office of *rationalis* and the Christian religion are designated. Whence Optatus in book II asserts that the Catholic faith is so called because it is *rationalis*: "Where then will the propriety of the name 'Catholic' be, since it is said to be 'Catholic' because it is *rationalis* and diffused everywhere?" Although I do not easily persuade myself that the Catholic religion is so called because it is *rationalis*. For *καθολικός* does not simply and absolutely signify 'rational' unless the word *λογοθέτης* (accountant) is understood. Furthermore, it is difficult to say when the name 'Catholic' first attached to the Church of God. In the epistle of the Smyrneans regarding the martyrdom of blessed Polycarp, mention is made of the Catholic Church. Likewise in the Acts of the passion of the martyr Pionius, who suffered in the principate of Decius Augustus. Then Polemo asked, "Are you a Christian?" Pionius replied, "I am, indeed." Polemo asked, "Of what Church are you?" Pionius replied, "The Catholic; for there is no other before Christ." It appears, therefore, that this name was given to the Church around the first succession of the apostles, when heresies were in many...

^A respects attempting to subvert the true and genuine faith of Christ and the apostolic tradition. For then, so that the true and genuine Church of Christ might be distinguished from the adulterous congregations of heretics, the name "Catholic" was attributed solely to the Church of the orthodox. ^B

Chapter XI. Of the things that Dionysius and the Christians who were in Egypt suffered.

Concerning the severity of that persecution, which cannot even be described[...] ^{C D}

[The portion of the page containing the Greek and Latin text of Dionysius, following the chapter title "Caput XI", is translated here as follows:]

He was not wise, but rather he fell under the prophetic curse which says: "Woe to those who prophesy from their own heart, and see nothing at all." For he did not understand the universal providence, nor did he consider the judgment of Him who is before all, and through all, and over all. Therefore, he not only became an enemy of His Catholic Church, but also alienated and estranged himself from the mercy of God, and cast himself as far as possible from his own salvation, therein confirming and exhibiting the truth of his own name. And a little later he says: "For Valerian, indeed, having been incited to such deeds by this man, was exposed and surrendered to insults and reproaches, according to that which the Lord said to Isaiah: 'And they have chosen their own ways, and their abominations which their soul desired; and I will choose their mockeries, and I will recompense their sins.' But this man—Macrianus—having been insanely inflamed for the kingdom beyond what he deserved, and being unable to wear the royal insignia because he was crippled in body, set his two sons in charge of the empire, men who had taken upon themselves their father's sins. For in them was most evidently fulfilled the prediction of God, saying: 'I am He who recompenses the sins of the fathers upon the children unto the third and fourth generation of those who hate me.' For his own wicked desires, which he himself could not enjoy, he cast upon the heads of his sons, and poured out his own wickedness and his hatred of God upon them as well." And so much for Dionysius concerning Valerian.

^A What Dionysius himself endured along with others for the sake of the worship of the true God, his own words will show; words which he addresses to a certain Germanus, a bishop of his time who was attempting to slander him, and where he sets forth the matter in this way: ^B "I fear, indeed, that I may seem to have fallen into madness and stupor, since I am compelled to recount the marvelous providence and dispensation of God toward us. But since, as Scripture says, it is good to conceal the secret of a king, but glorious to proclaim the works of God, I shall enter into the fray against the violence of Germanus. I did not go to Aemilianus alone, but was accompanied by Maximus, my fellow-presbyter, and the deacons Faustus, Eusebius, and Chaeremon. One of the brothers from Rome who was present also entered with us. Aemilianus did not say to me at the outset, 'Do not hold gatherings,' for that was superfluous to him and the last thing to do, as he was starting from the first and most important point. ^C For his concern was not that I should not gather others, but that we ourselves should not be Christians; and he ordered me to desist from this, thinking that if I were to change, the others would follow my example. I answered not improbably nor with an answer far afield: 'We must obey God rather than men.' But I explicitly and openly testified that I worship only the God who is, and no other besides him, and that I would neither be changed from my purpose, nor ever cease to be a Christian. After this, he ordered us to go to a village near the desert called Cephro. But hear the words themselves that were spoken by both of us, just as they are read inserted into the public records: ^D When Dionysius, Faustus, Maximus, Marcellus, and Chaeremon had been brought in, Aemilianus the prefect said: 'I have spoken to you informally about the kindness of our lords, which they have shown toward you. For they have granted you the opportunity for safety, if you wish to turn to that which is natural, and to worship the gods who preserve their empire, and to forget those things that are contrary to nature. What, then, do you say to these things?'"

' I do not expect that you will be ungrateful for their kindness, since they are urging you toward better things.' ^A Dionysius replied: 'Not all men worship all gods, but each worships those whom they believe in. We, for our part, worship and adore the one God and Creator of all things, who also entrusted the empire to the most God-beloved Augusti, Valerian and Gallienus; and to Him we pray unceasingly for their empire, that it may remain unshaken.' Aemilianus the prefect said to them: 'Who prevents you from worshipping this one too, if he is God, along with those who are gods by nature? For you were ordered to worship the gods, and those whom all men know.' Dionysius replied: 'We worship no other.' ^B Aemilianus the prefect said to them: 'I see that you are both ungrateful and insensible to the kindness of our Augusti. Therefore you shall not remain in this city. But you shall be sent to the parts of Libya, to a place called Cephro; for this place I have selected in accordance with the command of our Augusti. And it shall in no way be permitted either to you or to any others to hold assemblies, or to enter the so-called cemeteries. But if anyone should be found not to have gone to the place which I have commanded, or should be found in any assembly, he will bring danger upon himself. For there will not be wanting fitting punishment. Depart, therefore, where you have been commanded.' And he compelled me to depart, even though I was sick, without allowing me even one day’s delay. What leisure, then, did I have to hold assemblies or not to hold them? ^C Then, after some other things, he says: 'But neither did we abstain from the corporeal assembly, the Lord helping us. But I assembled with greater zeal those who were in the city, gathering them as if I were present, absent in body, as I have said, but present in spirit. And at Cephro a great multitude of the faithful stayed with us, some following us from the city, and others joining us from the rest of Egypt. And there too God opened for us a door for the preaching of the word. And although at first we were persecuted and stoned, later on, not a few of the heathen, abandoning ^D their idols, turned to the Lord. For not having received them before, it was then that the word was first sown by us through them. And as if God had led us away to them for this reason, when we had fulfilled this ministry, He led us away again.'

For Aemilianus ^A decided to move us to places that seemed rougher and more Libyan. He ordered everyone to flock to the Mareotic district, assigning villages in the region to each group, but for us, he designated one that was more on the main road and where we would be captured first, for he was clearly making arrangements and preparations so that, whenever he wished to seize us, he would have us all easy to take.

When I was ordered to depart for Cephro, I did not even know where that place was, having perhaps not even heard the name before; yet I set out cheerfully and calmly. But when it was announced to me that I was to move to the region of the Colluthiones ^B, those who were present know how I was affected, for here I will accuse myself: at first I was very much displeased and saddened. For even if those places were better known and more familiar to us, they said that the village was empty of brothers and men of importance, and was exposed to the annoyances of travelers and the raids of robbers. But I found much consolation when the brothers reminded me that the place was closer to the city. For while Cephro had brought us a huge multitude of brothers from Egypt, so that we could hold gatherings more spaciously, there, because of the vicinity of the city, we would be able to enjoy the sight of our most truly beloved, intimate, and dearest friends more frequently. For they come and rest, and since they are located further away in the suburbs, there will be gatherings ^C held in parts. And so it happened.

And after other things, concerning what had happened to him, he writes these things again: “Germanus boasts of many confessions. He has much to say about what has happened to him. How many sentences he can count against us, confiscations, proscriptions, plundering of property, removals from offices ^D, the scorning of worldly glory...”

ὀλιγωρίας. » ^A contempt of gubernatorial and municipal 42 honors, and of the contrary threats, and of outcries and dangers, and of persecutions and straying and straits, and of the endurance of manifold affliction? Of such sort were those things which happened to me under Decius and Sabinus 43, of such sort those until the present day of Aemilianus. But where did Germanus appear? And what is the account concerning him? But I desist from the great folly into which I fall because of Germanus; wherefore also I leave the narrative of what happened to each one to be told by the brethren who know it.» The same man, in his epistle to Domitius and Didymus, again mentions those involved in the persecution in these terms: « To enumerate our own people by name, seeing they are many and unknown to you, is superfluous; but know that men and women, and young and old, and maidens and aged women, and soldiers and civilians, and every race and every age, some by lashes and fire, others by the sword, have conquered in the struggle and have received their crowns; while for others, as it would seem, not even now has a sufficient time elapsed that they might appear acceptable to the Lord, just as it appears that not even to me, even up to the present. Wherefore he has deferred me to a season which he himself knows to be suitable, he who says: ^B ‘In an acceptable time I have heard thee, and in a day of salvation I have helped thee.’ For as for our own affairs, since you inquire and wish to be informed how we are faring, you have heard, I am sure, how when I was being led away as a prisoner by a centurion and the magistrates 44, and by the soldiers and servants with them, both I and Gaius and Faustus and Peter and Paul, some people from Mareotis 45 came and forced us along against our will, and even when we were not following them... ^C

CONCERNING THE MAGISTRATES OF ALEXANDRIA

The great Dionysius, bishop of the Alexandrians, who was a rhetorician, writes: « And the Emperor [Severus] ordered the Alexandrians to govern themselves without senators. » But indeed they began to have senators in Alexandria with the Emperor Severus. But as for what follows, concerning the soldiers and servants with them, and how they drove them into exile before the Duke and the judges, dragging their own kin from their houses through the soldiers and the magistrate Gorgonius, and cutting them with blows: it is superfluous, for even when they are many and unknown to you, it is sufficient only to know this in general, men and women, youths and old men, maidens and matrons, soldiers and pagans, and in short of every kind of human race ^D that he was thus led.

Hence in the acts of the purgation of Caecilian, which were published after the conference of Carthage, Victor, being interrogated by the proconsul Zenophilus as to what was his station, replied: « I am a professor of Roman letters. » Then, being interrogated of what dignity he was, he replied: « By a father who was a decurion of the Constantinians, and a grandfather who was a soldier, who had served in the comitatus. » Furthermore, Dionysius Alexandrinus, before he passed to the faith of Christ, had been by profession a rhetorician, as Maximus teaches in the scholia to the book of Dionysius the Areopagite, *On the Celestial Hierarchy*, chapter 5: « The great Dionysius, bishop of the Alexandrians, who was from the rhetoricians... »

For the Emperor had commanded that they should not administer their commonwealth by any decurions. But later the Emperor Severus permitted the Alexandrians to have a Curia, as Dio writes in book LI. A little after, Spartianus writes in *Severus*: « He gave the Alexandrians the right of decurions, who, without a public council, just as they lived before under the kings, were content with one judge whom the Emperor had given. » Certainly, in the epistle of Athanasius to the solitaries, mention is made of the decurions of Alexandria. He had been prefect of Egypt in the times of the Emperor Decius, concerning whom Dionysius writes in the epistle to Fabius, which Eusebius recorded in chapter 4 of book VI. But Aemilianus, the prefect of Egypt of whom there is speech here, later occupied the empire, as Pollio writes in the *Tyranni*; who nevertheless calls him a duke and not prefect of Egypt.

They have interpreted [the word στρατηγῶν] as "dukes," which is most absurd. For why was there need of many dukes to lead Dionysius into exile, when only one centurion was present? Christodorus saw this absurdity and for that reason corrected it and interpreted it as "the magistrate" (*duumvir*). But neither in this way was he able to avoid the absurdity. For neither did the duke himself usually lead prisoners into exile. But an office of this kind was commanded to a centurion or a *speculator*. Therefore the word *strategos* signifies something else, namely the *duumviri* or magistrates of the city of Alexandria. For the Greeks used to call them so, as I have proved by many examples to book XXXI of Ammianus Marcellinus. Furthermore, these magistrates, when they had "moderate coercion," as the jurisconsults say, were accustomed to seize prisoners, to consign them to prison and to interrogate them, and to draw up acts, reserving the judgment concerning them to the Roman prefect, as is to be learned from the *Acts of the Apostles*, and from the *Acts of Pionius* the martyr and others. Wherefore it is not strange if the magistrates of Alexandria in this place provide their labor to the rector of the province for the leading of Dionysius into exile; whom, namely, they themselves had seized and had brought to judgment before the prefect of Egypt. But also the words which follow confirm our opinion. For they refer to the centurion; the others to the *duumviri* or magistrates whom they obeyed. Athanasius also, in the epistle to the solitaries, calls the *duumvir* or magistrate of the Alexandrian city. For speaking of the Arians who had sent into exile the presbyters and deacons of Alexandria who had been brought to judgment, he writes thus: « In what way did they by the work of the duke and the judges drive them into exile, dragging the necessary persons of them from their houses by military hand, and with the aid of the magistrate Gorgonius. » For the interpreter wrongly translated Gorgonius as "duke." And yet the duke himself was called Sebastianus, as Athanasius testifies: but Gorgonius was a magistrate or *duumvir*.

^A and Paul, when some of the Mareotae came upon us (45), they snatched us away by force, even though we were not following them of our own will. Now I, along with Gaius and Peter, being orphans and alone, separated from the rest of the brethren, have been shut up in a desolate and parched place in Libya, three days' journey from Paraetonium. » And later, descending [in his narrative], he says: "But in the city, those who secretly visit the brethren have hidden themselves; namely, the presbyters Maximus, Dioscorus, Demetrius, and Lucius; for Faustinus and Aquila, who are more conspicuous in the world, are wandering through Egypt. And of the deacons, those who survived after those who died of the plague (46) are Faustus, Eusebius, and Chaeremon—Eusebius, whom God from the beginning strengthened and prepared ^B to fulfill with zeal the tasks for those who became confessors in the prisons, and to carry out the shroudings (47) of the bodies of the perfect and blessed martyrs, even at the risk of his own life. For even to this day the governor does not cease, as I have said before, cruelly killing some of those brought before him, wearing others down with tortures, and consuming others in prisons and chains, ordering that no one approach them, and making diligent search lest anyone be seen. And yet God, by the eagerness and perseverance of the brethren, gives rest to the oppressed." » So much for Dionysius, and it is set down in this writing. It should be noted that Eusebius, whom he called a deacon, was shortly thereafter established as bishop of the Church of Laodicea in Syria (48), and Maximus, whom he then called a presbyter, after Dionysius, succeeded to the ^C ministry of the brethren in Alexandria.

Finally, Faustus, who at that time had become famous for his confession together with Dionysius, and who was reserved until the persecution of our own time, being then old and almost decrepit, brought his martyrdom to completion in our age by the severing of his head. But as for the things that happened to Dionysius at that time, let this suffice.

CHAPTER XII. Of those who were martyred at Caesarea in Palestine.

^B During the aforementioned persecution by Valerian, three men in Caesarea of Palestine, having shone forth in their confession of Christ, were adorned with divine martyrdom, becoming food for wild beasts. Of these, one was called Priscus, another Malchus, and the third had the name Alexander. It is said that these men, while living in the country, first reproached themselves as being sluggish and slothful, because when the occasion itself was distributing the rewards of the time to those who were panting with heavenly love, they were neglecting them and were not seizing the crown of martyrdom. Having held these deliberations, they rushed to Caesarea, and approached the judge himself, and obtained the fate already described. In addition to these, they relate that a certain woman in the same city, during the same persecution, endured a similar struggle. Tradition holds that she belonged to the sect of Marcion.

CHAPTER XIII. Of the peace granted by Gallienus.

^D But Valerian did not long endure the slavery under the barbarians; his son, having become sole monarch, managed the government more temperately. He immediately relaxed the persecution against us by means of edicts, giving orders through a rescript that the leaders of our doctrine be permitted to perform their customary duties in freedom, which consists of the following form: "The Emperor Caesar Publius Licinius Gallienus, Pious, Fortunate, Augustus, to Dionysius, Pinna, Demetrius, and the rest of the bishops: I have ordered the bounty of my grace to be spread throughout the whole world, that the occupiers must withdraw from the places of worship. And for this reason you also may use the form of my rescript, so that no one may cause you to be troubled. And this, which you are permitted to do, has long since been con

conceded by me. Therefore Aurelius Cyrenius, ^A the one who is in charge of the highest office, will safeguard the form I have given. Let these things be set down, translated more clearly from the Roman tongue. And there is another decree of the same emperor, which he made to other bishops, permitting them to recover the fields of the so-called cemeteries.

CHAPTER XIV.

Who were the bishops flourishing at these same times.

At this same time, Xystus still presided over the Roman Church; but after the death of Fabius, Demetrianus directed the Church of Antioch; and Firmilianus that of Caesarea in Cappadocia. And in addition to these, Gregory and his brother Athenodorus, ^B both disciples of Origen, governed the churches in Pontus. Upon the death of Theoctistus in Caesarea in Palestine, Domnus succeeded to the priesthood. After he had passed from this life a short time later, Theotecnus, who is of our own time, was appointed as his successor. He too is said to have been a student of Origen. In Jerusalem also, after the passing of Mazabanus, Hymenæus, who himself flourished for a great many years in our own time, succeeded to the throne.

CHAPTER XV.

How Marinus suffered martyrdom at Caesarea.

Meanwhile, with peace restored to the churches everywhere, a certain Marinus at Caesarea in Palestine, ^C distinguished by military rank, and a man illustrious for his lineage and wealth, was beheaded for the confession of Christ for the following reason. There is a certain honor among the Romans called the vine-staff, those who attain which are called centurions. When this position became vacant, the order of his rank called Marinus to that promotion. And when he was just about to obtain that honor, another person approached the tribunal and began to accuse Marinus, asserting that, as a Christian man who refused to sacrifice to the emperors, ^D it was not permitted for him to share in the Roman dignity according to the ancient laws.

^A Disturbed by this event, the judge—this was Achæus—first asked Marinus what his views were. When he saw that he steadfastly confessed himself to be a Christian, he granted him a space of three hours to deliberate.

Upon his leaving the courtroom, Theotecnus, the bishop of that city, approached him and, engaging him in conversation, drew him further away and took him by the hand to the church. Having set him inside before the altar, he drew back a small part of his military cloak ^B and, showing him the sword with which he was girded, he at the same time placed and presented before him the book of the divine Gospels, telling him to choose whichever he preferred of the two. Marinus, without hesitation, reached out his right hand and took the divine Scripture. "Hold fast, then," said Theotecnus to him, "hold fast to God; and may you attain what you have chosen, being strengthened by Him. Go in peace."

Immediately after he had returned from there, a herald began to call him before the courthouse, for the time allotted for deliberation had now elapsed. Having been brought to the tribunal, and having displayed even greater zeal for his faith than before, he was immediately led away from there, just as he was, to his death, and was crowned with martyrdom. ^C

Chapter XVI: The story concerning Astyrius.

There, Astyrius is also mentioned for his God-beloved boldness—a man who had been among the Roman senators, was dear to the emperors, and was known to all both for his noble birth and for his wealth. Being present at that time as the martyr was perfected, he took the body upon his shoulders, lifting it up in a bright and costly garment, and after wrapping it very wealthily, he delivered it to a becoming burial. Countless other things are told of this man by those of his household who survived even unto our own time.

Chapter XVII: Concerning the miracles of our Saviour at Paneas.

Furthermore, there is a miracle of this kind. Near Cæsarea Philippi, which the Phoenicians call Paneas, ^D

^A at the springs shown there at the foothills of the mountain called Paneus, from which the Jordan flows, they say that on a certain feast day a sacrificial animal was cast [(59)]. And they say that this, by the power of the demon, would disappear in a wondrous manner, and the occurrence was a famous miracle for those present. But the story goes that Asturius, once happening to be present at these ceremonies and seeing the multitude struck with admiration at this event, first felt pity for the blindness of the crowd. Then, lifting his eyes to heaven, he besought the God over all through Christ, that He would restrain that demon, the deceiver of the people, and forbid him from deceiving mortals thereafter. They say that upon his prayer, the sacrificial animal suddenly floated upon the springs. And thus the miracle vanished for them, no portent being seen ^B around that place anymore.

Chapter XVIII: Concerning the statue which the woman suffering from an issue of blood set up

(Nic. VI, 15)

But since we have made mention of this city, I do not think it inappropriate to hand down a narrative worthy to be remembered by posterity. For they report that the woman suffering from an issue of blood [(60)], whom we learn from the holy Gospels was healed by our Saviour from her affliction, originated from this city, and that her house is shown there, and that illustrous memorials of the benefit conferred upon her by our Saviour remain. For near the gate of her house, upon a high stone, a bronze image of a woman is said to stand, on bended knees and with hands stretched out before her, like one ^C supplicating. Opposite this is another of the same metal, an upright figure of a man, modestly clothed in a cloak, extending his hand to the woman. At his feet, upon the base itself, a certain unknown species of plant is said to grow, which, reaching up as far as the hem of the bronze cloak [(61)], is a potent remedy for all kinds of diseases. This statue, they said, represented the likeness of Jesus Christ. And it remained even to our own times, so that we have ourselves seen it when we visited that city. Nor is it to be wondered at that those of the Gentiles who were benefited by our Saviour should have done these things, when we have seen ^D that painted likenesses of his apostles, Paul and Peter, and of Christ himself, have been preserved in paintings, as it is natural for those of old out of a Gentile custom to have been accustomed to honor them as saviors in this way [(62)].

And so much for this matter.

CHAPTER XIX. De throno Jacobi apostoli.

^A For the throne of James, who was the first to receive the episcopate of the Church of Jerusalem from the Savior Himself and the apostles, and whom the divine scriptures contain as being called the brother of Christ, has been preserved to this day; the brothers who have followed here in succession clearly demonstrate to all how they have cherished and do cherish reverence for holy men out of a love for God, both those of old and those among us. And so much for this matter.

Chapter XX. On the festal letters of Dionysius, in which he also provides the Paschal canon.

^B Dionysius, in addition to the aforementioned letters of his, also composed at that time the so-called "Festal" letters, in which he stirs up more celebratory discourses concerning the feast of the Passover. One of these he addresses to Flavius, and another to Domitius and Didymus. In the latter, he also sets forth a rule for an eight-year cycle, maintaining that the feast of the Passover ought not to be celebrated at any time other than after the vernal equinox. Besides these, he also writes another letter to the fellow-presbyters at Alexandria, and together to others in various places, and these he wrote while the fury of the persecution was still raging. ^{C D} [alt-version omitted]

^C

CHAPTER XXI.

Of those things which happened at Alexandria.

When peace had barely been restored, he returned to Alexandria. But since sedition and war had arisen there again, to such a degree that he could not address all the brethren of that city who were distracted into either side of the faction, again on the day of Pascha, as if he were an exile from the very city of Alexandria itself, he addressed them by letter. Indeed, in another Paschal epistle which he wrote shortly after to Hierax, one of the bishops in Egypt, he makes mention of that sedition which was stirred up at Alexandria at that time, in these words: "And what is there to marvel at, if it is burdensome and difficult for me to address those residing at a distance even by letters, when it is impossible for me to speak to myself or to take counsel with my own soul? For when I require to send letters to my own bowels, to my tent-mates and fellow-souled brethren, and citizens of the same Church, I hardly find a way to dispatch them. For it would be easier for one to travel, I will not say beyond the bounds of the province, but from the East to the furthest regions of the West, than to go from the city of Alexandria itself to Alexandria. For that vast and pathless wilderness which the Israelites traversed in two generations, ^D is more passable and accessible than the middle street of the city. And those quiet and placid harbors of theirs exhibit an image of that sea which was once cleft asunder and, braced like two walls on either side, provided a passage for the Israelites, but engulfed the Egyptians in that very path. For because of the frequent slaughter of men perpetrated there, they were like the Red Sea. But the river that flows by the city has sometimes appeared drier and more parched than that wilderness which the Israelite traversed..."

and yet, at the command of Him who alone works wonders, water flowed for them from a sheer rock; indeed, it has sometimes flooded so mightily that it inundated the whole surrounding country, the roads, and the fields, threatening a deluge of water such as occurred in the days of Noah. But it flows on, polluted by killings, slaughter, and the constant sinking of men, just as it was once rendered by Moses for Pharaoh, when it was turned into blood and stank. What water, then, could cleanse the water by which all things are purified? How could the vast and boundless Ocean, poured forth for men, wash away this bitter sea? Or how could that great river which flows out of Eden, even if it were to divert the four tributaries into which it is divided into a single channel of the Gihon, wash away such filth? Or when will the air, obscured on all sides by wicked exhalations, become pure and clear again? For such are the vapors from the earth, the winds from the sea, the breezes from the rivers, and the miasma from the harbors that breathe out, so that the gore of corpses decaying in all the underlying elements serves as the dew. And after this, men wonder and are at a loss as to whence come the constant plagues, whence come the grievous diseases, whence come the all-consuming corruptions, and whence comes the varied and great destruction of men; why the greatest city no longer supports such a multitude of inhabitants within it, starting from infants and children up to those who have reached the extreme of old age, whom he previously called the 'crude old men' ^A that it once nourished. But at that time, there were many more who were forty years old, and those who had progressed up to the seventieth year of their age, such that their number could not now be filled, even if those from fourteen years to eighty are inscribed and added to the public grain register. These, even in their very appearance, are like young men; they have now become in a way the equals of those who were once considered old. And seeing the human race on earth so greatly diminished and consumed, they do not tremble as their total destruction increases and advances day by day. » ^B

CHAPTER XXII. On the pestilence that visited us.

After this, the war having been succeeded by a pestilence, and the Paschal season approaching, Dionysius again spoke to the brothers by letter, noting the circumstances of that calamity. ^{C D}

^A He describes their magnitude with these words: "To other men, the present time might not seem a time for festivity. Nor is it so for them, nor for anyone else, not only for those who are sorrowful, but not even for those whom one might deem most joyful. Now, indeed, all things are full of lamentation, and all are mourning, and wailings resound through the city because of the multitude of those who have died or are dying day by day. For just as it is written concerning the firstborn of the Egyptians, so a great cry has arisen now as well. For there is no house in which there is not one dead; and would that this were all! For many and terrible things had happened even before this. First, they drove us out; and being the only ones persecuted and put to death by all, we still celebrated the feast. And every place where each trial occurred became for us a place of assembly: a field, a wilderness, a ship, an inn, a prison; and the most brilliant feast of all was celebrated by the perfect martyrs, who feasted in heaven. After this, war and famine took hold of us—things we endured along with the Gentiles, alone bearing all the harm they wrought against us, while also partaking of the things they did to one another and suffered themselves. And again we were gladdened by the peace of Christ, which He gave to us alone. But when we and they had enjoyed a very short breathing space, this plague suddenly fell upon us, a thing to them indeed the most terrifying of all things and more grievous than any other calamity, and as one of their own writers said, a thing alone exceeding all expectation. To us, however, it was not that; but it was a period of discipline and testing, no less than the others. Yet it did not spare us, but it spread widely ^B among the nations." Subjoined to these remarks, he continues: "The majority of our brothers, through exceeding love and brotherly affection, sparing not themselves and clinging to one another, visited the sick without fear and attended to them diligently, serving them in Christ, and happily departed along with them, ^C as they were burdened with the suffering from others, and having drawn the sickness upon themselves from their neighbors, they willingly took upon themselves the pains of others."

^A And many who had nursed others and restored them to health, themselves died, having transferred the death of those others to themselves, and in deed at that time fulfilling that common saying, which seems to signify mere courtesy, ^B by becoming the "offscouring" (peripsema) of all. ^C Certainly, the best among our brothers departed this life in this manner—some presbyters and deacons, and those of the laity who were most highly esteemed; so that this kind of death, occurring through great piety and strong faith, seemed to be nothing inferior to martyrdom. And taking the bodies of the saints into their open hands and chests, closing their eyes and mouths, carrying them on their shoulders and laying them out, clinging to them and embracing them, and adorning them with washings and burial wrappings, after a little while they obtained the same ministrations, as those who remained always followed in the footsteps of those who had gone before. The Gentiles, however, did the complete opposite: they cast out those who began to be sick and fled from their dearest ones, and threw them half-dead into the roads, and treated the unburied bodies as refuse, avoiding the contagion and communion of death, which it was not easy to avoid, even exerting much effort. »

After this letter, when there was peace in the city, he wrote to the brothers in Egypt again with a festal letter, and in it he sets forth other various ^D matters. There is also extant a letter of his concerning the Sabbath, and another concerning the gymnasium. Conversing again by letter with Hierammon and the brothers in Egypt, and detailing many other matters concerning Decius and those after him [and] their wickedness—

and making mention of the peace that flourished under the principate of Gallienus.

CHAPTER XXIII. On the empire of Gallienus.

But it will be better to hear his own words, which are as follows: “And he indeed, having betrayed one of his emperors and having waged war upon another, perished root and branch with his whole family in a short time. Gallienus, however, was proclaimed and approved by the common consent of all: an emperor at once old and new, being prior to those ^B and present after them. For according to what was said to the prophet Isaiah: ‘The things from the beginning, behold, have come, and the new things which now shall arise.’ For just as a cloud having passed under the sun’s rays and for a little while having cast a shade, has obscured it and appeared in its place, then, upon the cloud passing or being dispersed, the sun which had risen before appears again as if new, so Macrianus, having set himself up and having moved himself closest to the empire of Gallienus which stands over us, is now no more, since he was not [truly emperor] even before; but Gallienus is yet as he was. And the empire, as if having put off old age and having been cleansed of ^C the previously existing wickedness, now flourishes more vigorously, and is seen and heard further, and spreads everywhere.” Then he indicates the very time in which he was writing this, signifying it with these words: “And it comes to me again to consider the days of the imperial years. For I see that those who were called most impious, not long after have become nameless; while the most pious and God-loving one, having passed the seven-year period, is now completing the ninth year, in which we shall keep festival.”

CHAPTER XXIV. On Nepos and the schism of his followers.

In addition to all these, he also dedicated to this subject his two books, ^D *On Promises*. The cause of the writing was a certain Nepos, a bishop of those in Egypt, who taught that the promises made to the saints in the divine Scriptures would be fulfilled in a more Jewish fashion, and supposed that there would be a certain thousand years of bodily indulgence upon this earth. And thinking, therefore, that he could confirm his opinion from the Revelation of John, he composed a work upon this subject, which he entitled *A Refutation of the Allegorists*. In response...

to this, Dionysius, in his books *On the Promises*, opposes him, in the first book putting forward his own opinion regarding this doctrine, and in the second discussing the Revelation of John. There, making mention of Nepos at the beginning, he writes the following concerning him: ^A “Since they bring forward a certain work of Nepos, upon which they rely heavily as if it demonstrated beyond contradiction [(89)] that the kingdom of Christ will be upon the earth, in many other respects I accept and love Nepos, both for his faith and industry, and for his diligence in the Scriptures, and for the many psalms [(90)] by which even until now many of the brethren are cheered; and I hold the man in very great honor, especially because he has now departed [(91)] from this life. But truth is lovable and to be preferred above all things; and it is necessary to praise and agree abundantly with whatever is rightly stated, yet to examine and correct whatever does not appear to be written soundly. Now, if the case were one where the person was present and ^B set forth his doctrine in mere discourse, a conversation without writing would be sufficient, one which, through questioning and answering, would persuade and instruct those who are contradictorily disposed; but since a writing has been set forth, which seems to many to be very persuasive, and since there are certain teachers who make the Law and the prophets of no account, and who neglect to follow the Gospels, and who despise the Apostles' Epistles, while they herald the doctrine of this work as if it were some great and hidden mystery [(92)] and do not allow the simpler of our brethren to entertain anything lofty or magnificent, either concerning the glorious and truly divine appearing of our Lord, or ^C concerning our resurrection from the dead and our gathering together and likeness to Him, but instead persuade them to hope for small and mortal things [(93)] in the kingdom of God, it is necessary that we also should hold a discourse with our brother Nepos as if he were present.”

Having interposed a few words, he adds this: “When I was in the Arsinoite district, where, as you know, this doctrine had for a long time ^A become rife, to such a degree that there were schisms and desertions of entire churches, having convened the presbyters and teachers of the brothers in the villages, with those of the brothers also present who wished to do so, I encouraged them to examine this doctrine publicly in an assembly. And when they brought forward this book to me, as if it were some shield and an impregnable wall, I sat together with them for three consecutive days from dawn until evening, and I attempted to interpret the things written therein. There, I was also greatly impressed by the steadfastness, the love of truth, the teachableness, and the intelligence of the brothers, as we made our questions, our difficulties, and our concessions in order and with moderation. ^B We took care to avoid on every hand, and in a contentious spirit, holding on to the things we had once decided upon, even if they appeared not to be correct. Nor did we evade the objections of others, but were zealous, as far as was possible, to gain ground upon the subjects under discussion and to establish them. And if the reasoning convinced us, we were not ashamed to change our opinion and agree with others. Nay, rather, with a good conscience in our souls and without any dissimulation, with our hearts opened to God, we accepted whatever was confirmed by the most certain arguments and the authority of the holy Scriptures. Finally, Coracio, who was the author and standard-bearer of this doctrine, in the hearing of all the brothers who were present, ^C promised and testified to us that he would no longer hold this opinion, nor discuss it, nor speak of it, nor teach it, since he had been more than sufficiently convinced by the arguments brought against him. And the brothers who were present felt no small joy at this discussion, and at the reconciliation and consensus of all among themselves.”

CHAPTER XXV. Of the Apocalypse of John.

Then, a little later, concerning the Revelation of John ^D (Nic. H. E. VI, 22, 23). After a short interval, he follows with [a passage] regarding the Apocalypse of John.

^A He writes thus: "Now, some before our time have rejected and altogether refuted the book, examining it chapter by chapter, declaring it to be unintelligible, illogical, and claiming the title to be false. For they say that it is not John's; nor is it even a revelation, since it is covered by a thick and dense veil of ignorance. And they maintain that not only was no one of the apostles [its author], but not even any one of the saints or of those in the Church was the author of this writing, but that Cerinthus, who founded the sect called 'Cerinthian' after him, wishing to clothe his own forgery with a name of great authority, prefixed the name of John to it. For this, they say, was the dogma of his teaching: that the kingdom of Christ would be earthly, and that, being carnal ^B and altogether fleshly, he would inhabit those things which he himself, as one dedicated to bodily pleasures, especially craved: namely, in the satiety of the belly and those things beneath the belly—that is, in foods and drinks, and marriages, and—as he thought to state these things more decently—in feasts, sacrifices, and the slaughter of victims.

For my part, I would not dare to reject the book, since many of the brethren hold it in high regard; but, forming an opinion of it greater than my own capacity, I assume that it contains a certain hidden and more wonderful interpretation for each point. For even if I do not understand it, I suspect that a deeper sense underlies the words. Not measuring or judging these things by my own reasoning, but attributing more to faith, I have considered them to be higher than what I can grasp; and I do not condemn things that I have not understood, but rather, I marvel that I have not also seen them."

^C Having examined on these grounds the entire writing of the Apocalypse, and having shown it to be impossible to understand according to the obvious sense of the words, he adds, saying: "Having completed, so to speak, the whole prophecy, the prophet pronounces blessed both those who keep it and indeed himself. 'Blessed,' he says, 'is he who keeps the words of the prophecy of this book: and I, John, who saw and heard these things.' That he is called John, and that this writing is John's, I shall not deny. For I agree that it is the work of some holy and divinely inspired man. But that he is the apostle, the son of Zebedee, ^D the brother of James, whose is the Gospel inscribed 'according to John' and the Catholic Epistle, I would not easily concede. For I infer from the character of both, and from the form of the language, and from what is called the 'disposition' of the book, that it is not the same. For the evangelist nowhere writes his name, nor does he proclaim himself, either through the Gospel or through the Epistle."

Then, continuing, he again says: "[John] does not even speak of himself as if it were about himself, nor as if it were about another; but the one who wrote the Apocalypse immediately at the beginning proclaims himself...

to conclude that it is one and the same writer. For the evangelist indeed nowhere inscribes his name, nor does he proclaim himself in the Gospel or in his Epistles. ^A And a little further on he adds: "But John nowhere [writes his name], neither as if speaking of himself nor of another." Yet he who wrote the Revelation sets his name at the very beginning of the work, saying: "The Revelation of Jesus Christ, which he gave unto him to show unto his servants quickly; and he signified it by sending through his angel unto his servant John, who testified the Word of God and his testimony, whatsoever he saw." To this he adds the Epistle, saying: "John, to the seven Churches which are in Asia: Grace be unto you and peace." But the evangelist did not prefix his name even to his Catholic Epistle, but without any verbiage began directly from the very mystery of the divine Revelation: "That which was from the beginning, which we have heard, which we have seen with our eyes." For concerning this revelation the Lord blessed Peter, saying: "Blessed art thou, Simon Bar-Jona, for flesh and blood hath not revealed it unto thee, but my Father who is in heaven." But neither in the second nor the third of the Epistles commonly ascribed to John, although they are brief, does the name of John appear, but rather he is inscribed anonymously as "The Elder." Yet this same man did not consider it sufficient to name himself once and then proceed with his narrative, but repeats it again: "I John, your brother and companion in the tribulation and kingdom, and in the patience of Jesus, was on the island that is called Patmos, for the Word of God and the testimony of Jesus." And indeed at the end of the book he adds these words: "Blessed is he that keepeth the words of the prophecy of this book. And I John, who saw and heard these things." That John is indeed the author of these things must be believed on his own testimony; but who this John was is uncertain. For he does not say that he is himself—as is often said in the Gospel—the disciple whom the Lord loved, or the one who reclined upon the Lord’s breast, or the brother of James, or the one who saw and heard the Lord. ^B For he would have said some one of these things mentioned, had he clearly wished to manifest himself. But he has said none of these things. He calls himself only our brother, our companion, a witness of Jesus, and blessed on account of having seen and heard the revelations. But I suppose there were many of the same name as John the Apostle who, on account of their singular love for him, and their admiration and reverence for the man, and because they desired to be loved by the Lord just as he was, embraced the same name for themselves. Just as Paul is a common name, and even Peter is given to many among the children of the faithful. ^C There is also an another John in the Acts of the Apostles, the one surnamed Mark, whom Paul and Barnabas took with them, of whom he says elsewhere: "And they had also John as an assistant." But whether this is the one who wrote [the book], I would not say; for it is not written that he arrived with them in Asia. "But they," it says, "having set sail from Paphos, came to Perga of Pamphylia; and John, having departed from them, returned to Jerusalem." I think it is some other person from among those who were in Asia; since he writes [that it was he], so that parents might bestow his name upon their children, to adorn their own house with his presence. The same Chrysostom, in his homily on Genesis, encourages his hearers not to impose on their children any names whatsoever, rashly and by chance, nor those of grandfathers or great-grandfathers, or of illustrious men, but rather the names of holy men who have shone forth in virtues, so that they may be stirred to virtue by their example. ^D

^A And they say that there are two monuments in Ephesus, and that each is said to be John’s. ^B And from the thoughts, from the words, and their arrangement, it may reasonably be supposed that this one is different from the other. For the Gospel and the Epistle harmonize with one another, and they begin in the same way. The one says, "In the beginning was the Word"; the other, "What was from the beginning." The one says, "And the Word became flesh and dwelt among us, and we beheld his glory, glory as of the Only-begotten from the Father"; the other says the same things, slightly altered: "What we have heard, what we have seen with our eyes, what we have beheld, and our hands have handled, concerning the Word of life; and the life was manifested." For he premises these things, contending, as he showed in what follows, against those who claimed that the Lord had not come in the flesh; on account of which he also added carefully, "And we have seen, and bear witness, and proclaim to you the eternal life, which was with the Father, and was manifested to us; what we have seen and heard, we proclaim to you." He adheres to this, and does not depart from his propositions. By means of the same sections ^C and terms he traverses everything, of which we shall briefly remind the reader. But one who reads carefully will find in each much about "life," much about "light," the turning away of "darkness," the continuous "truth," "grace," "joy," the "flesh and blood of the Lord," the "judgment," the "forgiveness of sins," the "love of God towards us," the "commandment of love for one another," how one must keep all the "commandments"; the "reproof of the world," of the "devil," of the "Antichrist," the "promise of the holy Spirit," the "adoption of God," our "faith" required through all, the "Father" and the "Son" everywhere. And in a word, throughout everything, one who examines them sees that the character of the Gospel and the Epistle is one and the same. But the Apocalypse is very different and alien from these, neither touching nor bordering upon them in almost any respect, so to speak, nor, if I may say so, having a single syllable in common with them. Indeed, it does not even contain any mention or thought from the Epistle, nor does the Epistle from the Apocalypse. For I pass over the Gospel, nor does the Apocalypse [refer to] the Epistle, whereas Paul, in his epistles, hinted even at those revelations of his, which he did not write separately. Furthermore, the difference in the style ^D comprehends. Moreover, it is apparent from this passage how great an expert in criticism Dionysius of Alexandria was. For it is the function of a critic to judge the writings of the ancients, and to discern what is true and genuine, and what is spurious and supposititious.

^A Indeed, it is possible to determine the difference between the Gospel and the Epistle compared with the Apocalypse. For the former are written not only faultlessly according to the Greek tongue, but also most eloquently in their choice of words, their syllogisms, and the composition of their exposition. It is far from the case that any barbarous sound, or solecism, or altogether vulgar usage is to be found in them. For as it seems, he possessed both: the Lord having graced him with both—the gift of knowledge and the gift of expression. That he saw the Apocalypse, and received knowledge and prophecy, I shall not gainsay; however, I see that his dialect and language are not accurately Greek, but that he uses barbarous idioms and occasionally even falls into solecisms. Which it is not necessary to select now; for I have not mentioned these things to mock—let no one think that—but only to compare the dissimilarity of the writings. »

^B

CHAPTER XXVI.

On the letters of Dionysius, bishop of the Alexandrians.

Besides these, there exist very many other epistles of Dionysius, among which are those written against Sabellius to Ammon, bishop of the Church in Berenice, and another to Telesphorus, and one to Euphranor; and again others to Ammon and Euporus. Moreover, he composed four other treatises upon the same subject, which he inscribed to his namesake, Dionysius, bishop of Rome. ^C And there are many other epistles of his in our possession,

KΕΦΑΛAION KΓ'

Περὶ τῶν ἐπιστολῶν Διονυσίου

^D

(Nic. E. VI, 21).

To these of Dionysius are added many other epistles; just as those against Sabellius to Ammon, bishop of the Church in Berenice, and that to Telesphorus, and that to Euphranor; and again to Ammon and Euporus. He writes also concerning the same topic four other treatises, which he addresses to his namesake, Dionysius at Rome. And there are still more of his beyond these.

^A And, indeed, there are also long-winded compositions written in the form of letters, such as those *On the Nature of Temptations*, which he also dedicated to Euphranor. In addition to these, in writing to Basilides, the bishop of the parishes in Pentapolis, he says that he had composed an exposition of the *Ecclesiastes* at the beginning. He has also left us various letters to him. Such are the works of Dionysius. But now, having finished the history concerning these matters, come, let us pass on and make known to the generation that follows us what our own age was like.

CHAPTER XXVII

Regarding Paul of Samosata, and the heresy established by him at Antioch.

^B When Xystus had presided over the Church of the Romans for eleven years, Dionysius of the same name at Alexandria succeeded him. ^C About this same time, Demetrianus having departed this life at Antioch, Paul of Samosata received the episcopate. Because he held lowly and groveling views concerning Christ, contrary to the ecclesiastical teaching—as though he were a man of common nature—Dionysius, the bishop of Alexandria, being requested to come to the council, postponed his arrival, pleading his old age and bodily infirmity. However, he made known his own opinion regarding the matter in question by letter. But the rest of the pastors of the churches, summoned from everywhere, gathered all together at Antioch as against a ravager of the Lord’s flock.

CHAPTER XXVIII

Regarding the bishops who were renowned at that time.

Among these, the most distinguished were Firmilianus, bishop of Caesarea in Cappadocia; ^D Gregory and Athenodorus, brothers and pastors of the parishes in Pontus; and in addition to these, Helenus of the parish at Tarsus, and Nicomas of that at Iconium; and Hymenæus, who [presided over] the Church at Jerusalem.

^A Moreover, Theotecnus who administered the parish at Cæsarea for him, and Maximus besides, who governed the Church at Bostra with the highest praise. It would by no means be difficult to recount six hundred others who flocked thither together with priests and deacons for the same reason. But those whom I have mentioned were considered more illustrious than the rest. Since, therefore, they were all gathering together at varioius times and in various ways and often, many debates and questions were agitated in every single session, while on the one side Paul of Samosata was still striving to hide and veil the novelty of his dogma, and on the other side the priests were laboring to expose and bring into the open his heresy and his blasphemy against Christ. While these things were happening, Dionysius finished his final day, in the twelfth year of the reign of Gallienus, having held the bishopric of Alexandria for seventeen years. Maximus was substituted in his place. But Gallienus, having administered the empire for fifteen continuous years, left ^B Claudius as his successor. After he had reigned for two years, he in turn handed over the government to Aurelian.

CHAPTER XXIX.

In his time the final synod of a nearly innumerable company of bishops was gathered, in which that author of the nefarious heresy at Antioch, Paul, being convicted and most manifestly caught by all as guilty of a false dogma, was cast out from the universal Catholic Church that is under heaven. But Malchion, a man most learned, and one who presided over the school of sophistical Greek studies at Antioch, in particular refuted him and exposed him while he was wishing to lie hidden, ^C and, on account of an exceeding [love for] the truth of the faith in Christ, was deemed worthy of the presbyterate of the parish there...

^D ...the rest of the orthodox bishops condemned him by anathema. This petition was written in the consulship of Theodosius Augustus II and Valentinian III, the year before the synod was gathered in the city of Ephesus. If, therefore, you count back one hundred and sixty full years from that consulship, you arrive at the consulship of Claudius and Paternus, which is the year of Christ 270. Therefore, the Antiochene synod in which Paul was condemned, met in the consulship of Claudius and Paternus, in the year of Christ 270. Thus does Marianus Scotus and Hermannus Contractus place it in their Chronicles. But the synodical epistle of the Fathers of the Antiochene Council, which is said to have been sent to Dionysius, the Roman bishop, removes all doubt. For since it is certain that Pope Dionysius died in the consulship of Claudius and Paternus on the seventh day before the Kalends of January, the Antiochene council could not possibly have been gathered later. But Baronius, who assigns the Antiochene council to the year 11 of Aurelian, found it necessary to extend the pontificate of Dionysius up to that year, against the testimony of the pontifical books of Damasus and Anastasius. Furthermore, in the year that Aurelian's war was waged in the East against Zenobia, Antioch was captured along with other cities, so that a synod of bishops could not have been gathered in that year.

Having been deemed worthy of the honor of the presbytery of the church there, he was the only one of them all who, when a formal debate was held against Paul—a debate which we know is still extant, taken down by shorthand writers—was able to unmask the man’s hidden feelings and trickery.

Chapter XXX. On the letter of the synod against Paul.

All the bishops, therefore, having gathered together, drew up with one common opinion a single letter to Dionysius, bishop of the city of Rome, and to Maximus of Alexandria, and sent it on to all the provinces, making their zeal and diligence clear to all, and explaining the perverted heresy of Paul, together with the refutations and questions they had moved against him, and moreover the whole life and conduct of the man. It would be well, for the sake of memory, to recount these their statements at the present time:

«To Dionysius and Maximus, and to all our fellow-ministers, the bishops, presbyters, and deacons throughout the world, and to the whole Catholic Church under heaven, ^B Helenus, Hymenæus, Theophilus, Theotecnus, Maximus, Proculus, Nicomas, Ælianus, Paulus, Bolanus, Protogenes, Hieras, Eutychius, Theodorus, and Malchion, and Lucius, and all the rest who dwell with us in the neighboring cities and nations, bishops, presbyters, and deacons, and the Churches of God, send greetings to the beloved brethren in the Lord.»

After a few words, they add these points: «We wrote also to many of the bishops who lived far away, and exhorted them to come to heal this deadly doctrine, as, for example, to Dionysius of Alexandria and Firmilianus of Cappadocia, men of blessed memory. Of these, the one wrote to Antioch, but did not deign to address the author of the error, nor to write to him by name, but directed his letter to the whole Church of Antioch, a copy of which we have attached here. ^C But Firmilianus, having come twice to Antioch, condemned the novelty of the dogma introduced by that man, as we can testify who were present, and as many others who were there know very well. Yet, when he promised to change his mind, he believed and hoped that it would be done without any reproach regarding the Word.»

^A but he was baffled by the very man who denied his own God and Lord, and who did not keep the faith which he himself had formerly professed. Firmilianus was indeed about to travel to Antioch, and he had already arrived as far as Tarsus, having already had a trial of the apostate’s malice; but, since we had gathered in the meantime and invited him, and were waiting for his arrival, he departed this life. Immediately after, they describe the kind of life he led in these words: ^B “But since, departing from the rule of faith, he has turned aside to spurious and adulterous doctrine, it is not necessary to examine the acts of a man who is an alien to the Church. Nor is it necessary to speak of the fact that, having formerly been poor and a beggar, and having received no patrimony from his parents, nor having acquired anything from any trade or profession, he has now reached an excessive wealth through iniquities and sacrileges, and because of those things for which he pesters and shakes the brethren, defrauding the injured, promising that he will give aid in return for a reward, while he deceives them as well, and vainly exploits the readiness of those who are involved in business to give money for their release from those who are molesting them, considering piety as a source of gain. ^C Nor is it necessary to speak of the fact that he is puffed up with pride and arrogance, assuming secular dignities, and preferring to be called a *ducenarius* rather than a bishop; strutting through the marketplace, reading and dictating letters while walking in public, followed by a great multitude of people, some going before and some coming after, to such an extent that envy and hatred of our faith have been stirred up in many because of his pomp and the arrogance of his heart; nor of the charlatanry which he contrives in ecclesiastical gatherings, putting on a show and acting in a theatrical manner, and astonishing the souls of the simpler-hearted with such things, having constructed for himself ^D a high tribunal and throne.”

^A He had a “secretum,” just like the secular magistrates, and by this name he called it. He was accustomed to strike his thigh with his hand and to strike the tribunal with his feet, and those who did not applaud—nor, as is the custom in theaters, wave their handkerchiefs, nor shout and jump up along with his party of men and women who were listening so indecorously—these he rebuked and reviled. As for the teachers of our Law who had already departed this life, he would petulantly tear them to pieces in his public discourse, while speaking of himself in a magnificent manner, not as a bishop, but as a sophist and a charlatan. He even abolished the psalms that were accustomed to be sung to our Lord Jesus, as being modern and the compositions of modern men, and he arranged for women to sing ^B psalms in the middle of the Church on the great day of Easter in his own praise, which would naturally strike horror into those who heard them. He also suborned the bishops of neighboring villages and cities, as well as the presbyters, to be his flatterers, so that they might preach the same things about him in their own sermons to the people. For he refused to acknowledge, along with us, that the Son of God had descended from heaven—to state something in advance of what will be written below—and this will not be said merely by our own word, but is shown from many points in the records we have sent to you, and not least where he speaks of Jesus Christ as *from below*. But those who sing psalms to him and praise him among the people say that their impious ^C teacher has descended as an angel from heaven. He does not stop these things, but this proud man is even present when they are said. As for his *subintroductae* women, as the Antiochenes call them—

^A both his own and those of his presbyters and deacons—concerning whom he is aware of this as well as other incurable sins, he hides and dissembles them, so that he may have them beholden to himself, and that, while they fear for themselves, they might not dare to accuse him for the things he does and says wickedly. Furthermore, he has enriched them with wealth, for which reason he is loved and admired by those who covet such things. Why, I ask, is it pertinent to write these things? We know, most beloved brothers, that a bishop and the whole clergy ought to provide the multitude with an example of all good works. Nor are we unaware of how many have fallen or come under suspicion because of their cohabitation with such women. ^B Therefore, even if one were to concede that he commits nothing shameful, he still ought to have avoided the suspicion that inevitably arises from such an arrangement, lest he offend anyone or incite others to imitate him. For how could he rebuke or admonish another to guard himself against further descending into the same intimacy with a woman, lest he slip, as it is written [Ecclesiasticus 25:1]? For he has already dismissed one, yet he keeps two others who are in their prime and beautiful to behold in his company, and carries them about wherever he goes, and this while living in luxury and gorging himself ^C on feasts. For these reasons, all groan and sigh within themselves, but they are so terrified of his power and tyranny that they do not dare to accuse him.

But as for these things, as we have said before, one might perhaps examine a man who holds a catholic disposition and is joined to us in the fellowship of faith and ministry, and call him to judgment. But as for the man who has betrayed and abjured the mystery of our religion and has gone over to the loathsome heresy of Artemas (for is it not necessary to reveal his father?), we do not think that there is any need to inquire into his reasoning. ^D Then, at the end of the letter, they add these words: "We were therefore compelled, since he set himself against God and would not yield, having testified against him, to appoint another in his place for the catholic Church by the providence of God, as we are persuaded, Domnus, the son of the blessed Demetrianus, who had previously presided over the same diocese most illustriously, a man adorned with all the qualities proper to a bishop."

^A We have also indicated to you how you should write to this man, and that you should receive from him the letters of communion. ^B Let this man also write to Artemas, and let those who hold the opinions of Artemas communicate with him. ^C And let these things be laid to rest here. ^D Since, therefore, Paul, along with the orthodoxy of the faith, had fallen from the episcopate, Domnus, as has been said, took over the ministry of the Church in Antioch. But because Paul was by no means willing to depart from the house of the Church, ^A after the sentence of deposition had been pronounced against him, he retained his church for several years and did not obey the decree of the bishops, trusting, clearly, in the power of Queen Zenobia, who at that time was governing the East. For Paul was protected by her patronage, as Athanasius writes in his *Letter to the Solitaries*: "Zenobia was a Jewess, and she stood by Paul of Samosata; but she did not deliver the churches to the Jews for their synagogues." Theodoret, in Book II of his *Heretical Fables*, and from him Nicephorus in Book VI, chapter 27, writes that Paul indeed shamefully flattered Queen Zenobia and sought her favor in every way. Langus interpreted his words wrongly in this way: "This Paul, moreover, wishing to treat Zenobia, who was Judaizing in religion, and putting much effort into converting her, fell into the heresy of Artemon." This perverse translation, not without reason, disturbed Baronius. But *therapeuein* in this context does not mean to treat or to convert, but to flatter and to earn the favor of someone through obsequiousness. Finally, once Zenobia was defeated, the ministers of the catholic religion approached Aurelian, requesting that he remove Paul—who had conspired with Zenobia against the Romans—from the see of the Church of Antioch, which came to pass in the third year of the reign of Aurelian.

^A Aurelian, having been appealed to, judged most righteously concerning what was to be done, ordering the house to be assigned to those to whom the bishops of the doctrine in Italy and the city of the Romans should write. Thus, then, the aforementioned man was driven out of the Church by the secular power with the utmost disgrace. Such was Aurelian toward us at that time. But as his reign progressed, changing his mind about us, he began to be stirred by the counsels of certain men to incite a persecution against us; and much talk about this was spreading everywhere. ^B But just as he was about to do so, and was all but putting his signature to the decrees against us, divine justice overtook him, as if it were binding his hands and checking his attempt, and it demonstrated clearly to all that the rulers of this world can never do anything against the churches of Christ unless the right hand of God, the defender, permits it to be done for our chastisement and correction, at such times as it may deem fitting. Aurelian, having held the empire for six years, was succeeded by Probus. He, having been occupied with the administration of the empire for as many years, left Carus along with his sons Carinus and Numerian as his successor. When they had not even completed three years in power, the administration of affairs passed to Diocletian and those who were later associated with him in the empire; in their time that greatest persecution of our people, and the simultaneous destruction of the churches, was perpetrated. But a little before these times, Dionysius, who had administered the episcopate of the city of Rome for nine years, died, and Felix was substituted in his place. ^C

CHAPTER XXXI. Of the error of the Manichaeans which first arose at that time.

foolish dogmas collected and patched together from a myriad of long-extinct heresies, he poured forth upon the world of our times, as it were, a deadly poison from Persia. From this origin the impious name of the Manichaeans sprang up, which has survived in many places even to this day. Such, then, was the subject matter of this pseudo-knowledge, which perished in the times already mentioned.

Chapter XXXII. Concerning the ecclesiastical men who flourished in our time, and which of them survived until the destruction of the churches.

^A When Felix had presided over the Roman Church for five years, Eutychianus succeeded him; and when he had passed but ten months in the episcopate, he left the chair to Gaius, who lived in our time. After he had presided for about fifteen years, Marcellinus was established as his successor, upon whom also the persecution fell. At this same time, after Domnus, Timaeus presided over the Antiochene episcopate; he was succeeded in our time by Cyrillus. Under him we knew Dorotheus, a most learned man, who was then a presbyter of the Church at Antioch. ^B Being very studious of the sacred Scriptures, he also learned the Hebrew language, so that he could read the Hebrew codices themselves with great expertise. He was a man of very liberal disposition and well-versed in humanistic studies; moreover, he was a eunuch from his mother’s womb. Whence the emperor, struck with astonishment as if at a miracle, took him into his intimacy and appointed him procurator of the purple dye-works at Tyre. We heard him explaining the Scriptures in the church in a moderate manner. ^C When Felix had governed the Roman Church for five years, Eutychianus succeeded to his place. After he had spent scarcely ten months in the episcopate, he left his seat to Gaius, who lived in our era. He, having presided over the Church for about fifteen years, had as his successor Marcellinus, into whose times also the persecution fell. In the same period, after Domnus, Timaeus presided over the Antiochene Church, who was succeeded in our memory by Cyrillus. Under him we knew Dorotheus, a most learned man, who was then a presbyter of the Church at Antioch. ^D Because he was most studious of the sacred Scriptures, he also learned the Hebrew language, to such a degree that he could read the Hebrew codices themselves with great expertise. He was of a very liberal genius, and most learned in the liberal arts; but he was a eunuch from his mother’s womb. Whence the emperor, struck with astonishment as if at a miracle, took him into his own intimacy and constituted him procurator of the purple dye-works which is at Tyre.

^A We have heard him expounding not unskillfully. After Cyril, Tyrannus succeeded to the bishopric of the parish of the Antiochenes, during whose time the devastation of the churches greatly flourished. At Laodicea, however, after Socrates, Eusebius was bishop, a native of Alexandria. The cause for his migrating from his fatherland was the affair concerning Paul of Samosata. On whose account having arrived in Syria, he was detained by those who were burning there with a love for celestial things, and was forbidden to return home. He indeed was in our memory a certain lovable treasure of religion, as can easily be recognized even from the words of Dionysius brought forward above. ^B Substituted after him was Anatolius, a good man, as they say, the successor of a good man; he also was Alexandrian by birth, and as for his speech and education, he had brought away the first prizes in the philosophy of the Greeks from those who were most esteemed in our time, seeing that he had driven and arrived at the very pinnacle of arithmetic, geometry, astronomy, and the other dialectic, and furthermore at physical theory and rhetorical studies; for which reasons, the report is that he was deemed worthy by the citizens there of establishing the succession of Aristotle’s school at Alexandria. Innumerable indeed are the other excellences for which they commemorate him during the siege of the Bruchium ^C at Alexandria; since he was deemed worthy of exceptional privilege by all those in authority; but for the sake of an example, I shall mention only this one. When the corn, they say, failed the besieged, so that they bore the hunger more unendurably than the assault of the enemies from without, the aforementioned man, being present with the besieged, manages something of this kind. On the other part of the city, at the Roman ^D army [fighting, he happening to be] besieged, he…

for he was still there before his migration to Syria, being among the besieged and possessing great renown and a celebrated name even up to the Roman general—Anatolius brings word, having sent a secret messenger, concerning the number of those who were perishing by famine during the siege. Having learned this, Eusebius requested of the Roman general, as a very great favor, that he grant safety to those wishing to desert from the enemy. Having obtained this, he immediately made it known to Anatolius. ^B He, having gladly accepted the promise of the general, convened the senate of the Alexandrians. And at first he began to persuade all to offer a friendly hand to the Romans; but when he saw them exasperated at the word, "But this, I am sure," he said, "you will by no means reject, if I suggest that you allow the superfluous and useless mob, namely the old women and infants and the elderly, to go outside the gates whither they might wish. For why should we retain these with us, who are all but about to die in any case? And why should we wear out those who are physically weak and maimed with famine, when it is necessary to feed only the men and the youth, and to ration the necessary grain to those who are suitable for the guarding of the city? (57)" Having persuaded the senate with such arguments, he was the first to rise and bring forward the motion, that every sort of person not fit for military service, whether of male or female sex, be released from the city, because even for them, remaining and passing the time uselessly in the city, there would be no hope of salvation, as they would perish by the famine. ^C When all the rest of the council had agreed to this, he saved almost all of those besieged, first of all those from the Church, and then also the others of every age throughout the city, taking care to aid their escape, not only those decreed by the vote. And under pretext of these, ten thousand others also, having secretly put on female attire, departed at night under his care through the gates, and rushed to the Roman army. There Eusebius, receiving all of them, like a father and a physician, treated those afflicted by the long siege (58) with every care and remedy. ^D With such shepherds, the Church of Laodicea was blessed in continuous succession by divine providence, both of them having migrated after the aforesaid war from the city of Alexandria to these parts. Anatolius did not indeed compose very many books, but those which have come down to us suffice for us to learn simultaneously of his eloquence and his great learning, especially in those works where he sets forth his views concerning the Passover. From which it is necessary

^A for us to mention such things on this occasion.

From the Canons on the Passover by Anatolius.

You have, therefore, in the first year, the new moon of the first month, which is the beginning of the entire enneadecaeteris, on the twenty-sixth of the month Phamenoth according to the Egyptians, but according to the months of the Macedonians, on the twenty-second of Dystrus; or, as the Romans would say, on the eleventh day before the Kalends of April. For the sun is found in the aforementioned twenty-sixth of Phamenoth, not merely having entered the first segment, but already traversing the fourth day within it. Now, men are accustomed to call this segment the first dodecatemorium, the equinox, the beginning of the months, the head of the cycle, and the starting-gate ^B of the course of the planets. But the portion immediately preceding this is the end of the months, the twelfth segment, the final dodecatemorium, and the term of the circuit of the planets. For this reason, we affirm that those who set the first month in that segment, and who take the fourteenth day of the Passover from it, are in no small error, nor is it a random mistake. This is not our own argument. It was known to the Jews of old, even before the advent of Christ, and was observed by them most diligently. This may be learned from the words of Philo, Josephus, and Musaeus; and not only from these, but from those even more ancient, namely, the two Agathobuli, who were surnamed "the teachers," and Aristobulus the Great, ^C who was one of those seventy men who translated the holy and divine Scriptures of the Hebrews into the Greek tongue for Ptolemy Philadelphus and his father, and who dedicated his books of explanation of the Mosaic Law to the same kings. These men, while offering solutions to questions concerning the Exodus, say that it is necessary for all equally to sacrifice the Passover Offering after the spring equinox, in the middle of the first ^D month.

This, however, occurs when the sun ^A traverses the first part of the solar segment or, as some of them have named it, the zodiacal circle. Aristobulus further adds that for the celebration of the Paschal festival it is necessarily required that not only the sun, but also the moon traverse the equinoctial segment. For since there are two equinoctial segments, the one vernal, the other autumnal, and they are diametrically opposite to one another; and since the fourteenth day of the month is assigned to the evening of the Paschal festival, the moon must necessarily stand exactly opposite the sun, as can be seen during full moons. The sun will then occupy the vernal equinoctial segment, while the moon must necessarily occupy the autumnal equinoctial segment. I know that many other things are handed down by them, some of which are plausible, and others have been concluded by most certain proofs, by which they think they evidently demonstrate that the Passover and the Feast of Unleavened Bread must by all means be celebrated after ^B the equinox. But we omit adding a store of such demonstrations, for those from whom the veil of the Mosaic law has been removed, and who now, with unveiled face, may already contemplate Christ and the teachings and sufferings of Christ as if in a mirror. That the first month among the Hebrews begins around the equinox is clearly proven also from those precepts which are read in the book of Enoch. Furthermore, the same Anatolius left us ten books of Arithmetical Institutions, and many other monuments of his diligence and learning in the sacred Scriptures. Theocnus, bishop of Caesarea in Palestine, first laid hands upon him and ordained him ^C bishop, destined to be his successor in his own church. Both certainly governed the same church for a short time together. But afterwards, when the synod convened against Paul had summoned him to Antioch, as he was passing through the city of Laodicea, he was detained by the brethren of that place, Eusebius having died at that time. Upon the death then of ^D [the next page begins...]

Anatolio, the last bishop before the persecution of the same church, became ^A Stephen; a man who had indeed gained great glory among many for the sake of philosophy and the other studies of the Greeks: yet he was not similarly disposed in his mind toward the faith of Christ, as the advancing time of the persecution clearly showed, having proven the man to be a hypocrite, cowardly, and timid rather than a true philosopher. Yet the affairs of the Church were not on that account to collapse; for they were set upright again by God Himself, the Saviour of all, when Theodotus was immediately manifested as bishop of the local church there, a man who, by his deeds, verified both his own true name and the office of bishop. For he was most skilled beyond dispute in the medicine that consists in curing bodies; but in the healing of ^B souls, he had no equal among men. Such was the man's humanity, sincerity of mind, compassion, and zeal in assisting those who stood in need of his help. He was also exceedingly well-practiced in divine studies. Such, then, was Theodotus. And at Caesarea in Palestine, after the death of Theotecnus, who had governed that Church with the greatest care, Agapius succeeded. Him indeed we know to have labored much, and to have consulted benignly for the interests of the people over whom he presided, and to have assisted all, but especially the poor, by his own liberality. In his time, we saw Pamphilus, a most eloquent man, and one who truly philosophized in his life and works, adorned with the honor of the presbyterate in the same church. What sort of man he was, and how great, it would certainly not be a small task to set forth. But we have already covered the individual details pertaining to his life and the school instituted by him; as well as the various struggles of confessions endured by him at the time of the persecution; and finally, the crown of martyrdom with which he was crowned, in a separate discourse ^C concerning him. But he was the most admirable of those here. And among those most nearly ^D of our own time.

^A we know of singular and excellent men: Pierius, indeed, a presbyter of the church of Alexandria, and Meletius, a bishop of the churches in the Ponto regions. Now Pierius, illustrious for his voluntary poverty and for his philosophical disciplines, was most thoroughly practiced in the contemplation and exposition of the sacred Scriptures, and in homilies delivered openly before the Church. But Meletius—whom the educated used to call the "honey of Attica" ^B—was such a man as one might describe who was in every respect perfect in logic; indeed, it is not even possible to admire the excellence of his rhetoric as fully as it deserves. But one might say that for him this was natural. Who, however, could surpass the excellence of his other deep learning and polymathy? For in all logical sciences, whoever had once put him to the test would have pronounced him the most skillful and most learned, and that he stood alone. There was also present with him a corresponding excellence of life and virtue. We had the opportunity to see him in the regions of Palestine for the space of seven whole years while he was hiding during the time of the persecution.

After the death of Hymenaeus, the bishop of the church in Jerusalem whom we mentioned a little before, Zambdas received the ministry. And not long after he, too, had fallen asleep, Hermon, the last of those before the persecution of our time, succeeded to the apostolic throne which is preserved there to this day. ^C

(82) "The throne which is preserved there to this day." He understands the throne of James, the brother of the Lord, which was preserved at Jerusalem, as was related in chapter 19. So also the throne of the blessed Mark the evangelist, who first founded the Alexandrian church, has been preserved for a very long time; concerning which the following is found in the manuscript Acts of the passion of the blessed Mark: "There is also a witness to this matter, which persists in the same church to this very day to confirm the assertion of this truth: an ancient throne of ivory, constructed of polished panels; upon which it is remembered by the accounts of those who excelled that he [Mark] stood while he wrote out the pages of the Gospel." In the seat of this throne, naturally, none of the bishops dared ever sit thereafter, but it stands in great veneration to this day, humbly honored by all the bishops. Which indeed I interpret in this way: that most of the Alexandrian bishops refused to sit in the throne of the blessed Mark. Certainly the blessed Peter of Alexandria never wished to sit in it, but as often as he ascended the steps of the altar to give peace to the people, he was accustomed to sit upon a footstool which was at the feet of that throne. And when the clergy and the laity alike wondered at this, Peter is said to have told them at one time this reason: that as often as he approached closer to that throne, he would tremble all over. For he said that he saw a certain heavenly and most splendid power sitting on that throne, which filled his soul with both joy and fear, as is read in the manuscript Acts of the passion of the same Peter. Moreover, not only the thrones of James and Mark, but also the thrones of almost all the apostles in the churches which they founded have been most religiously preserved, as Tertullian teaches in the book *De praescriptione haereticorum*, chapter 36. "Run through," he says, "the apostolic churches, in which the very thrones of the apostles still preside in their own places, in which their own authentic letters are read." I know indeed that Nicolaus Rigaltius interprets "thrones" there as the principal churches constituted by the apostles themselves. But that passage of Tertullian does not admit this interpretation. For it would be a tautology, since Tertullian had said before: "Run through the apostolic churches." It would therefore be the same as if he said: "Run through..."

^A the apostolic churches, in which the apostolic sees preside in their own places." Wherefore this passage of Tertullian must necessarily be understood regarding these very seats of the apostles. For Tertullian here notes two signs and, as it were, marks of the apostolic churches. The first is the chair in which the apostle sat; the second is the letters whose authentic copy the church to which they were written preserved.

And at Alexandria, Maximus having governed the Church for eighteen years after the death of Dionysius, Theonas succeeded to his position. Under him, Achillas, who had been deemed worthy of the priesthood at the same time as Pierius, was renowned at Alexandria, having been entrusted with the school of the sacred faith; he gave proof of a most genuine work of philosophy and manner of evangelical life, inferior to none. After Theonas, who served his ministry for nineteen years, Peter obtained the bishopric of Alexandria, who himself also was among the most distinguished for a full twelve years. Having led the Church for not even three full years before the persecution, he spent the rest of his life exercising himself in more rigorous asceticism; nor did he meanwhile cease to care secretly for the common benefit of the churches. By this means, in the ninth year of the persecution, having been beheaded, he was adorned with the crown of martyrdom. ^B

(83) *In more vigorous asceticism.* Rufinus translates: "with stricter bonds of continence." For so the very ancient manuscript codex of the Church of Paris has. Nothing occurs more frequently among Eusebius than these terms, which Christians borrowed from the philosophers, as I have already observed in chapter […], book […]. Certainly, philosophers called those who professed a kind of stricter life "ascetics," forming themselves for virtue through a more rigorous discipline. Hence it is that Artemidorus, in book IV, chapter 35, calls Alexander the philosopher "an ascetic." And in book V, chapter […]: "You see," he says, "ascetic philosophy," to be opposed to the philosophy which consists in bare words. This is how I am accustomed to explain what Marcus Antonius says in the book *De rebus ad se pertinentibus*, chapter 7: "Furthermore, the Christians, when they had adopted this name for themselves, first of all gave the name of ascetics to the clergy, as I noted in chapter […], book […]. But afterwards monks claimed this name for themselves." But that it was so initially, as I said, is proven both by the example of Peter, bishop of Alexandria, and of Pierius the presbyter, whom Eusebius testifies in this chapter to have been ascetics. Jerome, speaking of Pierius in his *Catalogue*, says: "It is certain that he was a man of wondrous [learning], and a seeker of voluntary poverty," etc. Likewise, Eusebius in book […], concerning the martyrs of Palestine, calls Pamphilus the presbyter an "ascetic" in these words: […]. However, Rufinus in his version of this place has added certain things of his own, which pertain to the *Life of Blessed Peter of Alexandria*. For it has thus: "The remaining nine [years] he spent in different kinds of temptations. And as he was always placed in every struggle of persecution, he bound himself with stricter bonds of restraint," etc. How great were the waves of persecution by which Peter was vexed during his entire episcopate, Ammonius the monk teaches in the book *On the Slaughter of the Holy Fathers on Mount Sinai and in the Raithu Wilderness*, in these words: "It happened to me one day when I was sitting in my humble cell, near Alexandria, in a place called Canopus, that the thought came to me to depart for the regions of Palestine. For first, I could not bear with equanimity to see the vexations and daily dangers which the faithful were enduring under most wicked tyrants, and Peter, our most holy bishop, fleeing hither and thither and hiding himself; whom it was not permitted to feed his own flock securely and freely. Then, moreover, I greatly desired to see the holy places, and to adore in person the sepulcher of our Lord, and his life-giving and undefiled resurrection." The same is also testified by Peter himself, in that sermon which he held while still placed in prison to Achillas and Alexander the presbyters. This sermon exists in the manuscript *Acts* of the same Peter of Alexandria: "For you know, brothers, while I was with you, how much concern I had for him [the flock], with how many tears and tribulations I passed all the time of my stay among you, moving from place to place on account of the plots of those insane for idols, sometimes returning to Mesopotamia, sometimes to the Syria of Phoenicia; and how sometimes Palestine, and sometimes different islands, held us." ^C

(84) *In five and thirty years.* This passage is to be noted first, in which Eusebius gathers into one sum all the time which he has covered in his *Ecclesiastical History*. He says, therefore, from the birth of our Lord and Savior, up to the destruction of the churches... ^D

the struggles of those who acted manfully for piety, how many and how great they were, we shall leave in writing for those who come after us to know. ^A End of the Seventh Book.

EUSEBIUS PAMPHILUS' ECCLESIASTICAL HISTORY: BOOK EIGHT

WHAT THE EIGHTH BOOK OF THE ECCLESIASTICAL HISTORY CONTAINS

1. Concerning the struggle of those who acted manfully for piety... [Note: The index is fragmentary in the source text].

[The Greek text here provides a truncated list of chapter summaries corresponding to the eighth book, while the Latin text at the bottom of the page discusses the chronological reconciliation of the Diocletianic persecution.]

^C ...surpassing the churches which occurred in the nineteenth year of Diocletian; the five hundred and fifth year of the presence of our Savior Jesus Christ, when the persecution against us was raised again.

^C As for the [chronology of the] churches, which happened in the nineteenth year of Diocletian, the years are five hundred and five. The same is written in the *Life and Acts of the Holy Fathers Metrophanes and Alexander*, which are read in the *Bibliotheca Photius*. In the *Chronicle* of Eusebius, moreover, the same five hundred and fifth year of Christ is noted alongside the nineteenth year of Diocletian. For it is read thus in the oldest of all editions, the Milan edition, which, having been seen neither by Pontacus nor by Scaliger, was lent to me by Joannes de Launoy, a theologian of Paris. But in the edition of Scaliger, that year of Diocletian in which the persecution began has the year of Christ 304 assigned to it. The cause of this matter is that Scaliger in the *Chronicle* of Eusebius did not place the year of Christ as that in which Christ was born, but the following one. Yet Eusebius had numbered the year of Christ as that very one in which Christ was born, as I have noted above at Book I. For Eusebius placed the birth of Christ on the eighth day before the Ides of January. Certainly, in all the manuscripts of the *Chronicle* of Eusebius which have the years of Christ assigned, namely the Aquicinctinus, the Lipsianus, and the Ortelianus, and in the first of all the Milan edition, the year of Christ is noted as that very one in which he was born in Bethlehem of Judea.

IN THE EIGHTH BOOK OF ECCLESIASTICAL HISTORY, THE FOLLOWING ARE CONTAINED.

I. Concerning those things which preceded the persecution of our time. II. Concerning the destruction of the churches. III. Concerning the various kinds of contests by which the martyrs struggled in the persecution. IV. Concerning the illustrious martyrs of God, how they filled the whole world with the fame of their name, having attained various crowns for their piety. V. Concerning those things which took place in Nicomedia. VI. Concerning those who were in the palace. VII. Concerning those Egyptians who suffered in Phoenicia. VIII. Concerning those who suffered in Egypt. IX. Concerning those who suffered in the Thebaid. X. Concerning those things which were done in Alexandria, and the testimony of Phileas the martyr. XI. Concerning those things which were done in Phrygia. XII. Concerning the many men and women who fell in various kinds of martyrdom. XIII. Concerning the presidents of the churches who, by shedding their blood, declared the sincerity of the religion they professed. XIV. Concerning the nature and character of the persecutors. XV. Concerning those things which happened to the Gentiles. XVI. Concerning the affairs which were turned to a better state. XVII. Concerning the palinode of the emperors.

Having already covered the apostolic successions in seven books, I have thought it necessary in this eighth volume to hand down to the knowledge of posterity the things that have taken place in our own age, which desire a narration not merely perfunctory. Thus, let the beginning of our discourse be drawn from here.

CHAPTER I.

Concerning those things which preceded the persecution of our time.

What and how great the glory and liberty were, which the doctrine of true piety towards the God of the universe, first announced to men by Christ, had attained before the persecution in our own day was stirred up, and how it was esteemed among all men, both Greeks and barbarians, we certainly cannot worthily explain. ^B An argument for this might be the kindness of the emperors toward our people, to whom they even entrusted the government of provinces, freeing them from all fear of sacrificing because of the singular benevolence they felt toward our religion. ^C What need is there to speak of those who resided in the imperial palaces, or of the emperors themselves? They gave power to their own household members, their wives, children, and servants, to practice freely, both in word and deed, before their very eyes, that which pertained to their religion; they permitted them in a way to glory and to show themselves off on account of this liberty of their faith, and they cherished them beyond all others, as their main ministers, with a special love. Of this kind was that Dorotheus, ^D who declared the highest benevolence and loyalty toward them, and for this reason deserved great honor from them, beyond all the magistrates and provincial governors; just as was the famous Gorgonius, and all those who were esteemed with him for the same sake, because of the word of God.

Similarly, you would have seen the highest honor, homage, and benevolence deferred to the individual bishops of the Churches by all, both private citizens and provincial governors. But now, who could adequately describe the countless crowd of those who flocked daily to the faith of Christ, the number of churches in every city, and the illustrious gatherings of the people in the houses of prayer? Because of these, no longer content with the ancient buildings, they were erecting churches of vast breadth from the foundations in every city. As these things progressed over time and increased day by day in size and magnitude, no jealousy could hinder ^A them, nor was any evil demon able to cast an evil eye upon them, nor could human plots prevent them, so long as the divine and heavenly hand covered and protected its own people, as one worthy of such guardianship.

But when, because of excessive liberty, we had slipped into negligence and sloth; when one began to envy and slander another; when we were waging, as it were, civil wars among ourselves, wounding one another with words as if with arms and spears; and when bishops were clashing with bishops and people with people, stirring up quarrels and tumults; and finally, when fraud and hypocrisy had reached the highest peak of malice, then the divine judgment—as is its custom—began to visit us leniently and moderately, while the state of the Church was still intact and the crowds of faithful were still meeting freely, starting the persecution first with those who were in military service. ^B But when we, devoid of all perception, did not even consider turning to God to appease Him, but rather, like certain impious men, thinking that human affairs are governed by no care or providence, we kept adding other crimes to our previous ones; and when our pastors, having cast aside the rule of religion, were inflamed with strife against one another, intent on nothing else but increasing quarrels, threats, jealousy, hatred, and mutual enmity, and were zealously claiming positions of authority as if they were tyrannies ^C — then, indeed, the saying of Jeremiah the prophet came to pass: «The Lord in his anger has obscured the daughter of Zion, and has cast down from heaven to earth the glory of Israel, and has not remembered the footstool of his feet in the day of his anger; but the Lord also drowned all the beauties of Israel, and pulled down all his boundaries.» And according to the things foretold in the Psalms: «He has overthrown the covenant of his servant, and has defiled his ^D

^A sanctuary on the earth», through the subversion of the churches, of course. He destroyed all his walls; he made his fortifications a terror. All the crowds of people passing by the way have plundered him; therefore he has become a reproach to his neighbors. For he has exalted the right hand of his enemies, and has turned back the help of his sword, and has not supported him in the war; but he has also put an end to his purification, and has cast down his throne to the ground. He has shortened the days of his time, and has covered him with shame.

CHAPTER II. On the subversion of the churches.

These things, ^B indeed, have been completed in our own times, when we saw with our own eyes our houses of prayer cast down from their height to the ground, and their foundations razed, and the inspired and holy Scriptures consigned to the fire in the midst of the marketplaces; and we saw the shepherds of the Churches, some shamefully hiding themselves here and there, and others ignominiously apprehended and exposed to the mockery of their enemies. At that time, as another prophetic word had foretold, «Contempt was poured upon their ^C princes, and he made them wander in a pathless place and not in a way.» But I do not deem it my duty to describe the tragic calamities which befell them in the end, since it is not fitting for us to put on record the dissensions and injuries which they fiercely committed against one another before the persecution. Therefore, it is my intention to recount nothing more concerning them than that through which we might justify the divine judgment. Hence, I have not been induced to make mention of those who were shaken ^D during the persecution, nor of those who were entirely shipwrecked in their salvation and cast themselves of their own will into the depths of the whirlpool; but I shall include in this general history only those things which would be of benefit first to myself, and then to those who come after us. Let us proceed, therefore, from this point, having briefly described the sacred struggles of the witnesses of the divine word. This was the nineteenth year of the [reign of the emperor].

^A Diocletian's reign, the month of Dystrus—which would be March by the Roman calendar—in which the feast of the Savior's passion was drawing near, imperial decrees were published everywhere, commanding that the churches be razed to the ground, and that the Scriptures be consigned to the flames, and that those who held posts of honor... ^A there were witnesses of the religion, and we should begin our account of the sacred struggles. The nineteenth year of the reign of Diocletian was in progress when, in the month of Dystrus, which the Romans call March, as the day of the Lord’s passion was approaching, imperial edicts were everywhere proposed, by which the churches were indeed ordered to be razed to the very ground.

^B The nineteenth year of the reign of Diocletian, the month of Dystrus—which would be March by the Roman calendar—in which the feast of the Savior's passion was drawing near, imperial decrees were published everywhere, commanding that the churches be razed to the ground, and that the Scriptures be consigned to the flames; and those who held positions of honor [might be brought low].

(97) *Dystrus month.* Regarding the year in which the Diocletianic persecution began, it has been discussed abundantly above; now it remains for us to say a few things about the month and day. Eusebius, indeed, says in this passage that the month was Dystrus, which the Romans call March. The author of the *Alexandrian Chronicle* writes the same, whose words are to be read as follows: "In the 19th year of the reign of Diocletian, in the month of Dystrus, the 21st, which would be March by the Roman calendar." But Eusebius, in his book *On the Martyrs of Palestine*, which is appended to this eighth volume of the *Ecclesiastical History*, says that it was the month of Xanthicus, which the Romans name April.

(98) *As the feast of the Savior's passion was drawing near.* Theodoret, in book V of his *Ecclesiastical History*, chapter 38, writes that the edict concerning the subversion of the churches was proposed on the very day of the Lord’s passion. The author of the *Alexandrian Chronicle* relates that this act took place on the day of Pascha itself; and he says that Pascha was celebrated on the 25th of March: which cannot fall in the 19th year of Diocletian, as Scaliger and Petavius have observed. In the *Chronicle* of Eusebius, this event is said to have occurred in the month of March, during the days of Pascha. The Greek words of this passage signify only that the day of Pascha was near at that time when the edicts were proposed. For the term

εἰσελαυνούσης

ἐπελαυνούσης

ἐπελαυνούσης. ^A And those of private condition, if they persisted in their purpose of Christianity, were to be declared infamous; while the common people, if they remained in their purpose of the Christian faith, were to be deprived of their liberty. Such was the first edict against us. But not long after, other letters arrived, by which it was commanded that all the presiding officers of the churches in every place should first be cast into chains, and afterwards constrained by every artifice to sacrifice to the gods.

CHAPTER III.

Of the various kinds of conflicts in which the martyrs struggled in the persecution.

Then, indeed, very many of the rulers of the churches, having bravely endured most grievous torments, exhibited spectacles of illustrious conflicts. Others also, no small number, broken in spirit and weakened, immediately at the first onset collapsed through fear. Every one of the rest experienced diverse kinds of tortures: one lacerated with scourges; another tormented with intolerable rackings and hooks. ^B In these punishments some even perished by a most miserable kind of death. Others, in turn, performed their struggle in another way. For one, while some were pushing him by force and bringing him to the impure and wicked sacrifices, was released as if he had sacrificed, although in reality he had not sacrificed at all. Another, though he had not approached the altar at all, and had touched nothing profane, yet because some said that he had sacrificed, departed in silence, dissimulating this calumny. These, taken up half-dead and carried upon the shoulders of those bearing them, were cast out as if dead. Others, lying on the ground, were dragged for a very long distance by the feet, ^C and were counted among those who had sacrificed. Another cried out and with a loud voice testified that he rejected the sacrifices. Another shouted that he was a Christian, making a show of the confession of this saving name. Another still affirmed that he had not sacrificed, nor would he ever sacrifice. But even these, struck in the mouth by a numerous band of soldiers gathered for that purpose, and forced to be silent, were violently expelled, their jaws and entire face bruised with blows. So much did the enemies of piety deem it a great thing if they might at least appear to have accomplished what they had desired. But these things did not succeed against the holy martyrs of God: ^D and what speech would be sufficient for us for an accurate narrative of them?

CHAPTER IV.

Of the illustrious martyrs of God, how they filled the whole world with the fame of their name, and obtained various crowns for their piety.

For we can tell of very many who displayed an admirable alacrity of soul for the worship of the supreme Divinity; and this not only from the time when the persecution was stirred up against all Christians, but long before, while peace still flourished. For when the devil, ^A who has received the power of this world, had first begun to be awakened as if from a very deep sleep, and after that interval of time which followed the persecution of Decius and Valerian, was still secretly and covertly laying snares for the Church, and did not at once and collectively wage war upon us, but was testing them only who were serving in the army—as if he intended to make trial of them, for he believed that he would easily overcome the rest without any trouble if he first surpassed these in the contest—then, I say, one could see very many who, having cast off their military service, preferred to embrace a private life rather than deny the worship of the Creator of all things. ^B For when the commander of the army, whoever that person was, first undertook the persecution against the troops, investigating and sifting those who were listed in the camps, and giving them the choice—either to obey and so enjoy the honor which was theirs, or, if they resisted the order, to be deprived of it—very many soldiers of the kingdom of Christ, without hesitation, preferred the confession of Him to the worldly glory and prosperity which they possessed. And already here and there one or a second of these was even exchanging not only the loss of his position, but also death itself for his pious confession—the one who was then energizing the plot beginning in some measure to dare to reach as far as blood in the case of some, ^C though, as it seems, he was still fearful of the multitude of the faithful and held back from immediately waging war against all at once. But when he finally put on his armor more openly, it is not possible to express in words how many and what kind of martyrs of Christ one could see with one's own eyes in all the cities and countries.

CHAPTER V.

Of those things which were done at Nicomedia.

Straightway, indeed, one of those who were not obscure, but rather highly illustrious according to the distinctions accepted in the world, ^D as soon as the edict against the churches was posted in Nicomedia, moved by a zeal for God,

^A he tore it down, which had been posted in a public and illustrious place in the city, and ripped it to pieces with his own hands, as something impious and most wicked. This occurred while two emperors were residing in that same city: the one senior Augustus, who held the first rank among all in the empire, and the other, who held the fourth rank from him in authority. Now as he was the first of all in that city to become famous for such a deed, he immediately underwent those punishments which it is credible would be inflicted upon him after such great audacity, yet he preserved his joy and tranquility of mind until his very last breath.

CAPUT VI.

On those who were in the palace.

^B Verily, above all who have ever been lauded as admirable and famous for fortitude, whether among Greeks or Barbarians, the season produced glorious and illustrious martyrs of God: Dorotheus, and the rest of the young men of the bedchamber. Although they had been endowed by the emperors with a prerogative of highest honor, and were loved by them no less than sons, they considered the reproaches, the sorrows, and the diverse kinds of death devised against them for the sake of piety to be of far greater value, in truth, than the glory and delights of this world. I shall therefore recount here the end of one of them alone, so that from it the readers may be able to conjecture what befell the others. One of them was brought into the midst, in the city mentioned above, before the emperors I have named. And being commanded to sacrifice to the gods, ^C when he obstinately refused, he was ordered to be stripped and lifted up, and his whole body to be flayed with scourges, until at last he might yield and obey the orders, even against his will. But when he remained firm in the same resolve, though tortured by such torments to the point of being flayed, with his very bones now laid bare, they poured over the rotting parts of his body vinegar mixed with salt. And when he endured even these pains, then a gridiron and fire were brought into the midst. And the remains of his body, like flesh prepared for food, were roasted by fire; and this not all at once, ^D but little by little, so that he might not depart by a quick end. Nor were the executioners who had placed him upon the pyre allowed to let him go unless he had first acquiesced to the commands after so many tortures. But he, persevering always in the same resolve, breathed out his soul, a victor over the very torments. Such was the martyrdom of one of the bedchamber youths. He was truly worthy, as well, of his name—for he was called Peter.

^A Let us pass over the sufferings of the rest, sparing for the sake of brevity, having only recorded this much: that Dorotheus and Gorgonius, along with many others belonging to the emperor’s household, after varied contests, suffered by the noose and obtained the prize of divine victory. At that same time, Anthimus, who was then presiding over the Church in Nicomedia, was beheaded for his testimony to Christ. To him was added a vast multitude of martyrs, for it happened, I know not by what chance, that a fire broke out in the palace in Nicomedia at that very time. A false rumor spread that it was perpetrated by our people, and by imperial nod, the worshippers of God in that place, along with their families, were cast in heaps—some being slaughtered by the sword, others perishing in the fire. ^B It is said that by a certain divine and inexpressible eagerness, men and women together leaped into the pyre. The executioners cast yet another multitude onto boats and threw them into the depths of the sea. Moreover, the royal masters, thinking as they did that they might be worshipped as gods if they were left in their tombs, ordered that the bodies of the bedchamber youths, which had been duly buried after death, be dug up and thrown into the sea. Such were the events which took place at Nicomedia at the very beginning of the persecution.

It was not long before another imperial edict went forth, as others attempted to seize power in the region called Melitina ^C and again others in Syria, commanding that the presiding officers of the churches everywhere be cast into chains and prison. The sight of what followed exceeded all description, as an innumerable multitude was imprisoned everywhere; the prisons, which had long been prepared for murderers and tomb-robbers, were then filled with bishops, priests, deacons, readers, and exorcists.

so that there was no longer any room left for those condemned for crimes. ^A And again, when other letters followed the first, in which it was ordered that the incarcerated—if they sacrificed—should be allowed to go free, but if they refused, they were to be subjected to innumerable tortures, how could anyone recount the multitude of martyrs in each province, especially in Africa and the nation of the Moors, the Thebaid, and throughout Egypt? From there, even, some proceeded to other cities and provinces and became illustrious through their martyrdoms.

CHAPTER VII

Regarding the Egyptians who suffered in Phoenicia.

We know those of them who shone forth in Palestine, and we know those in Tyre of Phoenicia. Who, upon seeing them, was not struck with awe at their innumerable scourgings, at the endurance of those who were truly wonderful and brave athletes of piety, at the struggle immediately following the scourges against bloodthirsty beasts, and the assaults in this struggle of leopards and various kinds of bears, wild boars, and bulls goaded against them with fire and red-hot iron, and at the marvelous patience of those noble men in the face of each of the beasts? We ourselves were present when these things occurred, and we beheld the divine power of our Savior Jesus Christ, to whom the martyrs then bore witness, present to them and manifesting itself clearly to the martyrs; for the man-eating beasts, for a long time, did not dare touch or even approach the bodies of those beloved of God. Instead, they rushed upon the others who were goading them on from the outside ^C with provocations, but the holy athletes, who stood there with naked bodies and waving their hands to draw the beasts toward themselves—for this is what they were ordered to do—were not touched at all. Indeed, while the beasts sometimes rushed at them, they were—so to speak—held back by a certain divine power, while the others who were approaching from the outside were attacked. ^D

^A And since this went on for a long time, it caused no small wonder to the spectators, so that, because of the ineffectiveness of the first beast, a second and a third were released against one and the same martyr. It was possible to be struck with amazement at the fearless endurance of those holy ones in the face of these things, and at the firm and unshaken steadfastness that had settled in such young bodies. For you could have seen a youth not yet fully twenty years of age, standing without bonds, his hands stretched out in the form of a cross, and with an undaunted and calm mind, keeping himself most intently occupied with prayers to God, and not at all moving or turning aside from the place where he stood, while bears and leopards were breathing fury and death, and were almost touching his very flesh. But I know not how, by a divine and ineffable power, their mouths were as if blocked, and they retreated again. And such indeed was the case with him. Again, you could have seen others—for in all they happened to be five—set against an enraged bull, which, while it tossed and tore to pieces with its horns those who were approaching from the outside, leaving them to be carried off half-dead, was unable to approach the holy martyrs at all. Though it rushed at them furiously and threateningly, it could not reach them. Instead, pawing the ground, tossing its horns this way and that, and breathing out fury and threats because of the goads of the hot iron, it was nevertheless driven back by divine Providence. And so, since they were not harmed by it in any way, other beasts were again sent in against them. In the end, after these many and horrible attacks by beasts, they were all put to the sword and, in place of the earth and their graves, were committed to the sea’s waves. ^B

CHAPTER VIII. Concerning those who suffered in Egypt.

Such was the struggle of the Egyptians who endured these labors for piety at the city of Tyre. But one might also admire those Egyptians who suffered martyrdom in their own land. For there, men almost innumerable, together with wives and children, despising this temporal life for the sake of the teaching of our Savior, endured various kinds of death. Some of them, after scrapings, torture-racks, and most cruel lashes, and ten thousand other various and horrible torments—too fearful even to hear of—were delivered to the flames. Others were drowned in the sea; others courageously offered their own heads to the executioners; some died under the torments themselves; others perished by famine. And others again were crucified—some in the manner customary for criminals, and others even more cruelly, ^C affixed with their heads downward, ^D

^A kept alive until they should perish by hunger upon the very crosses.

CHAPTER IX. Concerning those who suffered in the Thebaid.

The ^B accounts of the tortures and agonies which the martyrs in the Thebaid endured surely surpass all description. Men's bodies were shredded from head to foot with potsherds instead of claws until they breathed their last. Women were bound by one foot and raised aloft, head downward, by certain machines, presenting to all beholders a spectacle most shameful, most cruel, and most inhuman, as they hung completely naked and uncovered. ^C Others, again, perished bound to trees and branches. For they would draw together the strongest branches with machines, and after binding one of the martyr's legs to each, they would let the branches spring back to their natural position, having devised this as a means of rending the limbs of those against whom they practiced this in a single moment of violence. And all this was done not for a few days or for a short space of time, but over a long course of years, ^D when now ten, sometimes twenty and more, and at other times not less than thirty, and even at times nearly sixty, and again at other times a hundred in a single day—men with small children and women—were condemned to be put to death by various and alternating punishments. We ourselves also, when we were in those regions, saw many, gathered in crowds, being executed in a single day; some were beheaded, others were committed to flames. Indeed, the blades themselves were blunted and broken, unable any longer to kill, and the executioners themselves, failing in strength, would take turns in relieving one another. At that very time, we beheld with our own eyes a most marvelous fervor of spirit and a truly divine power and readiness in those who had believed in the Christ of God. For no sooner had sentence been passed against the first, than others from all sides would leap to the judge's tribunal, confessing themselves to be Christians. They made light of the dangers and of all the multiform kinds of tortures, but with free voice and without any fear they confessed the worship of the supreme God of all; and they received the sentence of death with joy, laughter, and cheerfulness, so that they sang psalms and hymns of thanksgiving to the God of all until their very last breath. These, indeed, were truly worthy of admiration; but those deserve the greatest praise and admiration above all others who, being eminent in wealth, nobility, and glory, and resplendent in eloquence and philosophy, considered all things secondary to...

^A true piety and faith in our Lord and Savior Jesus Christ. Such was Philoromus, who held no ordinary magistracy, serving as the procurator of the public treasury at Alexandria; and, in accordance with the dignity and prerogative of Roman rank, he would sit in judgment daily, surrounded by soldiers. Such also was Phileas, bishop of the Church of the Thmuites, a man who had discharged with the highest praise all the honors and offices in his homeland, and was most renowned in the studies of philosophy. Though countless kinsmen and friends, and even some magistrates and persons of rank, besought him, and though the judge himself urged them to take pity on themselves and to have regard for their wives and children, they could by no means be induced by all these entreaties, for the sake of preserving their own lives, to despise the divine laws ^B concerning the confession and denial of the name of Christ; but with a manly and philosophical spirit, or rather with a religious and God-devoted mind, standing firm against all the threats and insults of the judge, both were beheaded.

^{C D}

APPENDIX ON THE PRECEDING CHAPTERS

(24) *Of the government of Alexandria.* Philoromus was, therefore, the rationalis, or procurator of the royal treasury of Egypt. For this dignity is designated by these words. But Rufinus, not understanding these points, translated thus: "Philoromus, acting as a tribune of the Roman soldiers." Following him, Usuardus, Ado, and others, on the 5th of February, have called Philoromus a tribune, a grave error. Nor did Simeon Metaphrastes understand this passage of Eusebius. For in the Acts of the Passion of Philoromus and Phileas, which the Rev. Fr. Franciscus Combelisius communicated to me, it writes thus concerning Philoromus: "Philoromus, the companion of this man in all things, was entrusted with an office of the greatest power by those then in command, by whom he was commissioned to govern the whole land of Egypt and the camp of the city of the Alexandrians—which is proclaimed as the one and first metropolis of the Egyptian region—and he was entrusted with the oversight of the public affairs therein." You see how Metaphrastes stumbled upon the same stone as the others. Yet the office of rationalis or procurator of Caesar is, as I have said, distinct. Indeed, the one who was later called among the Roman princes the *rationalis* or procurator of the treasury of Egypt was formerly called the *dioecetes* under the Alexandrian kings, as I have long since noted in my excerpts from Polybius of Megalopolis, p. 23. Thus, in Dio Cassius, book XLI, he is called Pollinus, whom Caesar in the book *De bello Alexandrino* calls the procurator of the kingdom. But the words of Eusebius which follow sufficiently indicate that this dignity of Philoromus was civil, not military. For Eusebius adds, as I have noted, "stipatus militibus," that is, "surrounded by soldiers or officials," daily he sat in judgment. Which words, as they cannot apply to a tribune, fit the rationalis perfectly. For the *rationales* had an office or retinue, and they sat in judgment. Ammianus Marcellinus, book XXVIII: "A group of wicked men was sought out, imitating the office of the *rationalis* and the judge himself," etc., where you may see what I previously observed. ** Add to this the letter of Flavius Himerius, *rationalis* of Egypt, to the prefect of the Mareotis, which Athanasius reports in his *Apology*. But it is also taught there that the Acts were drawn up before the *rationalis*. He therefore had an official *ab actis*.

(25) *Of those in the rank of magistrates.* The final word seems to me to be a deletion. For it is, I think, a scholium added for the explanation of the preceding words. Although they do not signify magistrates so much as the "honored ones," as the Latins call them, that is, those who have performed public honors. Concerning these "honored ones," I have noted much at book XIV of Ammianus Marcellinus. Certainly, the word here appears to be superfluous. For there was no one present besides the judge himself, unless perhaps you understand the municipal magistrates.

(26) *Of the judge himself.* In the Acts of the Passion of Phileas, the governor here is called Culcianus. But Culcianus was governor of the Thebaid, as Epiphanius teaches. Therefore, Phileas suffered in the Thebaid, and not at Alexandria, as some think. These were led into error by the passage of Eusebius from chapter 10, where the letter of Phileas is mentioned, which he wrote to the Thmuites from Alexandria shortly before the contest of his martyrdom. But as I said, Culcianus, governor of the Thebaid, by whom he was condemned, manifestly argues that he suffered in the Thebaid. Furthermore, those Acts of the Passion of Phileas were recently published at Antwerp, with which the manuscript codex of the Library of Saint Victor entirely agrees. They were interpolated, however, by a certain Gregory, who inserted much from book VIII of the Ecclesiastical History of Rufinus. The true Acts therefore begin with these words: "Phileas having been placed upon the ambo, Culcianus the governor said," etc. In the end, likewise, certain things are added from Rufinus concerning the martyr Philoromus. Simeon Metaphrastes, however, in the manuscript Acts of the Passion of Phileas and Philoromus, says that they suffered at Alexandria. For it has thus: at the end, after he reported the sentence of the Augustal prefect passed upon them, he adds this:

Of the things done at Alexandria, a testimonial of the martyr Phileas.

^A Since we have mentioned that Phileas was a man highly educated in Greek learning, let him now come forward as a witness to himself, telling us who and whence he was; he will also relate more accurately than we have done, by means of these very words, the martyrdoms that occurred at Alexandria at that time. ^B From the letter of Phileas to the Thmuites (28).

"Those blessed martyrs who were with us, knowing that all these examples and signs and very beautiful lessons are set forth in the divine and holy Scriptures, without any hesitation, fixing the eye of their soul purely upon the God over all, and taking to heart the death for piety, clung fast to their calling. For they knew well that our Lord Jesus Christ for our sake became man, in order that he might utterly eradicate sin and prepare for us the provisions for our entry into eternal life. 'For he did not count it robbery to be equal with God, but emptied himself, taking the form of a servant, and being found in fashion as a man, he humbled himself unto death, even the death of the cross.' Therefore, ^C emulating the higher gifts, the Christ-bearing martyrs (30) endured every hardship and all manner of inventions of torture, not once, but some even a second time; and they did not yield their resolve to all the threats, not only in words, but also in deeds, when the guards contended against them, because 'perfect love casts out fear.' What language could suffice to recount their virtue and their courage under every torture? For since everyone was permitted to abuse them, some beat them with cudgels, others with rods, others with lashes, others again with thongs, and others with ropes. The sight of the tortures was varied and manifold, and full of much malice. For some were bound with their hands behind them, and suspended upon the wood (31), and with certain instruments every limb was stretched; then, thus, throughout the entire body, the torturers applied the torments by order, not as...

is customary with murderers, upon the sides only, but also upon the belly, the legs, and the cheeks, with iron claws. Some hung suspended by one hand from the portico, for whom the stretching of the joints and all the limbs was more painful than any other torture. Others were bound to pillars facing one another, their feet not touching the ground, so that the weight of their bodies, being pulled by the bonds, caused them to be stretched all the more keenly. And they endured this not only for as long as the president was speaking to them or had leisure to listen to them, but for almost the whole day. For when he crossed over to listen to others, he would leave behind the ministers of his office to keep watch over the former, in case someone, vanquished by the bitterness of the torments, might seem to be on the point of abandoning his purpose. He would command them to be bound with cords without any mercy, and afterwards, when they were already breathing their last, to be dragged along the ground, neither speaking as if we should have the least bit of care, but implying that all should feel thus about us and act thus toward us, as if we were no longer human beings. This, indeed, was the second torment our enemies had devised after the scourging. Some also lay after the torments in the stocks, with their feet stretched apart to all four holes, so that they were compelled to lie on their backs, being unable to stand at all on account of the recent scars from the wounds which they bore over their entire bodies. Others, cast upon the ground, lay there on account of the excessive bitterness of the torments; and they presented to those who beheld them a spectacle far more grievous than when they were being tortured, bearing about upon their bodies various and manifold inventions of tortures. While these things were thus taking place, some expired in the very midst of the torments, shaming the adversary by their steadfastness. Others, half-dead, were thrust into prison, and after a few days, overcome by their pains, brought their lives to an end. The rest, having obtained the care of those who attended to them [the healers], became more courageous through time and the passage of time in the prison. Thus, then, when it had been commanded, with the choice set before them either to be unmolested by touching the unholy sacrifice and receive from them that cursed freedom (38), or, not sacrificing...

to be sentenced to death, they hesitated nothing at all, but went gladly to their death. For they knew well what had been prescribed for us in the sacred Scriptures: "For he who sacrifices," it says, "to other gods, shall be utterly destroyed," and also: "There shall be no other gods for you except me." These are truly the words of a philosopher and at once a lover of God, the martyr, which, before the final sentence, while he was still under the regulations of the prison, he had sent to the brothers in his own district, at once explaining the state in which he was, and at the same time urging them to hold fast to the piety in Christ, which was so soon to be perfected after him. But why is there need to say much, and to set forth newer and yet newer struggles of the God-fearing martyrs throughout the world, and especially of those who were no longer besieged by common law, but in the manner of war? ^B

Chapter XI. Concerning those things which happened in Phrygia.

Indeed, soldiers armed with weapons surrounded a certain town of Christians in Phrygia ^C in a circle, and having set fire to it, they burned it entirely, along with men, women, and children who were calling upon Christ as the God of all. This, clearly, was for the reason that all the inhabitants of that city, and the curator himself and the magistrate, along with all the honorable men and the common people, professed themselves to be Christians and in no way complied with those who ordered them to practice idolatry. Also, a certain man named Adauctus, who had attained Roman office, ^D born of an illustrious family among the Italians, having passed through every grade of honor in the empire...

high office in the imperial palace, having administered the management of the state's affairs, and the office of Master, as they call it, and that of the ^A *Rationalis* most honorably. Beyond all this, he was distinguished among the faithful for many noble deeds and for his confessions of the name of Christ; and while he was still administering the office of *Rationalis*, he struggled for true piety and was adorned with the crown of martyrdom.

CHAPTER XII

What need is there now to mention the remainder by name, or to count the multitude of men, or to depict with the brush of eloquence the manifold varieties of tortures of the ^B wondrous martyrs of Christ? For some were slaughtered with axes, as happened to those in Arabia; others had their legs broken, as befell those in Cappadocia; some were hung head downward by their feet and suffocated by the smoke of a fire—light and slow—kindled beneath them, as was done to those in Mesopotamia; others had their noses, ears, and hands amputated, and the rest of their bodily members mangled and hacked, as happened at Alexandria.

And why is there any need to stir up the memory of what took place at Antioch, where some were placed upon gridirons ^C and roasted, not unto death, but in a prolonged punishment? Others preferred to thrust their own right hands into the fire rather than touch the impious libations. Some of these, avoiding the peril before they could be seized and fall into the hands of an ambush, cast themselves down from high rooftops, counting death an advantage against the malice of the impious.

There was also a certain most holy woman, admirable for the fortitude of her soul; in wealth, in splendor of birth, and in reputation she was most famous among all at Antioch. She had reared two daughters, virgins blooming in the beauty and the prime of youth, ^D in the precepts of the Christian religion. Since many were stirred by envy and were busily tracking down their hiding-places, and then, learning that they were living abroad, had brought them back to Antioch with all zeal and diligence; when the woman realized that she and her daughters had fallen into the snares of the soldiers, being reduced to a lack of counsel, she addressed her daughters. She explained what great evils threatened them at the hands of the soldiers: that of all evils, the most grave and most intolerable was violation, of which

she said that to surrender one’s soul to the slavery of demons was far worse than any death or destruction. She proposed that there was only one remedy for all these things: to take refuge in the Lord. Having then agreed in their purpose, and having arranged their clothing modestly and properly, when they had arrived at the midpoint of their journey ^A, having asked permission of the guards to turn aside from the road for a moment, they cast themselves into a river flowing nearby. They, then, plunged themselves in.

Two other virgins in the same city, sisters indeed in every way by nature and by grace, flourishing in the splendor of their birth, in wealth, in age, and in beauty, but more distinguished by the gravity of their character, the piety of their minds, and their zeal and industry—as if the earth could not bear to support such grace—were ordered by the worshippers of demons to be cast into the sea. Such were the events at Antioch.

But as for the things which occurred in Pontus, they strike horror even in the telling. For some, the fingers of their hands were pierced from the very tips of their nails with sharp reeds. Others had their backs scorched with molten lead, liquefied by the force of fire, the boiling and burning metal being poured over them; and the most indispensable parts of their body ^B were roasted. Some endured shameful, indescribable, and merciless torments in their bowels and private parts, which those noble and equitable judges, displaying their own ingenuity—as if this were some virtue of wisdom or prudence—devised with great ambition, daily inventing new tortures, as if vying with one another to excel in a competition where prizes were proposed.

These calamities did not cease until the judges, despairing of being able to add any further afflictions to those they had already suffered, and being already weary of the slaughter, and finding themselves sated and exhausted by the flow of blood, turned to that specious clemency and humanity, as they deemed it, so that they might appear to be using no further cruelty against us. For they declared it was not right that cities should be polluted with the blood of their own citizens, nor that the emperors themselves, who were benign and gentle toward all, should be stained with the infamy of cruelty. Instead, it was more fitting that the humanity and beneficence of the imperial majesty should be extended to all, and that hereafter our people should not be punished with capital penalties; for, they claimed, we had been liberated from punishments of this kind by the indulgence of the emperors. ^C From that time forward, therefore, it was commanded ^D that the eyes of our people be gouged out and that one of their legs be maimed. For this was their "humanity" and the mildest of the punishments against us, so that already, on account of this [measure]...

of the impiety of the impious, it is no longer possible to express the multitude of those who suffered beyond all words—some having had their right eyes first gouged out with a sword and then, after the extraction, having them cauterized with fire; others having their left legs disabled again by cauteries at the joints; and after these things, being condemned to the copper mines of their respective provinces, not so much for the sake of the work to be done there as for the sake of pain and tribulation. And in addition to all these, there were other trials for others, which it is not even possible to recount; for their noble deeds in these matters surpass all speech ^A. In the midst of these 53, the glorious martyrs of Christ shone forth across the whole world, and rightly struck with astonishment all those who beheld their courage everywhere, and through themselves they demonstrated manifest proofs of the truly divine and ineffable 54 power of our Savior. To mention each one by name, therefore, would be a long task, if not one of the impossible ones.

CHAPTER XIII

Concerning the leaders of the Church, who declared through their own blood the sincerity of the religion which they professed.

Of the ecclesiastical rulers who suffered martyrdom in the notable cities, let the first to be named by us on the lists of the pious 55 as a martyr of the kingdom of Christ be Anthimus, bishop of the city of the Nicomedians, who was beheaded in that city. Of the martyrs ^B from Antioch 56, the best of the elders of the parish there, Lucian, he too in Nicomedia, in the presence of the emperor, proclaimed the heavenly kingdom of Christ first by word through an apology, and then afterwards by his own deeds. And of the martyrs in Phoenicia, the most notable would be those all-beloved pastors of Christ’s rational sheep: Tyrannio, bishop of the Church in Tyre, and Zenobius, a priest of the one in Sidon, and also Silvanus, bishop of the churches around Emesa. But the latter, having been made food for wild beasts along with others in Emesa itself, was taken up into the choirs of ^C the martyrs. But the two from Antioch both glorified the word of God through their patience unto death; the bishop, indeed, was surrendered to the depths of the sea, while Zenobius, the best of physicians, died firmly amidst the torments inflicted upon his sides. And of the martyrs in Palestine, Silvanus...

^A bishop of the churches around Gaza, was beheaded at the copper mines of Phæno, together with thirty-nine others. And certain Egyptian priests, Peleus and Nilus, with some others, perished there having endured death by fire. And let Pamphilus the presbyter, the great glory of the church of Cæsarea, be mentioned by us among these, he who was the most admirable of our age, whose virtue and glorious deeds we have recorded in their proper time (57).

Among those who were gloriously perfected at Alexandria and throughout all Egypt and the Thebaid, the first of all to be named is Peter, bishop of Alexandria itself, a divine figure among the teachers of the piety that is in Christ; and among his presbyters, Faustus, Dius (58), and Ammonius, perfect martyrs of Christ. Furthermore, Phileas, Hesychius, Pachumius, and Theodorus, ^B bishops of various churches in Egypt, and, in addition to these, myriads of other illustrious ones who are remembered by the churches in their respective regions and places, whose struggles on behalf of the piety towards the Divine throughout the whole world it is not our task to transmit in writing, nor is it possible to relate each of the events that happened to them precisely; that would be the task of those who were eyewitnesses to these matters. But as for those at which I was personally present, I shall make these known to the generations after us in another work (59).

In the present account, however, I shall append to what has already been said the recantation of those things that were done against us, and the events that occurred at the very outset of the persecution, as they should be most useful to those who read them. Now, before the war was declared against us, ^C at the time when the rulers were friendly and peaceful towards us, what an abundance of all good things and what prosperity (60) we were deemed worthy of, what speech would be sufficient to relate?

^A At that time, those who held the highest authority of the empire, having completed their decennial and vicennial celebrations, were living in peace, passing their time in festivals, spectacles, banquets, and every sort of joy and hilarity. Thus, as their power continuously increased without any obstruction and flourished with growth day by day, they suddenly changed their policy, broke the peace they had maintained with us, and instigated an inexpiable war. ^B Before the second year (61) of this war-like movement had passed for them, something new regarding the whole government occurred, which overturned all things. For a disease, not without cause, fell upon the leader (62) of those mentioned, by which his very mind was led into a state of ecstasy, and he, together with the one honored with the second rank after him, betook himself to a common and private life; and not yet had these things been done, when the whole of the government was divided in two (63), a thing which had never before happened, as recorded in history. Yet they held only one triumph of all the nations at Rome, a little while before they retired from the empire, as Eutropius and Zonaras testify. The words of Eutropius are: "Each one, on the same day, exchanged the insignia of the empire for private garb, Diocletian at Nicomedia, Herculius at Milan, after the glorious triumph which they had celebrated at Rome over numerous nations, with a notable procession of trophies, etc." Jerome, in his *Chronicle*, reports this triumph of Diocletian and Maximian in the eighteenth year of Diocletian. Regarding this passage, Scaliger, in his *Animadversions*, notes that an anachronism was committed by Jerome. For he says this triumph was held in the twentieth year of Diocletian, some months before he laid aside the purple. But it is Scaliger himself who is rather mistaken, for he rashly criticizes Jerome. For if Diocletian triumphed in the twentieth year of his reign, a few months before he abdicated, it must be said that he triumphed around the month of January, in the year 304 of Christ, since he laid aside the purple on the Calends of April of that same year, as Idatius teaches in his *Fasti*. From which it follows that he triumphed in the winter time, and that he departed from Rome and arrived at Nicomedia while it was still mid-winter: neither of which is probable, since triumphs were not customarily held by Roman emperors during the winter, nor could the age and health of Diocletian have sustained the labor of so long a journey in the winter months. Furthermore, in the nineteenth year of his reign, in the months of March and April, Diocletian was staying at Nicomedia at the very time the persecution of the Christians began, as Eusebius testifies in book VIII, chapter 5. But even when the Nicomedian palace burned, Constantine—a witness above all exception in his *Oration to the Assembly of the Saints*, in the penultimate chapter—confirms that Diocletian was there. This, however, happened some months after the persecution had begun. Let us assume, therefore, that it occurred in the month of May; who could believe that within a space of ten months Diocletian traveled from Nicomedia to Rome, celebrated that notable triumph there, and then returned from Rome to Nicomedia, laid aside the purple, and soon after retired to Dalmatia to spend the remaining time of his life there? To this is added the fact that the disease by which Diocletian was briefly disturbed in his mental state first seized him at Nicomedia, shortly after the persecution he had incited, as Constantine reports. Wherefore it is little probable that Diocletian, afflicted by such a disease, would have undertaken such a journey. Furthermore, the author of the panegyric addressed to Maximian and Constantine clearly testifies that Diocletian and Maximian celebrated a triumph at Rome some years before the twentieth year of their reign. For he addresses Maximian with these words: "At your first entry, the Roman people received you with such joy and such a crowd that, while desiring to carry you even in their eyes to the bosom of Capitoline Jove, they barely admitted you to the gates of the city. You, again, in the twentieth year of your reign, with the Roman people desiring to hold you, as it were, in a certain embrace on your eighth consulship, it seemed as if they already prophesied and feared what happened." You see how he says that Maximian triumphed at Rome long before his eighth consulship. For there is no doubt that those previous words are to be taken as referring to a triumph. Certainly Sigonius, a most diligent man, understood this passage in no other way in his books on the Western Empire. Thus Scaliger is grievously hallucinating when he says that Diocletian and Maximian triumphed in the twentieth year of their reign. Jerome more correctly referred it to the sixteenth year of Diocletian. In this specific year, Idatius notes in his *Fasti* that the emperors established a price for grain by their edict. For this seems to have been established by them after the triumph for the sake of the Roman people especially. But Cedrenus ascribes this triumph to the seventeenth year of Diocletian. ^D (61) *And before the second year... had passed for them.* Eusebius might have said better: "The first year had barely passed." For the abdication of Diocletian and Maximian took place at the beginning of the second year of the persecution, namely on the Calends of April in the year 304, since the persecution had begun in the month of March of the preceding year. When, therefore, Eusebius says "the second year had not yet passed," it is the same as if he had said, "the second year of the persecution was underway." This other passage of Eusebius in the book *On the Martyrs of Palestine*, chapter 3, at the end, is to be understood in this way. (62) *To the leader of those mentioned.* Christophorson incorrectly translates: "For he who was the first author of our troubles." In this he seems to have followed Nicephorus, who, in chapter 16, book VII, copying Eusebius, put "the author of evil" in place of those Eusebian words. (63) *And the whole of the government was divided in two.* For Constantius and Galerius divided the Roman Empire between them as a kind of inheritance. This was the first division of the Roman Empire, as Eusebius records in this place. For although there had previously been many Augusti at the same time, they governed the Roman Empire as a solid and undivided whole, as happened under the emperors Marcus and Verus. But even under Diocletian and Herculius Maximian, no division of the empire had been made, since the Augusti had not divided provinces or legions among themselves. Eutropius, therefore, rightly writes in book X: "These therefore departing from the administration of the republic, Constantius and Galerius were created Augusti, and the Roman world was divided between them." Orosius observes the same in book VII, with these words: "Galerius and Constantius, Augusti, were the first to...

^A establish that an empire could be divided into two parts; a thing which is recorded as having never happened before. Not long after this, the Emperor Constantius, a man of the greatest gentleness throughout his entire life, and one who was most kindly disposed toward his subjects and most affectionately inclined toward the divine Word, left behind his own legitimate son, Constantine, as Emperor and Augustus in his stead, and paid the debt of nature. He was the first to be proclaimed among the gods 65 by them, having been deemed worthy of all the honors which, after death, are owed to any emperor. He was the kindest and gentlest of emperors, and, indeed, alone among the sovereigns of our time, he completed the whole duration of his reign in a manner worthy of his office; offering himself to all as most gracious and beneficent, and having had no share whatsoever in the war against us. On the contrary, he protected those who were pious under his rule, keeping them unharmed and free from molestation, neither tearing down the houses of the Churches, nor innovating anything against us; he reached the end of his life in a manner ^B both illustrious 67 and thrice-blessed, dying alone in his own empire, peacefully and gloriously, with his own legitimate son—a man of perfect temperance and piety—as his successor. His son, Constantine, immediately upon beginning his reign, was proclaimed most perfect Emperor and Augustus by the armies, and even long before this by the same God, the King of all; he established himself as an imitator of his father's piety toward our faith. Such, indeed, was he. Following these events, Licinius, by the common vote of the rulers, also appeared as Emperor and Augustus. This grieved Maximinus sorely, who was at that time still styled only Caesar, contrary to all 68. He, being indeed most tyrannical by nature, seized the dignity for himself and was Augustus, having made himself such on his own authority. But being caught in this, while weaving a plot of death against Constantine, the one aforementioned 69 as having been removed after his abdication, perished by a most shameful death. ^C

Regarding the division of the empire, which the city of Rome bore with more difficulty than the others, Porphyry speaks in his panegyric poem to Constantine, which he wrote in the fifteenth year of the reign of Constantine, at the quinquennial celebrations of the Caesars Crispus and Constantine:

Lacerated by bloody Empires, the weary part of the sky groaned having been divided, And Ausonia mourned her scepters and lost rights. And sometime later, he addresses Constantine thus: And joining the severed parts of the sorrowful world, Bring together the equal orbs, let Rome impose laws willing, With you as Prince over the peoples.

I have noted these things a little more accurately, both because they have not yet been sufficiently observed, and because Christophorsonus did not understand them; who interpreted "division" as "dissension." Our codices Maz., Med., Fuk., and Savil. add a word which is missing in the vulgate.

^A renounced. About this time, Maximian, whom we have already mentioned as having assumed the purple a second time after he had laid it aside, perished by a most shameful kind of death, having been caught plotting against Constantine. And he was the first whose images and statues and other monuments of that kind, which are wont to be erected in honor of emperors, were thrown down and destroyed, as those of an impious and most wicked man.

Chapter XIV. On the morals of the persecutors.

His son, Maxentius, who usurped the tyranny at Rome, at first made a pretense of professing our faith, in order to gratify and flatter the Roman people. Thus, he ordered his subjects to refrain from the persecution of the Christians, ^B feigning a sort of piety, that he might appear much kinder and more humane than the former princes. But as time went on, he did not prove himself in his actions to be such as he was expected to be. On the contrary, swept along by a certain frenzy of mind toward every sort of wickedness and crime, he omitted no kind of impiety or lust. For he committed adulteries and debaucheries of every description. And after he had forcibly separated legitimate wives from their husbands through divorce, he would mock them with every kind of filthiness and ignominy before sending them back to their husbands again. Nor did he seek to afflict only mean and obscure men with injuries of this kind, but especially those who held the chief place in the Roman senate, insulting most grievously those of the highest rank. ^C Accordingly, as much the commoners as the magistrates, and as much the obscure as the noble, fearing him, were oppressed by his most heavy tyranny. And although they lived quietly and endured his tyranny patiently, they could not in that way escape the bloodthirsty cruelty of the tyrant. Finally, one day, for the most trivial cause, he delivered the Roman populace to the praetorian soldiers to be slaughtered. And thus an innumerable multitude of the Roman people was butchered in the middle of the city, not by the spears and arms of Scythians or barbarians, but by those of their own fellow citizens. Moreover, how great were the slaughters of the senators, intended to facilitate the looting of their property, cannot be numbered in any way, ^D as very many were executed daily on various trumped-up charges. At last, the tyrant added to his crimes a sort of climax: the wonders of the magical arts, now dissecting pregnant women, now searching the bowels of newborn infants; also slaying lions, and performing certain unspeakable rites to invoke demons and avert war; for he pinned all his hopes on the idea that by these means his victory would be assured.

^A While he was exercising his tyranny at Rome, it is impossible to describe how many and great were the evils with which he oppressed his subjects, reducing them to such extreme destitution of food as no memory of man can recall having occurred previously at Rome or anywhere else. But in the regions of the East, the tyrant Maximinus, having entered into a secret league with the tyrant of the city of Rome, holding as a brother in wickedness the one who was most closely akin to him in the kinship of crimes, for a long time endeavoured to remain concealed; but being detected at last, he paid the penalty that was his due. ^B It is truly a thing to marvel at, how this man, too, exhibited traits and family characteristics—nay, rather, how he carried off the first prizes and the victory for the perversity of the tyrant at Rome. For the foremost of sorcerers and magicians were held by him in the highest honour, 73 to such a degree was he anxious and superstitious, and so greatly did he set store by the delusion of idols and demons. Indeed, without divinations and oracles he did not dare to move so much as a finger, so to speak. On this account, he also attacked us with a sharper and more frequent persecution than those before him, ordering temples to be raised in every city and shrines that had collapsed through length of time to be rebuilt with all speed; and in every place and city, he appointed priests of the idols, and over these, an 74 archpriest for each province, [selecting him] from among those prominent in the civil administration, one who had distinguished himself most conspicuously in every liturgy, providing him with a military guard and a retinue of soldiers, and unashamedly bestowing upon all sorcerers, as if they were pious men and beloved of the gods, the governorships and the greatest privileges. ^C Starting from this, he did not merely oppress one city or region, but ground down and squeezed all the provinces under his rule, entirely and utterly, by exactions of gold, silver, and countless sums of money, and by the most grievous condemnations, 75 and one sentence of punishment after another. He would strip the affluent of their ancestral and inherited estates, bestowing wealth in bulk and heaps of money upon the flatterers who surrounded him. Moreover, he was carried to such a pitch of drunkenness and debauchery that in his drinking bouts he became frantic and insane, issuing such orders while drunk as he would repent of when sober the next day; and leaving no limit to his revelry and excess, he established himself as the teacher of vice to the magistrates and subjects around him, spurring the military to wallow in every kind of luxury and licentiousness, while inciting governors and commanders—who were all but tyrants themselves—to use seizure and greed against their subjects. Why should I mention the impulsive and shameful deeds of this man? He devised countless inquisitions against the nations under his power. ^D

^A Indeed, he did not allow a single city to be passed through without having committed the defilement of women and the rape of virgins in every one. Furthermore, these things succeeded for him against all, except for the Christians alone, who, having trampled underfoot the fear of death, despised his so great tyranny as nothing. For men 76 having endured fire and sword, the clenching of nails, wild beasts, and the depths of the sea, the severing of limbs and cauterizations, the piercing and gouging out of eyes, and mutilations of the entire body, in addition to hunger and the mines, and chains—above all things rendered a patient endurance for the sake of piety, rather than exchanging their worship of God for idols. Women, too, no less than the men, having been emboldened by the teaching of the divine word, some endured the same struggles as the men and carried off equal rewards for virtue; others, being dragged to defilement, yielded their souls to death more quickly than their bodies to corruption.

At any rate, one Christian woman, the most eminent and illustrious in Alexandria, alone among others who had been defiled by the tyrant, overcame the passionate and licentious soul of Maximinus with a most manly ^B fortitude 77; she was glorious in other respects for her wealth, nobility, and education, but held all these things secondary to her modesty. And although he had importuned her many times, he was unable to kill her while she was ready to die, as his desire overcame his anger; but having punished her with exile, he stripped her of all her property.

Ten thousand others, unable even to hear the threat of defilement from the governors of the nations, endured every sort of torture, rack, and death-bringing punishment. These are indeed admirable; yet, beyond all, that woman in Rome is most admirable, truly the most noble and most modest of all, whom the tyrant there, Maxentius—in all things most similar to Maximinus—attempted to violate. For when she learned that those who served such ends for the tyrant had arrived at her house (she, too, was a Christian), and that her own husband, being a Roman prefect, had, for fear, allowed them to take her away, ^C she asked for a brief 78 postponement, as if she were about to adorn her body; she went into her chamber, and being left alone, she drove a sword into herself 79.

^D Thus they showed the deeds of the executioners among the martyrs, anticipating death out of fear of punishment; but they did not fear nothing for the sake of their confession in Christ, but rather willingly suffered everything that the tyrant’s and the demons’ ingenuity brought against them as instruments of torture. That is: How does this man admire women who brought death upon themselves? And yet the judgment of the Church does not record in the number of martyrs those who became their own executioners. For it is cowardice rather than courage to anticipate death out of fear of tortures; but it records those who, on account of their confession of Christ, considered nothing to be feared, prepared with a cheerful spirit to endure whatever the ingenious craftiness of the tyrants and demons brought upon them. The author of this scholium correctly observed that such a thing is not approved by the Church; since men, through fear of death,

^A or through despair, lay violent hands upon themselves. But whenever they are moved by the prompting of the divine Spirit, which happens very rarely, then the Church indeed approves and admires the deed, inasmuch as it is always guided and inspired by the divine Spirit; yet it does not propose it for imitation. See what Augustine thought of this matter in his book, *De civitate Dei*, ch. 26. Furthermore, the same scholium is read also in the book of Savilianus, ch. 28, where this history is related; it is read more correctly, in my opinion.

As soon as she learned that the tyrant was using ministers for such abominations, and that her husband, who held the prefecture of the city of Rome, had been terrorized and had permitted his satellites to carry her off (for she was a Christian), she asked for a brief space of time as though to adorn her body. Having then entered her bedchamber, and seeing that she was left alone, she plunged a sword into her breast. Having died immediately from this wound, she left her corpse to the guides; but by that very deed, which rings out louder than any sound of voice, she proclaimed to all men who now are and who shall be hereafter, that the virtue of the Christians alone is invincible, impregnable, and not subject to death. Such and so great a flood of wickedness overflowed at one and the same time, with two tyrants as its authors, of whom one had occupied the East, the other the West. Who, then, upon inquiring into the cause of such great evils, could doubt to affirm that the persecution stirred up against us was the source of all these things, especially since the great perturbation of the state did not reach its end until after liberty was restored to the Christians?

CAPUT XV. De his quæ gentilibus acciderunt.

CHAPTER XVI. On things restored to a better state.

^A and through kindly edicts and most mild ordinances concerning us, they quenched the great conflagration of persecution that had been kindled. Nor was any human cause the author of this, nor was it the compassion or philanthropy of the rulers, as one might say—far from it! For day by day they had planned from the beginning ever more and harsher things against us, inventing various and diverse wicked devices to renew our torments. But it was the manifest visitation of the Divine Providence itself, which was reconciling itself to its own people, but was attacking the author of the evils and the leader of the entire wickedness of the persecution ^B and dealing with him. For if it was necessary that these things should happen according to divine judgment, yet, “Woe,” says the Scripture (Matt. XVIII, 7), “to that man by whom the scandal comes.” Him, therefore, a heaven-sent punishment seized, beginning from his very flesh and advancing even to his soul. For suddenly an abscess formed about the mid-parts of his private members, ^C and thereafter a deep fistula-like ulcer, and a plague of these impossible to heal began to consume his inmost vitals; from which an unaccountable multitude of worms swarmed, and a deathly stench was exhaled, the whole mass of his body having, through gluttony, and even before the disease, changed into an excessive abundance of fat, which then, having rotted, presented an unbearable and most horrific sight to those who approached. As for the physicians, some were slaughtered because they could not at all endure the overwhelming offensiveness of the stench, while others, because they could provide no remedy, as the whole body had swollen and all hope of salvation had been abandoned, were pitilessly put to death.

CHAPTER XVII. Of the recantation of the emperors.

Now, struggling against so many evils, he began to have a consciousness of the crimes he had dared to commit against the worshipers of God. ^D And so, gathering his mind into himself, he first confessed his error to the God of all; then, having called those about him, he ordered them, without any delay, to cease the persecution of the Christians, and by law and imperial decree to hasten the building of their churches and to perform the customary rites,

^A and to offer prayers for the imperial government, as they were wont. ^B Straightway, therefore, as the word was followed by the deed, royal edicts were published throughout the cities, containing in this manner the recantation concerning us:

"Emperor Caesar Galerius Valerius Maximianus, invincible, Augustus, pontifex maximus, Germanicus maximus, Aegyptiacus maximus, Thebaicus maximus, Sarmaticus maximus, five times Persicus maximus, twice Carpicus maximus, six times Armenicus maximus, Medicus maximus, Adiabenicus maximus, holding the ^C tribunitian power for the twentieth time, imperator for the nineteenth time, consul for the eighth time, father of the fatherland, proconsul; and Emperor Caesar Flavius Valerius Constantinus, pious, fortunate, invincible, Augustus, pontifex maximus, holding the tribunitian power for the fifth time, imperator for the fifth time, consul, father of the fatherland, proconsul; and Emperor Caesar Valerius Licinianus, pious, fortunate, invincible, Augustus, pontifex maximus, holding the tribunitian power for the fourth time, imperator for the third time, consul, father of the fatherland, proconsul; to their own provincials, greeting. Among the other things which we decree for the advantage and profit of the public, we have indeed previously desired to restore all things according to the ancient laws and the public discipline of the Romans. And especially we have labored for this, that the Christians, who had abandoned the rites of their own parents and the ceremonies ^D of their fathers, might return to a better state of mind."

For such arrogance and folly had taken such hold of them, as if by some common consent, that they would not follow the institutions of the ancients—which perhaps had been established by their own parents—but, according to their own judgment and as each of them pleased, they were inventing and observing laws for themselves, and were gathering various ^A multitudes in various sects. Consequently, when such an edict of ours was published, so that they might return to those things established by the ancients, many were indeed subjected to great dangers, and many, having been harassed, suffered various kinds of death. And since, as many persisted in the same folly, we saw that they were neither rendering the owed worship to the immortal gods, nor attending to the ceremonies of the Christians, looking toward our own philanthropy and the constant usage with which we are accustomed to grant pardon to all men, we judged that we should most willingly extend our own indulgence in this matter too, so that they may again be Christians, and may rebuild the houses in which they were accustomed to meet, provided that they do nothing contrary to their discipline. But we shall signify in a special letter to the judges what they must observe. Therefore, on account of this indulgence of our clemency, they must pray and entreat their own God for our safety, and for the safety of the public and their own, so that the state ^B of the public may remain whole, and they may be able to dwell in their own homes with all security.

These things, translated as far as we were able from the Latin language into the Greek tongue, are thus rendered. But it is now time that we consider the things that followed thereafter.

The end of the eighth book of the Ecclesiastical History.

WHAT IS FOUND AS A SUPPLEMENT TO THE EIGHTH BOOK IN SOME COPIES.

But the author of this edict, after such a confession, was immediately delivered at once from life and from his pains. They say that he was the primary author of that miserable ^D persecution; for he was the one who, long before the rest of the emperors, had attempted to force by violence the Christians who served in the army, and especially those who lived in his own palace, to defect from their religion. Some he removed from military honors, others he afflicted with every kind of contumely; some he even punished with death; and at last he urged his own colleagues and partners in the empire to all

^A kinds of persecution against all, the end of whose lives it is not right to pass over in silence. When four men had divided the rule over all among themselves, those who were first in time and honor, not even two full years having passed after the initiation of the persecution, withdrew from the empire, as has previously been declared by us. And having spent the remaining period of their lives in a private and plebeian manner, they met with the following end of their life. The one who had been esteemed first in both honor and time, consumed by a long and most grievous infirmity of the body [met his end]. The other, who was second to him, snapped off his life by a noose, having suffered this in accordance with some demonic prophecy, being deservedly affected by such a punishment because of the very many wicked deeds he had committed. Of the two others who remained, the last, whom we have also mentioned as having been the leader and author of the whole persecution, suffered such things as we have already disclosed; but he who took precedence over him, the most kind and gentle Emperor Constantius, ^B performed the functions of the sovereignty worthily for the whole duration of his rule. And having shown himself most agreeable and most beneficent to all in other respects, and having remained entirely apart from the war against us, he kept the God-fearing people under him unharmed and uninjured. Neither did he tear down the church buildings, nor did he innovate anything at all against us, but he attained a happy and truly thrice-blessed end of life. For he alone of all in the empire migrated from this light with the greatest tranquility and glory, leaving as his successor his own son, a most modest and religious prince. This man’s son, Constantine, having been proclaimed supreme emperor and Augustus by the soldiers at the very starting point, proved himself an emulator of his father’s piety toward our faith. Such is the exit of life which the four aforementioned emperors met with at different times. Of these, only the one whom we mentioned above, together with the others who had lately been admitted into the partnership of the empire, made that confession which we reported above publicly known to all by an edict set forth. ^C

(Here in the edition of Valesius is inserted the book *On the Martyrs of Palestine*, which we publish separately below.)

Book Nine

EUSEBIUS OF CAESAREA, ECCLESIASTICAL HISTORY, BOOK IX

THIS NINTH BOOK OF THE ECCLESIASTICAL HISTORY CONTAINS THE FOLLOWING SUBJECTS:

α. On the feigned indulgence. β. On the perversion which followed. γ. On the newly fashioned image at Antioch. δ. On the decrees of the cities against the Christians. ε. On the false reports. Ϛ. On those who at that time suffered martyrdom. ζ. On those things which were inscribed on bronze tablets against us and published abroad. η. On the events which happened thereafter in time of famine, pestilence, and wars. θ. On the destruction of the lives of the tyrants, and what words they used before their deaths. ι. On the victory of the God-beloved emperors. ια. On the final destruction of the enemies of piety.

CAPUT I. On the feigned indulgence.

^BAnd this retraction of the imperial rescript, which we have set forth above, was published far and wide throughout Asia and in all the provinces roundabout. After these things had been managed in this way, Maximinus, the tyrant in the East, a man most impious, if ever there was one, and a foe to the piety toward the God of all...

being in no way pleased with what had been written, did not issue the posted letter, but instead gave verbal instructions to his magistrates under him to relax the war against us. Since it was not permitted for him to openly oppose the judgment of his superiors, he placed the previously promulgated law ^A into a corner, and fearing that it might be brought into the open in the regions under him, he commanded his governors by an unwritten ordinance to ease the persecution against us. And they, in turn, signified the purport of this command to one another by letter.

Sabinus, therefore, the man among them who had been honored with the rank of most excellent prefect, made the emperor's mind known to the provincial governors ^B by means of a Roman letter. The translation of this letter into Greek runs in this way:

"The divinity of our most pious and mighty lords of the Augusti, in their constant and devout concern, had long ago determined to turn the intellects of all men toward the holy and correct way of life, so that even those who appeared to follow customs foreign to the Romans might perform the religious services owed to the immortal gods. But the stubbornness and harsh will of certain persons went so far that they could neither be turned back from their purpose by the just reasoning of the command, nor be frightened by the looming punishment. Since, therefore, it came to pass from this state of things that many brought ^C themselves into danger, the divinity of our most powerful lords of the Augusti, judging that it was foreign to its most holy purpose to bring men into such perils out of an occasion of this kind, commanded, through my devotion, that I write to your sagacity, so that if any of the Christians should be found observing the religion of their own people, you might deliver such a person from molestation and danger, and not think that anyone on this pretext is to be punished, since it has been established throughout such a period of time that they have been able to be persuaded in no way."

^D [alt-version omitted]

^A Your diligence must therefore write to the curators, the magistrates, and the overseers of the district in each city, so that they may know that it is not permitted for them to concern themselves any further with this matter. ^B Following this, the governors of the individual provinces, thinking this was truly the mind of the emperor, as it was set forth in the letters of Sabinus, immediately notified the curators, magistrates, and district overseers regarding the emperor’s will by letter. And they pressed on not only with written documents, but even more so with actions, as those who were carrying out the emperor’s commands to their fulfillment. Consequently, as many as were held in detention for their confession of the Divine Power were produced into the open and released, with equal liberty being granted even to those who had been condemned to the mines for punishment. For they supposed that this truly pleased the emperor, although the reality of the situation was otherwise.

But when these things had been accomplished in this way, suddenly, like some heavenly light ^C rising after the thickest darkness of night, it was possible to see churches gathered in every city, and meetings of the Christians that were full of people, and the assemblies that are customarily held for these purposes. Every one of the unbelieving nations was struck with no small amazement at these events, wondering at the paradox of so great a change, and crying out that the God of the Christians is the great and only true God. Our own people who had faithfully and bravely struggled through the contest of the persecutions again received boldness toward everyone; but those whose faith had newly faltered, and whose souls had been tempest-tossed, eagerly sought their own healing, entreating and asking the stronger ones to reach out a saving hand to them and supplicating God that He might be propitious to them.

After this, those noble contenders of piety, liberated from the ^D hardships of the mines, began each to return to his own fatherland; and they passed joyfully and brilliantly through every city, filled with an inexpressible joy and a confidence that cannot be explained in words. Thus, well-populated crowds of our people traveled along their way, praising God with hymns and psalms along the middle of the highways and marketplaces. And those who a little while before had been led away in chains with most cruel punishment, having been driven from their homelands, one could see receiving back their own homes with cheerful and rejoicing faces, so that even those who previously had been raging against us—seeing this miracle beyond all expectation—rejoiced with those who had experienced these things.

CHAPTER II.

Concerning the perversity that soon followed.

^Amical tyranny—for he was, as we have said, the one who held authority over the regions of the East—did not allow this state of affairs to stand even for six whole months. While he was devising everything for the overthrow of peace, he first attempted, under some pretext, to bar us from our assemblies in the cemeteries. Then, through certain wicked men, he sent an embassy to himself against us, having incited the citizens of Antioch to request from him, as if it were the greatest possible benefit, that he should not permit any Christians to dwell in their city; he also suggested to others that they should do the same. The author of all this in the city of Antioch itself was Theotecnus, a violent, crafty, and wicked man, and quite unworthy of his name; he was then officiating as curator in that city.

CHAPTER III. Concerning a new idol constructed at Antioch.

^A And so, by this flattery to the pleasure of him who held the power, he stirred up the demon against the Christians and asserted that the god had commanded that the Christians, as being his enemies, should be driven out of the city and the fields surrounding the city.

CHAPTER IV

Concerning the decrees of the cities against the Christians

When these things had succeeded according to their wishes, the rest of the magistrates who inhabited the cities subject to the command of Maximin chose to make the same decree. Those who held the administration of the provinces, having perceived that this was pleasing to the emperor, urged all their subjects to do the same. The tyrant most gladly assented to their decrees by a rescript, and the persecution against us began to blaze up again from the beginning. ^B Accordingly, flamens of the idols were established in every city, and over them, by Maximin himself, high priests were appointed—men who had especially distinguished themselves in public affairs and had achieved renown through every office. They applied great zeal to the worship of the gods they served. In a word, this strange and prodigious superstition of the ruler drove all those subject to his dominion, as many magistrates as private citizens, to do everything whatsoever to please him, believing that this was a great favor for which they would receive reciprocal benefits, to act bloodthirstily against us, and to devise newer kinds of malice against us.

CHAPTER V

Concerning the forged memoirs

^C Having indeed forged memoirs of Pilate and of our Savior, full of every kind of blasphemy against Christ, they distributed them—by the judgment of the greater one—throughout every province subject to his command, with proclamations going before them, issuing orders through these public notices so that

they be displayed openly to all in every place, both in the fields and in the cities, and that the teachers of letters should hand these over to children in place of their usual lessons, to be studied and committed to memory. While things were being done in this way, a certain military commander, whom the Romans call a *dux*, at Damascus in Phoenicia, having seized some wretched women of the streets and dragged them from the marketplace, threatened to put them to the torture, compelling them to confess in writing 20 that they had once been Christians, that they were cognizant of the shameful deeds committed by the Christians, and that they performed lewd acts in their very houses of worship, and whatever else he wished them to say to the defamation of our religion 21. Having entered their testimonies into the official records, this man also communicated them to the emperor. And upon the emperor's command, these writings were published in every place and city.

CHAPTER VI

Of those who suffered martyrdom at that time.

But not long after, the commander himself, having laid violent hands upon himself, paid the penalty for his wickedness. ^A For our people, flights and bitter persecutions were again stirred up, and the governors in every province launched fierce attacks against us once more, so that some who seemed illustrious in the preaching of the holy faith were arrested, and without any pity, were condemned to capital punishment. Among these, three in the city of Emesa in Phoenicia, having confessed that they were Christians, were delivered to be the food of wild beasts. ^B Among them was the bishop Silvanus 22, a man of very advanced age, who had fulfilled the ministry of the priesthood for forty years in all. At the same time, Peter also, who had presided over the parishes of Alexandria 23 with great distinction—a man truly glorious among bishops for the sake of his virtue of life and his study of the holy Scriptures—without being seized for any crime, and beyond everyone’s expectation, suddenly and without any probable cause, as if by Maximinus’s order, was beheaded. Along with him, many others of the bishops in Egypt underwent the same fate. ^C And Lucian 24, a man most excellent in every respect, who had been adorned with the exercise of the holy Scriptures—

[and] a presbyter of the parish at Antioch, having been brought to the city of Nicomedia, where the emperor happened to be tarrying at that time, and having delivered before the governor the defense of the teaching for which he stood, was committed to prison and put to death. So many, then, were the evils which that enemy of all virtue, Maximin, wrought against us in a short time, that this persecution appeared to us to be much more severe than the former one.

CHAPTER VII.

Concerning those things which were inscribed on tablets and publicly proposed against us.

Furthermore, in the middle of the cities—a thing which had never happened before—the decrees of the cities against us, and the rescripts of the imperial constitutions regarding these matters, were being set up inscribed on bronze tablets; and children in the schools, throughout the day, had on their lips nothing but Jesus and Pilate, and those acts fashioned for our insult. It seems necessary to me in this place to insert the very writing of Maximin, which was set up on the tablets (so that both the arrogant and haughty self-will of the man's hostility to God ^B might be made plain, and that the sleepless hatred of evil of the divine justice, which pursued him at his heels against the impious—by which having been driven, he did not long after both plan the opposite regarding us and decree it through written laws—might be made manifest, ^C as it has these words in its own terms):

Copy of the interpretation of the rescript of Maximin regarding the decrees against us, copied from the stele in Tyre:

"At last, the weak boldness of the human mind has become strong, having shaken off and scattered all the murky fog of error which heretofore besieged the senses of miserable men—rather than impious men—wrapped in the deadly darkness of ignorance; [it has been able] to perceive that it is ruled and confirmed by the kindly providence of the immortal gods. Which thing, it is incredible to say how grateful and how pleasant and acceptable it has been to us; because the following things clearly teach that it is understood as a most illustrious specimen of your religious purpose towards the gods." ^D

^A For even before this, it was hidden from no one what sort of observation and piety you held towards the immortal gods, whose faith is known not by empty and hollow ^B words, but by continuous and marvelous miracles of illustrious deeds. Hence your city may justly and rightly be called a seat and dwelling-place of the immortal gods. Truly, it is most evidently apparent by many proofs that it flourishes with the advent and presence of the celestial deities.

But now your city, having neglected all things which seemed to be to its own interest, and having omitted the prayers which it was accustomed formerly to offer to us for the affairs of the state; as soon as it perceived that men of detestable vanity had begun to creep in again, and, as it were, to rouse up again the huge globes of fire from a neglected and dormant pyre, with rekindled fuel; it immediately fled to our piety, as if to the metropolis of all religion, begging for some remedy and relief. That this salutary counsel was suggested to you by the immortal gods, on account of the faith of your piety, there is no doubt.

For that most high and greatest Zeus, who presides over your most illustrious city; who preserves your ancestral gods, and your wives and children, and your hearths and homes, unscathed from all pestilence and destruction, injected this salutary thought into your minds; openly indicating and showing how excellent and how glorious and salutary it is to approach the worship of him and the sacred ceremonies of the immortal gods with due veneration. For who is so demented, and so bereft of all sense, that he cannot perceive that it happens by the propitious benevolence of the gods toward us, that the earth does not deny the seeds entrusted to it, cheating the hope of the farmers with vain expectation; nor does the aspect of impious war remain fixed upon the earth unhindered; nor do bodies perish in the heat of drought due to a corrupted temperature of the heavens; nor does the sea surge, agitated by immoderate blasts of winds, nor do sudden and unexpected tempests stir up a destructive storm; and that the mother and nurse of all, the earth, neither emerges shaken by a horrible tremor from its lowest foundations, nor, again, are the mountains placed upon it suddenly swallowed up by a chasm? ^{C D}

^A That these things, and evils even more grievous than these, have frequently occurred before now, no one is ignorant. And all these things came to pass because of the destructive error of that vain and wicked superstition of those lawless men, at the time when it began to prevail in their souls, and, one might almost say, pressed down the whole world everywhere with its shames. ^B After a few things interposed, he adds these: “Let them look upon the crops now flourishing in the open plains, waving, as it were, with their ears of grain, and let them contemplate the meadows bright with plants and flowers due to the timely irrigation of the rains; let them observe the state of the air restored to the most placid mildness. Let all men henceforth rejoice, because, through your piety and the sacrifices and worship of the gods, the divinity of the most brave and powerful Ares has been appeased; and on account of this, since they are enjoying most tranquil peace with quietness, let them be glad. And as many as have completely departed from that blind error and cycle, and have returned to a right and most excellent understanding, let them rejoice all the more, as having been snatched from unexpected storms or a most grievous disease, and as being about to enjoy a most pleasant life for the future. But if any persist in their accursed vanity, let them, as you have requested, be separated and driven far from your city and territory, so that in this way, according to your laudable zeal and desire, your city, being freed from every defilement and wickedness, may, in accordance with its innate disposition, serve the sacrifices of the immortal gods. ^C But that you may know how pleasing to us your request concerning this matter has been, and how our mind, even without any decrees and petitions, is of its own accord most ready to bestow benefits upon good men, we grant to your devotion that you may ask for whatever benefit, as great as you wish, in return for this your pious and religious purpose. Now, therefore, take care to do this and to receive it; for you shall obtain it without any delay. And this benefit granted to your city will not only be a perpetual testimony hereafter of your most religious piety towards the immortal gods, but it will also declare to your children and grandchildren that you received worthy rewards from our benevolence for such a manner of life and conduct.” ^D Such letters were publicly posted against us in every province, having taken away from us every hope of happiness, so far as it lay in human power; so that, according to that divine oracle, even the elect, if it were possible, might have been scandalized by these things. And while the expectation of heavenly aid was already growing cold in very many of our people, suddenly, while the ministers themselves who were carrying the aforementioned letters were still completing their journey in certain provinces,

God, who ever assists His Church, restraining the insolent pride of the tyrant against us as if by casting a bridle into his mouth, ^A declared the presence of His heavenly power assisting us.

CHAPTER VIII. Concerning the events that followed, both in war and in the time of famine and pestilence.

For the showers and rains that were wont to fall in the winter season ceased, contrary to their custom. An unexpected famine ensued, and pestilence followed thereafter. Beyond these, the force of another sort of disease raged; to wit, a sore, which because of its inflammation is called a carbuncle. This disease, creeping gradually over the whole body, brought grave danger to those afflicted, ^B but settling especially and for a long time about the eyes, it blinded countless persons of both sexes and every age. Furthermore, a war was stirred up by the tyrant against the Armenians, men who had been from ancient times friends and allies of the Roman people. Because they were themselves Christians and very zealous for the divine religion, the God-hated tyrant, attempting to force them to sacrifice to idols and demons, made them enemies instead of friends, and foes instead of allies.

These things, all suddenly flowing together at one and the same time, refuted the arrogant boasting of the most confident tyrant, who, on account of his zeal for the worship of idols and because of his persecution ^C of our people, was wont to vaunt himself audaciously that neither famine, nor pestilence, nor indeed any war had occurred in his times. And all these things, coming on at one and the same moment of time, showed certain preludes of the ruin impending over the tyrant. He himself, indeed, suffered various disasters and calamities in the war against the Armenians along with his army; but the rest of those who dwelt in the cities subject to his empire were grievously vexed by famine and pestilence at the same time, to such a degree that a single medimnus of wheat was sold for two thousand five hundred Attic drachmae. ^D Countless numbers died in the cities, but more so in the fields and villages, insomuch that the census records, formerly filled with a vast number of country people, were almost entirely wiped out by a single stroke, nearly all having been consumed either by lack of food or by the pestilential disease. Some were not hesitant to sell their dearest pledges to the wealthier for a very small amount of food. Others, having gradually sold off their properties and possessions, were reduced to extreme privation. Nor were there wanting those who, chewing on small scraps of hay torn off, and feeding without any discrimination on certain harmful grasses by which the health of the body was ruined, died miserably. But also, some women, not ignoble among their own, compelled by supreme destitution to an indecent necessity, went out into the marketplaces...

^A revealing their presence through the modesty upon their faces and the decency of their attire; and some, dried up like dead ghosts, tottering here and there with fading strength, and stumbling from an inability to stand, would fall down in the middle of the squares. While lying prostrate on the ground, they would plead for a small morsel of bread, and having their soul upon its final breaths, they would shout that they were hungry, finding strength only for this most painful cry. Those who seemed to be of the wealthier class, being struck with shock at the multitude of those begging, after having provided much to the needy, would hereafter adopt a harsh and unyielding disposition, expecting that they themselves would soon suffer the same things as those who were begging, so that already, throughout the middle of the markets and the alleys, dead and naked bodies lay unburied for many days, offering a most pitiable spectacle to those who saw them. ^B Some even became food for dogs, for which reason the living turned to the killing of dogs, from fear that they would go mad and commit acts of cannibalism. But the plague no less consumed all households and generations, especially those whom the famine, because they were well-supplied with food, was not able to destroy. Those, therefore, who were in abundance, the rulers, the governors, and thousands of those in office, as if left by the famine only to be chosen for the pestilential disease, suffered a sharp and very swift death; everything was full of wailing, and in all the alleys, markets, and squares, there was nothing else to be seen but lamentations along with the flutes and drums ^C accustomed to them. In this way did Death, having campaigned with the two weapons previously described—pestilence and famine together—prey upon whole generations in a short time, so that we saw even now the bodies of two or three dead being carried out in one funeral procession. Such were the rewards of the boastfulness of Maximinus and of the decrees that had been issued against us by the cities; when even the proofs of the zeal and piety of the Christians regarding all things became manifest to all nations. For they alone, in such a great crisis of evils, showed their compassion and philanthropy through their own deeds, during every day, some of them ^D persevering in the burial and care of the dying (there were tens of thousands, for whom there was no one to care), and others gathering the multitude of those throughout the whole city who were worn out by the famine into one view, distributing bread to all, so that the report of this became known to all men; [in regard to] all [their] zeal.

^B While these things were being done, that great and heavenly champion of the Christians, God, who by the aforementioned calamities had shown clearly enough His wrath and indignation against all mortals for what they had nefariously committed against us, restored to us the most serene light of His providence toward us; just as in the deepest darkness, and beyond all expectation, He showed us the brilliant radiance of His peace, demonstrating most openly to all that God Himself had always been the overseer and governor of our affairs, who indeed chastises His people for a time and scourges them with various disasters, but again, after sufficient correction, shows Himself gracious and kindly toward those who have placed their hope in Him.

CHAPTER IX. On the destruction of the tyrants, and the words they used shortly before their death.

Since, therefore, Constantine, whom we have already stated was begotten of an emperor, as a pious son of a most pious and most temperate father, and Licinius, who held the second place after him, distinguished by both prudence and piety, had been raised up by the King of all and Savior, God, as two most religious men against the two most impious tyrants; when they engaged in battle, with the aid of the divine power, Constantine indeed defeated and slew Maxentius in the city of Rome, beyond the expectation of all. ^C Maximinus, the tyrant of the East, not long after the slaughter of Maxentius, was defeated by Licinius—who had not yet broken out into open madness—and perished by a most shameful kind of death. But before him, Constantine, who also held the first place by the prerogative of honor and the rank of his empire, taking pity on the Romans who were oppressed by the most grievous tyranny, having suppliantly called upon the heavenly God, and His Son, the Word, the Savior of all, Jesus Christ, to be his ally in his prayers, marched forth with his whole army, with the intention of restoring to the Romans the liberty they had received from their ancestors through his intervention. Now, since Maxentius, trusting more in the tricks of magical arts ^D than in the benevolence of his subjects, did not dare even to advance outside the gates of the city, but had fortified every place and region and city in the circuit of Rome and all of Italy, as many as had been enslaved under him, with an innumerable multitude of hoplites and tens of thousands of battalions, the emperor, having laid hold of the alliance from God, advancing, first

second, and third, against the tyrant’s battle-line, and having completely conquered them all, progressed through the greater part of Italy, and was already near Rome itself. Then, so that he would not be forced to wage war against the Romans for the sake of the tyrant, God himself, as if by certain bonds, drew the tyrant to a great distance from the gates, and confirmed by the very deed to all persons, to speak simply—to believers and unbelievers alike—the things of old against the ungodly, which to most are distrusted as if they were myths, but to the faithful are inscribed as credible in the holy Scriptures, and which those who have received these paradoxical events with their own eyes have verified. As therefore in the time of Moses himself and the formerly pious Hebrew race, He cast the chariots of Pharaoh and his power into the sea, those chosen riders and chief captains 45 and drowned them in the Red Sea, and covered them with the deep; just so, in the same way, did Maxentius and the hoplites and bodyguards around him sink into the depths like a stone, when, turning his back to the power from God that was with Constantine, he was crossing the river before the march, a river which he had bridged over by joining boats together and thus very thoroughly constructing an engine of destruction against himself. Concerning which one might say: "He dug a pit and hollowed it out, and he will fall into the pit which he made. His labor will return upon his own head, and his injustice will descend upon his crown." ^C When, therefore, the bridge over the river was broken, the crossing gave way, and the boats all at once went down into the depths with the men in them, and he himself, the most ungodly of all, first, and then those shield-bearers around him, as the divine oracles foretold, "sank like lead in mighty waters." So that rightly, if not by words, yet by deeds, they were like those who were with the great servant Moses, who having received the victory from God, sang of the events concerning the impious tyrant of old in this way 46, saying: "Let us sing to the Lord, for he has been gloriously glorified. Horse and rider he has cast into the sea. The Lord became my helper and protector for my salvation 47." And: "Who is like you, O Lord, among the gods; who is like you? Glorified in holiness, marvelous in glories, performing wonders." ^D These things, and whatever is akin and similar to these, Constantine, having hymned by his very deeds to God, the Sovereign and the Cause of the victory, rode into Rome with triumphal honors, all of them at once, with infants and women, and those from the senate and other illustrious persons 48, together with the whole Roman people receiving him with radiant faces and souls as a redeemer and savior.

^A And he, as one who possessed piety toward God as if it were innate and natural to him, and who was in no wise unsettled by their shouts, nor puffed up by the praises, but well aware of the aid from God, immediately ordered that the trophy of the Lord’s passion be erected under the hand of his own statue, and having placed it in the most public spot in Rome, holding in his right hand the saving sign of the cross, he ordered that this inscription be carved in the Latin tongue: "By this saving sign, which is the true proof of valor, I have freed your city from the yoke of the tyrant, and have saved the senate and people of Rome, having restored to them their ancient glory and splendor of nobility." ^B And indeed, after these things, Constantine himself and with him his colleague Emperor Licinius—who had not yet at that time turned his mind to the madness into which he later fell—both rendering propitious God, the author of all the good things that had come to them, with one counsel and judgment drew up a most complete and full law in favor of the Christians, and sent word of the miracles that God had wrought for them and of the victory won over the tyrant, and the law itself, to Maximinus, who still exercised power over the nations of the East and was feigning friendship toward them. But he, like a tyrant, deeply grieved at what he learned had happened, and then not wishing to appear to yield to others, nor again daring to suppress what had been commanded for fear of those who had ordered it, he first directed this letter in favor of the Christians to the governors of his empire as if of his own motion and by his own authority, being compelled by necessity; feigning against himself things he had never before done. ^C

Copy of a translation of a letter of the tyrant Maximinus.

"Jovius Maximinus Augustus, to Sabinus. And to your gravity and to all men it is known…" ^D

^A that our lords and parents Diocletian and Maximian, when they perceived that almost all men, having abandoned the worship of the gods, had associated themselves with the nation of the Christians, rightly and in due order decreed that all men who had departed from the worship of the same immortal gods should be recalled to the worship of the gods through public correction and punishment. But when I, under happy auspices, first came into the East ^B and found that very many men who could be of use to the public interest were being exiled by the judges for the aforementioned cause, I gave orders to each of the judges that no one among them should henceforth act harshly toward the provincials, but rather that they should endeavor to recall them to the worship of the gods through flattery and exhortations. Therefore, as long as these things were observed by the judges in accordance with my command, it happened that no one from the regions of the East was either exiled or subjected to insults; but rather, through the fact that they were not treated harshly, they were recalled to the worship of the gods. But after these things, when in the past year I happily arrived in Nicomedia and was staying there, the citizens of that same city approached me with the idols of the gods, begging more earnestly that in every way such a class of men should in no way be permitted to dwell in their fatherland. But when I understood that very many men of this same religion were living in those very regions, I gave them an answer to this effect: that I had willingly shown favor to their petition, but that I did not perceive that this same thing was requested to the same extent ^C by all. If, therefore, there are any who persevere in the superstition of the Christians, it is for each one to choose what he wishes according to the discretion and proposal of his own mind, and it is permitted to him, if he wishes, to acknowledge the worship of the gods. Nevertheless, because the Nicomedians and the other cities which had brought the same petition to me with the greatest insistence—namely, that no Christian should dwell in their cities—had to be answered kindly, since such had been observed by all the emperors of old, and since it also pleased the immortal gods through whom all men and the very administration of public affairs consist, I have therefore ^D decided to confirm the petition which they had brought before me concerning the worship of their gods."

^A Since they refer such a request on behalf of the religion of their gods to your highness, by confirming it—for even if, as I have already instructed your highness by letters and similarly commanded by mandates [(55)], it is the case that the provincial governors should take care to observe such a custom [(56)] toward the provincials, and that they should not act harshly, but rather treat them with patience [(57)] and moderation—nevertheless, so that they may not suffer insults or extortion either from the *beneficiarii* [(58)] or from any other chance persons, I have deemed it appropriate to remind your gravity by these letters that you should induce our provincials to acknowledge the care and providence of the gods through flatteries and exhortations rather than by any other means. Therefore, if anyone of his own free choice should accept the obligation to recognize the religion of the gods, it is fitting to welcome such persons; but if any should wish to follow their own religion, you should leave them to their own will [(59)]. Therefore, your highness ought to observe what has been entrusted to you, and no authority should be given for anyone to crush our provincials with insults and extortion, since, as has been written before, it is fitting to call our provincials to the religion of the gods through exhortations and flatteries rather than by other means. And in order that this decree of ours may come to the knowledge of all our provincials, you shall take care to have our order published by an edict posted by you [(60)].

He, having issued this command not from his own inclination but driven by necessity, was no longer considered truthful or worthy of trust by all, because he had previously, after peace had been similarly granted to us, shown his deceitfulness and... ^{B C} as is found in Nicephorus. Truly, this entire passage is very intricate and obscure. And first, indeed, the difficulty lies in the words: *oti de auto touto*, etc., which Langus and Christophorson interpret as "because." That adverb, however, can simple be taken for *oti* ("that"). Thus the sense might be: "I have replied kindly to the Nicomedians, just as it has always been observed by previous princes." And this sense, now that the matter has been examined more diligently, pleases me more. Afterward, for these words... I amend by a most certain conjecture. For it is opposed to the preceding words. Thus, therefore, this passage must be translated: "I have found it necessary to reply kindly, just as it has always been observed by all emperors in the past: and now also, it has pleased the immortal gods, through whom the human race and the status of the republic endure, that I should confirm such a petition as they have brought before me concerning the worship of their gods." Certainly, the adverb *oti* is taken in this way by Eusebius on page 171.

^D ...salary should be provided both to them and to others." So that passage of Dio is to be translated, which Xylander partly omitted and partly interpolated. Finally, Philo in his oration *In Flaccum*, p. [757], etc., where Gelenius badly translates *Epistolae*... [who] distinguishes between the *epistolae* and the *mandata*. Indeed, the *epistolae* of princes were sent to absent magistrates; but the *mandata* were delivered to them by the prince while they were present, before they set out for the provinces, comprised in a short booklet. Among which, the first was that the governors should diligently care for their own health. Lucian concerning the "slip" he had committed while greeting... *De his principum mandatis passim loquuntur juris auctores*. Dio, lib... p... That is: "The emperor also gives certain mandates to proconsuls and legates with the power of praetor, that they may set out into the provinces under certain laws and conditions. For this also was then first instituted, and as it is annual..."

as you are obliged to declare." These things being extorted from him by necessity ^A, and not commanded according to his own judgment, he was no longer truthful nor trustworthy in the eyes of all, because of his previous vacillating and deceitful conduct after the similar permission. Therefore, none of our people dared to hold an assembly, nor even to manifest himself openly, for not even the letter itself permitted this to him, but only commanded that we be allowed to remain unmolested, while it certainly did not order meetings to be held, churches to be built, or anything else of our customary practices to be performed. And yet, the promoters of peace and piety, Constantine and Licinius, had sent word to him to permit this, and had conceded it to all those subject to their authority by letters and laws. Yet the most impious man did not choose to yield in this, until, being driven by divine justice, ^B he was at last, albeit unwillingly, led to this.

CAPUT X.

On the victory of the pious and God-pleasing emperors.

Such was the cause and necessity that beset him as if besieged from every side. For as he could no longer sustain the magnitude of a principate granted to him without any merit, but was utterly destitute of moderate and imperial prudence, and handled public affairs in an inept and unseemly manner; and furthermore, having been rashly puffed up with an arrogant tumidity of mind, he began to be incited to boldness even against his own imperial colleagues, who surpassed him in every way—in lineage, education, dignity, and prudence, and—what is most important—in modesty and piety toward the true God of all; he began to lift himself up with confidence and insolence, and to demand the first place among them in titles ^C and honors.

And when he had increased his madness even to frenzy, the agreements which he had made with Licinius… ^D

^A being violated, he undertook an inexpiable war. Then, having in a short space of time thrown all things into confusion and filled all the cities with terror and tumult, he gathered together all his forces, an innumerable multitude of armed men, and marched out to battle against Licinius, puffed up in his soul by the hopes of the demons whom he deemed to be gods, and by his myriad-strong army. And so, when the engagement began, he found himself utterly destitute of help from God, the victory having been provided for Licinius by Him who alone is the one and only God ^B. First, he lost the infantry in which he had placed his greatest confidence; and when his bodyguards had deserted him, leaving him naked and alone, they fled to Licinius, who was then victorious. The wretch, having at once cast off the imperial attire which became him so ill, in a cowardly, base, and unmanly fashion slipped into the crowd, and thereafter fled, hiding himself in fields and villages, and carefully providing for his own safety; at length, he barely escaped from the hands of his enemies, thereby confirming in reality those divine oracles as being altogether true and worthy of belief, in which it is said: "A king is not saved by much strength, nor shall a giant be saved by the multitude of his might; a horse is a false thing for safety, neither shall he be saved in the multitude of his power. Behold, the eyes of the Lord are upon them that fear him, upon them that hope in his mercy, to deliver their souls from death." ^C Thus, then, the tyrant, filled with the utmost disgrace and ignominy, returned to the parts of his own empire, and first of all, moved by mad fury, he slew many of the priests and prophets of the gods whom he had formerly held in honor, and by whose oracles he had been stirred up to undertake the war, treating them as magicians and deceivers and, moreover, as traitors to his own welfare. But afterwards, having given glory and praise to the God of the Christians, and having issued a most absolute and full law for the liberty of the same Christians, he was soon seized with a most grievous malady and, no respite being granted him, he closed his final day. The law, moreover, which was issued by him is as follows:

Copy of the decree of the tyrant concerning the Christians, translated from the Latin tongue into Greek.

^D “Imperator Caesar Gaius Valerius Maximinus, Germanicus, Sarmaticus, Pius, Felix, Invictus, Augustus. We are ever providing for the utility of our provincials in all ways, and those things that contribute to the interest of all...

^A their common advantage, and such things as are appropriate for the public benefit, and are agreeable to the minds of each individual, we trust that no one is ignorant of, but that each person, revolving the matter in his own mind, knows and is persuaded. Since, then, it has heretofore been made clear to our knowledge, because of the pretext from which it was ordered by the most divine Diocletian and Maximian, our fathers, that the assemblies of the Christians should be abolished, that many extortions and plunderings have been committed by the officials, and that this evil has from day to day spread further against our provincials, for whom we are most anxious to provide due care, as their own properties have been wasted—we, by the letters ^B given to the governors of each province in the past year, legislated that if any should wish to follow such a custom or the same observance of the same religion, he might be allowed to remain in his purpose without any hindrance, and that no one should dare to hinder or forbid him; but that each of them should have liberty to do without any fear or suspicion that which is pleasing to himself. But not even now has it escaped us that some of the judges have misused our decrees, and have caused our people to hesitate about our commands, and to approach with more hesitation the religions which were pleasing to them. In order, therefore, that for the future ^C every suspicion of doubt and fear may be removed, we have legislated that this edict should be set forth, so that it may be clear to all that it is permitted to those who wish to pursue this sect and religion, by this our generosity, as each person wishes or thinks it necessary for him, thus to approach this religion which he has chosen by custom to worship; and it is further granted that they may restore their own Lord’s houses. But in order that our generosity may appear more ^D extended, we have also willed to decree this: that if any houses or places belonging heretofore to the right of the Christians have, by the order of our divine fathers, been turned over to the right of the treasury, or occupied by any city, or indeed sold, or

given to anyone as a gift, all these things we have commanded to be restored to the ancient right of the Christians, so that in this matter, too, all may perceive our piety and providence. ^A Such are the words of the tyrant, which followed upon those edicts published by him against the Christians on brazen tablets, before a year had fully elapsed. And he who a little before had judged us to be profane and impious and born for the destruction of the human race, to such a degree that we were not permitted to inhabit not only cities, but not even fields or wildernesses, by him were constitutions and laws issued in favor of the Christians. And they whom but recently, before the eyes of the tyrant himself, we saw consumed by flames and sword, and the rending of beasts and birds, and enduring with every kind of punishment and death—as though they were impious and devoid of all religion—in a most miserable manner, the same are now said to honor religion, and are permitted to restore their churches; ^B nay, the tyrant himself testifies and acknowledges that certain rights belong to them. Having confessed such things, as if having received some benefit, for this very reason, affected by a punishment milder than he deserved, he met his death, struck by a sudden plague from God in the second battle. Moreover, such an end of life did not befall him as is wont to happen to leaders and emperors who, fighting bravely for glory and for kin and acquaintances, suffered a glorious death with constant spirit. But when his army stood in the field with its battle line already drawn, he himself, sitting at home and hiding himself, was suddenly, as an impious man and an enemy of God, struck by a divinely inflicted plague over his whole body, and paid the due penalty. For, being agitated by most grievous pains and torments, he rolled prone ^C on the ground; wasting away from lack of food; his flesh melting away from a certain hidden and divinely sent fire. So much so that, when it had all thoroughly dissolved, the appearance of his former shape was utterly obliterated in him; and only a certain phantom of dry bones, as if dried out over a long passage of time, remained. And so, all who were present judged his body to be nothing else than a sepulcher of his soul, buried in a body already dead and putrefied. And when the inflammation burned him even more sharply and vehemently from the very inmost marrow, his eyes actually leapt out, and torn from their proper sockets, they left him blind. ^D Notwithstanding this, he was still breathing; and making many promises to the Lord, he called for death. And finally, on account of the insults with which he had treated Christ, deservedly—

acknowledging that he was suffering these things, he gave up the ghost. ^A

CHAPTER XI. On the final destruction of the enemies of the Christian religion.

In this manner, then, Maximinus being removed from the living—he who alone of the enemies of religion remained and surpassed all in wickedness—the church buildings were being reconstructed from the foundations by the favor of Almighty God, and the doctrine of Christ, shining forth to the glory of God over all, began to enjoy greater freedom than before; but the impious and the enemies of religion were visited with the utmost disgrace and ignominy. For first, Maximinus himself, having been proclaimed a public enemy by the emperors, was by public edicts publicly denounced as a most impious tyrant and one of detestable name, hateful to God. And the images, ^B wherever they were seen in nearly every city, having been erected for his honor and that of his children, were some of them cast down from on high and broken, while others were rendered useless, their faces having been blotted out with black paint. Statues, too, as many as had been erected for his honor, were likewise cast down and smashed, exposed to mockery and insult by all who wished to deride and maltreat them. After this, all the honors of the other enemies of religion were also stripped away, and all who held with Maximinus—especially those who, having been honored by him with official dignities, had savagely raged against our religion by their fawning upon him—were put to death. Among their number was Picentius, who was held in the highest honor and veneration by him, and was by far ^C the dearest of all his companions: whom he had appointed for the second and third time as consul and prefect, and procurator of the public accounts. He, indeed, perished. For the pupils of the other's eyes burst out while he was still living—specifically those of Maximinus; another died, overcome by various afflictions, being seized by madness. ^D Moreover, the emperor who died, seized by madness, was Diocletian. For Eusebius and Constantine bear witness to this concerning him. But concerning the blindness of Maximinus, you have it in Epiphanius in his book, *On Weights and Measures*.

^A Likewise, Culcianus, having passed through every magisterial office, and having himself also been made resplendent by the ten-thousand-fold shedding of Christian blood throughout Egypt, and many others besides these, through whom the tyranny of Maximinus was especially strengthened and increased. Divine justice, meanwhile, was calling Theotecnus [(83)] to punishment, in no way consigning to oblivion the things he had perpetrated against the Christians. For he had seemed to enjoy prosperity on account of that idol which he had set up at Antioch, and had even been deemed worthy of a governorship by Maximinus. But when Licinius had arrived at the city of Antioch, and had made a search for sorcerers, he subjected the prophets and priests of the newly-erected idol to tortures, inquiring by what reasoning they had feigned their deception. And when it was impossible for them to be concealed, as they were driven by the tortures, and they revealed that the whole mystery was a deception contrived by the artifice of Theotecnus, [the emperor], having inflicted the punishment they deserved upon all, first upon Theotecnus himself, and then upon the accomplices and partakers in the sorcery, handed them over to death after many ^B and various torments. Added to all these were the children of Maximinus, whom he had already made partakers of imperial honor, and of the dedication in tablets and writings; and the tyrant’s relatives, who had formerly been boastful and had been puffed up to exercise dominion over all men, suffered the same things as those already mentioned with the utmost ignominy, because they did not receive instruction [(84)], nor did they know or understand the exhortation stated in the holy scriptures: «Do not trust in princes, nor in the sons of men, in whom there is no salvation; his spirit shall go forth and return to his earth; in that day all their thoughts shall perish.» ^C Thus, indeed, when the whole dross of evil had been purged away, the empire that rightly belonged to them remained firm and free from all envy for Constantine and Licinius alone. Since they were conscious of the benefits they had received from God, they, having first removed the impiety from their midst, demonstrated their devotion to virtue, their love and piety for the divine power, and their grateful spirit towards God, through the legislation they enacted on behalf of the Christians. ^D

End of the ninth book of the Ecclesiastical History.

OF EUSEBIUS PAMPHILUS: ECCLESIASTICAL HISTORY: BOOK X

THE TENTH BOOK OF ECCLESIASTICAL HISTORY CONTAINS THE FOLLOWING:

1. On the peace provided for us by God. 2. On the restoration of the churches. 3. On the dedications of churches in every place. 4. A panegyric oration on the splendor and glory of our affairs. 5. Copies of imperial laws. 6. On matters pertaining to Christians. ^A 7. On the exemption of the clergy from public service. 8. On the malice of Licinius, which occurred subsequently, and his destruction. 9. On the victory of Constantine and the blessings which, through him, accrued to all living under the Roman authority.

CHAPTER I

On the peace provided for us by God.

Glory be to all-powerful God and King of all things, and the greatest thanks to the Savior and Redeemer of our souls, Jesus Christ, through whom we pray that this peace, from both outward disturbances and inner mental struggles, may be preserved for us firm and unshakeable forever. Furthermore, supported by your prayers, we have added this tenth volume to those which have already preceded it in this Ecclesiastical History; and we dedicate it to you, most holy Paulinus, ^B as it were, as a seal upon the whole work, calling upon you.

^A And with reason do we now place here, in a perfect number, the perfect panegyric discourse on the restoration of the churches, obeying the divine Spirit who exhorts us in these words: “Sing to the Lord a new song, for he has done marvelous things. His right hand and his holy arm have saved him. The Lord has made known his salvation; in the sight of the nations he has revealed his righteousness.” ^B And indeed, since the oracle commands the new song, we now sing in response, because, after those dire and dark sights and narratives, we have been deemed worthy to see and to celebrate such festivals as many truly righteous men and martyrs of God before us longed to see upon the earth, and did not see, and to hear, and did not hear. But they, hastening with a swifter course, attained to far better and more excellent things, being snatched away into heaven itself and into the paradise of divine delight; ^C while we, confessing that even these things which we enjoy are greater than our merits, marvel with a certain stupor at the magnificence of the divine benefit, and rightly worship its Author with all the powers of our soul, testifying to the truth of the prophecies recorded, by which it is said: “Come and see the works of God, which he has placed as wonders upon the earth, taking away wars to the ends of the earth; he shall crush the bow and shatter the weapon, and burn shields with fire.” Rejoicing in these things so clearly fulfilled in us, let us weave the discourse that follows.

Concerning the places of names

^A to the ends of the earth. He shall break the bow, and shatter the arms, and burn the shields with fire. Now that all these things have been manifestly fulfilled in our own times, let us continue our narrative joyfully and gratefully. Thus, then, as we have said, the whole race of the enemies of God was utterly exterminated and suddenly vanished from the sight of men; so that that divine oracle was again fulfilled which says: "I saw the impious man highly exalted and lifted up like the cedars of Libanus. And I passed by, and lo, he was not: and I sought his place, and it was not found." And from that time on a bright and clear day, with no cloud to overshadow it, illuminated the churches of Christ throughout the whole world with rays of celestial light; nor was there any envy ^B from those outside our own community, but rather a sharing, to some degree, in those good things provided for us by God.

CHAPTER II.

On the restoration of the churches.

Now all men were freed from the oppressive tyranny, and being released from the evils by which they were formerly afflicted, they confessed in their various ways that the only true God is the defender of the pious; but, for us, who have placed our whole hope in the Christ of God, there was an unspeakable gladness, and a kind of divine joy flourished in all, as we beheld every place that but a little before had been ruined by the impieties of the tyrants, now reviving as if from a long and deadly pestilence, and temples rising again from the foundations to an infinite height, and far surpassing in splendor those that had been long ago destroyed. But the masters of the world themselves, by frequent laws enacted in favor of the Christians, confirmed the magnificence of the divine favor toward us, and sought to extend and amplify it. Letters ^C were also written by the emperor directly to the bishops themselves; honors were increased and funds were bestowed. The words of these letters, being translated from the Latin tongue into the Greek language, it will not be inappropriate to inscribe in this book as upon some most holy table, that they may be committed to the perpetual memory of all who shall come after these times.

CHAPTER III.

On the dedication of churches everywhere.

After these things a sight wished for and desired by us all ^D appeared.

^A the festival of dedications in every city, and the consecrations of newly-built houses of prayer, and assemblies of bishops meeting together for this same purpose, and the concourses of strangers from foreign lands and from regions far distant. Love and benevolence were mutually shared among the peoples, as the members of Christ’s body coalesced into one structure. Therefore, according to the prophetic oracle wherein those things which were to happen were predicted under a certain mysterious image: "*Bone to bone, and joint to joint,*" and whatever else the prophetic word truly pronounced under dark veils of language. There was one power of the Divine Spirit flowing through all the members; one soul of all; the same alacrity of faith; one concord of all, celebrating the Divinity with hymns. And indeed, the full religious rites of those who presided, the ministries of the priests, and the God-befitting institutions of the Church; here by psalm-singing ^B and the hearing of other voices handed down to us from God, there by divine and mystical ministries being performed; and there were the secret symbols of the saving passion. Together, every age and a mixed multitude of both sexes, with the whole strength of their mind, with rejoicing heart and soul through prayers and thanksgivings, worshipped God, the author of all good things. And all the rulers who were present, as each had the power, delivered panegyrical orations, seeking to extol the assembly with praises.

CHAPTER IV.

Panegyrical oration on the splendor and glory of our affairs.

And some man of moderate merit, who had composed an oration of this kind, having come forward into the midst, when in the ecclesiastical assembly very many shepherds were present, and were in silence and order providing a hearing, having turned to one among them, the chief of all and most acceptable to God, the bishop through whose zeal that temple in the city of Tyre was built, by far the most beautiful of all that are in Phoenicia, spoke thus:

^C [alt-version omitted] ^D

The [ref] points to the faithful people who sang psalms in the church and listened to the holy readings. Which is declared by those voices that can be understood as belonging only to the laity. The [ref] points to the priests, who performed the mystical ceremonies. It understands Baptism, which is a symbol of the Lord’s passion. Rufinus in chapter 9, book IX of the [Life of] Constantine: "Nevertheless, not yet, as is customary for our people to be initiated, had he received the sign of the Lord’s passion. For in baptism we die and are buried with Christ; and we soon rise again in that same Christ through faith, as the Apostle says in the Epistle to the Colossians." Hilary in his book *De Trinitate*: "Into whose death we are buried in baptism: that we might return into the life of eternity, while regeneration to life would be death from life, and dying to vices, we might be reborn to immortality; he himself dying for us out of immortality, so that

Panegyric on the building of churches, addressed to Paulinus, Bishop of the Tyrians.

^A Amici et sacerdotes Dei, who are clothed with the holy tunic that reaches to the feet, and are adorned with the heavenly crown of glory, and anointed with the divine unction, and vested in the priestly robe of the Holy Spirit; and thou, O most excellent ornament of the new and holy temple of God, who art honored by God with senior wisdom, and hast exhibited the splendid deeds and acts of a young and flourishing virtue; to whom God, who himself holds the whole universe, has granted the extraordinary privilege of building and renewing this house on earth for Christ, his only-begotten and first-born Word, and for his holy and divine bride; ^B whether one wishes to call thee a new Bezeleel, the architect of a divine tabernacle, or a Solomon, the king of a new and much better Jerusalem, or finally a new Zorobabel, as thou hast added to the temple of God a splendor far greater than before. And you also, O holy flock of Christ, the home of good discourses, the school of modesty, and the grave and religious auditorium of piety; we who long ago, through the divine readings of holy Scripture, frequently heard of the stupendous wonders of God and the admirable beneficence of the Lord toward men, being accustomed to sing hymns and canticles to the praise of God, were able to use these words: «O God, we have heard with our ears: our fathers have declared to us the work which thou hast wrought in their days, in the days of old.» ^C But now, when we no longer perceive the uplifted arm and the heavenly right hand of our most good and supreme King God only by hearing or by reports of words, but, as I may say, with our very own eyes see the faith and truth of those things which were formerly handed down in writings, it is permitted to sing to us a second triumphal hymn and to declare it clearly in these words: «As we have heard, so have we seen, in the city of the Lord of hosts, in the city of our God.» What city is this, if not this recently built and God-founded one: the Church, namely, of the living God, the pillar and foundation of the truth; concerning which another divine oracle also prophesies thus: «Glorious things are spoken of thee, O city of God.» Into which, when the most good and supreme God has gathered us by the grace and benefit of his only-begotten Son, let each one of those who are called sing and exclaim in these words: ^D «I was glad at the things that were said to me: we shall go into the house of the Lord.» And again: «O Lord, I have loved the beauty of thy house, and the place of the tabernacle of thy glory.» And not only does each individual,

but all of us together with one spirit and one mind, let us worship with praise, saying: «Great is the Lord, and greatly to be praised in the city of our God, in his holy mountain.» For truly great is He, and great is his house, lofty, ^A spacious, and beautiful beyond the sons of men. Great is the Lord who alone doeth wonders; great is He who doeth great and unsearchable things, and glorious and stupendous things of which there is no number. Great is He who changeth the moments and times, who exauctorates kings and appointeth them: «Raising up the needy from the earth, and lifting the poor from the dung-hill.» He hath cast down the mighty from their thrones, and exalted the humble from the earth; He hath filled the hungry with good things, and hath broken the arms of the proud. And thus He hath strengthened faith in those things which are said to have been done of old, not only among the faithful, but even among the infidels. He is truly the worker of miracles, the perpetrator of great works, the Lord of all, ^B the creator of the whole world, omnipotent, best and greatest, the one and only God. To whom let us sing a new song; being obedient to Him who alone doeth wonders, since his mercy endureth forever: to Him who smote great kings, and slew mighty kings, since his mercy endureth forever: for in our humiliation the Lord was mindful of us, and hath redeemed us from our enemies. And while we never cease acclaiming the Father of all with these praises, let us also ever have in our mouth, to venerate Him equally, the second cause of good things for us, the bringer of the knowledge of God, the teacher of true religion, the destroyer of the ungodly, the slayer of tyrants, the corrector of our life, Jesus ^C our Savior, who saved us when we were lost. For He alone, being the only and unique Son, the best and greatest Son of the best and greatest Father, since He obeyed the paternal clemency, most willingly put on our nature, which lay in the deepest gulf of corruption; like an excellent physician consulting for the health of the sick, He inspected the illness; He handled the foul and horrible ulcers; and from the calamities of others He provided for Himself a personal sorrow: and not only did He save us who were sick and oppressed by most grave and putrid ulcers; but He Himself by His own power snatched us from the very depths of the abyss of death, even when we lay as though among the dead, for there was not in any other of the celestial powers such strength as to serve for the salvation of such as ^D we are, without harm. Therefore He alone and having touched our own grievous corruption, He alone having endured our labors, He alone having—

A critical note on the author's theology preserved in the margins of certain manuscripts

(99) *The second cause.* This scholion has been inscribed in the margin in the Medicean codex: "Eusebius poorly theologizes here, O man, concerning the Co-eternal and Co-principate Son of God, who is co-creator with the Father of all things, in that he calls Him the second cause of good things, even though He is Co-creator with the Father of all, and consubstantial. Why, man, do you theologize to the detriment of your own head? You, who subject and subordinate the Son—who is in glory, power, and essence in all things equal to the Father—and attribute to Him a secondary place to the Father. In this you think and write contrary to the most holy Fathers, who declared the Son to be consubstantial. To whose opinion you also subscribed, unless those who committed their acts to memory are lying." In the Mazarine codex also, a scholion is set down by a more recent hand, by which Eusebius is likewise reproved for having subjected the Son to the Father and attributed an inferior place to Him: that is, "Why do you bring forth such discourses about Christ to the ruin of your own head, O man, by subjecting and subordinating Him who is in glory, power, and substance in every way equal to the Father, and by attributing to Him a place after the Father? In which you think and write contrary to the most holy Fathers, who declared the Son to be consubstantial. To whose sentences you also subscribed, unless they are openly lying who committed their acts to memory."

^A For it sufficed that another of the heavenly powers should possess such strength to administer the salvation of so many without any harm; but He alone, having touched our most wretched corruption and having alone endured our toils and sorrows and taken upon Himself alone the penalty of our impieties, restored us—no longer half-dead, but indeed putrid in monuments and tombs—and by His long-suffering benevolence both then and now saves us beyond all our hope and expectation; and He liberally imparts to us the felicity of His Father. He is the author of life, He is the author of light; He is our great physician; He is our King and Lord; He is, in fine, the Christ of God. And then indeed, when the whole human race lay submerged in the dark night and densest gloom by the deceits of detestable demons and the malignant operations of spirits hateful to God, He, by merely revealing His own presence, dissolved the manifold bonds of our impieties with the rays of His light, as wax is melted. ^B But now, when the envious demon, the patron of wickedness and the enemy of all virtue, was all but bursting with rage at such grace and bounty, and was stirring up against us all his death-dealing forces; and at first, like a rabid dog which bites at the stones thrown at it and vents the fury with which it is inflamed against those who cast them upon inanimate objects, he vented his beastly rage upon the stones of the houses of prayer and the inanimate materials of the buildings—having brought about, as he himself supposed, a desolation of the churches—and afterwards, when he uttered terrible hisses and serpentine voices, now through the threats of impious tyrants, now through the wicked decrees of lawless governors, and moreover belched forth his own death and infected the souls he had captured with his venomous and soul-destroying poisons, and ^C all but killed them with the death-bringing sacrifices of the dead idols, and moved against us every human-shaped beast and every wild manner of man, then once again, from the beginning, the Angel of the great counsel, the great commander-in-chief of God, after the sufficient exercise which the greatest soldiers of His kingdom manifested through their patience and endurance toward all things, suddenly appeared in such wise that He rendered the hostile and warring powers invisible and base, so that they seemed as if they had never been named; but those things which were dear and akin to Him He placed beyond glory among all, not only men, but now also among the heavenly powers, the sun and the moon and the stars ^D which follow, taken from some tragic poet: For the sake of the salvation of those who suffer, He sees the terrible things, and touches those that are hateful, And through the misfortunes of others, he reaps his own Sorrows. Then those who are healers of bodies possess the toils and watchings and cares that we know of, and, as one of the wise men among them said, to reap personal sorrows from the misfortunes of others; this alone, mere— [The Greek fragment at the bottom is a note: "...He blasphemes wickedly and atheistically, calling the Saviour Christ and the great commander-in-chief..."]

"]

^A and to the entire heaven and to the world he led forth. So that now, the emperors who are supreme over all—a thing never before seen—having felt the benefit of the honor which they have received from him, spit in the faces of dead idols, trample upon the lawless ordinances of the demons, and denounce the ancient error handed down from their ancestors; and they acknowledge one God alone as the common benefactor of all and of themselves, and openly profess that Christ, the Son of God, is the King of all, and proclaim him as Saviour on tablets, writing his mighty deeds and his victories over the impious in the very midst of the city which is the queen ^B of all cities on earth, with imperial characters; so that Jesus Christ our Saviour alone of all who have ever existed from the beginning of time is acknowledged and—rightly so—worshipped even by the supreme masters of the earth not as a common man who has become a king from among men, but as the genuine Son of the universal God and as God himself. For what king has ever attained such a height of virtue as to fill the ears and tongues of all men on earth with his name? What king has enacted laws so pious and restrained, and has succeeded ^C in having them read continuously to the hearing of all people from the ends of the earth to the furthest reach of the whole inhabited world? What king has abolished the savage and wild customs of fierce nations with his own gentle and most philanthropic laws? What king, though fought against by everyone for whole ages, has displayed a strength and virtue greater than human, such that it flourishes daily and seems to grow younger through every age? What king established a nation that had not even been heard of before, not in some obscure corner of the earth, but throughout the entire circuit of the lands ^D under heaven? With the weapons of piety, who has shielded his soldiers so that they appear more steadfast than adamant in their souls during contests against their adversaries? What king rules so effectively, and even commands after death, and sets up trophies against enemies, and fills every place, both country and city, Greek and barbarian, with his own imperial houses and with the offerings of sacred temples? Such are the beautiful adornments and votive offerings of this temple; which are in truth solemn and great, worthy of amazement and wonder, and are clear proofs of the kingdom of our Saviour, that even now he himself...

^A has commanded, and they were created. For what could resist the nod of the King of kings, and all-sovereign, and the very Word of God? And these things require appropriate leisure for accurate contemplation and interpretation; yet not so much or of such a kind as that which the zeal of those who have labored has been judged worthy of by Him who is honored as God, who beholds the animate temple of all of us, and observes the house built of living and moving stones, well and securely founded upon the foundation of the apostles and prophets, the chief cornerstone itself being Jesus Christ, whom not only the architects of that ancient building which now exists no more—those evil builders of evil works—disallowed, but whom the Father, having proven Him both then and now, has set as the head of the corner of this our common Church.

This living temple of the living God, then, which has been constructed from ourselves (I mean that greatest and, in the true sense, ^B god-befitting sanctuary, whose innermost holy places are invisible to the many and are truly holy and the Holy of Holies), who could dare, having looked upon it, to utter its nature? Or who is able to penetrate within the sacred enclosures, except only the great High Priest of all, to whom alone it is permitted to examine the secrets of every rational soul?

Perhaps, however, it is possible for one other alone, after Him, to have a second place—the leader set over this host, he whom the first and great High Priest himself has honored with a second place in these sacred matters, the shepherd of your divine flock, who obtained your people by the lot and judgment of the Father, as if he himself had appointed him as his own servant and interpreter; the new Aaron, or Melchizedek, ^C made like unto the Son of God, remaining and being preserved by Him for all time for the common prayers of all of you. To him alone, therefore, after the first and great High Priest, let it be permitted to see and oversee, if not the first things, at least the second things of the contemplation of your innermost souls, since he has examined each one accurately by experience and long duration, and with his own zeal and care has arranged all of you in order and in accordance with the Word of piety.

^A And he who, above all others, is capable of rendering accounts equivalent to these works in proportion to the magnitude of the deeds performed by divine power, is he whom the first and great High Priest has himself appointed—as a new Aaron and a Melchizedek, an image of the Son of God who abides forever—to be the pastor of your divine flock, set over this people by the lot and judgment of the almighty Father, as His own worshipper and interpreter. To him alone, therefore, after that first and greatest High Priest, it is permitted to take, if not the first place, then certainly the second, in overseeing and caring for the inmost depths of your souls. For he has known each one of you accurately through much experience and a long lapse of time, and has instructed all of you with his own zeal and diligence in modesty and the doctrine of piety; and he is able to render accounts ^B of those matters which he has accomplished by divine power, corresponding to the magnitude of the works.

Our first and greatest High Priest says: "Whatever He sees the Father doing, the Son does the same" (John 5:19). This man, keeping his mind’s eye fixed as if upon a master, proposing to himself as a model whatever he sees Him doing, fashioned images of them, representing them to the extent possible in the closest likeness, in no way inferior to that Bezalel whom God himself, having filled him with the spirit of wisdom and understanding and all other skillful and scientific knowledge, called to be a craftsman for the construction of the tabernacle of heavenly types (15). In this same way, then, this man—bearing within his own soul the whole Christ, the Word, the Wisdom, the Light ^C (holding him like a statue) (16)—with what greatness of spirit, with what a rich and bountiful hand of mind, and with what great liberality of you all (who, in contributing your expenses, vied with him in magnificence, lest you should seem in any way inferior to his counsel), he has built this magnificent temple of the most high God which falls under our sight, making it as similar as possible to the example of that more excellent temple which cannot be seen by the eyes.

And, indeed, deeming that this place (for this must be spoken of before all else), which the enemy had fraudulently buried under a heap of all filth and refuse, should by no means be neglected—and neither ^D were they, those God-haters, since... [the text continues]

^A they were troubled and disturbed for a little while, and then, having paid a penalty not to be complained of by justice, they rendered themselves and their friends and their houses utterly desolate. Thus the predictions of old, recorded on sacred monuments, are acknowledged to be trustworthy through the events themselves, whereby the divine word proves true in other things as well, and declares this concerning them: "The sinners have drawn the sword; they have bent their bow, to cast down the poor and needy, to slay the upright in heart. Let their sword enter into their heart, and their bows be broken." And again: "Their memorial has perished with a sound, and their name thou hast blotted out for ever and unto the age of the age; because, when they were in trouble, they cried, and there was none to save, unto the Lord, and he heard them not. But they were shackled and fell, while we have risen and have been set upright." And that which is proclaimed beforehand among these things: "O Lord, in thy city thou shalt bring their image to nothing," has been made manifest as true before the eyes of all. But they, having engaged in a struggle against God in the manner of giants, have met with such an end to their life; while to the desert, which seemed abandoned by men, there have come such ends of its endurance according to God as are now seen, so that the prophecy of Isaiah should be ^B proclaimed over it: "Be glad, thou thirsty desert; let the desert exult and bloom as a lily; and it shall bloom and bloom again, the deserts. Strengthen ye the weak hands, and the paralyzed knees; comfort those who are faint in mind, be strong, fear not. Behold, our God renders judgment and will render; He himself will come and will save us." For, he says, "water has burst forth in the desert, and a ravine in a thirsty land, and the waterless place shall be for pools, and for the thirsty land there shall be a spring of water." And these things, having been foretold long ago in words, were inscribed in the sacred Books; but the works are delivered to us no longer in hearsay, but in deeds. This desert, this waterless place, this widow and destitute one, whose gates they cut down together with axes, as in a thicket of trees, having broken her with a hatchet and chisel, and having destroyed her books, and having burned with fire the sanctuary of God, and having profaned to the ground the tabernacle of His name, which all who passed by the way plucked, having torn down its fences, which the boar from the wood laid waste, and the wild beast fed upon—it has now, by the paradoxical power of Christ, when He himself wills it, become as a lily; since even then, at His beckoning, it was being disciplined as if by a Father who cares for it. "For whom the Lord loves, He disciplines, and scourges every son whom He receives." Being turned back according to the required measure, it is commanded in turn to exult from above, and it blooms as a lily, and breathes out its divine fragrance ^C to all men; because, he says, "water has burst forth in the desert," the stream of the divine salvation.

And now, that which a short while ago was a desert has been turned into marshlands, and in the thirsty land a fountain of living water has gushed forth. Hearts that were once relaxed have truly been strengthened, and these great and manifest works are the evidence of that strength of hands. But also, the knees which were long ago withered and paralyzed, having recovered their own proper footing 21, walk along the path of the knowledge of God, moving straight toward the fold of the all-good Shepherd. And if any have even fainted in their souls through the threats of the tyrants, the saving Word does not disregard even them as being beyond cure, but, healing them very effectively, it rouses them to the divine consolation, saying: "Be comforted, you who are faint-hearted in your mind; be strong, do not fear." ^A Having heard with the eager ear of the mind this call for the desert that had existed for God’s sake to enjoy these things, this new and noble Zorobabel of ours, after that bitter captivity and the abomination of desolation, seeing this dead body, did not overlook it. Rather, first of all, by supplications and prayers, having rendered the Father gracious with the common concord of all of you, and having taken as his confederate and co-worker Him who alone makes the dead live, he raised up that which had fallen, having first purified and healed it of its evils. And he did not clothe it in an old garment from ancient times, but in such a one as he was taught again by the divine oracles, which clearly say: "And the glory of this latter house shall be greater than the former." ^B With this, having encompassed the whole area, he fortified the outer courtyard with a surrounding wall, as a most secure defense for the whole. And he opened a great and lofty gateway toward the rays of the rising sun, allowing even those who stood far outside the sacred courts to have an abundant view of what was within, almost turning the eyes of those who were strangers to the faith toward the first entrances, so that no one might pass by without first being pricked in his soul by the memory of both the former desolation and the present wondrous miracle, by which he hoped that even such a man might be drawn to compunction, and by that very sight be prompted to enter. ^C But to the one who had passed inside the gates, he did not immediately permit him to tread upon the inner holy things with impure and unwashed feet; but, having left very much space between the temple and the first entrances, he decorated the area all around with four transverse porticoes, 22 enclosed in a quadrangular shape, with columns rising from every side. The spaces between these columns 25 he shut off with wooden lattice-work, reaching to a moderate height.

^A He left the central space open to the sky, to admit the view of the heavens and provide an atmosphere bright and bathed in rays of light. Here he placed the symbols of sacred purifications, by building fountains directly opposite the temple, which offered an abundance of water for those who were entering within to wash themselves. This was the first station for those who entered, providing both a place of beauty and splendor for the whole, and a suitable area for those who still needed the first introductory instruction.

But having passed by even the sight of these, he made the passages to the temple open still more widely to those wishing to enter the innermost gateways ^B by placing three gates under one side, facing the rays of the sun. Of these, he gifted the one in the middle with a marked superiority in size and breadth over those on either side, and by adorning it with iron-bound bronze plates and varied, exquisitely carved reliefs, he made it shine as if it were a queen, and yoked the guards to it. In the same way, he arranged the number of gateways for the porticoes on either side of the whole temple, and from above these he devised other, more numerous openings for light into the building, embellishing the surroundings with wood-carvings.

He strengthened the royal building with ^C richer and more abundant materials, using an unstinting generosity in his expenditures. Here it seems to me superfluous to record the lengths and breadths of the structure, those brilliant beauties, the magnitudes surpassing description, the brilliant appearance of the works as I recount them, the heaven-reaching heights, and the costly cedars of Lebanon laid over them, the memory of which even the divine oracle did not pass over in silence, saying, "The trees of the Lord will rejoice, and the cedars of Lebanon which he planted."

Why need I now, in an account, be precise about the all-wise and architectural arrangement, and the superlative beauty of each part, when the evidence of the sight denies instruction through the ears? But having thus completed the temple, and having adorned it with the highest thrones for the honor of the presiding clergy, and in addition with seats ^D arranged in order throughout 27 as was fitting, over all he placed the Holy of Holies, the altar, in the midst, and these things likewise he fenced off with wooden lattices, worked to a peak of masterful craftsmanship, so that they might be inaccessible to the many.

^A And the ground, too, was by no means left in a neglected state by him; for this also he brightened with marble stone of every sort, and finally he moved on to the outside of the temple, constructing with great ingenuity very large porticos and chambers on either side, joined together on their sides to the royal hall, and united with the entrances leading to the middle chamber ^B (28)—which even these, for those still in need of cleansing and the sprinklings of water and the Holy Spirit, our most peaceful Solomon, who built the temple of God, fashioned, so that the prophecy mentioned above had now become not merely a word, but a reality. For it has truly come to pass even now that "the glory of this latter house shall be greater than the former." For it was necessary and fitting that this, the body of the Church and of its Lord—having once endured death on her behalf, and after the passion having transformed the body which he took on for her sake into that which is bright and glorious, and having brought the flesh itself that had been dissolved from corruption to incorruption—should likewise enjoy these dispensations of the Savior (29); because, having received from him the promise of them, which is far better, she desires to obtain the much greater glory of the regeneration, in the resurrection of an incorruptible body, with the dancing choir of light-bearing angels, in the heavenly realms beyond the kingdom of God, together with Christ Jesus himself, the most beneficent and Savior, for the ages to come. But for the present, the former widow and the forsaken, having been clothed by the grace of God with these flowers, has truly become as a lily, as the prophecy says. And having taken up the bridal garment, and having put on the crown of beauty, she is instructed how to dance through Isaiah, giving praise to the King, God, with laudatory voices, and let us listen to her saying: "Let my soul rejoice in the Lord; for he has clothed me with a garment of salvation, and with a tunic of joy..."

^C ...and since the majority of the people had already gone out after the dismissal—for they had only just remained a few after the prayer. ^D ...regarding these as having been set in place with another, fuller light for different entrances leading to the house. Entrance—that is, the passageways which he mentioned above; or certain ambulatories through which there was access into the basilica; which Paulinus in epistle 12 calls transennas. I would prefer, however, to understand them as doors. Furthermore, by those chambers and exhedrae, Eusebius understands the baptistery, the vestry, the reception hall; which were joined to the basilica.

(28) *And united to the entrances leading to the middle chamber.* Christophorsonus translates: *And thus he attached them to the windows of the lower temple.* But what he means by this, I for my part do not know. Nor do I understand how the exhedrae can be attached to windows. Christophorsonus evidently thought that [the word] signify windows. Eusebius indeed, speaking a little above of the windows through which light was poured into the porticos, used that word, which Christophorsonus translates as "windows." But here, placed simply and without any addition, they cannot signify windows. Either, therefore, he designates the doors of the basilica itself, which he has also called [by this name] above, or certain...

(29) *Of the dispensations of the Savior.* In the notes to the first book of Eusebius, I have observed that "dispensation" is not said solely of the incarnation of Christ, but of whatsoever Christ did in the flesh for the salvation of the human race, all of which is generally called "dispensation." This, indeed, we have confirmed there by providing several examples. But this passage also openly demonstrates the same thing, in which Eusebius uses the plural, referring not only to the death, but also to the resurrection of Christ.

(30) *Far better than these.* In the codices of Mediceus and Mazarino, it is written "better." It was also written so before in the Fuk manuscript. Perhaps it should be read as "better."

^A fortified with cancelli, and elaborated to the highest peak of artistry, to such a degree that it offers an admirable spectacle to those who look upon it. Nor did he think that even the ground itself should be neglected. Because he had adorned it in a wondrous manner with marble, he turned from there to those things which are placed outside the temple, and with the highest skill constructed exhedrae and most spacious chambers on both sides, which are joined to one another at the sides of the basilica itself, and are connected by the gates through which one enters into the middle of the temple. These buildings, indeed, our Solomon—truly the peaceful one, the founder of this temple—constructed for the sake of those who have need of expiation and purification through water and the Holy Spirit. So that that heavenly prediction, of which I made mention above, might no longer subsist in empty words, but be seen as fulfilled by the work itself. For the glory of this latter house has now truly become greater than the former. For when its Pastor and Lord, having once suffered death for its salvation, had, after his passion, transformed the body which for its sake had put on sordidness into one splendid and glorious, and had brought the flesh, already wasting away from corruption, into immortality, it was fitting that this [Church] should likewise enjoy the provisions of the Savior. For, having received from him promises far better, it desires to perceive henceforth in perpetuity a far greater glory of regeneration in the resurrection of the incorruptible body, with the heavenly choirs of angels, in the very palace of God placed beyond the heavens, together with the author of all benefits and the Savior, Jesus Christ.

Meanwhile, however, in this present age, this woman, once widowed and deserted, adorned with these flowers through the grace of God, has become truly as a lily, just as the prophet said. How, indeed, she is dressed in bridal attire and crowned with a crown of beauty, how she is taught by Isaiah to dance and to sing thanks to God with auspicious voices with veneration, let us hear from his own words: "My soul shall exult in the Lord. For he has clothed me with a garment of salvation, and has encompassed me with a tunic of gladness. He has placed a crown about me as upon a groom, and as a bride he has adorned me with a woman’s finery. And as the earth which brings forth its flower, and as a garden germinateth its seeds; so the Lord will germinate justice and exultation before all nations." ^D And while she sings these things, she dances. But with what words the heavenly bridegroom, who is himself Jesus Christ, the Word of the Father, responds to her in turn, listen to the Lord saying: "Fear not because thou hast been affected by ignominy: nor reverence [the fact] that thou hast suffered reproaches. Since thou shalt forget perpetual ignominy, and thou shalt not remember the reproach of thy widowhood; not as a deserted and pusillanimous woman hath the Lord called thee, nor as a woman hated from youth." So says the Lord.

^A For a small moment I have forsaken thee, but with great mercy will I have mercy on thee. In a little wrath I turned away my face from thee; but with everlasting mercy will I have mercy on thee, said the Redeemer, the Lord. Arise, arise, ^B thou that hast drunk at the hand of the Lord the cup of his fury. The cup of ruin, the cup of my fury thou hast drunk and drained; and there was none to comfort thee among all the sons thou hast begotten: neither was there any to take thee by thy hand. Behold, I have taken out of thy hand the cup of ruin, the cup of my fury. Thou shalt no more drink it again: and I will give it into the hands of them that have afflicted and humbled thee. Arise, arise, put on thy strength, put on thy glory. Shake off the dust and arise. Sit down, loosen the bond of thy neck. Lift up thine eyes round about, and see thy gathered sons. Behold, they are gathered and have come to thee. As I live, saith the Lord, thou shalt clothe thyself with all these as with an ornament, and shalt bind them about thee as ornaments of a bride. For thy desert and what was corrupt and fallen will now be narrow for thy inhabitants; and they shall be far from thee that devoured thee. For thy sons whom thou didst lose ^C shall say in thine ears: "The place is too narrow for me; make me room to dwell in." And thou shalt say in thine heart: "Who hath begotten me these? I was bereaved and a widow. But who hath brought these up for me? I was left alone: where then were these for me?" These things Isaiah prophesied: these things were written in the sacred Volumes concerning us long before. But it was necessary that we should at length receive the truth of these words completed in the events themselves. Since therefore the Bridegroom, the Word of God, had spoken these things to His bride, that is to say, the most holy Church, our dresser of the bride rightly and in order, ^D reaching out his hands to her who was deserted and void and lying upon the ground like a corpse, and destitute of all human hope, through the common prayers of you all, and by the nod of God the supreme King of all, and by the present power of Jesus Christ, raised her up and awakened her. And having awakened her, he established and ordered her in the manner which he had learned from the description of the sacred oracles. Indeed, this work is a miracle, and greater than all admiration, especially to those who attend only to the appearance of external things. But more wonderful than all miracles are their archetypes, and the primitive images of them, spiritual and worthy of God, which he ^A was taught. This is indeed a very great marvel, and beyond all astonishment, especially to those who direct their minds solely to the appearance of external things. But more wonderful than wonders are the archetypes, and the primitive intelligible and God-befitting examples of them—the renewals, I mean, of the divine and rational construction within souls. It was the God-child himself, having fashioned it according to his own image, and having endowed it in every way and in all things with a God-like nature, incorruptible, incorporeal, rational, alien to all earthy matter, a self-intellectual substance, ^B having once brought it into being from non-existence, that made it a holy bride and a most sacred temple for himself and for the Father. And this he clearly reveals himself, saying, "I will dwell in them and walk among them; and I will be their God, and they shall be my people." And such is the perfect and purified soul, thus generated from the beginning, such as to carry the heavenly Word like a statue. But the envious and malicious demon, out of jealousy, because it had become passion-loving and malicious by its own free choice, and because the divine ^C presence withdrew—as though it were desolate and without a protector—it stood exposed and easy prey to plotting, vanquished by the long-standing hostility of those enemies, and having been overthrown by the siege-engines and machines of the invisible foes and intellectual enemies, it fell with a great fall, to such an extent that not one stone of virtue remained upon another in it; and it lay altogether on the ground, a corpse, completely stripped of its natural thoughts concerning God. Thus fallen, this soul, which had been fashioned according to the image of God, was harmed not by this boar out of the forest that we see, but by some corrupting demon, and intellectual wild beasts; who, having set it on fire with the weapons ^D of their own wickedness burning like passions, burned with fire the truly divine sanctuary of God, and profaned to the ground the tabernacle of His name; and then, having buried the wretched one under much debris, they turned it away from all hope of salvation. But the Guardian of it, the Word, the light of God and Savior, took it up once again from the beginning, having paid the penalty according to its deserts for its sins, being moved by the all-good love of the Father for mankind. Having therefore chosen first the souls of those who reign on high—the souls of all the impious and destructive, and those of the terrible and God-hated tyrants—He cleansed the whole world through those very men who were most dear to God, and then those men who were his own acquaintances,

[…the restoration of that divine and rational edifice within our souls. This edifice, indeed, when the Son of God himself had fashioned it after his own image, and had wished it to display the likeness of God in all things, bestowing upon it a nature that was incorruptible and incorporeal and set apart from all earthly matter, and granting to it also a rational and altogether intellectual substance; after he had once created it from nothing, he established it as a holy bride and a sacred temple for himself and his Father. And he himself openly confesses this in these words: "I will dwell in them and walk among them; and I will be their God, and they shall be my people." Such, then, is the perfect and purified soul, which was so fashioned from the beginning that it bore the image of the heavenly bridegroom. But after, through the envy and jealousy of the most wicked demon, it began of its own accord to follow and love its passions and vices; God soon withdrew from it, and as if destitute of its protector, it became easily captured and exposed to the snares of those who had long envied its glory. Thus, overturned by the engines and machines of invisible and spiritual adversaries, it fell with such a terrible ruin that no stone of virtue remained attached to another stone ^A in it: but it lay altogether prostrate, stripped of the notions of God innate by nature, and lay on the ground as if dead. And it was not the boar from the forest, such as we behold with our eyes, that laid waste this soul, which had been fashioned after the image of God, but a certain destructive demon and wild beasts which are understood by the intellect alone. These, when they had inflamed it with depraved affections as if with the burning arrows of their own malice, set fire to the truly divine sanctuary of God; and they profaned the tabernacle of his name upon the earth. ^B Afterward, having heaped up much earth...

[...those who of old were consecrated to him ^A for life, but were hidden as if in a storm of evils while covered by his protection, he brought into the open and honored worthily with the great gifts of the Spirit. Again, through these [means], he purged and cleansed the souls that a little before were defiled and heaped up with every kind of filth and the rubbish of impious commands, using as mattocks and spades the stinging instructions of doctrines. Having wrought the space of the minds of all of you to be bright and clear, he thereupon entrusted it to this all-wise and God-beloved leader; who, being in other respects a critic and one capable of discernment, and well understanding and distinguishing ^B the mind of the souls allotted to him, has been building [them] from the very first day, so to speak—and has not yet ceased even now—fitting into all of you, at one time the bright gold, at another the proven and pure silver, and the precious and costly stones, so as to fulfill for you the prophecy which says: "Behold, I prepare for thee thy carbuncle for thy stone, and thy foundations for sapphire, and thy ramparts for jasper, and thy gates for crystals, and thy wall for choice stones, and all thy sons shall be taught of God, and thy children in great peace; and in righteousness shalt thou be built." ^C Building with righteousness, he distributed the powers according to the worthiness of the whole people: for some, he fenced in only the outer enclosure, walling it about with the unswerving faith (and such a people is large and great, and bears no better edifice than [that which is] enduring); for others, he entrusted the entrances to the house, stationing them to keep the doors ^D and lead in those who enter—not unreasonably considered to be the portals of the temple; and for others, [first] treating those outside around the atrium by means of square columns...

^A supporting them, leading them in by the first portals of the four Gospels. But those who are already established around the royal house by means of the columns on either side, through growth and progress, yet not far off from the vision of the deepest mysteries of the faithful—having cleansed their souls with a divine washing like gold—he receives, and there he supports them with columns far superior to those on the outside, by means of the deepest mystical doctrines of the Scripture, and illuminates them with openings toward the light.

By means of one great vestibule for the doxology of the one and only God, the King of all, he adorns the entire temple, providing the second rays of light ^B for Christ and the Holy Spirit on either side of the Father’s authority, and throughout the whole house displaying the clear and luminous truth of every matter; and by choosing everywhere and from every side the living, standing, and well-fitted stones of souls, he builds the great and royal house, brilliant and full of light both within ^C and without ^D, because it was aglow with a adornment of purity and temperance not only in their souls and minds, but in their bodies as well. There are also in this temple thrones, and countless bases and seats; in as many souls as the gifts of the divine Spirit settle, such as were seen of old by those around the holy apostles, to whom there appeared cloven tongues as of fire; and it sat upon each of them. But in the… [alt-version omitted]

^A ruler of all, perhaps Christ himself sits in his entirety, while in those who take second place after him, there is a distribution of the power of Christ and the Holy Spirit in proportion to the capacity of each. There would also be the bases of angels, and the souls of those individuals who have been entrusted to each for guidance and protection. And what would be that solemn and great and unique altar, if not the innermost and holiest part of the soul, which is the priest of the common Father of all? Standing at the right hand of this altar is the great High Priest of all, Jesus himself, the only begotten Son of God. He receives the fragrant incense from all, and the bloodless and spiritual sacrifices offered through our prayers, with a bright countenance and outstretched hands, and transmits them to his Father in heaven and God of all, being the first ^B himself to worship, and the only one to render to the Father the worship due to Him, and then asking that He remain gracious and favorable to us forever. Such is the great temple, which the great Creator of all, the Word, has established throughout the entire inhabited world under the sun, having wrought this, in turn, as an intelligible image on earth of those things beyond the heavenly vaults, so that through all of creation, and through the rational beings upon the earth, the Father might be honored and worshipped by Him.

But as for the supercelestial realm and the patterns of the things there that exist here, and the so-called Jerusalem above, and Mount Zion the heavenly, and the supracosmic city of the living God, in which are the myriads of angels in festal gathering and the Church of the firstborn registered in heaven—these things, with the ineffable and ^C inconceivable theologies for us, honor their Maker and Leader of all; yet what mortal is capable of praising them as they deserve? For those things which eye has not seen, nor ear heard, and which have not entered into the heart of man, are the very things which God has prepared for those who love Him. Of these, having already been deemed worthy in part, let us, men along with children and women, small and great, all together with one spirit and one soul, not cease to confess and praise the Author of such great blessings for us: ^D "Who forgives all our iniquities, who heals all our diseases, who redeems our life from destruction, who crowns us with mercy and compassions, who fills our desire with good things; because He has not dealt with us according to our sins, nor rewarded us according to our iniquities; for as far as the east is from the west, so far has He removed our transgressions from us."

^A For as a father pities his sons, the Lord has pitied them that fear Him. By calling these things to mind, both now and for all time to come, and by keeping before our eyes day and night—in every hour and, so to speak, in every breath—the Author and Arch-celebrant of this present festival and of this bright and most glorious day; by loving and worshipping Him with the whole strength of our souls, and standing up now, let us beseech Him with a great cry of devotion: that He may keep us to the end, sheltering us under His fold, and bestow upon us the unshaken and undisturbed peace that comes from Him, in Christ Jesus our Savior, through whom to Him be glory unto all the ages of ages. Amen.

^D

CHAPTER V.

Copies of the imperial laws.

Copy of the imperial decrees translated from the Roman language.

perhaps soon desisted from such observance. Wherefore, when we, Constantine and Licinius Augusti, had come to Milan under happy auspices and were solicitingly inquiring into all things that pertained to the advantage and utility of the public, among other things which we judged would be profitable to all men in many ways, or rather above all others, we decreed that these things should be established by which the worship and veneration of the divine numen might be maintained: that is to say, that free power be granted by us to the Christians and to all others to follow whatever religion they might wish; so that whatever that divine and heavenly numen may be, it may be able to be propitious to us and to all who live under our power. ^B Therefore, we have promulgated this our will with wholesome and most upright counsel, so that the license to follow or choose the Christian observance and religion may be denied to no one at all. But it shall be permitted to each one to apply his mind to that religion which he thinks is suitable to himself; so that the divine numen may be able to show toward us its habitual care and kindness in all things. Furthermore, it was fitting that we should write back that these things so please us, so that, with all those sects which were contained in the former epistle sent to Thy Devotion concerning the Christians having been completely removed—since those things seemed to be entirely sinister and alien to our gentleness—they might be removed altogether: ^C and that, in the future, whoever have determined that the Christian religion is to be observed by them, they may retain it freely and constantly, without any molestation and impediment. We have judged that these things should be made known to thy diligence, so that thou mayest know that free and absolute license to practice their own religion has been granted by us to the Christians. And since it has been granted by us to them simply and absolutely, Thy Devotion understands that the same has also been granted to others who wish to follow their own observance and worship. Which, indeed, it is evident accords with the tranquility of our times: so that [the] Christian religion ^D should not seem to be treated with no light injury, inasmuch as it was being placed on an equal footing with heretics and schismatics and with the perfidy of the Jews. Wherefore, being admonished afterwards by the Catholics, Constantine amended this in this latter law; with the mention of all sects having been completely removed, this is what is said below in these words: "In that the sects which were contained in our former letters ... having been completely removed."

^A And that it may be free for everyone to choose and observe whatever form of worship of the Divine he may wish. ^B And this has been done by us so that it might not appear that any honor or worship has been diminished by us. And we also determine this, in addition to the rest, regarding the person of the Christians, that their places, into which it was their custom formerly to assemble, regarding which also a different rule had been defined in the previous time in the letters sent to your Devotion, if any who appear to have purchased these either from our treasury or from anyone else, should restore them to the same Christians without payment and without any demand for a price having been added, without any delay or hesitation, ^C and if any should happen to have received those same places as a gift, that they should restore them to the same Christians in the quickest way. Thus if those who bought those same places, or those who received them as a gift, wish to ask for something from our benevolence, let them approach the prefect who judges in those places, so that provision may also be made for them through our kindness. All of which things it will be necessary to be delivered to the body of the Christians immediately through your diligence without any delay. And since the same Christians are known to have had not only those places into which it was their custom to assemble, but also others which belonged not to them as private individuals, but to the legal right of their body, that is, of the Christians, all these things, according to the law we have already mentioned, you shall order to be restored to the same Christians, that is, to their body and to the assembly, to each of them; the aforesaid rationale being preserved, of course, so that they ^D themselves...

without loss, might hope to receive from our benevolence what is theirs. In all these matters, you must accord to the aforesaid body of Christians your most vigorous zeal, so that our order may be fulfilled with the greatest celerity, so that in this too, our benevolence may provide for the general and public peace. For by this thinking, as has been said before, the divine concern regarding us, of which we have already had experience in many matters, will remain firm for all time. ^B And in order that the limit of this our legislation and of our benevolence may be brought to the knowledge of all, it is consistent that these things written by us be set forth everywhere, and brought to the knowledge of all, so that the legislation of this our benevolence may not be able to escape the notice of anyone. ≫

Copy of another royal decree, in which they have again signified that the gift has been granted to the Catholic Church alone.

≪Ave, Anulinus, most esteemed by us. It is the manner of our benevolence, that those things which pertain to another’s right, we wish not only to be free from all harassment, but even to be restored, Anulinus, most esteemed. Wherefore we command that, as soon as you have received these letters, if any of those things which pertained to the Catholic Church of the Christians in individual cities or in other places are now held by the decurions or by any others, you shall cause them to be restored to their churches immediately; since we have determined that those things which the same churches previously possessed should be restored to their right. Since, therefore, your devotion perceives that this command of our decree is most clear, you shall take pains, whether they be gardens, or houses, or anything else belonging to the right of the same churches, that all be restored to them as quickly as possible, so that we may understand that you have paid most careful obedience to this our command. Farewell, Anulinus, most esteemed and most desired by us. ≫

Copy of a royal letter, by which he orders a council of bishops to be held at Rome for the unity and concord of the Churches.

≪Constantinus Augustus to Miltiades, bishop of the Romans, and to Marcus. Since many missives of this kind have been sent to me by Anulinus, the most illustrious proconsul of Africa, ^C containing the complaints of Caecilianus, bishop of Carthage, which he handed over to Anulinus the proconsul, subscribed by the party of Majorinus, on the fifteenth day before the Kalends of May at Carthage, in the consulship of Constantinus Augustus and Licinius, as ^D

^A have been sent, in which it is contained that Caecilian, bishop of the city of the Carthaginians, is accused by certain of his colleagues established throughout Africa on many counts. And this indeed seems to me very grave, that in these provinces which divine Providence has entrusted to my devotion by spontaneous surrender, and in which there is a very great multitude of people, the commonality should be found, as it were, divided into two parts and tending toward worse things, and that the bishops should have dissensions among themselves. It has pleased me that the same Caecilian, together with ten bishops who seem to accuse him, and ten others whom he himself may judge necessary for his own case, should sail to Rome: so that there, in your presence, and also in the presence of Reticius, Maternus, and Marinus, your colleagues, whom I have ordered to hasten to Rome for this cause, he may be heard, as you know very well befits the most holy law. Moreover, that you may be able to draw the most full knowledge of the whole business, I have sent to your aforementioned colleagues the copies of the libelli sent to me by Anulinus, attached to my letters. Having read these, your Gravitas will weigh in what manner the aforementioned controversy is to be judged with the greatest accuracy and concluded according to the rule of justice. Since it does not escape your diligence how much reverence I show to the most holy Catholic Church, [such] that I would not wish any schism or dissension to be left behind by you anywhere. May the Divinity of the greatest God preserve you for many years, most dear. ^B

Copy of the imperial letter by which he orders a second synod to be held, that all dissension of the bishops may be removed.

^CCONSTANTINUS AUGUSTUS to Chrestus, bishop of the Syracusans. Already indeed formerly, when some with depraved and perverse mind had begun to dissent from the holy religion and celestial virtue and from the opinion of the Catholic Church, wishing to prune ^D such contention of theirs, [Augustine refers to these libelli in epistle 68. He calls them *chartas*, because they contained many sheets and very many acts for the proof of the crimes of Caecilian. But Christophorsonus translates *epistolas*, badly, I think. For there was only one letter sent about this matter by Anulinus to Constantine, which letter Augustine refers to in the aforementioned place. But more documents (*chartae*) were sent by Anulinus, as Constantine here expressly testifies. Constantine designates the same libelli below with these words: etc., where Christophorsonus again translates *epistolas* most poorly. In the third chapter of the collation with the Donatists, they are called *chartae* (documents). For it is so read there: "Interlocution ordering the reading of the copy of the report destined for the Emperor Constantine by Anulinus the proconsul, by which it is signified that Majorinus had opposed Caecilian and had handed over the documents of his crimes to the proconsul to be directed to the prince." Augustine also calls them *chartae* in the Breviculus of the Collation. The same Augustine in his epistle to Vincentius calls it a *libellus*, and says it was subscribed thus: "Libellus of the Catholic Church of the crimes of Caecilian, handed over by the party of Majorinus."]

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^A desiring to cut this short, I had so determined, that with some bishops sent from Gaul, and those also summoned from Africa who, having split into two parties, persistently and obstinately strive against one another, and with the bishop of the city of Rome also present, that which appeared to have been stirred up might, under their presence, be settled with the most diligent examination. But since some, as usually happens, forgetting both their own salvation and the reverence which is due to the most holy faith, do not cease to prolong their private quarrels, refusing to agree to the judgment already delivered, and asserting that a very few bishops had delivered their opinions and decisions, or that they had hastened to deliver the judgment too quickly and rashly, without having first carefully examined all those things which ought to have been investigated, the consequence of all this is that even those who ought to have maintained a brotherly and like-minded concord between themselves, are shamefully, or rather loathsomely, standing apart from each other, and are giving to those men whose souls are alienated from the most holy religion an occasion for mockery. Wherefore I have felt it my duty to take care that this matter, which should have been brought to an end by voluntary consent after the judgment already delivered, might even now at last be able to reach its conclusion with many present. Since, therefore, we have commanded a great number of bishops to come together from various and countless places to the city of Arles before the Kalends of August, we have also thought it right to write to you, that having taken a public carriage ^B from the most illustrious Latronianus, corrector of Sicily, and having associated with yourself two of the second order whom you yourself shall judge proper to select, together with three personal servants who may be able to wait upon you on the journey, you may arrive at the aforementioned place within the same day; so that, both through your own gravity and through the unanimous and concordant diligence of the others who are gathering together, this controversy which through discord... ^{C D}

^A has lasted until this time, might at last be recalled to a fitting observance of religion and faith and to brotherly concord, now that all those who are currently dissenting—whom we also ordered to be present—have been heard. May Almighty God keep you safe for many years.

CAPUT VI. Concerning matters pertaining to Christians.

Copy of the imperial letter by which he donates funds to the churches.

Constantine Augustus to Caecilianus, bishop of Carthage. Since it has pleased us that, throughout all the provinces of Africa, Numidia, and both Mauretanias, something should be provided to certain ministers of the legitimate and most holy Catholic religion for their necessary expenses, I have sent letters to Ursus, the most perfect ^B rationalis of Africa, and have notified him that he should take care to have three thousand folles counted out to your Gravity. Therefore, when you have received the aforesaid quantity of money, you shall take care that this money is distributed among all those mentioned above, according to the schedule directed to you by Hosius. But if, by chance, you should perceive that something is lacking to fulfill my concern for all of you in this regard, you ought to demand, without hesitation, whatever you consider necessary from Heraclides, the procurator of our estates. For I have also commanded him in person that, if your Gravity should ask for any money from him, he should take care to count it out for you without any hesitation.

And because I have learned that certain men of not very stable mind are ^C attempting to corrupt the people of the most holy and Catholic Church with some base and adulterated falsehood, know that I have given such commands in person to Anulinus the proconsul, and to Patricius, the vicar of the prefects, that among other things they should take competent care of this matter, and that they should not endure to neglect or ignore it if anything of the sort is done. Therefore, if you perceive that any such men persist in this madness, you will approach the aforementioned judges without any hesitation; and you will report this to them, so that they may take action against them as I have commanded them in person. May the divinity of the Supreme God keep you safe for many years.

Eleazar and Ithamar, the sons of Aaron, you have invested with the abundance of paternal fullness, so that they might provide the ministry of priests for saving sacrifices and ^D the sacraments of more frequent office. And a little later: May they obtain from you, O God, the gift of the second rank. We have copied these from a very ancient Pontifical book of the church of Sens. The Roman Order also has the same. They are very elegant and, if I am not mistaken, composed by Pope Leo. Furthermore, from what I have said, it is apparent how much Christophorus is in error, who interprets this as "bishops of the second see," whom Sirmondus has mostly followed in the tome of the Councils of Gaul.

This title is set in an entirely foreign place. For the letter of Constantine to Caecilianus that follows says nothing about goods pertaining to Christians. It would be better if this title were prefixed to chapter 5, in which two sanctions of Constantine are reported concerning the goods of Christians. Therefore, the very ancient Mazarine and Fuketian codex rightly recognizes no subdivision of chapters in this place.

Concerning the vicars of the prefects, I have spoken abundantly in book XIV of Ammianus Marcellinus. These vicars at that time were "most perfect," but not "most illustrious" or "spectable." The letter of the Emperor Constantine to Probianus, proconsul of Africa, which Augustine reports in epistle 68, teaches this, in these words: "Aelianus your predecessor, as the most perfect man, the true vicar of the prefects, being held by infirm health then throughout your Africa," etc. "Write through our Africa." For so speaks Constantine in the Epistle to Elaphius. And so it is written in the case of [index: entries preserved]

approach, and offer this very thing, so that they ^A themselves, just as I ordered while they were present, may turn back. May the divinity of the great God preserve you for many years.»

CHAPTER VII. On the immunity of the clergy.

Copy of the imperial Epistle by which he commands that the prelates of the churches be released from all civil service.

«Hail, most esteemed Anulinus. Since it appears from many things that the religion in which the highest reverence for the most holy celestial ^B power is kept, having been despised, has brought great dangers to public affairs, and that this same religion, when duly undertaken and observed, has brought the greatest good fortune to the Roman name and special prosperity to all human affairs, since divine benefits grant this, it has seemed good that those men who provide their services to the cult of the divine religion with the holiness that is owed and the observance of this law, should receive the rewards of their own toils, most esteemed Anulinus. Wherefore, I desire that those men within the province ^C entrusted to you, who serve this most holy religion in the Catholic Church over which Cæcilianus presides, whom they are accustomed to call clerics, be kept entirely immune from all public services, lest by some error or sacrilegious slip they be drawn away from the worship owed to the highest divinity; but rather that they serve their own law without any molestation. For it seems that from those who offer the highest worship to the divine numen, the greatest benefit accrues to public affairs. Farewell, most esteemed and dearest Anulinus.»

CHAPTER VIII. On the malignity of Licinius following thereafter, and on his death.

Such were the gifts which the divine and heavenly grace of the presence of our Savior lavished upon us, and such an abundance of good things flowed to the whole human race from the peace restored to us. And indeed ^D this matter, as regarding... [The remainder concerns the historical commentary.]

^A the envy of the hater of good, and the demon who loves evil, could not bear to look upon such a spectacle. Nor, likewise, could Licinius be schooled by those calamities which had befallen the aforementioned tyrants so as to gain a sound mind and act with moderation; he who, while his own rule was flourishing, having been honored for his rank and dignity as second after the great Emperor Constantine, and having been deemed worthy of alliance through marriage and kinship of the highest order, nevertheless fell away from the imitation of good men, and instead emulated the depraved and wicked ways of the impious tyrants. And though he had seen with his own eyes the miserable end of their lives, he chose to follow their counsels rather than to remain in the benevolence and friendship of the best of princes. For, spurred on by the goads of envy against one who had done him such great service, he brought upon him a most abominable and impious war, respecting neither the laws of nature, nor covenants, nor the memory of oaths or blood-ties. For Constantine, indeed, as a most benign prince, because he wished to give him the most certain proof of his sincere benevolence, had deemed him worthy of his own kinship; nor had he denied him the illustrious marriage of his sister. Nay, he had shared with him the nobility of his own lineage and the splendor of the imperial family derived from his ancestors, and had made him a partner in the empire of the whole Roman world, as being an kinsman and a consort in his reign. Nor had he granted him a lesser portion of the Roman empire to rule and govern. But Licinius, on the contrary, did all things opposite to this, daily devising frauds of every kind against his superior, and contriving all manner of treacherous arts, so that he might repay his benefactor with evils. And at first indeed, seeking to hide his machinations, he pretended to be a friend, and by fraud and deceit, through which he often attacked Constantine, he hoped that he would most easily obtain what he desired. But God, the protector and guardian, was a friend to Constantine, and He brought to light and exposed the plots that were being secretly contrived against him in darkness. ^B Such is the power of that great armor of piety, which avails both for the repelling of enemies and for the preservation of one's own safety. Protected by this armor, our emperor, most beloved of God, escaped the manifold plots of that nefarious man. Therefore, Licinius, when he saw that his secret plots were not succeeding according to his wishes, inasmuch as God was revealing all his frauds and deceits to the most dear prince, realizing that he could no longer remain hidden, moved to open war. Moreover, once he had decided to wage war against Constantine, he began to prepare to fight also against the supreme God of all, whom he knew to be worshiped by Constantine. From that point on, he began to attack gently and silently those worshipers of the Divine Deity who lived under his rule, who had never done any injury or caused any annoyance to his government; and he did this, being forced by his innate wickedness to be terribly blind. Thus, he neither kept before his eyes the memory of those who had chased out the Christians before him, nor ^C of those whose destroyer he…

had been appointed to be in order to restrain their impiety. But, wandering from right reason, or rather seized by open madness, he decided to fight against God Himself, as if He were the supporter of Constantine, instead of the One who was supported. First, he drove every Christian from his own house, making himself, wretched man, desolate of the prayers which they were accustomed to offer to God on his behalf and on behalf of all men, as was their traditional practice. Next, he ordered the soldiers 75 in the cities to be dismissed and stripped of their rank and honor if they did not choose to sacrifice to the demons. And yet these things were but trifles when compared with those that followed. For what need is there to recount the details and the particular deeds of an enemy of God, or how the most lawless one devised lawless laws? ^B He decreed that no one should show mercy to those suffering in prisons by sharing food with them, nor feel pity for those perishing of hunger in their bonds, nor be good at all, nor perform any act of kindness toward those who are drawn by nature itself to feel sympathy for their neighbors. This law was truly shameless and most cruel, overstepping every natural human instinct 76, and was accompanied by a punishment, that those who showed such mercy should suffer the same things as those they pitied, and should be cast into bonds and prisons, enduring the same punishment as those who were tormented, and those who performed acts of humanity. Such were the ordinances of Licinius. What need is there to recount his innovations regarding marriage, or his new measures concerning those who change their lives 77, through which he dared to annul the ancient, good, and wisely established laws of the Romans, substituting for them barbarian and savage laws—laws which were truly lawless and ^C indeed impious?

^A He devised countless exactions 78 against the subject nations, demanding all manner of gold and silver, and forced a resurvey of the land 79, and even sought a ruinous profit from people who were no longer among the living, but had long since died. Why recount the exiles imposed by this enemy of the human race upon the innocent? Why recount how noble men of high rank were dragged to prison, while their wives, in the flower of their youth, were forcibly snatched from them and handed over to be defiled by vile slaves? And ^B as for the married women and young virgins whom this decrepit old man beset to satisfy the unbridled desires of his own soul—why prolong the account, when even the first of his crimes are small and count for nothing compared to the excess of his final deeds?

Finally, his madness turned against the bishops. Thinking that they, as servants of the supreme God, were opposed to his counsel and his wicked deeds, he did not yet attack them openly, for fear of the One who is greater, but plotted against them secretly and deceitfully, destroying the most approved among them through the treachery of his governors. The manner of the murder he inflicted upon them was new, and such as had never been heard of before. At any rate, the things perpetrated in Amasea and the other cities of Pontus surpassed every excess of cruelty. The churches of God were either leveled to the ground once more or were closed, so that no one was able to gather there as they were accustomed, nor render to God the worship that was due. For he judged that the prayers ^C offered were not for him—an evaluation consistent with his evil conscience—but that we were doing everything for the God-beloved Emperor and were persuading God to be propitious; hence he gave vent to his wrath against us. And indeed, the flatterers of the governors, believing they were doing what was pleasing to the impious one, customarily subjected the bishops to the punishments of criminals, and thus they suffered.

^A And some of them suffered an even more novel death; their bodies were hacked into many pieces and, after this cruel and most horrific spectacle, they were thrown into the depths of the sea to serve as food for the fishes. Once again, therefore, the God-fearing men had to take to flight; and once again fields, and once again deserts, and glens and mountains received the servants of Christ. Since these things were succeeding in this way for the impious man, he resolved in his own mind to stir up a persecution against everyone. ^B And undoubtedly he would have achieved his intent, and nothing would have hindered him from bringing the matter to completion, had not God, the defender of His own servants, swiftly anticipating what was to come, suddenly shone forth His servant Constantine to all as a great and saving beacon of light in the deep darkness and the pitch-black night, and guided him to these parts as if taking him by the hand with an uplifted arm.

CHAPTER IX.

Concerning the victory of Constantine and the blessings that came through him to all those living under Roman rule.

To him, indeed, God ^C granted from above, out of heaven, as a prize worthy of his piety, the fruits of victory over the impious; but that wicked man, together with all his counselors and friends, He laid prostrate under the feet of Constantine. For when he [the tyrant] was rushing into the uttermost heights of madness, the emperor, who was dear to God, deeming it no longer permissible to suffer this, and gathering a sober mind ^D and tempering the stern way of justice with humanity, gladly decided to bring aid to those being oppressed by the tyrant; and, by putting out of the way a few plague-spreaders, he set out to rescue the vast majority of mankind. For, having used only humanity during the time prior to this, and having shown mercy to a man [the tyrant] who was unworthy of any pity, it had profited the tyrant nothing, for he had not ceased from his former depravity, but rather had increased his rage against the subject nations; and for those being maltreated, there remained no hope of rescue, so hard were they being pressed by the savage beast. Therefore, he who is the advocate of good, Constantine, blending his love of virtue with hatred of wickedness, set out together with his son, Crispus, most humane Caesar, extending a saving right hand to all those who were perishing. Both, therefore, father and son, sustained by the King of all and Savior, the Son of God and God, as their leader and helper, by dividing the battle array against the God-haters, bore away the victory.

^A Since all things had been administered for them by the will of God, those who but yesterday and the day before were breathing slaughter and threats were suddenly, and faster than speech, no more; nor was the memory of their very names preserved, and their writings and honors received the shame they deserved. And the things which Licinius himself had seen with his own eyes befall the ancient impious tyrants, these same things he suffered in like manner, because he himself did not accept instruction, nor was he sobered by the scourges of his neighbors; having trodden the same path of impiety as they, he was justly swept over the same precipice as them. And he truly lay fallen in this way. But the greatest victor, Constantine, distinguished in every virtue of godliness, together with his son Crispus, a most God-beloved Caesar and in all things like his father, received his own ^B Orient, and reduced the Roman empire, as it had been of old, into one body; subjecting the whole earth, which extends from the rising of the sun to the furthest shores of the west, together with the regions surrounding it on both sides, as much to the north as to the south, to his own peace.

Thus, with all fear of those by whom they were previously oppressed completely removed, men celebrated festive days with the greatest splendor and magnificence. A certain most pleasant light seemed to be shed upon all, and those who before had been sorrowful now looked upon one another with cheerful and radiant faces and joyful eyes. With dances ^C and hymns, both in the cities and in the fields, they celebrated first of all God, the King of all, as they had been taught, and then they honored the pious emperor together with his God-beloved sons. There was an amnesty for past evils, and a forgetting of all impiety, and with the presence of good things, there were also the expectations of those to come.

Orders from the victorious emperor, full of kindness, were spread everywhere in every place, containing laws of great bounty and marks of true godliness. Thus, indeed, with all tyranny being purged away, the firm and blameless affairs of the proper imperial rule were preserved for Constantine alone and for his children; they who had wiped away the god-hating life of all those before them, experienced ^D the good things provided to them by God, and they displayed their love of virtue and love of God, and their piety and gratitude toward the Divine, by which they provided a clear spectacle for all human beings to behold.

piety and a grateful spirit toward the celestial Deity, they declared plainly to all mortals by the illustrious testimony of their works. Here ends, with God’s help, the tenth book of the Ecclesiastical History of Eusebius Pamphili.

EUSEBIUS PAMPHILI, BISHOP OF CÆSAREA IN PALESTINE, ON THE LIFE OF CONSTANTINE THE EMPEROR, IN FOUR BOOKS

^A 401 CHAPTERS OF THE FIRST BOOK ON THE GODLY LIFE OF THE BLESSED EMPEROR CONSTANTINE

α'. Introduction concerning the death of Constantine. β'. Concerning his sons who reigned; still within the introduction. γ'. Concerning God, who honors pious emperors and destroys tyrants. δ'. That God honored Constantine. ε'. That he reigned for over thirty years as monarch, and lived over sixty. ς'. That he was a servant of God and a conqueror of nations. ζ'. A comparison of him with Cyrus, King of the Persians, and Alexander of Macedon. η'. That he governed nearly the entire world. θ'. That he was the son of a pious emperor, and [left the empire] to pious sons.

^B regarding the Ecclesiastical History, I observed that the chapter titles which are prefixed to the individual books were composed by Eusebius himself. And I have proven this by arguments which are, in my judgment, most certain. But in these books *On the Life of Constantine*, the situation is different. For the indices of these books were not compiled by Eusebius himself, but by another, far more recent author. I conjecture this, first, from the fact that the indices of these chapters are almost entirely inept and barbaric; and second, because they always speak of Eusebius in the third person: whereas in the chapter titles of the *Ecclesiastical History*, Eusebius always names himself in the first person.

Add to this that the divisions of the chapters are excessive and frequent, and that sometimes a single imperial epistle or constitution is divided and as it were torn apart into several chapters. This matter often causes the reader disgust and nausea while reading. I pass over the fact that barbarous words and expressions occur more than once in these indices. For one may read in them, at times, *palatium*, *comites*, *notarium*, or *Augustos*. All these things compel me to the opinion that the author of these chapters is someone other than Eusebius.

Whoever he was, however, he is certainly an ancient, and not far removed from the age of our Eusebius. This is gathered especially from the chapters of book IV, in which you may read certain things that could only have been known by a writer contemporary with those times. Such is the instance concerning Marianus the tribune and notary, in chapter 44 of book IV, the name of which notary we would be ignorant of today had not that author of the chapters, and after him Sozomen, informed us. I have sometimes suspected Acacius, he who held the episcopal chair of Cæsarea after our Eusebius, of having composed these indices when he published these books of his master after his death. But this is a simple conjecture, which anyone who wishes may follow.

Finally, the reader should be warned that in all our copies these chapter titles are written out without numeral marks. And in the older manuscripts of the Royal Library, they are read prefixed to the individual books. In the Fugger codex, however, they are not only placed before the individual books, but are also added to the individual chapters in the body of each book.

CAPITULA OF THE FIRST BOOK OF THE RELIGIOUS LIFE OF THE MOST BLESSED EMPEROR CONSTANTINE

^A 9. That this history is both necessary and profitable to the soul. 10. That he has now recorded only the God-pleasing deeds of Constantine. 12. That Constantine was reared in the houses of tyrants, as Moses was. 13. Concerning his father Constantius, who did not endure [the dictates of] those around Diocletian, Maximian, and Maxentius, so as to persecute the Christians. 14. How the father Constantius, having been reproached for poverty by Diocletian, filled the treasuries and gave the money back to those who had brought it. 15. Concerning the persecution by others. 16. How the father Constantius, pretending to practice idolatry, cast out those who were willing to sacrifice, but kept in his palace those who were prepared to confess [the faith]. 17. Concerning his Christ-loving disposition. 18. That when Diocletian and Maximian abdicated, Constantius was then the first Augustus, being blessed with a numerous offspring. 19. Concerning his son Constantine, who as a young man came to Palestine at the same time as Diocletian. 20. The departure of Constantine to his father because of the plots of Diocletian. 21. The death of Constantius, leaving his son Constantine as emperor. 22. How, after Constantius had been brought forth, the armies proclaimed Constantine Augustus. 23. The destruction of the tyrants, by a brief reminder. 24. That by the will of God, Constantine held the empire. 25. The victories of Constantine against the barbarians and the Britons. 26. How he intended to liberate Rome from Maxentius. 27. That after contemplating the destruction of those who worshipped idols, he chose Christianity instead. 28. How, upon his prayer, God granted him the vision, a cross of light in the heavens at midday, and an inscription exhorting him to conquer by this. 29. How Christ the Son of God appeared to him in his sleep and commanded him to use a standard of the same form as the cross in his wars. 30. The construction of the same cross-sign. ^B 31. A description of the cross-shaped sign, which the Romans now call the Labarum. 32. How Constantine, having been catechized, read the divine Scriptures. 33. Concerning the adulteries of Maxentius in Rome. 34. How the prefect’s wife destroyed herself for the sake of chastity. 35. The destruction of the Roman populace by Maxentius. 36. The magic of Maxentius and the shortage of food in Rome. 37. The defeat of the armies of Maxentius in Italy. 38. The death of Maxentius at the bridge of the river Tiber. 39. The entry of Constantine into Rome. 40. Concerning his statue holding a cross, and its inscription. 41. Rejoicings throughout the provinces and the gifts of Constantine. 42. Honors for bishops and the building of churches. 43. Concerning the benefactions of Constantine toward the poor. 44. How he was present at the synods of bishops. 45. How he even endured the foolish. 46. Victories against barbarians. 47. The death of Maximinus when he wished to plot [against him], and of others whom Constantine discovered through [divine] revelation. 48. The festival of the decennalia of Constantine. 49. How Licinius maltreated the East. 50. How Licinius also wished to plot against Constantine. 51. The machinations of Licinius against the bishops and the prevention of synods. 53. The decree that women were not to assemble in churches together with men. 54. That those who did not sacrifice were to be dismissed from military service, and that those in prison were not to be fed. 55. Concerning the illegal acts and greed of Licinius. 56. That he then attempted to institute a persecution. 57. That Maximian, having been subdued by a fistula and a worm, wrote on behalf of the Christians. 58. That Maximinus, after persecuting the Christians and fleeing, hid himself like a servant. 59. That Maximinus, having been blinded by disease, wrote on behalf of the Christians.

XXI. The death of Constantius, leaving his son Constantine as emperor. XXII. How, upon the death of Constantius, Constantine was hailed as Augustus by the soldiers. XXIII. A brief commemoration of the ruin of the tyrants. XXIV. How Constantine attained his empire by the will of God. XXV. Constantine’s victories over the Britons and barbarians. XXVI. How he resolved to liberate Rome from the tyranny of Maxentius. XXVII. How Constantius, considering the ruin of the Gentiles, chose the Christian religion instead. XXVIII. How God showed to him at prayer a vision in the heavens, toward the midday sun, specifically a luminous cross, with an inscription, warning him that in this he should conquer. XXIX. How Christ appeared to Constantine in his sleep, and commanded him to make a sign in the likeness of the cross and to use it in his wars. XXX. The construction of this sign in the likeness of the cross. XXXI. A description of the sign formed as a cross, which the Romans call the Labarum. XXXII. How Constantine, having become a catechumen, read the Holy Scriptures. XXXIII. On the adulteries perpetrated by Maxentius at Rome. XXXIV. How the wife of the prefect took her own life to preserve her chastity. XXXV. The slaughter of the Roman people by command of Maxentius. XXXVI. The magical arts of Maxentius, and the lack of food in Rome. XXXVII. The defeat of Maxentius’s army in Italy. XXXVIII. The death of Maxentius at the bridge of the Tiber. XXXIX. Constantine’s entry into the city of Rome. XL. On the statue of Constantine holding the cross, and its inscription. XLI. The exultation of the provinces, and the largess of Constantine. XLII. The honors conferred upon the bishops, and the building of churches. XLIII. On Constantine’s beneficence to the poor. XLIV. How he participated in the synods of bishops. XLV. How he tolerated the simple-minded. XLVI. The victories won over the barbarians. XLVII. The death of Maximian and others whose plots Constantine had discovered through God’s revelation. XLVIII. Constantine’s decennial celebrations. XLIX. How Licinius harassed the East. L. How Licinius plotted against Constantine. LI. The plots of Licinius against the bishops, and his prohibition of synods. LII. The exiles and proscriptions of the Christians. LIII. An edict of Licinius forbidding women to gather in church together with men. LIV. How he discharged from military service those who refused to sacrifice, and forbade anyone to provide food to those in prison. LV. Regarding the iniquity and avarice of Licinius. LVI. How he finally incited a persecution against the Christians. LVII. In what manner Maximian, overcome by a fistulous and worm-ridden ulcer, wrote a law in favor of the Christians. LVIII. In what manner Maximin, the persecutor of Christians, hid himself while fleeing, disguised in a servant’s garb. LIX. How Maximin, blinded by the force of his disease, gave a law in favor of the Christians.

OF EUSEBIUS PAMPHILI: ON THE LIFE OF THE BLESSED EMPEROR CONSTANTINE. BOOK ONE.

PROOEMIUM. On the death of the Emperor Constantine.

Nuper quidem universum hominum genus… [Here the text begins.]

celebrating the dual and triple periods of our great emperor's decennials, returning at fixed intervals of time with festivities and banquets. We too ourselves, having recently received ^A him, the victor and triumphant one, surrounded by the assembly of God's servants, honored him with vicennial hymns. And now, having woven for him garlands of words for his tricennials, we have recently crowned his sacred head in the very palace. But now I stand in perplexity of mind, wishing indeed to produce something in the accustomed manner, yet entirely ignorant of where to turn, struck by the spectacle of an unusual event. For wherever I turn the eyes of my mind—whether to the sunrise or to the sunset, whether to the whole orb of the earth or if I gaze upon heaven itself—I behold the most blessed prince present everywhere. And I observe his children ^B as if they were certain new lights, filling the whole circuit of the earth with their father's rays, and I see him himself, by his authority and power, still living and governing human affairs much more excellently and powerfully than before—inasmuch as he has been diffused and amplified by the succession of his sons. They, who before had been invested with the honor of Caesars, now, having completely put on their father, have been proclaimed Emperors and Augusti, reverend and kingly, and exhibit all the father's ornaments.

PROOEMIUM CONTINUED.

^A I understand that I am gifted with a life that is perpetual and immortal, and with a blessed eternity; yet I am dumb, and utterly destitute of the use of speech and reason. I can utter no voice; but, willingly condemning my own poverty, and imposing silence upon myself, I yield these parts to a superior, that he may set forth fitting praises according to their merit: to Him, namely, who, being the immortal God and the Word of God, alone has the power to confirm His own words and to make them sure.

CHAPTER III.

Regarding God, who honors pious princes and punishes tyrants.

For since He has foretold that those by whom He has been worshipped and honored would in turn be recompensed by Him with the greatest rewards, but that those who have declared themselves His enemies and adversaries would work their own destruction, He has proven the truth of His promises and words from this very life. Indeed, He has set before our eyes the abominable ends of the impious and the tyrants who were adversaries of God; but for His own servant, He has bestowed not only life, but also a most blessed death, ^B worthy of the greatest praises, insomuch that it has deserved to be celebrated in the discourses of all posterity, and to be honored not only with fleeting, but with immortal honors. The race of mortals, having devised some solace for their deadly end, has been accustomed to honor the memories of those who have passed away by consecrating images, as if with immortal honors. And some, indeed, by the shadowed colors of encaustic painting; others, by a likeness of the human form fashioned after ^C the sculpture of inanimate matter; and others by carving deep lines into stone tablets and stelae, have thought to entrust to eternal memories the virtues of those whom they honored.

But all these things are transient, perishing in the length of time, inasmuch as they express the form of mortal bodies, not the image of the immortal soul. Yet they seemed sufficient to those who, after the end of this mortal life, had conceived no hope of any good. But God, I say, the common Savior of all things, who has stored up for the lovers of piety rewards greater than what can be comprehended by human thought, grants here and now the first-fruits of those rewards as a kind of earnest-money, in some way exhibiting and presenting to mortal eyes the hope of immortal things. The ancient oracles of the prophets, which have been committed to writing, openly foretell this. The lives of men dear to God, who have shone forth in various virtues, celebrated even now by the memory of posterity, confirm it. This very thing is proved to be most true by the testimony of our own age, when Constantine, alone of all who ever held the Roman Empire, was accepted by God, the supreme King of all, and was set forth to all men as an illustrious example of a religious life. ^A

Chapter IV. That God Honored Constantine.

Finally, God Himself, whom Constantine worshipped, confirmed this with manifest approval; for He was always favorable and benign toward him, not only at the beginning, but also in the progress and at the end of his reign, inasmuch as He had set him before the human race for the instruction of divine worship. ^B Assuredly, He designated him alone of all the emperors of whom we have ever heard, as a kind of most brilliant beam of light, and as a herald of true religion crying out with a mighty voice, having bestowed upon him countless blessings. ^C

Chapter V. That He Reigned More Than Thirty Years; But Lived More Than Sixty.

God honored the time of his reign with the completion of three cycles of ten years, and something more; but He bounded the time of his whole life, which he spent among men, with a space twice as long. Furthermore, wishing to propose him as an image of His own monarchy, He made him the victor over every tyrannical race, and the exterminator of the impious giants who, driven by the audacity of a desperate mind, had raised up the weapons of impiety against God Himself, the supreme King of all. ^D But they, appearing for as brief a time as one might say, both appeared and vanished, while he…

whom God—one and alone—had armed against the many with divine armor, having by his hand purged mortal life of the multitude of the godless, was established by God as teacher of His own piety to all nations, testifying with a loud voice for all to hear that it is proper to know the one true God, and to turn away from the error of those who are no gods at all. ^A

CHAPTER VI. That he was a servant of God, but a conqueror of the nations.

He, therefore, like a faithful and good servant, acted and proclaimed this, openly calling himself a servant and confessing himself the attendant of the supreme King. God, however, immediately rewarding him, established him as lord and conqueror, and the only one of all the emperors who have ever been to be always invincible and insuperable. And because of his victories, He rendered him such a trophy-bearing emperor as no one in previous history is recorded ever to have been. So happy and dear to God was he, so pious and fortunate, that he brought more ^B nations and peoples under his dominion than did the emperors before him; and he held his rule, free from every trouble, until the very last day of his life.

CHAPTER VII. Comparison of him with Cyrus, King of the Persians, and Alexander the Macedonian.

Ancient history sings the praises of Cyrus, King of the Persians, as having become the most illustrious of all who have ever lived. But since these things—and one must, in the end, consider the life of a blessed man—are not so, they say that he did not meet a happy end, but rather a shameful and ignominious death at the hands of a woman. ^C The Greeks celebrate Alexander of the Macedonians as having subdued myriads of nations of every kind, but before he had reached man’s estate, he perished by an untimely death, taken captive by revelry and drunkenness. He completed his whole life in the space of two and thirty years; but of these... ^D

^A he curtailed the time of his reign by no more than a third. He raged through slaughters like a thunderbolt, mercilessly enslaving entire nations and cities, regardless of their age. But when he was scarcely in the very flower of his youth, and bewailing his minion, Fate suddenly overtook him, and brought him—childless, rootless, and homeless, in a foreign and hostile land, so that he might not long ravage the race of mortals—to a nothingness. Straightway ^B his kingdom was torn asunder, as each of his ministers snatched and plundered a portion for himself. Yet this is the man who is celebrated in songs for such evils as these.

CHAPTER VIII. That he mastered almost the entire world.

Our emperor, however, began his reign from the very time that the Macedonian died. He had a span of life twice as long as his, and a reign three times as long. Yet, having fortified his army with the gentle and modest precepts of piety, he carried his standards to Britain and to ^C those who dwell in the ocean that spreads far and wide toward the sunset. The entire Scythian region, too, which lies beneath the north itself and is divided into very many nations, differing in name and customs, he attached to his empire. And now, having extended his rule to the farthest ends of the south, to the Blemmyes themselves and the Ethiopians, he thought it fitting to bring under his sway also those who dwell toward the sunrise. Finally, ^D to the very boundaries of the continent, that is, to the furthest Indians and the nations circumjacent on every side, he illuminated all mortals who inhabit the entire world with the most splendid rays of piety, and held the petty kings, governors, and satraps of barbarian nations as tributary and subject to him; who of their own accord and with joy came to greet him, and sent legates with gifts to him, and esteemed his acquaintance and friendship most highly. So much so that they honored him among themselves by the painting of icons, and by the dedication of statues, and acknowledged Constantine alone of all emperors as known to all.

Therefore, to these nations also, he proclaimed his God with all freedom by means of royal addresses.

CHAPTER IX. That the son of a pious emperor left the empire to his sons.

^A Furthermore, he did not accomplish this by words alone, nor was he frustrated in the deed itself. But exercising himself in every kind of virtue, he abounded in the various fruits of piety, binding his friends to himself with immense benefits, governing his subjects with laws of clemency, and rendering his empire peaceful and desirable to all who were subject to it. ^B Until at length, after long revolving years, God, whom he had worshipped, having rested him from his various struggles, rewarded him with the prizes of immortality, and transferred him from his mortal kingdom to the immortal life prepared by Him for holy souls, having raised up a threefold offspring of children to be successors to his empire. Thus, indeed, did the throne of the empire descend to him from his father, and by the law of nature it was reserved for his children and their descendants, and was extended into an ageless time as a kind of ancestral inheritance. And God Himself, who exalted that most blessed prince with divine honors while he was still dwelling with us on earth, and who adorned him at his death with a certain exceptional prerogative of dignity, He alone would be a sufficient recorder of his life, inasmuch as He has consecrated his struggles and his glorious deeds in the heavenly tablets.

CHAPTER X. That this history is necessary and useful for the forming of character.

^C For my part, although I understand that it is quite difficult to say anything worthy of the blessedness of such a man, and that to remain silent is safe and free from danger, nevertheless I consider it necessary, by imitation of a mortal painting, to consecrate the image of the most pious prince, expressed in the colors of words, for the everlasting memory of posterity, so that we may drive away from ourselves the crime of sloth and inertia. For I would truly be ashamed of myself if I did not contribute all my industry and ability, however light and meager it may be, to the man who venerated the divine Numen with the utmost observance. But this writing will also be useful for the common life of men, and to me personally it is most necessary. For is it not shameful that while the memory of Nero and those impious men far worse than him...

^A should not have lacked diligent writers who, having adorned their evil themes with elegant speech, have stored them away in many-volumed histories—that we should keep silent, we whom God Himself has granted to encounter such an emperor—one such as the entire age has not seen—and to come into his sight, his acquaintance, and his conversation? Therefore, if it is appropriate for anyone at all, it is surely for us, to proclaim to all the abundant report of these good things, whose imitation of noble deeds excites the desire for divine love. For those others ^B having collected the lives of men not worthy of respect, and actions useless for the improvement of character, whether out of favor or hatred towards some, or perhaps for the sake of showing off their own learning—with a pomp of eloquent words, they have dramatized accounts of shameful deeds, acting as teachers of evil works—which should have been buried in oblivion and darkness—to those who, by God’s singular benefit, had the good fortune not to participate in such wickedness. But for me, although my power of expression is weak compared to the greatness of the things signified, may it nevertheless be brightened by the mere recital of these good deeds; and the remembrance of those God-beloved narratives will provide a reading that is not useless, but highly beneficial to those who have well prepared their souls.

CAPUT XI.

That he intends to narrate only the deeds of Constantine which pertain to piety.

Therefore, as for the many other things that can be narrated about this prince—conflicts and battles, brave deeds and victories, trophies and triumphs won over enemies, and furthermore the laws established for the benefit of each individual, the laws enacted for the advantage of the subjects and the commonwealth; and finally, all the other many labors of his reign that are on everyone’s lips and in everyone’s memory—I think I should pass over them now, since the theme ^C of the work I have undertaken warns me to pursue in my speech and writing only those things that pertain to the worship of God. But since these too are almost infinite in number, choosing from what has come to our knowledge only the most opportune, and those most worthy of the memory of posterity, I shall recount them as briefly as I can; for the time itself henceforth grants us this freedom to celebrate in all kinds of ways the truly blessed one, since before this it was not permitted to do so. ^D

ΚΕΦΑΛΑΙΟΝ ΙΑ'.

Ὅτι μόνας τὰς Κωνσταντίνου νῦν ἱστόρησεν θεοφιλεῖς πράξεις.

Most of the imperial accounts of the thrice-blessed one—his military engagements, his battle lines, his valorous deeds and victories, the trophies he raised over his enemies, the number of his triumphs, the regulations determined for the benefit of each, the legislation he drafted for the advantage of the state of his subjects, and many other contests of imperial struggle which are remembered by all—I think I shall pass over, as the purpose of the discourse proposed to us urges me to speak and write only of those things that contribute to his God-beloved life. And although there are countless such things, I shall select the most vital and those most worthy of being remembered by those who come after us, and I shall set forth the account of these very things as briefly as possible; for the time now allows me without hindrance to sing the praises of the truly blessed one with every sort of speech, since before this it was not possible to do so.

For it has been commanded not to bless a man before his death, on account of the uncertainty of the turnings of life. ^A Let God be called our helper, and may His heavenly Word inspire us as our fellow-worker. From the very first age of the man, let us here begin the narrative.

CHAPTER XII.

That Constantine was reared in the houses of tyrants, as Moses was.

Ancient report relates how certain savage races of tyrants once oppressed the Hebrew people, and how God, having looked upon the oppressed with a kindly and propitious countenance, provided that the prophet Moses, while yet an infant, should be reared in their very midst, in the houses of the tyrants and in their own bosoms, and that he should ^B learn all the wisdom that was among them. But when time had passed and called him to manhood, and justice, the helper of the wronged, pursued the wrongdoers, then the prophet of God departed from those very tyrannical houses and rendered his service to the will of the Higher Power, estranging himself in deed and word from the tyrants who had reared him, while declaring those who were truly his brothers and kin to be his friends and acquaintances. And afterward, when God raised him up as leader of the whole nation, he liberated the Hebrews from the slavery under their enemies, and through him He repaid the tyrannical race with heaven-sent punishments. This is an ancient story, accepted by many in the guise of fable, and it has filled the ears of all mortals. But now the selfsame God has granted to us as well the sight of wonders greater than all fables, to be beheld by our very eyes; for such a spectacle is held by those who have recently ^C seen it to be more worthy of faith than any report. For in our own time, the tyrants who were bent on waging war against the God over all have grievously oppressed His Church; but in their midst sat Constantine, he who would shortly be the slayer of tyrants, while he was still a young man, tender and adorned with the down of youth, just as that other servant of God, Moses, once sat in the very houses of the tyrants. Yet, although he was still very young, he did not adopt their ways along with the impious. For from that age his excellent nature, impelled by the divine Spirit, urged him on toward a life pious and acceptable to God. But the emulation of his father also applied the goads, by which the youth was provoked ^D to the imitation of virtue and good deeds. For his father—and it is appropriate at this time to refresh the memory of him—was Constantius, the most noble of the emperors of our time. Concerning whom it is necessary that we should briefly set forth certain things that pertain to the commendation of his son.

CHAPTER XIII. Concerning his father Constantius, who refused to join with Diocletian, Maximian, and Maxentius in persecuting the Christians.

When the Roman Empire was ruled by four Augusti, this man, emulating a way of life different from that of his colleagues, alone established peace with God, the Governor of all things. For while the others set out to assault the churches of God, leveling them to the ground and destroying houses of prayer down to their very foundations, he kept his hands pure and untainted from their impious wickedness, nor did he in any way make himself like them. ^A And while they polluted the provinces under them with the slaughters of godly men and women, as if in some civil war, he always kept his soul pure and inviolate from such crimes. They, heaping together the evils of a most impious superstition, enslaved first themselves and then all their subjects to the deceits of wicked demons; but he, being the author and standard-bearer of most profound peace within the borders of his empire, permitted his subjects to serve the divine cult without any molestation. Finally, while they oppressed all mortals with the most grievous exactions, making their life hardly worth living and more bitter than any death, Constantius alone, exhibiting a mild and tranquil rule to his subjects, cherished them with a kind of paternal care and solicitude. ^B Moreover, since many other innumerable virtues of this man are celebrated by all, I shall proceed to the subject matter of our writing by recalling one or two of his deeds, from which conjecture may be made of those things which are passed over in silence.

CHAPTER XIV. How Constantius, having been reproached by Diocletian for poverty, filled his treasuries, and afterwards returned the money to those who had contributed it.

While the fame of this emperor was being widely celebrated in the frequent discourse of men, as one who was mild and gentle, as one who was good and most beloved by God, and—because of his incredible indulgence toward his subjects—as one who had no money stored up in his treasuries, the emperor who at that time held the supreme rank of the empire sent certain men to him and rebuked his negligence in the administration of the commonwealth, ^C and cast his poverty in his teeth as a reproach, making this his chief argument, that he had nothing stored in his treasuries. But he asked those who had come from the emperor to remain with him for a while. Then, having summoned those among the nations under his rule who possessed abundant wealth from every part of his empire, he said that he was in need of money, and that this was the time when it behooved

^A each one to show his own personal goodwill toward their emperor. Those who heard this, as if they had long ago made a vow to show their good zeal, quickly and eagerly filled his treasuries with gold, silver, and other wealth, competing with one another in their greater generosity; and they did this with bright and smiling faces. When this had taken place, Constantius ordered those sent to him by the great emperor to become witnesses of these treasures. Then he commanded the return of what they had received as a testimony, ^B declaring that these things were gathered unto him for the present, but that long before they had been kept for him by the owners of the wealth themselves, as if by trusted guards. The men were seized with wonder at the deed; and the most humane emperor, after their departure, is said to have summoned the owners of the wealth and, having greatly praised their obedience and zeal toward him, ordered them to return home having received all their wealth. This, then, is one act of that prince which clearly declares his singular humanity. Another illustrious deed of his provides proof of his piety toward God.

CHAPTER XV.

Concerning the persecution stirred up by others.

CHAPTER XVI.

^A To Constantius alone, a certain wise thought occurred; and he performed an act that was indeed wonderful to hear, but still more admirable to perform. For he proposed a test to all the court officials who served in his palace, even up to those judges who were constituted in the highest powers, giving them the choice of which they preferred: if they were willing to sacrifice to his demons, it was permitted to them to remain in the palace and enjoy the customary honors; but if they refused to do this, they would be excluded from his presence and would depart, removed from his acquaintance and intimacy. ^B When therefore all were divided in two directions, and one had gone to this side and another to that, and the purpose and opinion of each had been explored, the excellent prince, revealing the counsel he had until then kept hidden, condemned the cowardice and excessive self-love of the former, but greatly commended the latter for their conscience devoted to the divine Being. And then, regarding the former as traitors to God, he judged them unworthy even of the service of a prince. For how, he said, are they to keep faith toward their prince, who are found to be faithless toward God? Therefore, he decreed that such men should be banished far from the royal halls. But those who were shown by this very witness of truth to be worthy of God, affirming that they would be of the same mind toward the prince, he appointed as protectors and guardians of his empire, saying that such men were to be held among the chief and most necessary of his friends, and to be valued much more than the treasures of the greatest riches.

CHAPTER XVII.

Such, as we have briefly indicated, was the father of Constantine. ^C Whoever shall examine the matter more attentively will easily discern what manner of end met his life, since he showed himself such toward God, and how great a difference the God whom he worshiped determined should exist between him and the rest of the partners of the empire. ^D

^A For after he had for a long time provided proofs of royal virtue, acknowledging only the God over all, and condemning the polytheism of the godless, he fenced about his house with the prayers of holy men, so that for the rest of his life he was left to shine in a settled and untroubled manner; it was like what they say of the blessed estate itself, which neither has troubles nor causes them to others. Thus, indeed, he spent the whole time of his reign in a settled and tranquil manner, with his children, his wife, and the service of his household; he consecrated his entire home to the one King, God, so that the multitude of those who dwelt together with him in the palace did not differ in any respect from the Church of God. Among them were even ministers of God who venerated Him with constant prayers for the safety of the prince, at a time when, among others, it was not permitted even to mention the name of the worshipers of God.

CHAPTER XVIII

For these things he soon obtained his reward from God, even to the extent of attaining the first place in the imperial power. For when the senior Augusti had, I know not by what means, abdicated the empire—a sudden change which befell them in the year following the destruction of the churches—Constantius alone was thenceforth proclaimed first Augustus and Augustus. Having at first been adorned with the diadem of the imperial Caesars and having attained the highest rank among them, after he had given an excellent demonstration of his character in that dignity, he was honored with the highest position of esteem among the Romans, ^B being named first Augustus among the four who were later appointed. ^C But he also surpassed the rest of the emperors in the excellence of his numerous offspring, being surrounded by a great choir of children of both sexes. And when he was at the threshold of old age, and was about to pay the debt to common nature and depart from this light, there again God ^D demonstrated his marvelous power.

having ordained that his firstborn son, Constantine, should be present to receive the empire as he was about to depart this life.

CHAPTER XIX. De filio ejus Constantino, qui adhuc adolescens una cum Diocletiano in Palaestinam venit.

^A For he was accustomed to be with the colleagues of his father’s empire, and moved in their midst, as has been said, spending his time just as that ancient prophet of God did. And having already passed from his childhood ^B into his youth, he was deemed worthy of the highest honor among them. For we ourselves saw him when he was passing through the province of Palestine, along with the senior Augustus. Standing at the latter’s right hand, he appeared most distinguished to all who desired to see him, providing even then evidence of a royal mind and spirit. For as regards the beauty and stature of his body, no one could be compared to him, and in the strength of his vigor he so far excelled those of his own age that he was even a source of fear to them. Yet it was by the virtues of his soul, even more than by these bodily advantages, that he prided himself; adorning his soul first of all with modesty, and thereafter cultivating it not insignificantly with humane learning, and with innate prudence and divinely-infused wisdom.

Chapter XX. Constantine returns to his father because of the plots of Diocletian and Galerius.

^C Now when the rulers of that time saw the youth to be noble, brave, and endowed with a great and lofty spirit, they began to be racked by envy and fear. Hence they sought an opportune time to inflict misfortune and ignominy upon the youth. When the youth realized this (for the snares prepared for him once and again had, by the nod of God, been uncovered), he sought his safety in flight, in this also imitating that great prophet Moses. But God helped him in all things, so disposing His providence that he might be present to his father for the succession of the empire.

CHAPTER XXI.

Immediately, then, having escaped the schemes of those plotting against him, he hastened and arrived at his father's side, being present with him at once, and having been away for a long time; at the same time, the end of his father's life was poised on a razor's edge. But when Constantius unexpectedly saw his son standing by, he leaped from his bed, embraced him with both his arms, and declared that the only sorrow he had—the absence of his child—was now completely cast from his soul, which would have troubled him as he was about to lay down his life. He returned a prayer of thanksgiving to God, declaring that he now considered his death to be better than any immortality; and he then began to set his affairs in order. Having taken his leave of his sons and daughters together ^B who stood around him in the manner of a chorus, there in the palace itself upon the royal bed, he bequeathed the inheritance of the empire, by the law of nature, to the one who was most advanced in age among his children, and departed to his rest.

CHAPTER XXII.

The government, however, did not remain without an emperor. Adorned with his father's purple, Constantine went forth from his paternal house, exhibiting his father, as it were, returning to life and still reigning in his son, to everyone. Then, leading the funeral procession with the paternal friends who were about him, with some leading the way and others following behind, he escorted the God-beloved one with all honor. With acclamations and hymns, all ^C honored the thrice-blessed one, and with a unified consensus of opinion, they glorified the resurrection of the deceased and the attainment of power by his son; and with auspicious shouts they immediately proclaimed the new emperor, Autocrator and Augustus, from the very first voice. And the voices, while they adorned the deceased with praises for his son, also called the child blessed for having been shown to be the successor of such a father. All the nations under his rule were filled with joy and unspeakable gladness, as they had not felt themselves deprived of imperial providence for even the shortest moment of time. Such an end for pious and God-loving men did God manifest to all the people of our age in the Emperor Constantius.

Chapter XXIII. A Brief Commemoration of the Destruction of the Tyrants.

As for the outcome of the others who attacked the Churches of God as if in a declared war, I judged it not fitting to pass it on in this present narrative, nor to defile the remembrance of the good by intermingling the record of the wicked. The experience of the events itself is sufficient to admonish those who have witnessed with their own eyes and ears the history of what has befallen each of them. ^A

Chapter XXIV. That Constantine Obtained the Empire by the Will of God.

Thus, God, the Ruler of all and the Governor of the entire universe, himself raised up Constantine, born to such a father as prince and emperor, in such a way that no man could claim to have initiated his advancement, as others had been deemed worthy of the honor by the judgment of men. ^B

Chapter XXV. The Victories of Constantine over the Barbarians and the Britons.

Therefore, once he was established in the empire, he began first of all to look after the parts of the empire assigned to him by his father. He traversed all the provinces that had previously been under his father’s administration with the utmost humanity. Furthermore, those tribes of barbarians living near the Rhine river and the Western Ocean, who had dared to stir up new disturbances, he subdued and brought under his own dominion, transforming them from wild beasts into gentle subjects. Other peoples, whom he saw had spirits incurably averse to a settled and peaceful way of life, he was content simply to restrain and, as if they were wild animals, repel from the borders of his empire. Having finished these matters to his satisfaction, he set his eyes upon the remaining parts of the world, and in the intervening time, he crossed over to the British tribes, who are situated in the innermost recesses of the ocean. Once he had subdued them, he turned his eyes toward the other parts of the world, so that he might heal those which were in need of his assistance. ^C

Chapter XXVI. How He Determined to Free Rome from the Tyranny of Maxentius.

After this, having conceived in his mind the whole world as if it were one vast body, and then seeing the very head of the whole, the ruling city of the Roman Empire, oppressed by tyrannous subjection, he began to prepare. ^D

first ^A of all, he gave over the task of defending and liberating it to those who held the remaining parts of the Roman Empire, as they were his seniors in age. But since none of them could provide help, and those who had wished to attempt it had met with an ignominious end, declaring that life was not worth living if he were to abandon the sovereign city thus suffering, he girded himself for the overthrow of the tyranny.

CHAPTER XXVII.

And now, understanding that he needed a more powerful aid than military forces, on account of the artful and magical sorceries which the tyrant was zealously pursuing, he sought God as his helper, ^B regarding the preparation of arms and the multitude of soldiers as secondary, while being persuaded that the assistance of the Divine Power is invincible and inexpugnable. He began, therefore, to think upon which God he ought to invoke as his helper. And while he was anxiously inquiring into this, the following thought occurred to him: that of the many who had held the empire before him, those who had placed their hopes in a multitude of gods and had served them with sacrifices and offerings, ^C having been deceived at first by fawning divinations and oracles promising all things favorable, had finally met with an unpropitious end, nor had any of the gods stood by them to deliver them from the heaven-sent destruction. Only his own father, having taken the opposite path to theirs, having condemned their error, and having worshipped the one God who is above all throughout his whole life, had found Him to be the savior and guardian of his empire and the provider of every good thing. Having pondered these things ^D within himself, and having rightly reasoned that those who had trusted in a multitude of gods had fallen into a multitude of disasters, so that not even their lineage, nor offspring, nor root, nor name, nor memory remained among men, whereas the God of his father had given to him many and illustrious proofs of His power; and having furthermore considered those who had already marched against the tyrant, who had engaged in battle with a multitude of gods but had suffered a shameful end—for one of them had retreated from the conflict in disgrace and without accomplishment, while another had been slaughtered in the very midst of his own armies, becoming an incidental victim of death—having gathered all these things together [...]

^A in his mind, he considered it an act of sheer madness to trifle by worshipping gods that were nowhere, and, after so much proof, to be led astray; and he thought that his father’s God alone ought to be worshipped.

Chapter XXVIII: How God granted him a vision while he was praying, a luminous cross in the sky at midday, with an inscription exhorting him to conquer by this.

He began, therefore, to implore His aid, beseeching and supplicating Him to reveal to him who He was, and to stretch out His own right hand to help him in his present circumstances. As the emperor was praying and supplicating ^B with such earnestness, a most marvelous sign from God appeared to him. Had anyone else related this, it would not have been easy to accept; but since the victorious Augustus himself told it to us, who are writing this history, a long time afterward—when we were judged worthy of his acquaintance and conversation—and confirmed his account with oaths, who would hesitate to believe the narrative? Especially ^C when the time that followed confirmed the truth of this account with its own testimony. About the midday hours, as the day was already declining, he affirmed that with his own eyes he saw in the heavens, above the sun, a trophy of the cross composed of light, and an inscription attached to it, saying: "By this, conquer." Amazement at the spectacle seized both him and the entire military company ^D that accompanied him on the march and became spectators of the miracle.

Chapter XXIX: How Christ, having appeared to him in a dream, commanded him to use a sign in the form of a cross in the wars.

Meanwhile, he told us that he began to doubt in his mind what this apparition might mean. As he was cogitating and reflecting for a long time, night finally overtook him. Then, as he slept, Christ the Son of God appeared to him with the same sign that had been shown in the heavens, and commanded him to make a likeness of this sign which had appeared in the heavens, and to use it as a safeguard in his battles.

Chapter XXX: The construction of said cross-sign.

Rising early in the morning, he communicated the secret to his friends. Then, having summoned the workers in gold and gems, he sat in their midst, described the appearance of the sign to them, and ordered them to [emulate]

it in gold and precious stones. This ^A we ourselves have also had the good fortune to see with our own eyes (75).

CHAPTER XXXI.

Description of the sign formed in the likeness of a cross, which the Romans call the Labarum.

It was constructed in the following manner: a tall spear, plated with gold, had a transverse crossbar attached in the shape of a cross. At the very top of the whole, a crown, woven of precious stones and gold, was firmly fixed; ^B and upon this, the symbol of the Savior’s name—two letters, indicating the name of Christ by the initial characters, with the rho intersected in the middle—was signified; which the emperor was accustomed to wear on his helmet in later times. From the transverse crossbar, which was fastened to the spear, a piece of linen hung suspended; it was a royal fabric, covered with a variety of precious stones joined together, which flashed with the rays of light, and being ^C embroidered with much gold, it provided an indescribable spectacle of beauty to those who beheld it. This banner, suspended from the crossbar, was of equal length and breadth (78), while the upright spear, extending to a great length from the lower base (79), above...

near the very top of the banner, carried a golden image, reaching to the chest, of the God-beloved emperor, and of his children in like manner. The emperor used this salutary sign as a safeguard against every opposing and hostile force at all times, and gave orders that replicas of this should lead all his armies.

CHAPTER XXXII.

CHAPTER XXXIII.

men who held the first rank in the Roman senate. ^A Since he was behaving outrageously and shamefully toward countless free women, he was unable to satisfy his intemperate and licentious soul. But when he endeavored to assault Christian women as well, he found himself unable to devise ways to satisfy his own desires. Indeed, these women preferred to yield their souls to death rather than surrender their bodies to him for defilement.

CAPUT XXXIV. How the wife of the prefect took her own life for the sake of preserving her chastity.

One of these women, the wife of a man of senatorial rank who held the authority of prefect, learned that the minions whom the tyrant employed in such shameful deeds were standing at her doors, and that her husband, compelled by fear, had permitted them to seize her and take her away (she was, however, a Christian). ^B She requested a short amount of time from them so that she might adorn her body in the customary fashion. She went into her chamber, and finding herself alone, she plunged a sword into her breast. Having died immediately, she left her corpse to the procurers, effectively declaring to all people—both those alive now and those yet to be born—through deeds that resonate more clearly than any voice, that the chastity prized among Christians is the only thing that is invincible and immortal, not subject to death. Thus, this incident took place in this manner.

CAPUT XXXV. The slaughter of the Roman people by the order of Maxentius.

Everyone, both commoners and magistrates, the noble and the obscure, lived in fear of one who dared to commit such crimes, and they were oppressed by a most grievous tyranny. ^C And even if they lived quietly and suffered through the bitterest servitude, they still could not avoid the bloody cruelty of the tyrant. On one occasion, for a very trivial reason, he delivered the populace over to the slaughter by the soldiers who surrounded him. An innumerable multitude of the Roman people were cut down in the middle of the city, not by the spears and armaments of Scythians or barbarians, but by their own fellow citizens. As for the slaughter of senators, which was carried out for the sake of seizing each man's property, it is impossible to number, as they were killed daily on various fabricated charges.

CAPUT XXXVI. The magical arts of Maxentius, and the scarcity of provisions in Rome.

At last, the tyrant placed a sort of pinnacle upon his crimes by resorting to sorcery, ^D employing magical arts, sometimes dissecting pregnant women, at other times searching through the viscera of newborn infants, and slaughtering lions.

^A And some unspeakable practices involving the summoning of demons and the averting of the war that was already pressing upon him; for by these means he hoped to secure victory. Such, then, was the tyrant of Rome, and it is impossible to describe the magnitude of the evils with which he enslaved his subjects; so that they were reduced to such extreme scarcity and lack of necessary provisions as, according to the memory of the men of our age, had never before occurred in Rome.

CHAPTER XXXVII.

Stirred by grief and pity for all these things, Constantine armed himself with every military preparation against the tyranny. Having taken as his patron the Supreme God of all, and having invoked Christ, His Son, as his Savior and helper, and having placed the trophy of victory, the salutary sign, before his soldiers and guards, he advanced with his whole army, with the intention of restoring to the Romans the liberty they had received from their ancestors through his intervention. Moreover, since Maxentius, relying more on the deceits of magical arts than on the good will of his subjects, did not dare to venture even as far as the gates of the city, but had fortified every place, town, and region that he held oppressed under the yoke of slavery, in the vicinity of the city of Rome and of all Italy, with an innumerable multitude of armed men and armies disposed for ambush on all sides: the Emperor, relying on divine help, attacked the first, second, and third lines of the tyrant, and having routed and put them all to flight at the very first onset, he penetrated into the interior of Italy.

CHAPTER XXXVIII.

At length he approached nearer to the city of Rome itself. But in order that there might be no need to make war against all the Romans for the sake of one tyrant, God Himself, as if binding the tyrant with certain chains, drew him as far as possible outside the gates of the city; and at the same time He proved, by the very deed itself, that those ancient miracles performed against the impious, which are contained in the sacred ^C volumes and to which many attribute as little credence as they do to fables, though to the faithful they appear worthy of belief, were most true to all, both faithful and infidels, who beheld with their own eyes this miracle which we are about to narrate. For just as in the times of Moses and the religious people of the Hebrews, God cast the chariots and army of Pharaoh into the sea, and drowned his chosen riders and captains in the Red Sea, and covered them with the waves; ^D so plainly Maxentius, and whosoever soldiers and guards were about him, fell like a stone into the deepest abyss; this happened, of course, when the divine power, aiding the side of Constantine, put them to flight, and Maxentius, with the soldiers and guards around him, sank into the depths like a stone, when, giving his back to the power of God with Constantine, he crossed the river that lay before his march, which he himself had bridged with boats and had most carefully spanned, constructing a machine of destruction for his own ruin in the hope of catching the friend of God. But to the latter, his God was present as a helper; the former, who without God—

^A had set a pit for himself, fell into the snare of his own wretchedness. Wherefore it was well said: "He hath digged and opened a pit, and is fallen into the hole which he made. His labour shall return upon his own head, and his iniquity shall come down upon his own pate" (Ps. VII, 16, 17). Thus, by the nod of God, the mechanisms on the bridge and the hidden trap within them having been loosened—not at the time he expected—the crossing began to sink, and the vessels with all the men aboard suddenly plunged into the depths. And he himself, the wretch, first, and then his protectors and bodyguards around him, as the divine oracles once foretold, "sank as lead in the mighty waters" (Exod. XV, 10). So, justifiably, if not in words, yet in deeds, those who were with the great servant Moses—those who had received the victory from God—might have ^B celebrated and said concerning the events against the impious tyrant of old: "Let us sing unto the Lord, for he hath triumphed gloriously; the horse and his rider hath he thrown into the sea. He is become my helper and protector unto salvation." And again: "Who is like unto thee among the gods, O Lord? Who is like unto thee, glorious in holiness, fearful in praises, doing wonders?" (Exod. XV, 1, 2, 11).

CHAPTER XXXIX. Constantine’s entry into Rome.

These things, and whatever was akin to them, Constantine did, following the example of the great servant [Moses] at the proper time in praising the Prince of the universe and Author of victory by his very deeds, and he entered the imperial city in triumph. Every one of them—those from the Senate, those who were otherwise eminent and illustrious ^C among those there, and the entire Roman populace—as if released from prisons, received him with joyful countenances, whole souls, and with acclamations and insatiable joy; and men together with women and children and myriads of servants hailed him as their redeemer, savior, and benefactor with unrestrained cries. But he, possessing an innate piety toward God, was neither puffed up by these cries nor elated by the praises, but, recognizing the help that came from God, he immediately offered a prayer of thanksgiving to the Author of his victory.

CHAPTER XL. Concerning his statue holding a cross, and its inscription.

In a great inscription ^D and on stelae, the saving sign was proclaimed to all mankind, having erected this great trophy in the middle of the imperial city against the enemies, and clearly and indelibly it was demonstrated as a protective charm.

Straightway he ordered that a high spear in the shape of a cross ^A be placed beneath the hand of his own statue in a most frequented place in the city, and that an inscription to this effect be added in the Latin tongue: "By this salutary sign, which is the proof of true virtue, I have saved your city, liberated from the yoke of tyrannical domination, and I have restored the Senate and the people of Rome to their liberty and restored their ancient glory and splendor."

Chapter XLI. The exultation of the provinces and the largesse of Constantine.

^B The God-beloved emperor, in this manner displaying the confession of the victorious cross, preached the Son of God freely and openly to the Romans themselves. And all who inhabited the city, both the senate and the people, as if liberated from a bitter and tyrannical domination, seemed in a way to breathe again and to enjoy the rays of a purer light, and to be reborn into a new life. The nations also, all that are bounded by the western ocean, delivered from their former evils ^C celebrated feast days with all hilarity, proclaiming the victor Constantine, the friend of God, who had merited well of all, with continuous praises. All testified with one mouth and one voice that he had shone forth as a certain common good, given by the kindness of God to the human race. And the imperial letters were read everywhere, by which those who had been despoiled of their goods recovered their possession by the benefit of the prince, and those who had been unjustly relegated were restored to their homes. Those who had been vexed by tyrannical cruelty were also delivered from chains and every danger and fear.

Chapter XLII. Honors bestowed upon bishops and the construction of churches.

^D Furthermore, the emperor himself, having summoned the ministers of God, followed them with all obsequiousness and honor, treating them with kindness—not only in words but in reality—as men consecrated to the God whom he worshipped. Hence men were admitted to his table who, in their outward habit and dress, were contemptible; yet he did not judge them to be contemptible at all, because he did not look upon the external appearance of a man that is subject to the eyes, but rather upon the God whom they served.

^A And wherever he might travel, he would take them along with him, fully convinced that because of them, the God whom they worshipped would be propitious to him. Moreover, he provided from his own treasures an abundance of assistance to the churches of God, ^B in part by enlarging and raising the houses of prayer to a great height, and in part by adorning the sacred sanctuaries of the churches with very many offerings.

CHAPTER XLIII. Of Constantine’s beneficence toward the poor.

By distributing various sums of money to the needy, and furthermore by showing himself to be humane and liberal even to those from without who approached him, he provided for those miserable and discarded wretches who begged in the marketplace, not only with money and the food necessary for their sustenance, ^C but also he explicitly ordered clothing to be supplied to cover the nakedness of their bodies. To those who had once been noble and wealthy but had later fallen into extreme calamities through a change of fortune, he provided more generous subsidies for their life. Truly, with a royal spirit, he bestowed magnificent gifts upon such men: he donated lands to some and honored others with various dignities. And for those who had fallen into the miseries of orphanhood, he took care as a father; he also relieved the desolation of widows and fostered them through his own protection. ^D Furthermore, he himself gave maidens who had been deprived of their parents in marriage to wealthy men of his own acquaintance, and he did this after having first provided for the brides whatever they were required to bring to their husbands for the partnership of marriage.

Just as the sun rising above the earth liberally imparts the rays of its light to all, in the same way did Constantine, appearing from the royal houses at the same time as the sun was rising—as if rising in concert with that celestial luminary—shine upon all who approached him with the rays of his own benevolence. Nor was there anyone who ever approached him closely who did not carry away the fruit of some benefit, nor were those who expected to receive some help from him ever disappointed in their hope.

CHAPTER XLIV. How he took part in the synods of bishops.

Generally, he behaved in this way toward everyone. But because he felt a special care for the Church of God, when certain men in different provinces disagreed with one another, he—as if he were a common bishop constituted by God—convened synods of the ministers of God. And in the midst of their gathering, he did not [refuse to be present and to sit with them...]

but became a sharer among those who were episcopally supervised, dispensing the things of God's peace to all. He sat in the middle, as if he were one of many, having cast off his bodyguards and lancers and the whole race of his bodyguards, being clothed instead in the fear of God and surrounded by those of his faithful companions who were most well-disposed. Then, as many as he saw to be obedient to the better judgment, preparing themselves for a settled and like-minded manner of life, these he accepted most readily, showing himself to rejoice in the common unanimity of all; but those who were disobedient he turned away.

CHAPTER XLV. How he tolerated the senseless.

Furthermore, he even bore with some who had inveighed quite harshly against him with patience, exhorting them in a gentle and mild voice to think soberly, and not to foment sedition. Some of these, revering his admonitions, desisted from their stubbornness of mind. Others, who could by no remedy be recalled to a sound mind, he left to God, never once devising anything harsh against anyone. ^B For this reason, it is credible that those who stirred up sedition in the country of the Africans proceeded to such a peak of impropriety that they attempted certain reckless crimes; as it seems, a demon, pricked by envy at the abundance of present blessings and inciting the men to absurd deeds, hoped to stir up the emperor's anger against them. But envy accomplished nothing, since the emperor considered what was being done to be laughable, and declared that he recognized the impulse of the evil one. For he said that these deeds were not those of sound-minded men, but of those who were either utterly demented or goaded by the pricks of a most wicked demon, and that such men were worthy of pity rather than punishment. For so great is the benefit of ^C pity, in comparison to the madness of the senseless, or such is the overflowing humanity of sympathizing with them.

CHAPTER XLVI. Victory over the barbarians.

^A And the emperor indeed, in this manner, showing reverence in all his deeds to God, the inspector of all things, provided for His Churches with unshaken solicitude. God, in return, recompensing him, subjected nearly all the barbarian nations under his feet, so that he raised trophies everywhere over his enemies. He proclaimed him a victor among all mortals with illustrious fame; He rendered him formidable to his enemies and foes, though he was not such by nature, but rather the most mild, most gentle, and most human of all mortals.

CHAPTER XLVII. The death of Maximian and others whose plots Constantinus discovered through Divine revelation.

While these things were being carried out by him, another of those who had abdicated their power, while weaving a plot for his slaughter, being exposed, perished by a most disgraceful death. And this was the first whose images and statues—as one might expect of an impious and wicked man—and all other such monuments which are accustomed to be set up for the sake of honor, were cast down everywhere on earth. After him, others also, related by ties of blood, were exposed as they were secretly plotting against him, God obviously revealing the plans of all these men to His servant through visions. For He even deigned to manifest His presence to him frequently, appearing to him in the most marvelous divine form, and providing him with the foreknowledge of various future events. ^C Now, the miracles which occurred through the grace of God are truly beyond narration, nor is it possible to encompass in language as much as God Himself deigned to bestow upon His servant; fortified by which, he passed the remainder of his life most securely, rejoicing in the goodwill of his subjects, and rejoicing also in the fact that all those under his rule were living in cheer ^D and...

^A in extreme delight at the splendor of the churches of God; he was animated by incredible joy.

CHAPTER XLVIII.

Constantini decennalia.

CHAPTER XLIX.

How Licinius afflicted the East.

CAPUT L.

How Licinius plotted against Constantine.

he proceeded to other deceits, at one moment stretching out friendly right hands, at another pledging himself with oaths of agreement. Then, suddenly breaking his decrees, and again entreating through embassies, and again behaving shamelessly with falsehoods, in the end, he declared open war. In his madness of mind, he now prepared to marshal himself against God himself, whose worshipper he knew the emperor Constantine to be. ^A

CHAPTER LI. Licinius’s plots against the bishops, and the prohibition of synods.

For a start, he began to harass quietly those ministers of God under his rule who had never done any wrong committed against his authority from the beginning, hunting for malicious pretexts against them. Yet, as he could find no cause and had nothing with which to blame these men, he sent out a law commanding that bishops should in no way or manner communicate with one another, that it should not be permitted for any of them to visit a neighbor's church, and that they should not hold synods or councils and deliberations regarding what is beneficial. But this, in truth, was an excuse for the spite directed against us. For if they broke the law, they had to be subjected to punishment; or if they obeyed the mandate, they would be undermining the laws of the Church—for otherwise, it is impossible for major matters to be settled except through synods. And, moreover, the God-hated tyrant, having determined to act in opposition to the God-beloved ruler, ordered these things for ours. For while the one was gathering together the priests of God for the sake of peace and harmony, out of honor for the One ^B whom they served; the other, devising how to break what is good, attempted to shatter that harmonious concord. ^C

CHAPTER LII. Exiles and confiscations against the Christians.

Then, because he who is friend to God deemed it worthy that the servants of God should enter within the imperial houses, the God-hated tyrant, thinking the opposite, drove all the pious who were under him out of the imperial houses, especially those... [the text here continues with the missing final words of the page, where the Latin completes the thought:] ...who were most faithful to him. ^D

the imperial houses, especially those who were most faithful to him. ^A And those who had previously been honored by him with some rank or dignity, he ordered to serve others and to perform the duties of menials. And since he had seized the goods of all as if they were his own personal gain, he finally even threatened death to those who took upon themselves the saving name of the Christian religion. ^B Moreover, since he had poured himself into every kind of lust and lasciviousness, and was committing innumerable adulteries and other unspeakable acts of obscenity, he deemed that the virtue of modesty and continence could not possibly be practiced by men, judging the common nature of humanity most basely by the standard of his own sickness.

CHAPTER LIII.

The Edict of Licinius, that women should not assemble in church together with men.

For this reason, he brought in a second law, by which he ordered that men should not assemble in the church of God for the sake of prayer together with women, nor that the female sex should flock to the venerable schools of virtue for the sake of learning, and lastly, that bishops should not impart the precepts of divine religion to women, but that women chosen for this purpose should be appointed to teach the women. ^C Since these things were ridiculed by everyone, he devised another scheme for the destruction of the churches. For he ordered that the solemn assemblies of the people should be celebrated outside the gates in an open plain, asserting that the air outside the gates was far more suitable for the crowds than the houses of prayer situated within the city.

CHAPTER LIV.

How he discharged from the military those who refused to sacrifice: and forbade that those in prison be fed.

But when he saw that not even in this did they submit to him, he finally dropped all circumlocution and, with an uncovered head, as they say, he decreed that the soldiers who stood by the judges in the individual cities should be removed from the service of the provincial office unless they chose to sacrifice to the demons. ^D Consequently, the offices of the magistrates throughout the individual provinces were stripped of pious and religious men. But he himself who had enacted this law was also stripped, having deprived himself of the prayers of holy men. What is the need to mention the others, as those...

^A in what manner he had commanded that no one should humanely provide food to those wasting away in prisons, nor should anyone pity those perishing from hunger in bonds; that is to say, that no one at all should be a good man, nor should those who are drawn by nature itself to compassion for their neighbors perform any good act? This was indeed a law that was openly shameless and most brutal, surpassing in its savagery every cruelty of the age; to which this penalty was also attached, that those who showed pity should suffer the same fate as those who were objects of pity, and that those who performed acts of humanity should undergo the same punishments as the convicts.

CHAPTER LV. De iniquitate et avaritia Licinii.

Chapter LVI.

How he finally incited a persecution against the Christians.

^A He had seen with his own eyes the leader of the evils, whoever he may have been, struck by a divinely inflicted scourge.

CHAPTER LVII

For since he had been the one who began the siege of the Churches, and was the first to defile his own soul with the blood of righteous and God-fearing men, divine vengeance overtook him, beginning from his very flesh and proceeding to his soul. For suddenly an abscess formed in the midst of the hidden parts of his body; then a deep, fistulous ulcer developed, and a gnawing decay, incurable from both, began to consume his inmost vitals. From these poured forth an incredible multitude of worms, breathing out a deathly stench; for his whole body's bulk, which because of excessive intake of food had turned into vast fat, had now, by the rotting that took place at that time, been dissolved, and is said to have offered a horrible and intolerable spectacle to those standing by. Thus crushed by such evils, he at length began to understand what crimes he had dared to commit against the Church. Then, confessing his error to God, he stopped the persecution of the Christians, and by royal edicts and laws he hastened the rebuilding of their churches, and ordered that they perform their accustomed rites and offer prayers to God on his behalf. ^B

CHAPTER LVIII

But even though he who had initiated the persecution paid such a penalty, the one of whom we now speak, Licinius—who had been a witness and spectator of these things and had learned everything accurately by experience itself—suddenly forgot it all. Neither did he bring to mind the punishment inflicted upon his predecessor, nor the penalties which divine justice had exacted from the other who followed him. Indeed, as if ambitiously contending to surpass that former man in a sort of contest of wickedness, he prided himself on inventing new torments against us. For neither fire nor sword, nor the piercing of nails, nor the mangling of wild beasts, nor the depths of the sea were enough for him. ^C But beyond all these, he himself devised a new kind of punishment: he ordained by law that the members through which we perceive the use of light be mutilated. Consequently, crowded throngs of not only men, but even women and children, were handed over to the mines to be afflicted—their right eyes having been gouged out and the joints of their feet destroyed by iron and cauterizing irons. On account of these things, the justice of God did not delay in overtaking him too, when the demon^D

^B (whom he deemed a god) was his trust, and he, relying on an innumerable multitude of armed men, joined battle. For then, stripped of all hope of divine assistance, he cast off the imperial garb that was in no way fitting for him; then, mingling with the common crowd, he sought safety for himself in fear and quite cowardly flight, and hiding himself through fields and villages, he imagined that he could lie concealed under the guise of an attendant. But he could not escape that great eye of Providence that surveys all things. For when he deemed his safety to be already secured, he was struck by the burning shaft of God and fell prone to the earth, and his whole body was so consumed by the divinely inflicted wound that the entire appearance of his former shape was destroyed, and only his dried, skeletal bones remained, like some kind of phantom.

Chapter LIX

How, blinded by disease, Maximinus enacted a law for the Christians.

Furthermore, as the plague from God raged more fiercely, at last his eyes started from their sockets and, torn from their proper seat, left him blind; he suffered most justly the very torments which he had first devised against the martyrs of God. Yet even after this, while he still breathed, he himself also begged for pardon from the God of the Christians, openly confessing that he had waged war against the Divinity. And, in no other way than the former one, he sang a recantation, with laws and ordinances published in which he ingenuously confessed his error in worshipping those whom he had supposed to be gods, and testified that he had learned by experience to acknowledge only the one God of the Christians. Though Licinius had learned these things not by the report of others, but had perceived them by the facts themselves, nevertheless, as if a thick darkness had been spread over his mind, he set out to do the same things that those men had done.

The Chapters of the Second Book.

α. The surreptitious persecution of Licinius, putting bishops to death in Amaseia of Pontus. β. The demolition of churches, and the butchery of bishops. γ. How Constantine was moved on behalf of the Christians who were about to be persecuted. δ. That Constantine prepared himself with prayers, while Licinius went to war with divinations. ε. What Licinius said about the idols and Christ while sacrificing in the grove. ς. Of the passing by of Constantine’s armies. ζ. That in wars, wherever the sign of the cross was present, there the outcome of victory occurred. η. That fifty were chosen to carry the cross. θ. But he who remained in faith was saved. ι. Various encounters, and the victories of Constantine. ια. The flight of Licinius and his sorceries. ιβ. How Constantine won while praying in his tent. ιγ. Benevolence towards the soldiers who were captured. ιδ. Further concerning the prayers in the tent. ιε. The deceit of Licinius concerning peace, and his idolatry. ις. How Licinius advised his soldiers not to fight against the cross. ιζ. The victory of Constantine. ιη. The death of Licinius, and the celebrations concerning this. ιθ. Festivities and public holidays. κ. How Constantine legislated on behalf of the confessors. κα. How he also legislated concerning the martyrs and ecclesiastical property. κβ. How he also won back the peoples. κγ. That he proclaimed God as the cause of good things, and concerning the copies of the laws. κδ. The law of Constantine concerning piety toward God and Christianity. κε. A model from ancient times.

^A κς'. Concerning those who were persecuted and the persecutors. κζ'. How the persecution became the cause of evils to those who waged war. κη'. That God chose Constantine as a minister of good things. κθ'. Pious utterances of Constantine towards God, and praise of the confessors. λ'. A law canceling exile, confiscation of property, and fining. λα'. ^A Regarding those in the islands and in the mines, and those who were publicly disgraced. λβ'. Regarding confessors who served as soldiers. λγ'. The release of those who were given over to gynaecea (women’s labor-houses) or into slavery, being free men. λδ'. Regarding the inheritance of the estates of the martyrs and confessors, and of those who had been displaced or those whose property had been confiscated to the treasury. λε'. That for those who have no relatives, the Church is to be their heir, and that things gifted by them are to remain secure. λς'. To return to those in possession such lands, gardens, and houses, excluding what they had consumed. λζ'. In what manner one ought to submit petitions concerning these matters. λη'. To restore to the churches the public properties, lands, gardens, and houses. λθ'. To restore the martyr-shrines and cemeteries to the churches. μ'. That those who purchased church property, or received it by way of gift, must restore it. μα'. ^B An earnest exhortation to worship God. μβ'. How what was legislated by Constantine was accomplished through deeds. μγ'. That he appointed Christians as governors; and if they were Hellenes, he forbade them from sacrificing. μδ'. Regarding laws forbidding sacrifices and ordering churches to be built. με'. Constantine’s letter to Eusebius and the other bishops concerning the building of churches, and that they should repair the old ones and build larger ones through the governors. μς'. That he wrote against idolatry. μζ'. Constantine’s decree to the provinces concerning the error of polytheism, and an introduction concerning virtue and vice. μη'. Concerning the father of the God-loving Constantine, and ^C concerning Diocletian and Maximian, those who were persecutors. μθ'. That the persecution was stirred up because of Apollo’s oracle, as he was unable to deliver oracles on account of the righteous. ν'. That Constantine, while still young, heard that the righteous were Christians from the one who wrote concerning the persecution. να'. How many kinds of tortures and punishments were dared against the Christians. νβ'. That they received Christians. νγ'. What things were permitted to those who were persecutors because of the oracle. νδ'. Doxology of Constantine to God, and confession concerning the sign of the cross, and prayer concerning the Churches and peoples. νε'. That he prays that all may be Christians, but does not force them. νς'. ^D Doxology to God, who through the Son enlightened those who were led astray. νζ'. Doxology again from the liturgy of the world. νη'. Doxology to God, who always teaches what is good. νθ'. Exhortations at the conclusion of the decree, that no one should harass another. ξ'. How questions began to be stirred up from the Alexandrians regarding the matters of Arius. ξα'. Regarding the same and regarding the Meletians. ξβ'. How Constantine, having sent for the sake of peace, wrote. ξγ'. Constantine’s letter to Alexander the bishop and Arius the presbyter. ξδ'. That he concerned himself with peace as was his custom. ξε'. That he also corrected the questions in Africa. ξς'. That the matters of piety began from the East. ξζ'. That being saddened by the faction, he advised about peace. ξη'. Whence the questioning of Alexander and Arius began; and that it was not necessary to argue about these things. ξθ'. Not to contend for the sake of small words regarding the same. ο'. That out of reverence he was compelled to weep from immense grief, and being about to rush into the East, he was delayed by these things. οα'. That even after this letter the trouble of the questions persisted.

441 CAPITULA OF THE SECOND BOOK

I. The secret persecution of Licinius, and the slaughter of the bishops at Amasia, a city of Pontus. II. The church was pulled down, and the bishops were slaughtered. III. How Constantine was moved on behalf of the Christians whom Licinius was preparing to persecute. IV. That Constantine prepared himself for war with prayers, but Licinius with divinations. V. What Licinius said about the idols and about Christ, while he was sacrificing in a grove. VI. Apparitions seen in the cities that obeyed Licinius, of Constantine’s soldiers pursuing the soldiers of Licinius. VII. Wherever in the battles the sign of the cross was present, victory was obtained. VIII. That fifty men were chosen to carry the cross. IX. That of those who bore the cross, he who fled was killed; but he who remained faithful escaped unharmed. X. Various battles and the victories of Constantine. XI. The flight and magic arts of Licinius. XII. How Constantine, praying in the tabernacle, obtained victory. XIII. Constantine’s kindness toward captured soldiers. XIV. Again concerning prayer in the tabernacle. XV. The feigned friendship of Licinius, and the worship of idols. XVI. How Licinius commanded the soldiers not to make an assault against the sign of the cross. XVII. Constantine’s victory. XVIII. The slaughter of Licinius, and the triumphs celebrated regarding him. XIX. Public joy and festivity. XX. How Constantine enacted laws on behalf of the confessors. XXI. How he also enacted laws on behalf of the martyrs and for the estates of the churches. XXII. How he also refreshed the peoples. XXIII. That he proclaimed God as the author of good things, and concerning His laws. XXIV. Constantine’s law concerning piety towards God and the Christian religion. XXV. An example from ancient times. XXVI. Concerning those who suffered persecution, and concerning the persecutors. XXVII. That persecution was the cause of evils to those who waged war.

XXVIII. That God chose Constantine as a minister of good things. XXIX. The pious words of Constantine towards God, and the praise of the confessors. XXX. A law releasing those in exile and from the curia, and remitting the proscription of property. XXXI. Likewise, those who had been relegated to islands. XXXII. Likewise, those who had been ignominiously condemned to the mines and public works. XXXIII. On the confessors who had served as soldiers. XXXIV. On the liberation of those who had been given over to the women’s quarters or into slavery. XXXV. On the succession of the property of martyrs and confessors, and of those who had been relegated, and whose property had been taken into the treasury. XXXVI. That if there were no relatives, the Church should receive the inheritance, and that legacies should remain firm. XXXVII. That those who had seized such places, houses, and gardens should restore them, excluding the fruits. ^B XXXVIII. How petitions were to be presented regarding these matters. XXXIX. That the treasury should restore lands, houses, and gardens to the churches. XL. That martyrdoms and cemeteries should be returned to the churches. XLI. That those who had bought or received as a gift the property of the Church should restore them. XLII. Diligent exhortation to worship God. XLIII. How Constantine confirmed by his very deeds that which he had ordained by laws. XLIV. How he promoted Christians to govern provinces, and forbade pagans to sacrifice. XLV. Concerning the laws by which sacrifices were forbidden, while churches were commanded to be built. XLVI. Constantine's epistle to Eusebius and other bishops regarding the building of churches through the agency of the governors, and that the old ones should be repaired and larger ones constructed. XLVII. That he wrote against the worship of idols. XLVIII. Constantine's edict to the provincials regarding the false worship of many gods. Exordium on virtue and vice. XLIX. On the pious and God-loving father of Constantine, and on the persecutors Diocletian and Maximian. L. That the oracle of Apollo, no longer able to give responses on account of the righteous men, became the cause of the persecution. ^C LI. How Constantine, while still a young man, heard that Christians were righteous. LII. How many types of torments and punishments were devised against the Christians. LIII. How the barbarians received the Christians. LIV. How those who had instigated the persecution on account of an oracle were punished by divine vengeance. LV. Constantine attributes glory to God, confesses the sign of the cross, and prays for the Church. LVI. How he desired all to be Christians, yet compelled no one. LVII. He attributes glory to God, who illuminated those who were wandering through His Son. LVIII. Again he attributes glory to God from the ministry of the whole world. LIX. He praises God, who always teaches what is good and honest. LX. Exhortation at the end of the edict that no one should cause annoyance to another. LXI. How questions were stirred up in the city of Alexandria on account of Arius. LXII. On Arius and the Meletians. LXIII. How he sent a legate with letters to compose the peace. LXIV. Constantine's epistle to Alexander the bishop and Arius the presbyter. LXV. That he was constantly concerned for peace. LXVI. How he suppressed the questions stirred up in Africa. LXVII. That religion began from the regions of the East. LXVIII. How, bearing the sedition with uneasiness, he urged peace. LXIX. Whence the controversy between Arius and Alexander arose, and that such things ought not to have been investigated. LXX. Exhortation to concord. LXXI. That one ought not to have struggled obstinately over certain slight words. LXXII. How, affected by sorrow, out of piety he shed tears; and the journey he was about to make to the East, he repressed on account of this cause. LXXIII. That even after these letters of the emperor, the contention persisted.

THE WORKS OF EUSEBIUS PAMPHILI REGARDING THE LIFE OF THE BLESSED CONSTANTINE THE EMPEROR: BOOK II

EUSEBIUS PAMPHILI DE VITA BEATISSIMI IMPERATORIS CONSTANTINI BOOK SECOND

CHAPTER I

^A perish from their impiety, he emulated their zeal for his own destruction; he rekindled the persecution against the Christians like a flame long since quenched, kindling a fire of impiety even more grievous than the former ones. And indeed, like some terrible beast or a crooked serpent coiling upon itself, breathing rage and god-opposing threats, he did not yet dare to war openly against the Churches of God because of his fear of Constantine. But hiding the venom of his wickedness, he prepared secret and partial traps against the bishops; and through the plots of the governors of the provinces, he killed the most approved of them; and the manner of their slaughter was strange, such as had never before been known. These things, then, ^B done in the neighborhood of Amasia in Pontus, surpassed every excess of cruelty.

CHAPTER II. The destruction of churches and the slaughter of bishops.

In this city, the churches of God, after that first assault, were for a second time razed to the ground; others were closed by the governors of the provinces, so that none of those who were accustomed to attend them might gather there, nor render to God the prescribed acts of worship ^C. For he who ordered such things did not believe that these prayers were being offered on his own behalf, being led to this opinion by his own evil conscience. Rather, he was persuaded that we were doing everything on behalf of Constantine and suppliant to the Divine Power. But his governors, being sycophants and flatterers, believing that they were doing something pleasing to the Emperor, subjected the most approved leaders of the churches to capital punishment. And so, men who had committed no evil were led away without any cause and punished just like murderers. Some suffered a certain new kind of death, their bodies being hewn into many pieces and, after this cruel spectacle, more horrible than any tragic fiction, they were cast into the depths of the sea to be food for fish. ^D Thereupon, the worshippers of God again began to take to flight; once more the fields and once more the deserts received the servants of God. And since these things were succeeding in this way for the tyrant, he thereafter inclined his mind to stir up the persecution against all Christians. And without doubt he would have attained his wish, nor would anything have hindered him from bringing the matter to its end, had not the Defender of his servants, God, as in darkness and the gloomiest night, sent forth a great light.

and, anticipating what was to come with the utmost swiftness, ^A shown forth his servant Constantine as a brilliant ray of light, and brought him into these parts as if leading him by the hand.

CHAPTER III

How Constantine was moved on behalf of the Christians whom Licinius was preparing to persecute.

When he heard news of this kind, he understood that he must no longer dissimulate; he summoned the strength of his sober mind and, combining severity of character with his innate clemency, made haste to carry aid to those who were being oppressed. He judged it to be a pious and holy deed that, by removing one man from the midst, almost the entire human race might be preserved. For thus he reasoned with himself: if he were to exercise supreme clemency and show mercy to a man unworthy of any pity, it would profit that man nothing, since he would in no way depart from his depraved morals and customs, but would rather direct his rage against his subjects, while for the oppressed, ^B no further hope of salvation would remain. When the emperor had reflected upon these things, he resolved to stretch out a saving right hand without any delay to those who had fallen into extreme calamities. And so, indeed, he made the customary preparations for military equipment, and a whole phalanx of infantry and cavalry was gathered for him. But over all of them marched the emblems of his good hope in God, by means of the aforementioned sign.

CHAPTER IV

That Constantine prepared himself for war with prayers, but Licinius with divinations.

Knowing well that he had need of prayers then, if ever before, he brought with him the priests of God, intending that they should be with him and stay by his side at all times, ^C esteeming them to be, as it were, good guardians of the soul. Hence, when the tyrant had heard that Constantine did not obtain his victories over his enemies otherwise than by the cooperation of God, and that those whom I have mentioned were always with him and stayed by his side, and that the sign of the salutary passion marked the way before both him and his entire army, he regarded these things as worthy of laughter, mocking him all the while and attacking him with contemptuous words. But he himself gathered to his side the diviners and soothsayers of the Egyptians, sorcerers and witch-doctors, and the sacrificers and prophets of the gods whom he worshipped. And then, appeasing with sacrifices those whom he imagined to be gods, he would inquire of them what the outcome of the war would be.