Byzantine History of Michael Ducas, Nephew of Ducas

he had, having occupied the town of Mytilene by treachery, he subdued it. At that time, as these things indicate, he survived the Duke, which he reports at the end of his History: In the year 6971, having equipped a fleet of sixty-seven triremes, in the month of September, he moves against the island of Lesbos [the Turkish tyrant]: and he approaches by a land march, having brought forces with him. He demands that the island be surrendered to him by Nicholas Gateluzo, who then ruled over it. This man was the brother of his predecessor Dominic, whom he had strangled with a noose after stripping him of his rule, and it was the fourth year since the rule had been seized. He wrote a Byzantine History, which embraces the final affairs of the Constantinopolitan empire. He begins it—having preceded it with a summary of the years from the creation of the world to the death of the emperor Andronicus Palaeologus the younger, in the year of Christ 1341—with the affairs of John Cantacuzenus, who, having been appointed tutor of John Palaeologus by the father Andronicus Palaeologus, himself acquired the empire which he was administering, that is, from the year of Christ 1341: he terminates it at the island of Lesbos, which at that time had Dominic Gateluzo as prince, when it was conquered by the Turks, that is, in the year of Christ 1462. It was published in Greek and Latin, translated by Ismael Bullialdus, with his own notes, at Paris from the Royal press, by Sebastian Cramoisy, 1649.

BYZANTINE HISTORY OF DUCAS, NEPHEW OF MICHAEL DUCAS, EMBRACING THE DEEDS PERFORMED IN THE EMPIRE OF THE GREEKS FROM JOHN PALAEOLOGUS I TO MEHEMET II. TO WHICH IS ADDED A BRIEF CHRONICLE, IN WHICH SOME DEEDS OF THE GREEKS, VENETIANS, AND TURKS ARE CONTAINED. Published for the first time from the Royal Library, illustrated with a Latin version and notes by the study and labor of Ismael Bullialdus. (Paris, from the Royal Press, 1649).

DEDICATORY EPISTLE OF ISMAEL BULLIALDUS. To the most eminent and most illustrious Julius, Cardinal of the Holy Roman Church, Mazarin, Ismael Bullialdus.

To you, most eminent Cardinal, I bring this historical work of Ducas, and whatever fate I have had in editing it: to you, a friend of the Muses and their initiates, so that this tender and weak volume may flourish more happily and gain an increase of strength, by which it might be able to repel the injuries and slanders of the envious. I have indeed been able to choose no other safer or more noble patronage: and the book seems to me to have genius now, and to be destined to live, because it has entrusted itself to your protection, and you, most eminent Cardinal, have admitted it. Since it bears your most celebrated name inscribed upon its front, like an ornament conspicuous for its dignity and splendor: and because it is to be numbered among the other books with which you adorn your most superb and magnificent library, that workshop of all arts and sciences, which you call a 'hospital for the soul', I hope that great honor will come to it thence. The name of the author, whose ancestors formerly reigned in Byzantium, will be vindicated from oblivion; inscribed in that library, which embraces all things with its amplitude, and for the perpetuity of whose fame you have provided for all time. Thus it truly is, most eminent Cardinal, your name will be carried through the mouths of men for as long as the human race inhabits the earth. That this is the true and stable praise, neither fictitious nor fleeting, the most well-known fame of Ptolemy Philadelphus, King of Egypt, asserts and proves after two thousand years: which not royal regalia, scepter or diadem, nor the renown of deeds done in war, transmitted illustrious to our own times, but a library instructed with many myriads of books by royal cultivation and expense. You are said

others, who can worthily proclaim your other virtues: stunned and full of wonder, I contemplate them, and at the same time I am sad, because facility and eloquence fail me, with which I might extol them with the praises they deserve. Continue what you are doing, most eminent Cardinal, to favor the wishes and leisure of men of letters, and to cherish their studies with your kindness. Farewell.

TO THE READER

Kind Reader, for the structure of this royal and magnificent work, I have had to bring together, as best I could, materials from the Royal Library that were not to be transferred by any other theft. Truly, I hope that my having labored in some way to bring Byzantine history, scattered here and there and lying as if among ruins, into the mass of a proud edifice, and having inscribed my name upon a small part of it, will bring some praise to us. For Sostratus of Cnidus, the architect who built the Pharos of Alexandria for Ptolemy, provided for the perpetuity of his name and fame by inscribing it upon the structure with the King’s permission. I offer, therefore, this work transcribed from a manuscript codex of the Royal Library, one not indeed adorned or polished with elegance of style: I would rather call it barbaric, unpolished, and crude, yet excellent in the moment and gravity of its subject matter, and pleasing for its prudent narration of these things. The barbarism of the style is to be attributed to the unhappy age in which Greece, worn down by continuous miseries and disasters and oppressed by the tyranny of the Turks, was breathing its last; it had so permeated that entire nation that it allowed but very few to clothe themselves in that ancient charm and grace of language. Our author, therefore, who devoted his efforts to conducting affairs and managing business rather than to reading books, uses not only barbaric terms (which even the more refined authors of earlier centuries who strove for polish of language did) but also disturbs and confuses the Greek words with absurd syntax or solecisms. Yet, among those brambles and thorns, a flower of not unlearned intellect unfolds itself: for he had read the holy books and other historical writers, so that he seems to me to have been well-versed in the ancient Greek language, yet destitute of the use and skill of writing it. I have therefore chosen not to act as a critic, nor to pick a quarrel regarding his words, since he, having deserted the forum of grammar, transferred himself to a foreign and strange one. It seemed sufficient for me to grasp the meaning of his words and, as best I could, with good faith and diligence to translate them into the Latin tongue, for the favor of those who either are entirely ignorant of the Greek language or have learned it imperfectly.

Having undertaken to describe the affairs of the Byzantine empire hastening to its ruin, and the times of the last Christian emperors, he reveals himself to be experienced in the usage of affairs and instructed in political wisdom, while he seeks and investigates the causes and principles of those things which happened and brought the final destruction upon Greek affairs. For it was his purpose to narrate the deeds performed under the auspices of the three most recent emperors and to commit to writing the destruction of the city and the empire. Wherefore, not only was it necessary for him to make mention everywhere of the Turks who conquered it, but the narration had to be repeated from many years already passed, and the civil wars and domestic discord of John Cantacuzenus and John Palaeologus had to be recalled to memory: these occurrences first gave the Turks the opportunity to cross into Europe, when, with ill-omened and sad counsel, the infatuated Greeks summoned the Turks into Europe, and proved to be the authors of the total destruction of themselves and other Christian nations. He then pursues the affairs of Manuel Palaeologus and his sons, John and Constantine, up to the capture of the city. As far as the state of the Turks is concerned, he indicates in a few words how it was in Asia under Andronicus the Elder, and with a suspended step traverses the series of Ottoman princes down to Bajazet the First, and discusses briefly Othman, Orchan, and Morad the First. He narrates the deeds of Bajazet, as much against the Turkish princelings and Temyres (whom the common people call Tamerlane) as against the Christian princes, at greater length. He explains the slaughter and mutual killings of the children of Bajazet, namely Isa, Musulman, Moses, Mustapha, and Mehemet. He describes the varied fortune, the fraudulent and crafty character, of Cineites, who had at one time arrogated the empire of Ionia to himself, and his changing allegiance to one side or the other, and finally his downfall and ruin. Finally, he narrates the principal deeds of Morad the Second and likewise Mehemet the Second, both against the Turks and Christians in Asia, and in Europe against the Greeks, Hungarians, Venetians, Serbians, Wallachians, Genoese, and the college of the Knights of Rhodes. He notes all the moments by which the Byzantine empire, having been repeatedly weakened by the Turks, was at length taken away from the Christians. The arts and keen cares of the Ottoman princes (by whom the opportunity for extending the boundaries of the empire was hardly ever neglected or omitted) ^A

and his constant labor in subduing nations, he indicates. Nor did he omit those things which pertain to our Christian religion as much as to the Muslim faith. He has briefly compiled the history of the Council of Florence, celebrated by Pope Eugenius, at which the Emperor John Palæologus, Joseph the Patriarch of Constantinople, and the other Greeks were present. He did not leave untouched the new sect among the Turks which, introduced by a certain Bercligia Mustapha, was immediately destroyed. He had proposed to himself to bring his history only to the capture of Constantinople by the Turks; but, led by the hope of the future overturning of the Turkish power, and believing that the Greek race would be restored to its state of former splendor, he extended his narrative beyond the year of the city's capture. I consider this author to be much superior to Laonicus and Phranzes for the reason that he investigates the beginnings and causes of events more diligently, and interrupts the thread of his narrative less often. For Laonicus, while he often sets up a confused narrative about the affairs of the Turks, digresses for the most part, and ineptly, to describe the policies of Western kingdoms. Phranzes, moreover, has inserted many things into his work that are beside the point and of no importance; nor does he narrate events accurately and diligently, except for the siege of Constantinople, which he correctly undertakes and pursues. Our author is in substantial agreement with the annals and history of the Turks published by Leunclavius, a man of very keen judgment, for which reason he seems to me worthy of being held in high regard. In those matters which pertain to the two Johns, Cantacuzenus and Palæologus, he does not differ much from Cantacuzenus himself, although he is discovered to have disturbed the series of events in some places. Nor should the consensus which exists between him and Leonard of Chios in describing the siege and capture of Constantinople be passed over in silence. This very harmony of different authors secures the credibility of the history and provides the means of discerning what is true and what is false. Furthermore, in Hungarian affairs, he reveals himself to be unskilled, and was ignorant of the state of that kingdom after the death of the Emperor Sigismund.

Regarding the name and family of this author of the History which we have in hand, very few things can be stated. And had he not stated the name of his paternal grandfather in chapter 5, the book would have been published anonymously. But since he declares that he is descended from those ancient Ducases who reigned in Constantinople, and calls Michael Ducas his grandfather, we have prefixed his own personal and family name—repeated for the purpose of titling the History—so that the author's own name, unknown to us, might be determined by such a circumstance. He approves of himself everywhere as most tenacious of Christian piety and most studious of the communion of the Catholic Church. He reproaches the Greeks for their fickleness and bad faith, those who had entered into concord with the Roman Church feignedly and hypocritically, and had composed peace with no other intent than to obtain aid against the Turks from Western princes, especially the Pope. We can learn what his course of life was from the man himself, who relates that he was occupied with political affairs and conducting business. He spent part of his life among the Gattilusi, the princes of Lesbos, where he flourished in faith and favor, and was sent by them as an ambassador to Sultan Mehmed II after the city was captured. He was an eyewitness to certain things which he narrates, and since he labored for these Lesbian princes, he was able to know more accurately the events in Asia, in which it is likely he was born, or in Lesbos. And so much for Ducas and his method of writing.

What we ourselves have done in editing this book must next be set forth. We have used a single codex from the Royal Library; the end of the work is missing in it, nor is its writing clean and corrected, but corrupted by the vice of modern pronunciation, namely, the confusion of the *tenuis* with the diphthong *ai*, and also by continuous iotacism, so that often one vowel is substituted for another, a diphthong for a vowel, and vice versa. Its text is continuous, not distinguished by sections or chapters, to which marginal notes and indices have been added in certain places. In order to render the reading easier, it seemed best to divide the text into chapters, and to add to the margins notes indexing those things which are narrated in the text. And since the epochs during which events took place are altogether necessary so that the narrative may turn out clear and distinct, we have added these, excerpted both from Islamic history and from other Greek and Latin sources. We have also inscribed the years of the Hegira, where necessary, and years from the creation of the world according to the Greeks, with the years of the Christian era added. We have chosen to call it the Byzantine History, since Ducas describes the events that happened in that empire under the emperors Manuel, John, and Constantine. We have placed notes under the book, so that we might indicate the consensus or dissent of Ducas's narrative with Laonicus, Phranzes, Leunclavius, and others, or to annotate other things worth noting. We have prevented them from growing too long, and have kept them as concise as, according to our ability, was possible. It seemed relevant to add the brief chronicle of Ducas's History, described from the Royal Library, because it notes the events and certain remarkable incidents of the Greeks, Turks, and Venetians. Some Greek, a Peloponnesian, Cephalonian, or Zacynthian, a subject of the Venetian dominion, wrote it.

DUKE MICHAEL DUKE’S NEPHEW BYZANTINE HISTORY A.D. 1341–1462

CHAPTER ONE. A brief account of the generations from Adam to the Nativity of Christ. Enumeration of the years elapsed from Christ to the beginning of the reign of Constantine. From Constantine to Justinian, from Justinian to Constantine and Irene. From these to Alexius Comnenus. Thereafter, a brief enumeration of the Emperors of Constantinople until the capture of the city by the Latins.

^A Numbers of the years from the first man to our generation.

From Adam, the first man, to Noah, in whose age the flood occurred, ten generations took place. The first is Adam himself, created by God. After 200 years, the second is that of Seth, born to Adam. After Seth, 205 years, the third is that of Enos, from Seth. After Enos, 117 years, the fourth is that of Cainan, from Enos. After Cainan, 170 years, the fifth is that of Maleleel, from Cainan. After Maleleel, 165 years, the sixth is that of Jared, from Maleleel. After Jared, 162 years, the seventh is that of Enoch, from Jared. After Enoch, 165 years, the eighth is that of Mathusala, ^B from Enoch. After Mathusala, 167 years, the ninth is that of Lamech, from Mathusala. After Lamech, 188 years, the tenth is that of Noah. Noah was 600 years old when the great flood took place upon the earth. So that the years counted from Adam to the flood are 2,242. Likewise, from the flood to Abraham, ten generations passed, totaling 1,121 years. Abraham was 75 years old when he migrated to the land of Canaan from Mesopotamia, and having lived there for 25 years he begat Isaac; and Isaac begat two sons,

Notes of Ismael Bullialdus.

(1) At the beginning of this work, the author’s intention was to present a synopsis of the years elapsed from the origin and creation of the world according to the calculation of the Eastern Church, which counts 5,508 complete years from the beginning of the world to the first year of the common Christian era, starting from the September preceding the Kalends of January of the first year. None of those who are somewhat versed in chronology are unaware that the Greeks begin their year from that term of the Kalends of September: so that Christ is said to have been born in the year 5509, whether in the autumn or at the beginning of winter, when the Theotokos gave birth to Him. All also know that the Seventy—the interpreters of the Old Testament, so named and believed—calculated more years from the world’s beginning to Abraham in their version than are found in the Hebrew text. It is difficult to ascertain the reason why this happened. To be sure, the Hebrew text shows only 1,655 years from Adam to the flood, while in the meantime the LXX interpreters count 2,242. ^C In the words of this chapter, the text is correct: even if from the numbers of the generations explained, 2,249 are gathered. From the flood to Abraham, the Hebrew text counts 292 years, but the interpreters count 1,178; this author of ours counts 1,121. There is no space here to speak of this disagreement in calculation; nor is it our intent to investigate and scrutinize whether the Hebrew text, which they used, differed from that which is circulated and approved by all. Or whether those men, who were subjecting sacred history to the eyes and judgment of the Gentiles—especially the Egyptians and Greeks—were moved by some reasoning to intercalate several years from the creation of the world to the flood, and thence to Abraham, in order to decline the importunate objections of the nations who were blinded by idolatry.

^A Isaac. Now Isaac begat two sons, Esau and Jacob. Then Jacob, when he had lived one hundred and thirty years, went down into Egypt together with his twelve sons and his grandchildren, who were seventy-five in number. Abraham dwelt with his seed in the land of Canaan for a space of four hundred and thirty-three years, and having multiplied, they were reckoned as twelve tribes; and the multitude of the descendants of the twelve sons of Jacob was numbered at six thousand thousands. And these are their names: Ruben, Simeon, Levi, Juda, Issachar, Zabulon, Nephthalim, Gad, Aser, Dan, Joseph, and Benjamin. Moses and Aaron derived their lineage from Levi; the latter first served in the priesthood, while Moses applied himself to the administration of the state. In the eightieth year of his life, he trod the Erythraean Sea and brought the people out of Egypt. This Moses flourished in the times of Inachus, who first reigned among the Greeks; thus the Jews are more ancient than the Greeks. Having spent forty years in the desert, and having been ruled by Joshua, son of Nave, for twenty-five years, and by the Judges for four hundred and fifty-four ^B years until the kingdom of Saul, who was the first king established among them—in whose first year of his reign the great David was born. So that from Abraham to David there are gathered fourteen generations, comprising one thousand and twenty-four years. And from David to the deportation to Babylon there are likewise fourteen generations, covering six hundred and nine years; and from the deportation to Babylon to Christ there are counted fourteen generations, covering five hundred and four years. In total, following the sequence of years, we have calculated from the first Adam to Christ five thousand five hundred years. And from the Incarnation to the great Constantine there are two hundred and eighteen years. From the Incarnation. ^C And in the time of the great Constantine, he went away into the church of the Holy Apostles, wherein also his holy sarcophagus is laid. In the eleventh year took place the dedication of the Great Church, and the procession went out from the Holy Resurrection together with the patriarch and the emperor, with the people. And from the day of its burning until the dedication, five years, eleven months, and ten days passed; for in the two hundred and eighteenth year from the creation of the world, in the fifteenth indiction, on the twenty-third day of the month of February, at the first hour of the day, Justinian began to restore the Great Church.

^A From man Adam to Christ ^B there are counted more than five thousand five hundred years. From the Incarnation, however, up to Constantine the Great, 318 years are counted; from the reign of Constantine the Great to the Emperor Justinian, two hundred and ten years, in whose reign and at whose expense the great temple was built and dedicated to the name of the holy Sophia of God [that is, Wisdom]. From the reign of Justinian to the reign of Constantine and Irene his mother, two hundred and sixty years have elapsed; from Irene to Alexius Comnenus, two hundred and ninety-five years have passed. Alexius held the empire for 37 years, 4 months, and a half. Joannes his son, 24 years and 8 months. Manuel the son of Joannes, 37 years and 9 months. Alexius the son of Manuel, and Andronicus who killed Alexius, reigned for 3 years, so that all the years of the dynasty of the Comneni total one hundred and one years, with nine months. After Andronicus, however, Isacius Angelus held the empire for 9 years and 8 months. Alexius the Angelus, brother of Isacius, for 9 years. Ducas the Mourtzouphlos, for 2 months. ^C So that from the creation of the world up to the reign of Ducas, in which Constantinople was captured by the Latins (7), [the time is as stated].

Notes of Ismael Bullialdus

In this place of Cedrenus, a scribe's error occurs in the years of the world enumerated here: Justinian began in the year of Christ 527, of the world 6035, on the Kalends of April. In his fifth year, that is 531 of Christ, and 6039 or 6040 of the world, the sedition at Constantinople arose. In the month of February, the rebuilding of the Basilica of St. Sophia was begun; and in his eleventh year it was consecrated, that is, in the year of Christ 537; from the Kalends of April to the same day of the year 538, and to say what I think, in the year of the world 6040 in the month of February, the temple of St. Sophia began to be restored in the 9th indiction, so that it should be read as 6040 in the 9th indiction. Besides that, he restored other [buildings] that had collapsed, or had been burned by the sedition of the Green and Blue factions. He ordered hospices and monasteries to be built and assigned huge annual incomes to them: he expanded the borders of the empire, which had been made narrow by the incursions of the Barbarians. Regarding all of which, the six treatises of Procopius, *On the Buildings of Justinian*, should be read.

From the beginning of the vulgar Christian era to Constantine, 505 years and one half and some days are calculated. For when Constantius Chlorus died on July 25 in the year 306, he himself assumed the reins of the empire. Therefore, our author wrongly numbers 318 years from Christ to Constantine. Likewise, he erred from Constantine to Justinian by positing an interval of 210 years, when in truth, from July 25, 306, to the Kalends of April 527, when Justinian attained the empire, nearly 221 years have intervened; for four months are almost missing. This disturbance of numbers is still seen in that interval of time in which the beginnings of Justinian are distant from Constantine, [and] Leo IV and his wife Irene, which our Historian posits as 260 years, when nevertheless, according to historical truth, only 253 years are counted. For indeed, Constantine began with his mother Irene in the year of Christ 780. From Constantine and Irene to Alexius Comnenus, our author counts 295 years. Thus, with the intervals collected which he posits from Christ to Alexius Comnenus, 1083 years are found to have elapsed. Therefore, Alexius would have begun at the start of 1084. But according to the chronological truth, Alexius Comnenus attained the empire in the year of Christ 1081. Therefore, from Constantine and Irene to Alexius, the true interval of time is set at 501 years. ^D It seems, indeed, that the author of this history described these epochs and intervals from memory; for these cannot be reconciled or harmonized with the following. For when he posits that the city of Constantinople was occupied by the Latins in the year of the world 6712, this being the year of Christ 1204, on the 12th day of April: and counts the years in which the Ducas Mourtzouphlos, Alexius Angelus, and his brother Isaac reigned, as nearly 49: but [he says] the dynasty of the Comneni [was] 103 years (which sum is gathered from the numbers of years attributed to individual emperors of the Comnenian line) and not 101, as is read in the text: the sum of the years, in which the Angeli and Comneni reigned, becomes 122. Which, when we have rejected it from the years 1204 back to 1082 and the beginning of Alexius Comnenus, we arrive [at the count]. But from the previous intervals, we find this author binding the beginning of the Comnenian dynasty to the year of Christ 1084. Therefore, Ducas is not consistent in this calculation.

(7) *captured by the Latins*. The vulgar notes of the Calendar must be invoked here, so that we may know whether the author erred in assigning the day. In the year of Christ 1204, the cycle of the moon was 8, of the sun 9, the Dominical letters D, C. Easter therefore was April 25. The Sunday of Palms was April 18. Therefore, April 12 was the second day of the week, or the Monday of the sixth week of the fasts, as is noted by our author: which in Greek ecclesiastical books is called "the Monday of the sixth [week] of the fasts." Nicetas Acominatus Choniates also agrees with this chronological note. Baldwin, Count of Flanders, was elected emperor by Henry Dandolo, the Doge of Venice, and the other 12, or, as others please, fifteen electors, on the 6th of the Kalends of May, that is, the day after Easter, which in that year fell on the 7th of the Kalends of May, or April 25. He is crowned, however, on the 17th of the Kalends of June, that is, May 16. Jacobus Meyerus Baliolanus reports these things in the Annals of Flanders, book 7, toward the end. Villharduinus writes that the day of the coronation was appointed for three weeks after Easter, that is, on the 16th day of May, which was the Sunday of *Jubilate*. Villharduinus presents Dandolo promising that he would proclaim the name of the emperor at the hour in which God was born. Which words induce me to believe that the election was made on the vigil of Easter, and after Pas-

- ^A

cha delayed the coronation of Baldwin: so that we hold to Calvisius, who asserts the election was held on Holy Saturday. And perhaps Villehardouin wrote or intended to write, *at the hour in which God rose*, that is, at the break of day on the day of Pascha, shortly after midnight. Here, however, we must not omit that the emperor Baldwin in the epistle which he wrote concerning the captured Constantinople warns that he was elected on the Sunday of the *Misericordias Domini*, which occurred on May 9, but was enthroned on the Sunday *Cantate*, that is, May 23. That epistle was edited by Aubertus Miraeus in the code of pious donations made by the counts of Flanders.

[Concerning the Latin conquerors and Alexius Ducas Murtzuphlus, who, having twice unsuccessfully attempted to poison Alexius Angelus, finally killed him with a noose, Baldwin the Belgian or Fleming, with the assistance of Henry Dandulo, the Doge of the Venetians, is proclaimed emperor of Constantinople. Theodorus Lascaris, however, once the city was occupied by the Latins, departed to the East, and is hailed as emperor at Nicea. Thus Nicephorus Gregoras, *Hist. Byzant.* lib. 1, after the city was captured, "Until at last in the metropolis of Nicea it happened that Theodorus Lascaris, now thirty years old, was proclaimed emperor." More clearly, lib. IV, cap. 2: "Thence he returned to Nicea," which was the royal seat of the Roman emperors after the capture of Byzantium. For Nicetas Choniates in the *Annals* writes that Theodorus Lascaris reigned in Asia in two places: "But Lascaris, Theodorus, being of most noble birth and glorious in imperial kinship, that one [Manuel Maurozome] having been repulsed, donned the purple buskin, and is proclaimed emperor of the Romans by all the cities of the East." And below, "In the East, the Prusaei and Niceans, the Lydians and the Philomolpi, and Smyrna, and Ephesus, and the regions lying between these cities, were adhering to the parts of Theodorus Lascaris." I do not know, therefore, upon whose authority Sethus Calvisius relied, in the first edition of his *Chronology*, which he later corrected and rendered more ample; and after him Christophorus Helvicus stated that Lascaris reigned at Adrianople: especially, however, do I marvel at Calvisius, who cites Nicephorus as an author. It will not be beside the point to advise the reader that that people, who are called *Philomolpi* here, are to be found in no geographer; and without doubt it is an error of the copyists, and perhaps the word arose from two, *Phylaces* and *Hierapolitai*. But the Philaces and Hierapolitai are peoples of greater Phrygia, which are adjacent and conterminous to Lydia, over which Theodorus Lascaris ruled.]

CAPUT II.

After the city was truly occupied by the Latins, Theodorus Lascaris reigned in ^B Nicea for 18 years. Joannes Ducas, who is also Batatzes, and son-in-law of Theodorus Lascaris by his daughter, had the seat of the empire at Magnesia by Sipylum for 33 years. Theodorus Lascaris, his son, for 4 years. Joannes Lascaris (11), who, before he was to be crowned, was blinded by Michael Palaeologus, and driven from the empire... ^{C D}

^A in the third year of his reign. The Latins also were driven from the city (12), and Michael Palaeologus entered as emperor, having set out from the parts of the East. Up to this emperor, the following provinces were subject to the Roman Empire and paid tribute: Asia Minor, Paphlagonia, Mysia (which is also Bithynia), Greater Phrygia, Phrygia Capatiana, Caria, and a part of Cilicia. But the Turks, who were inhabitants of Lycaonia, ruled the regions beyond, namely Lycaonia, Cappadocia, Galatia, Pamphylia, Armenia, Helenopontus, Pisidia, Lycia, Coele-Syria, and others. Michael reigned for 24 years. After Michael, his son Andronicus (13) Palaeologus [reigned] for 43 years. In the ... year of his reign, the metropolis of Asia, Ephesus, and the province of Caria were captured by Mantachia; and Lydia as far as Smyrna [was taken] by Atin; and Magnesia as far as Pergamum, and all the province of Magedon (14) by Sarchan, in the year 6768, on the 25th of July. Two years had passed since Michael had become master of the imperial thrones.

^B The Caraman Alisurius held the greater part of inland Phrygia, and even the regions up to Philadelphia, and all the nearest places from Antioch on the Maeander. Another, named Sarganes, [held] the regions thence as far as Smyrna and the inner coastal areas of Ionia; for, having reached the parts around Magnesia, Priene, and Ephesus, a satrap named Sasan took them away. Those [lands] from Aeolis as far as the Mysia which is by the Hellespont [were held by] the one called Calames and his son Carases; the regions around Olympus and whatever else of Bithynia lies nearby [were held by] another named Aiman. ^C The lands from the river Sangarius as far as Paphlagonia were divided among the sons of Amurius. Cheter and Amur...

Notes of Ismael Bullialdus

(12) "The Latins also were driven from the city." In the margin it is written, in the year 6768, July 25, [Christ 1260]. This note of time ought to be referred to the first year of the reign of Michael Palaeologus. For the city was recovered by the Greeks in the year of Christ 1262, the year of the world according to the Greeks 6770. For if one collects the years of Theodorus Lascaris, Joannes Vatatzes, Theodorus, and Joannes for three years, the sum of the years becomes 58, which, when added to 1204, will produce the year 1262, in which Joannes, to whom the imperial crown was never imposed, was blinded by Michael Palaeologus ^D and driven from the empire, and the Latins were driven from the city. Also, in Book IV, Gregoras, speaking of the city recovered by Caesar Strategopulus, notes [the date]. In whichever year the city was captured, Michael had already spent two full years in the empire: whence it is clear that being proclaimed emperor while sitting on a shield happened in the year 1260. Phranzes, cap. 4, lib. 1, says the dynasty of the Franks lasted 59 years, 3 months, and 4 days in Constantinople. Georgius Logotheta in the Constantinopolitan Chronicle near the end says the city was captured by the Latins in the year 6712, and that they held it for 58 years, and that it was recovered in the year 6769, indiction 4, in which he is inconsistent with himself; for he says Constantinople was captured by the Greeks in the month of July. After 58 years, which, when added to 6712, will give 6770, indiction 5, this error is perhaps to be imputed to the transcribers, not the logothete.

(13) "But after Michael, his son Andronicus." Under Michael Palaeologus, the Turks first began to harass the Asiatic provinces which were still obedient to the Constantinopolitan emperors and to ravage them with perpetual brigandage. Gregoras, lib. V and lib. VI, c. 1, narrates that the state of the provinces of Asia was such: Caramanus Alisurius had occupied the greatest part of inland Phrygia, and had subjected everything as far as Philadelphia and Antioch on the Maeander to his own dominion. But those regions that extend from those places to Smyrna and the maritime parts of Ionia, another, called Sarchanes, ruled. Sasan also, as he was called, had snatched Magnesia, Priene, and Ephesus from the Romans. Calames and his son Carasis reigned from Aeolis as far as Mysia adjacent to the Hellespont. Bithynia and the lands around Mount Olympus were held by another named Aiman. Finally, from the Sangarius river as far as Paphlagonia, they had divided the region among the sons of Amurius. The one who is called Carmian by us is Caramanus Alisurius to Gregoras. Each has Sarchanem and Carasim; for Othmane, Gregoras reads Alman. Our author does not know Sasan, as he does not the sons of Amurius, Homuris. Gregoras does not know Mantachias, nor Alinen. Laonicus Chalcocondylus, lib. I, De reb. Turc., not far from the beginning, and lib. II, asserts that these commanders were ministers of Aladin the Seljuk, who had his seat of empire at Iconium. And he who is Aedines to Laonicus is called Atin by us, and he who is Mendesius to him is Mantachias to us. Phranzes, lib. 1, cap. 26, lists these commanders as Gregoras does, and ascribes the same dominions to them. Leunclavius in the Pandects of Turkish history, no. 13, lists these commanders otherwise, so that in such a variety of authors, those names and the number of commanders remain somewhat uncertain, while the miserable state of Asia and the desolation of the empire are held as certain. Cantacuz. lib. II, c. 29, says that the sons of Alinis or Atinis were [the ones], that is, Cheter and Homurius. But he reports that Carases was the petty king of Phrygia, lib. III, c. 82.

[LATIN COLUMN]

759 DUCAS 760

and made the whole province of the Magedi subject to his rule. Carmian occupied the whole of Phrygia. The other, Greater Phrygia, which extends from the city of Assos to the Hellespont, was occupied by Carases. The whole of Bithynia and a part of Paphlagonia fell to Othman; and these were the princes and leaders of the Turks. After ^A Andronicus, his son Michael obtained the reins of the empire...

*Notes of Ismael Bullialdus.* It is probable that the prefecture of Magedi or Magidi is called here [by a name] which in the manuscript Notitia of the bishoprics of Constantinople of the diocese under the metropolitan of Sardis is read as *Seton* or *Magisou*. Likewise, under Syleus or the metropolitan of Perga, there is held in the same Notitia of Pamphylia the bishopric of *Mapudou*, but in another copy it is read as *Magudou*, which differs from the other. Perhaps this second one is that which Leunclavius calls Nagidon, and the Turks, *Nigde*. The interpreter of Ptolemy has *Magydum* in Pamphylia; the Greek text [has] *Mitylen* not far from the mouths of the Cestrus river. Ptolemy does not have Nagidon: Stephanus on cities [says] "Nagidos, a city between Cilicia ^B and Pamphylia," where he cites Hecataeus. And it is the same as Matylus. Casaubon corrects these words in Strabo, book XIV, "This is the city of Agidos," from Stephanus and reads *Nagidos*. Assos [is] a city on the Propontis on the Asian shore, which Strabo, book XIII, writes was founded by the Methymnaeans, according to Myrsilus, [who says] that Assos is a foundation of the Methymnaeans. Stephanus on cities makes two Assos, one near Atarna in Lycia, the other in Aeolis on the Hellespont. Here we note in passing that Stephanus erred when he made two Assos and placed the first in Lycia near Atarna; for Atarna is not situated in Lycia, as he himself writes, but in the borders of Mysia and Lydia, "Atarna, a city between Mysia and Lydia," and Strabo also, book XIII, has Atarnea near Assos: neither he nor Ptolemy place Assos in Lycia. The Notitia of bishoprics under the throne of Constantinople has *Assos* under the metropolitan of Ephesus. ^C

Our author here writes badly and erroneously that Michael succeeded Andronicus his father in the empire: for father and son reigned together: and Michael died on October 12, Sunday, in the year 6829 [A.D. 1320], before his father, after receiving the news at Thessalonica that Manuel, his second son, had been killed by his older son Andronicus (whom his brother Manuel was seeking in the house of a harlot with whom he had been consorting), because Andronicus's satellites, not knowing who he was, suspected him to be a rival. For these matters, one must consult Gregoras, book VIII, in the beginning. Cantacuzenus, book I, Hist. cap. 1, does not make any mention of the manner of death by which Manuel perished. And it must be carefully noted that the cause of the discord that arose between Andronicus the grandfather and the grandson, because of which they fought with mutual hatred, is transferred by Cantacuzenus to the grandfather; and that Gregoras was sometimes chastised with harsh words by him, as a mendacious writer, because of what Cantacuzenus himself wrote, lib. IV, caps. 24 and 25, though I do not know which deserves better credit in this matter. For Cantacuzenus had grown up from childhood with Andronicus the younger, having always been counted among his most faithful and intimate friends, in such a way that he had been promoted by him even to the imperial dignity, being honored with the office of tutor: wherefore he comes under no small suspicion of being overly indulgent in his zeal to the memory of the acts and deeds of Andronicus the younger, while perhaps not appearing sufficiently just to Andronicus the senior.

Phrantzes the protovestiarius, lib. I, cap. 10, towards the end, reports that Andronicus the senior reigned with Michael for 45 years, and that Andronicus the younger began in the year of the world 6836, which was A.D. 1328. ^D Gregoras, book VIII, notes that Andronicus the younger was crowned on the second day of February of the eighth indiction. This 8th indiction corresponds to the year of Christ 1325, so that our author here, while numbering the years of the emperors Andronicus and his son Michael at 43, looks to that term of the coronation of the younger Andronicus, which was completed on Feb. 2, A.D. 1325, indiction 8. Cantacuzenus also agrees with these, lib. I, cap. 41. After this coronation of his grandson, Andronicus the grandfather still lived for 3 years in the empire: so that he reigned a total of 46 years with his son and grandson, which the protovestiarius counts as only 45, since in the year 1328 the grandson became master of the empire alone. Then in the year of Christ 1330 the elder Andronicus was forced by his grandson against his will into monastic life, as Gregoras says; and having changed his name to Antonius in the monastery, he lived for two years, and crushed by the direst lack of necessary things, he finally died in the year 1332. Cantacuzenus, lib. I, Hist. cap. 16, asserts that Andronicus the senior donned the monastic habit of his own volition to avoid the plots which he suspected some aspiring to tyranny were laying for him; he passes over in silence that he died struggling with hardships and miseries, lest he bring disgrace upon himself and bring hatred and enmity upon Andronicus the younger; since it is known that the chief among the counselors of this Andronicus, with whom he had influence and power above the rest, was held in that habit. This Andronicus reigned alone after the grandfather was forced into private life from the year 1338 to the year 1341, June 15, of the world 6849, so that he reigned for 13 years. It should also be noted that Andronicus the senior passed away at the age of 74: he had obtained the empire in his fiftieth year, just as Gregoras noted, lib. IX, in the monody written for him, and agrees with others on this. He further reports that in the lifetime of his father Michael, the first of the Palaeologi, he was designated and called emperor, which happened around the year 1281. Michael the second Palaeologus, son of Andronicus, according to Cantacuzenus, lib. I, cap. 1, exchanged life for death on October 12, in the year of the world 6829. That is, in the year of Christ 1320, and not 1321 as noted in the margin of the Parisian edition of the Royal Press; yet from Nicephorus Gregoras, in the end of book VII, another year can be gathered. For he narrates that in the second year of the patriarch John Glykys, a cross was shaken from the hands of the bronze statue that stood on a column before the vestibule of the temple of St. Sophia by a violent north wind, in the year of the world 6825, that is, the year of Christ 1316. A little later he says that Irene from Alemania betrothed the grandson to Andronicus the younger: then Michael departed as emperor to Thessalonica, and having passed away from human affairs after one year there, from which we can conclude the year of the world 6827, Christ 1319: however, we will stick to Cantacuzenus, who recorded the year and the day.

^A Andronicus the senior, so-called, died at the age of 73, having reigned for 13 years. Andronicus was succeeded by his grandson, John Palaiologos [(17)], who was still young and being educated by Lord John Cantacuzenus. During his reign... the Turks [(18)] began to cross the Hellespont. From Asia, Umur, grandson of Atin, a leader of the Turks who held Smyrna, Ephesus, and the surrounding regions, set out; and from Prusa, Orchan, grandson of the aforementioned Othman, set out. Crossing in a piratical fashion, they ravaged the whole Chersonese, and as there was no one to resist or rise against them, they raided without fear as far as Didymoteichon [(19)], and toward the imperial city as far as Selymbria [(20)], intending to bring the whole of Thrace under their hand. ^B In the reign of the aforementioned John, while he was still a boy, the island of Chios was captured by the Genoese, and the remaining islands of the Cyclades were taken by the Franks who had arrived from Navarre [(21)].

He made the Great Domestic John Cantacuzenus—who had also become emperor—superior to the Panhypersebastos. He made him master of all, both of the nephews of the grandfather and emperor—who were his own cousins—and of all the others, and of the Panhypersebastos [and] of the vestiary. Thus, this man was there the Great—that is to say, Domestic—after the Caesar.

Notes of Ismael Bullialdus

[(17)] After Andronicus, John Palaiologos... Andronicus the younger left his son, whom he had begotten by Anna—of our Alemanna, Cantacuzenus, and Savoy, and others Pannonian—as heir to the empire. John was born to Andronicus after the death of the grandfather Andronicus in the year of the world 6840, Christ 1332, on June 18, as Gregoras noted, lib. 11, cap. 3. But Andronicus the younger died in the year of the world 6849, Christ 1341, so that John was still very much a child, in his ninth year when he obtained the empire: which even Cantacuzenus records, lib. II, cap. 2. ^C Wherefore the father, dying, gave this John Cantacuzenus as tutor by will to administer the affairs of the empire, the author of the history already often cited, a man indeed praised by Gregoras and our own; he was suspected by Phranzes of desiring the kingdom and accused of wishing to transfer the empire to his own children. Phranzes must be read, lib. 1, cap. 3 and 15. Andronicus the younger esteemed that Cantacuzenus so much that in his will, which he drew up in the year of Christ while suffering from a serious illness, with his grandfather Andronicus having been passed over—who was still alive and not yet a monk—and even his own mother Xena, he gave him as tutor to his posthumous son, if he were to be born of his wife Anna, then pregnant. Nor must we omit what is reported by Codinus the Curopalata concerning the benevolence and love of Andronicus toward John Cantacuzenus, *De offic. palat.* ^D He made the Great Domestic John Cantacuzenus, who later reigned, equal to the highest Panhypersebastos. And after a few lines, he narrates that after the death of Andronicus the senior, Cantacuzenus was increased by this younger [emperor]: "He exalted him above the others, the nephews of his grandfather the emperor, and his own uncles, and all the others, [placing him] above the highest Panhypersebastos and [the rank of] vestiary in the order of dignity, and by this sanction the Great Domestic was second after the Caesar."

[(18)] "In his year... the Turks began." This is the first irruption of the Turks into Europe under the auspices of the Oghuzians or Ottomans, during the reign of Orchane or Urchane: for Turks had previously crossed into Europe, summoned by the Catalans who were waging war on Andronicus the senior and his son Michael, as Gregoras narrates in *Hist. Rom.*, lib. VIII, and after him Laonicus, lib. 1. Turks also crossed a little after the year, as Laonicus testifies in the same place, lib. 1. The same author also mentions this expedition of the Turks into Europe in the place cited, but when Orchane was already dead, and his son Suleiman was reigning. However, the narrative of the Turks brought forward by Leunclavius in *Hist. Musulmanicæ*, lib. V, and Phranzes, lib. 1, chapters 26 and 27, to which better faith must be given, agrees with our own. But that crossing is noted, because then the Turks first fixed their seats in Europe, Callipolis having been occupied in the year 758 according to Turkish Annals, of Christ 1357. Matthew Villani in *Hist. Florent.*, lib. vi, c. 29, says the crossing of the Turks happened in the year 1356.

[(19)] "As far as Didymoteichon." A town of Thrace which the Hebrus washes. Nicetas Choniates mentions it in two places: "Rain falling suddenly and with force in the places above Didymoteichon, which the river Hebrus, overflowing its banks, washed, widened the waters." To the Turks, Dimotuc.

[(20)] "Selymbria." A city of Thrace: it takes its name from Selys; for *Bria* is said by the Thracians to mean a city.

[(21)] "From Navarre having arrived Franks." These are those from Navarre, whom he elsewhere calls Catalans, who inhabit Tarraconensian Spain. That expedition of the Genoese is noted by Augustine Nebiensis, Uberto Folieta, and Peter Bizarus in the year of Christ 1346, in which, under the leadership of Simone Vignosio, the Genoese added Chios, Smyrna, and both Phocæas to their dominion. John Villani testifies to the same, *Hist. Florent.*, lib. XII, cap. 463, "In the year 1346, they did similar to the island of Chios in the Archipelago of Romania, and they took it, and they are its lords, and they took it from the Greeks, where the Mastic is born, which is of great profit and revenue." I do not see, however, why he brings the Navarrese into this place, unless it is because in those times Peter IV, king of Aragon, had married Maria, daughter of Philip III, king of Navarre, in that year.

^A And the whole of the Peloponnese, except for Lacedaemon and Monemvasia, and the Phocaeas in Ionia, were taken by the Genoese.

5 CHAPTER III

*The death of Orchan, the Osman. His son Murad succeeds to the empire and makes war upon the Serbian Despot Lazarus, and is killed by a young Serbian. After his slaughter the Turks begin the battle, slaughter the Serbs, and inflict a great defeat. Lazarus is alive [in the Greek text, this is an error and is corrected in the sequel] and many of the Serbian nobles are captured and put to death in the tents of Murad. The empire of Ildrim Bajazet is deferred to the younger of Murad’s sons by the viziers. Bajazet blinds his elder brother, having overcome him by fraud.*

In the same passing year, the aforementioned Orchan, prince of the Turks, died, leaving his dominion and principality to his son Murad, who, having become master of the cities of Thrace, extended the limits of his empire and occupied Adrianople, and the whole of Thessaly, except for Thessalonica. ^B Having thus, indeed, brought almost the whole land of the Romans under his hand, he also arrived at the Triballi [the Serbs], and having utterly destroyed many of their towns and villages, and having taken their inhabitants captive, he sent them across the straits through the ferry at the Chersonese to Asia, which lies opposite Europe. Seeing this, Lazarus, who at that time ruled Serbia, son of Stephen the King of Serbia, having gathered together all the power under his command, grappled with the tyrant, and in that battle there fell very many from both forces. Then there occurred a new and unaccountable feat of skill. A certain young Serbian nobleman, brave and...

^A bold, as he later proved, broke away from the ranks of the Christians and, as if he were a deserter, fell into the middle of the Turkish battle line. The Turks at once seized him, and he, calling the commander by name, said, "I wish to see him, and to whisper certain words into his ear so that he may be victorious in this war; for the sake of this, I have come as a deserter," he said, and they pointed out the commander. ^B Amurath signaled with his hand for the man to come toward him, and the youth, having rushed forward and arrived nearby, dealt a fatal wound to the heart of the tyrant with a small dagger, and he himself was chopped limb from limb by Amurath’s spearmen and bodyguards. Then the Turks, seeing this new and entirely unexpected catastrophe, and unable to endure the evil that had so suddenly fallen before their eyes, devised a plan that was very clever and sophisticated: having erected a tent in the middle of the battle line, they placed the half-dead Amurath inside it; and they themselves, as if they had not sustained any danger from the many, while avoiding the great number of casualties, retreated inside their ranks like rabid dogs. The Serbs, however, being ignorant of the success which that good young man had achieved on their behalf, and of the damage the commander had sustained from the Turks, but rather having despaired—thinking that that good general had perished without the expected fruit—fought back against the Turks with cowardly hearts until the battle at last came to an end. ^C Lazarus was therefore captured, and with him most of his magnates. They were led into the tent where Amurath was already breathing his last, and there, alongside Lazarus, all those under his command were slaughtered in total, and both he and Amurath met their end. The right wing had not yet perceived anything of what was happening, nor had the left; for these things had been done in the rear guard. The leader of the right wing was Sabutzes, the firstborn of Amurath’s sons, while the leader of the left was the second, Bajazet, a man fierce and more energetic than any other. Those whom the council of Amurath's most eminent men—whom they call "viziers" in their language—summoned, they informed of what had occurred and revealed their father’s corpse. ^D He, without even a sign of lamentation or weeping appearing on his cheeks, summoned his brother Sabutzes, as if by their father’s order, so that they might deliberate on more serious matters. Sabutzes, being ignorant of the drama, came willingly to his father, and, against his will, was seized by his brother and blinded. Then Bajazet was proclaimed leader of the Turks, a man of fierce intellect and quick in the works of war, a hater of Christians such as no one of his age had been, and a most zealous observer of the religion of the Arabs, adhering to the impious precepts of Mohammed and observing them with the greatest strictness. He spent sleepless nights, devising strategies and weaving traps against the rational sheep of Christ.

Notes of Ismaël Bullialdus

CAPUT IV.

Achetir, the chief of Lydia and the Aeolian cities, the descendant of Sarchan, who surrendered himself. Having granted him a measure of honor—since Achetir was his brother-in-law—he sent him to Prusa. Shortly thereafter, he had him killed by poison. ^B Bayezid then set his course toward Philadelphia [(33)]; for this city, being outstanding in size and populous, had maintained its independence for nearly a hundred years, while the whole world was held in subjection by the Turks; like a star shining in the zenith amidst cloudy skies, this city appeared. Having besieged it ... and being unable [to resist] because of the lack of provisions, they surrendered. Having taken all the forces of the East and established chiefs and leaders in the provinces according to his own will, he set out for the western regions. And indeed, having crossed the strait, since the fortress of Callipolis had long since been ruined and utterly destroyed by the Catalans and the Turks themselves, he built a new one from the foundations, and constructed it as a base for keeping triremes, and a massive tower, standing over the harbor, to counter hostile attacks.

CAPUT V.

^C [(34)] While these things were happening, Emperor John, having passed through his boyish and youthful life, and having finished his majority and manhood, was preparing himself, with all the lethargy [imputable] to that time, for his advanced age; for he was young, and employed as his tutor the aforementioned Lord John Cantacuzenus, a man prudent and most fierce in military matters, and, if one might say so, a fragrant blossom among noblemen. For being such, even Andronicus, who had reigned before him, esteemed him in all things as a brother ^D and his son—the empire and the son under Andronicus and John being driven about and tossed like ships in storms—until finally they perished. Whoever desires a broader knowledge of these things should approach the history of Cantacuzenus and Gregoras. We have already stated that that Cantacuzenus, on account of the splendor of his lineage and the eminent and distinguished virtues by which he was renowned both at home and in war, was praised by Gregoras and our author, but accused by Phranza of affected tyranny and perfidy against John. Cantacuzenus purges himself in the history he wrote of these charges brought against him, and removes from himself, as much as he can, every suspicion. Whatever the case, he wished the imperial crown to be placed upon himself and his wife twice. He designated Matthew, his eldest son, a despot, and ordered him to put on the purple boots; he proclaimed Manuel, his younger son, despot of Sparta: so that he seems to have wished to pave the way to usurp and retain the empire for himself and his kin. But the infirm and fleeting nature of the forces with which he was provided, the disturbance of the affairs of the empire, which were daily worn down and falling into ruin, and the imminent dangers from the Turks, persuaded him to abandon the undertaking.

^A In this plight, the evil and cruel fortune of the Romans sowed discord and sparked envy. For men are wont to envy those more who are advancing in virtue; hence, at that time, when the Emperor John was still a young man, Cantacuzenus desired to become his father-in-law [(35)] by bestowing upon him his daughter Helena. But the rest of the senators, out of jealousy, approached the mother of the emperor, saying that she should seek a wife for the emperor of the Romans from Germany, according to a long-standing custom, and not from among his own subjects, so that we might obtain aid and assistance from that nation in a time of need. When the Empress Anna, who was also a German, consented to this—for it was very dear to her heart to dye the purple of the emperor and her child with the same blood—Cantacuzenus was neglected and set aside. Having shaken off the burden of tutelage and administration, he left Constantinople and withdrew to Macedonia. Those who were nursing their envy found an opportunity, fabricated a charge of high treason against him, and reported the whole invention as a proven fact to the empress and mother of the emperor, as they advised her that the matter should be carefully examined. "Let your Majesty," they said, "order the Domestic to gather all the Macedonian troops immediately and bring them to Byzantium." For they intended either that, if he complied with the decree, they would have the man they were hunting as a puppet, or, if he resisted the command, they would clearly proclaim his guilt and appoint someone else to manage affairs. Cantacuzenus’s kinsmen and friends secretly informed him of the scheme by letter and warned him that, if he wished to enjoy the light and flee the darkness, he must not show defiance to these commands.

^C Before he left Byzantium, he had gone to the palace to bid farewell to the empress, and although she urged him to betroth his daughter to the young Emperor John, he delayed doing so until his return from the West. Our historian Ducas disagrees with Cantacuzenus, who narrates that he had sought to make the emperor his son-in-law; Ducas says that Cantacuzenus, impatient at the rejection and perceiving that he was being targeted by the envy of the nobles, abandoned Constantinople.

^D [(36)] Anna was, as it is said, of the Germans; which perhaps is because she knew the Counts of Savoy were subjects of the Empire, or because she believed her to be from that same region, and that Anna, wife of Andronicus the Elder, was of the stock of the Dukes of Brunswick. But Cantacuzenus asserts that she was of the Counts of Savoy. This is confirmed by Lambert Vander-Burch in his genealogical history of the Dukes and Princes of Savoy, though he calls her Joanna: he writes thus: "Joanna, wife of the Byzantine Emperor Andronicus Palaeologus, daughter of Amedeus V, Count of Savoy, and of Joanna of Brabant." Gregoras, in the penultimate chapter of his eighth book, states that she was called Anna, having changed her name.

^A If you wish to see the sun and yet avoid the darkness, grant the primacy to obedience; for they have written: "If you are obedient, you will have light before death." Learning of this, Cantacuzenus, despising the decree, openly resisted. Those in the city, however, appointed another prefect in his place, ^B Alexius Apocauchus, a man base and unmanly, yet versatile in knavery and cunning in his depravity, whom the empress also raised to the office and dignity of Grand Duke. Upon learning who had revealed to Cantacuzenus the plot and the sequence of the intrigues against him, he arrested all his kinsmen and friends, over two hundred men, heroes and scions of the Pelopidians and Aeacidae, and shut them in the prison of the Great Palace. Just as one might keep sparrows trapped within a net, he held them there, fearing lest they might stir up some new disruption, prevail over the guards, and seize the palace, aided by the zeal and effort of their relatives and friends.

For the greater part of the citizens, when they saw him ruling, ^C decided to lock the prisoners in by lowering them from above with ropes, so that they might use the cells at night, and during the day be allowed a moderate respite in the space remaining between them. Having appointed Apocauchus as the *parakoimomenos* and ruler of Byzantium, they commanded him to wage war from wherever it seemed best to him. ^D For this *parakoimomenos*, hailing from Bithynia, an obscure man born of base stock, had first worked for low wages as a scribe for those who collected public taxes, being base and cowardly. Fortune, however, favored him, and he was promoted to the highest dignities of the palace, so that he was made Grand Duke. He devised a new prison within the palaces of Constantine the Great. For there stood a large house called the Justinian, the roof of which had been destroyed by the passage of time; having blocked off every entrance, he intended to divide the interior into many small cells on each side, and to enclose the prisoners.

^A For the people—both because the greater part of the city, as much the senatorial class as the rabble, revered Cantacuzenus as most magnificent and most charitable to all—he concocted an evil scheme: to allow them to congregate and converse freely amongst themselves during the day within the prison walls, but at night to lock them away in groups of two or three in certain small cells for safekeeping. The intention was put into action: planks and timber were prepared, and carpenters were summoned. When the prisoners understood what was being done, they said among themselves: "This is nothing other than our manifest destruction. For this nocturnal separation from one another portends either choking in the night or being sunk into the depths of the sea." Saying this, they fell into despondency.

Meanwhile, Apocaucus came to show the carpenters the plan and order they were to follow in constructing those chambers, accompanied by no cavalier, but only one slave, who, as was his custom, followed on foot. Having entered within the prison gate, as soon as he was seen by those held captive there as a common plague and one who waylaid all their lives, one of them, a man of noble birth from the Raoul family, seizing a plank intended for the threshold that had been hewn to shape, struck Apocaucus on the head in place of a sword. ^B He fell from his horse to the ground, just as another Satan falls from heaven. But the slave grappled with Raoul, and both stood as if in a duel. While they struggled together, another of the prisoners snatched an axe from the hands of the carpenter and decapitated the man fallen on the ground, and fastening his head upon a stake, fixed it to a part of the rampart.

Such a deed left the Byzantines not a little astonished—the Empress herself and the entire army; thus, all indiscriminately rushed in a crowd and entered the palace, not, however, without fighting and slaughter, but having made a path for themselves with much force. They massacred everyone except six who escaped by hiding in the underground vault of the church of the New Monastery; they slaughtered very many even in the middle of the temple, nor did the majesty and reverence of the sanctuary or altar avail anything to spare anyone. ^C Among those, indeed, who were snatched from such great peril was my paternal grandfather, MICHAEL DUCAS. Having donned the mantles or cowls of the monks of that monastery, they fled from Constantinople, and having crossed to the opposite continent of Asia, they scattered into the eastern regions—one to Bithynia, another elsewhere—and my grandfather sought Asia, and approached Jesaeus, the son of Atenis, and recounted to him what had happened to him. Being, indeed, a man of learning, ^D and full of other wisdom and not unskilled in the medical art...

Notes of Ismael Bullialdus

(40) From the Raoul lineage. Whence that Raoul derived his lineage is not known to me; Gregoras, book VI, makes mention of someone of the same name in two places, who took as his wife Theodora, left behind by Muzalon, the granddaughter of Emperor Michael [VIII] through his sister Eulogia. Below he reports that Constantine Porphyrogenitus took as his wife a daughter of Raoul. Phranzes, book III, ch. 23 and 25, makes mention of Georgius Raoul, a man of distinguished nobility of lineage, but whether he was descended from the same family is not known to me.

(41) From the paternal grandfather. By this passage, the author of this history indicates that he derived his paternal origin from the ancient family of the Ducas; from which sprung some emperors: Constantine Ducas, Michael, Alexius called Murzuphlus, and a fourth, John nicknamed Vatatzes: if, however, he was born of that same family; whom we have learned from Georgius the logothete was a native of Didymoteicho.

full of all other wisdom, and not unskilled in the medical art, tracing his descent from those ancient Ducas and shining in that lineage like a golden link in a chain. The tyrant received him honorably, and provided that all things necessary and provisions of all kinds should be supplied to him, and having heaped benefits upon him, granted him Ephesus for his dwelling: these seats, though alien, were as pleasing and dear to him as his homeland; and he honored and respected the barbarian and foreigner no otherwise than as one established by divine providence, considering the wickedness of the Romans, and foreseeing that before long all the territories of Thrace, and as far as the Danube, would fall into the hands of the Turks, and that they would appear as emperors in a short time, just as they had also recently done in Phrygia and Asia and the regions beyond, God allowing it because of the sins of the Romans who were governing then, and of our own forefathers. ^B

CHAPTER VI

Joannes Cantacuzenus, therefore, who has been mentioned often in the preceding parts, having learned of the unjust slaughter that had occurred against his kinsmen and friends, and with a not inconsiderable number of them having arrived at him from the city—men who were his close relations and kin to those who had been murdered, and even more related by affinity, wearing mourning garments, they stood before Cantacuzenus weeping and wailing, and crying out against him, saying: "For your sake we are killed all the day long, and we are losing our own; the flower of the Romans has withered and perished; the empire is being wielded in the hands of a woman, ^C like a shuttle spinning and working the purple, and the authority is in a suckling infant, who can barely use his mind and tongue amid toys and babble; the power is in the hands of marketplace men and base fellows. Trust our words, and take up the leadership, and gird your sword upon your thigh, and bend your bow, and speed on, and reign for the sake of truth, and meekness, and justice." Then Cantacuzenus, reflecting upon the uprisings— ^D

[(42)] Since these things which Ducas narrates seem to have happened after the death of Apocaucus, rather than before, namely in the year 6850 (of Christ 1342), at which time the emperor John Palaeologus was 10 years old; to which beardless age those words "the authority is in a suckling infant" etc., apply; for after the death of Apocaucus, not long after, John Cantacuzenus entered Constantinople in the year 6855 (of Christ 1347), at which time Palaeologus was almost 15 years old, and could no longer be called a suckling and babbling infant.

[(43)] Then Cantacuzenus put on the imperial ornaments of his friends, silk buskins of scarlet or purple color, which were the insignia used by the emperors of Constantinople. Zonaras, in volume iii, mentioning a certain Basilinus, a rower of the imperial trireme of Michael, son of Theodora, says: "He gave him (that is, the emperor Michael) red buskins and commanded him to be called emperor." He puts on the red buskin, and is hailed as Roman emperor by all the Orientals: since he was not blessed with male offspring of his own, he had commanded this buskin to be worn by her, so that both she and the one who would be joined to her might be the successor to the empire. He gave him the purple-colored buskins, and commanded him to put them on, and proclaimed him emperor.

^A And, carried along by the envy of the empress and the senate—carried ^B against him, without any reasonable cause and for mere intrigue—he agrees with the Romans, and puts on the red and silken buskins, and is proclaimed emperor by the army. I believe that God hardened his heart for this purpose, that he might divide the Roman empire and through these means bring in the Turks to destroy the entire land of the Romans under his hand—and not only of the Romans, but of the Triballi, the Mysians, the Albanians, and every other Western nation. In his judgments, as the sleepless eye knows, he punished the other nations for their continual rebellions against the Romans, but [he punished] the Romans for the most fearful oaths ^C and for the unbearable excommunications which they brought down upon their own heads when they swore and foreswore themselves regarding the protection of the empire for the son of Lascaris, and [for their oath] never to join or meet with Palaiologos in rebellion. Conversely, they swore again to hold and cherish as emperor of the Romans the Palaiologos—after they had first blinded John Lascaris—and having subjected themselves to anathema, just as the Jews did at the time of the Lord’s passion, they drew the curse upon themselves. These also perished utterly, as the account will show as it proceeds, having been condemned to the same punishments as the Jews whose crimes they imitated. Immediately, having taken up the Thracian forces he had, and the deserters from the city, he arrives at the Crales [King] of Serbia, and recounts the entire injury he had unjustly suffered, the disgrace, and the destruction of the race of his own kinsmen. For Stephen was prosperous at that time—for that was the name of the Crales. And indeed, as is the custom, what is swollen and heavy is brought low, while what is light and subtle is raised on high. For the misfortunes of the Romans, and the daily, successive turmoils, and the civil wars, have made the barbarians and the mob-like [peoples] superior to them. Therefore, the leader of the Serbs dared to assume power and to be called Crales. For this barbarian name, when Hellenized, is interpreted as "emperor." Having therefore given ear to the words of Cantacuzenus, ^D and having become full of joy, he agreed to give him help so that he might resist the Romans.

[index: entries preserved]

^A And those of the city, having learned of the defection of Cantacuzenus, and that he had put on the imperial insignia, and was being proclaimed by all who dwelt in the Thracian parts as far as Selymbria itself as emperor, were pained in their soul. And having become full of cowardice and fear, they were held in a state of agitation, each one discussing with his neighbor what indeed would be the outcome, and what fate, which tends toward evils, had spun for the Romans.

CAPUT VII.

^B Homur, the son of Atines, having crossed the Hellespont, came into Europe; he put in at Callipolis and set out for Didymoteichon, where the wife of Cantacuzenus had remained. The Turks devastate Thrace. Smyrna, having been captured by the knights of the Jerusalemite militia, is vainly attempted to be recovered by Homur, and he falls in the siege.

One of the sons of Atines, the Turkish prince, named Homur, the leader of the small towns in Smyrna and of Smyrna itself, which he had received by succession from his father Atines, being himself bold and stout-hearted; having come upon the harbors that Ionia embraces as they curve into bays, and having found woods full of trees suitable for the construction of transport ships and long triremes, he constructed them as he wished for his piratical biremes and triremes. ^C And embarking upon them, he ravaged the cities and islands in the vicinity, Mitylene with the whole island of Lesbos, Chios, Samos, Naxos, and all the islands in the vicinity. But having learned of the civil discord of the Romans, and how John Cantacuzenus was a man of noble birth and a descendant of the heroes of old, manly, most warlike in military matters, and prudent in all good habits, he formed an evil plan. For, having equipped a fleet of more than forty ships, he departed the harbor and arrived at Callipolis unbidden; and having departed from there by land, he reached Didymoteichon. For it happened that the wife of Cantacuzenus was staying there with her whole household. For when he was departing to Serbia, having collected all the gold and silver in the house and all other wealth, and his children and wife, he had brought them from Adrianople to Didymoteichon, and having made every other necessary provision for the small town, he then arrived at the Queen. ^D But Homur, not having found the man he desired, was distressed and vexed; for he longed to see him, and to converse and give oaths, and to receive from him, that they would be brothers and allies for the duration of their lives. But the wife of Cantacuzenus, having welcomed him and received him graciously with all abundant provisions and all manner of good things, kept him for three months awaiting Cantacuzenus, having with him up to five hundred Turkish horsemen, and as many foot soldiers who had been carried by his triremes; while the rest of the fleet having gathered together, and having embarked upon the larger vessels, were ravaging the entire coastline from it.

Notes of Ismaël Boulliau

He left the city of Divolopotamum in Thrace to fate. Urosh, his only son, succeeded him, who lost the empire through sloth, and experienced the curses and imprecations of his grandfather, cast upon his son and his descendants. Above we noted that Lazar, son of Vukašin, had taken away from Urosh a part of the paternal empire. Mauro Orbini in the *History of the Kingdom of the Slavs*. See also chapter 30, below.

^A all the way from Callipolis to Selymbria, as if they were allies of Cantacuzenus, but in truth they were tracing the land of Thrace. He himself, having run by land with his men as far as Rhaedestus, and after plundering and devastating everything he met, turned back to Didymoteichon. Now, seeing that the arrival of Cantacuzenus was slow, and wishing to return—for he had heard that the friars of Rhodes (46) had arrived at the harbor of Smyrna with a constructed fleet and had begun to build a fortress there, in the name of Saint Peter, for the sake of the salvation of runaway captives—he disposed himself well toward peace and friendship. Cantacuzena, having entertained him with very many gifts, sent him away; he departed taking many captives with him, and the Romans dwelling in Thrace and in all the parts of the West tasted these first fruits of their error. For the Bithynians and the Phrygians and those inhabiting all the provinces of the East had already been ruined by the time that had passed, and they had been destroyed by the Turks. ^B When Umur returned to Smyrna and saw the little town already filled with the friars, and full of warlike and resourceful men, completely finished and needing no other construction, he was pained in his soul and deliberated persistently with himself, deciding either to capture the fortress or to lose his life. Having begun to fight and contend, and to examine and invent engines of war, he did not cease night or day stirring up battles by means of skirmishes, mining, mining-tunnels, and all other types of siege-works. ^C Now, in such contests and struggles, behaving like another Lyaeus, he fought and found a way to cross the moat of the little town with his men, and to set scaling ladders against the walls; and like a mad dog, he rushed to be the first to climb up and himself alone take the trophy of victory. But Providence on high, which governs and moves all things well, seeing his beast-like and serpentine ferocity, while he was already in the middle of ascending the rungs of the ladder, and had pushed back his helmet slightly from his face to see how much of the battlement was still missing, an archer from the upper battlement wounded him with a bolt, which pierced through the middle of his eyebrows. Struck, Umur fell headlong ^D from on high.

*Notes of Ismael Bullialdus.* Bosius, who wrote in Italian the history of the religion and military of Saint John of Jerusalem, says that Smyrna was captured by the confederates in the year of Christ 1344, but he makes no mention of the castle built. Indeed, this time-marker rightly agrees with those things that are narrated by Cantacuzenus; for at the beginning of this civil war, Umur came to Didymoteichon. Cantacuzenus agrees with Bosius in Book III, chapter 68, and relates that Smyrna was captured by the Rhodian knights and others joined in the war-covenant. Four triremes, and twenty Latin [vessels] prepared by the Rhodians and some others, sailed to Smyrna, and captured the fortress at the harbor, and burned not a few Persian ships. And Umur, being present and defending himself, was unable to overcome the Latin force. Our Ducas and Cantacuzenus are clearly at odds with each other: for if the things which Cantacuzenus narrates are true, namely that after Smyrna had been occupied by the Latins, Umur attempted in vain to storm it, and then crossed the Hellespontine strait again to bring help to Cantacuzenus, then he could not have fallen in the attack on Smyrna, as our author narrates. Furthermore, those who are called the "Friars of Rhodes" are religious men and soldiers of the Order of Saint John of Jerusalem, who are today commonly called the Knights of Malta.

^A and the canopy hits him right between the eyebrows, and he falls headlong from above, and in this violent manner he breathed his last. The soldiers having seized him, after he had fallen inside [having fallen into the trench, many Turks having fallen], they carried him dead into the small fortress of Smyrna, which was situated on the summit of the mountain—a fort that had once been the acropolis of the ancient and ruined Smyrna, having been rebuilt not many years earlier by John Doukas, the emperor of the Romans. Now Atin, the chieftain of the Turks and father of Umur, had taken and held it from the Romans in the days of Andronikos the Elder. Such was the end that Umur met.

CHAPTER VIII.

Now Cantacuzenus, having made a pact with the Krale and established a truce—with the castles, cities, and provinces of the unfortunate empire of the Romans being handed over to barbarian chieftains, the Triballi and the Serbs, in place of Roman masters—began to overrun, pillage, and destroy all the cities of Thrace as far as Selymbria. But those who kept themselves within the walls of the city, reflecting on what had been done by Umur during the winter of the previous year, and considering that Cantacuzenus had summoned him and was the cause of Umur’s arrival—ignorant of the fact that he had come of his own accord, or that an evil fortune for the Romans, spinning the threads in reverse, had prompted his coming and the trampling of the blooming fields of the Roman land—devised a wicked plan, and invoked upon their own heads a god-sent anger and wrath. They urge the Lady Anna, the mother of the Emperor John, who was still a youth, to send envoys to the chieftain of Bithynia, Phrygia, and also Paphlagonia—the one whom the narrative has already signaled, Orchan—to ask for aid and assistance in order to suppress ^C Cantacuzenus, a rebel against the empire. Thus, Anna promises that she will give him a large quantity of gold, and grants to the Turks the freedom to sell and trade, wherever they pleased, any Romans they might capture who adhered to the faction of Cantacuzenus. To those who did not wish to sell their own captives, she gives the free ability to cross over and lead them through Scutari, and to take them wherever they wished. Having heard these things, Orchan—for he had long hungered for such a feast—leaping up boldly, and with great pleasure and joy, accepts the proposals and sends the envoys away exultant and rejoicing; the wretches did not know whom they were summoning to bring them aid, nor what kind of lion…

Ismaelis Bullialdi notæ: ^D [We have seen that fort situated on the summit of the mountain, whose walls are nearly intact. But all the buildings, except for the temple which the Turks transformed into a mosque, have been destroyed. There also remains in it a very large cistern, whose ceilings and arches are supported by many columns. That fort is a quadrangular oblong, adjacent to that region of the ancient city where the Acropolis was located, a portion of whose wall is still visible. The lower fort is situated by the shore of the sea and the entrance to the port, and now seems intact.]

^A And what herb they squeeze out to make a plaster for the disease which their sin has caused them! Orchan, therefore, having sent ten thousand soldiers, who crossed the strait of the city, were received with joy by the citizens. And having trampled the city walls and the streets within, and having been entertained by the empress and the Romæi, they set out against Cantacuzenus. But Cantacuzenus, having secured ^B the fortresses (48) and having well provided for food and all other necessities, also went out with the Romæan and Serbian armies that were with him. And having engaged in battle both a first and a second time, the Turks were unable to gain anything from his forces. For the man was most warlike in all things, possessing strength and skill in warfare as no one else of that time did. As many of the Turks as they captured in battle, they put to the sword; but as many of the Romæi as they took, they stripped of their garments and sent them home naked. But the Turks, having abandoned the fighting, ran off to plunder the villages. And now they were dragging long columns of captives bound in chains, and were leading off to Constantinople men, women, suckling infants, adolescents, priests, and monks like sheep, and were driving them along the public road like Scythians or Abasgi (49) for the purpose of being sold. And the bitterest part was that if a redeemer did not happen to appear immediately, the Romæi were beaten by the barbarians in the very sight of their fellow Romæi—oh, the inhuman crime! ^C And the intention of the one striking was such that, moved by pity, someone might redeem them. But those who were not redeemed were immediately transported across the strait to Prusa, and were sent further away to be sold among the Turks. And it was a pitiable sight to behold: everywhere lamentations, everywhere wailings, everywhere tears in the sight of the Romæi, and there was no one to show mercy, neither Greek nor Barbarian. Then Cantacuzenus, having turned his mind to what had happened, and not enduring the unseemly deed which those of the city had lawlessly committed against the Romæi without,

CHAPTER IX (50)

^A he chooses a pernicious counsel, God, as it seems, hardening his heart, by which the Romæi might perish utterly. Having sent ambassadors to Orchan, he asks for help from him, as having suffered injustice from the Romæi, and as having been in charge of the administration of the empire of the deceased emperor Andronikos, from which he was driven by envy: he complains also that his own kinsmen were slaughtered, and that he himself was made a fugitive. If, therefore, he is willing to bring help and offer a hand of support, he promises to give him his daughter in marriage, along with many treasures by way of dowry, and to hold him as a son, and to obey his every wish. Then Orchan, having heard the ambassadors speaking beyond expectation of nuptial arrangements and promising infinite treasures—gaping just as an ox, thirsting in the burning heat of summer, in a pool full of very cool water, drinking without being satiated by the streams—was thus also ^B inclined towards the barbarian incontinence. For this race is uncontrollable and frenzied, more unrestrained than all nations, and insatiable in debauchery. It is so inflamed, that it does not cease to copulate shamelessly and intemperately, both according to nature and contrary to nature, with females, with males, and with irrational beasts; and this shameless and inhuman race, if it possesses a Greek or Italian or some other foreign woman, either captive or a runaway, embraces her as some Venus or Semele, but abhors its own fellow-genous female citizens like a bear or a hyena.

The aforementioned leader Orchan, therefore, having heard of the union for the marriage of the girl—for she was beautiful in appearance and not unpleasing to the sight—and of the magnitude of the dowry, and the pre-nuptial gifts sent by Kantakouzenos, yielded readily. Having treated the ambassadors with gifts, he sent them back, having given and received oaths that from this time forward he would be the son-in-law of Kantakouzenos, and would stand ready, as a son to a father, for every aid and assistance; on the sole condition that he send for the bride-to-be, along with the dowry, quickly before the spring. For it happened that this wicked betrothal took place in the month of January of that year. And along with these, about five thousand Turks were sent to Kantakouzenos, men most warlike and quick to anger, and ^C spoilers of the Romæi, such that one might liken them to sharp-toothed dogs, or Charons.

Having therefore received them, Kantakouzenos, according to his usual hospitality, with very many gifts and promises, burdened them with duties, and prepared his expedition against Byzantium, dragging behind himself the troop of the Turks, and others as many or even more—Serbs and Romæi—whoever were then inhabiting Thrace. And already, with the dowry and splendid pomp and much magnificence, his daughter having been sent to Orchan, he himself was girding for war, and from Selymbria to Constantinople...

Ismael's [alt-version omitted] notes.

^A Thrace then had Serbs and Romans equal at that time. And indeed, having prepared the dowry, and having sent his daughter to Orkhan with every honor, and pomp, and glory, and with great brilliance, he himself occupied himself with war. And so, having begun from Selymbria to plunder and burn all the villages and cities up to the city itself, he sent the unfortunate Romans, some as captives to Serbia, where they were enslaved by the Serbs, others he sent across the strait to Prusa and the remaining cities as prisoners of war. And it was a pitiable sight to behold. Who were the captors? Romans. Who were the captives? Romans. Who were the ones striking with the sword? Romans. Who were the ones being struck? Romans. Whose were the dead bodies? Romans’. Who were the ones who had put them to death? Romans. O bitter calamity!

Coming then with his army, as we have said, even to the gates of Constantine, ^B Cantacuzenus, having destroyed many of the Romans and taken very many as prisoners of war, and having reduced everything around to desolation and ruin, sought the city, saying, "I have not come, O men, intending to do injury to anyone, or having done so, but as one having suffered injury and being wronged. I am the guardian of the Roman empire by commission of the departed emperor Andronicus. This youth, the heir of the empire, is my emperor and my son by designation; for thus his father committed him to me before God. What sin have I committed if I wished to take him as a son-in-law? Do you not know that his father always cherished and loved me as a genuine brother, and entrusted the care of the empire to me just as to himself, and shared it with me? I am certainly noble, illustrious, and famous, and the most supreme among those who claim to be wealthy, and the bravest of those who handle arms and war. Why, being men of the lowest sort and defiled by the stain of barbarians, are you contemptuous and disdainful of me? For this reason I have approached, O citizens, not to inflict loss upon anyone, but rather to give to each his own according to equity and justice. Indeed, to those who have sinned, I grant pardon, and for those who have suffered loss, I will make compensation from my own treasures, and I will introduce a peaceful state into the Roman republic. But if I should avenge your crimes, ^C as God commands? Open to me therefore the gates—I swear by the Lord Christ and His all-pure mother—I will appear not as an enemy, but as a friend."

But the inhabitants of the city gave no answer at all, spurning the words of Cantacuzenus; nay, even men from the dregs of the populace threw contumelious words at him from the ramparts and tore him apart with reproaches, and burdened his spouse and his daughter Helena, who in a short lapse of time was to be established as their lady and empress, with insults as if she were a harlot. ^D Then Cantacuzenus understood that he could not recover the city by admonition or by verbal castigation; but he turned to other arts, and made trial of war, and finally, by the aid of friends and relatives who had remained in the city, he entered it, to see whom all flocked, and followed with auspicious acclamations, and hailed him as emperor.

CHAPTER X

Empress Anna, who remained shut up within the palace with her son and a few soldiers, would by no means yield, but cried out and did not cease saying that she had been wronged. Cantacuzenus’s soldiers wished to leap in and enter, intending to overturn everything above and below, but Cantacuzenus restrained them. The soldiers, remembering the idle chatter and the insults of the commoners, which they had to hold back in his presence, were angry against them. But he, by persuasive words, calmed the crowd. Then those in the palace, seeing that they were in danger of dying, surrendered themselves. Having entered the palace, he went as far as the innermost chambers and found the lady sitting with her son, not having been moved in the least, nor having been unsettled by the anger which she had borne against Cantacuzenus; rather, she sat trembling not at all, nor fearing anything whatsoever.

^BBut Cantacuzenus, with his head uncovered [(55)], approached and kissed the hand of the youth; then, as was customary, having paid homage to the mother and lady of the youth, he hailed them as emperors of the Romans. Seeing his supreme goodness and lack of malice toward his enemies, the entire army then praised and glorified him. He sent away his guests, the Turks, as was fitting, with many gifts, granting thanks to the prince and his own son-in-law, Orchan; he also favored the citizens with feasts and many honors. By soothing the lady with sweet words and by thoughtful actions, he persuaded her to be agreeable to taking his own daughter, Helena, as a daughter-in-law for her son, the emperor John, whom she had borne from the aforementioned Andronicus Palaeologus, as the account has previously ^C indicated. Therefore, the marriage is prepared, and the church of our blessed Lady, the Theotokos, in Blachernae is adorned for the celebration of the sacred rites of the coronation. [(56)]

^D[(55)] *With his head uncovered.* This also has its own unique and particular character; and if he should see any small tuft, or dust, or anything else upon the garment of the emperor, or the *skiadion*, or whatever head covering he might be wearing, he extends his hand, removes it, or cleans it without being asked.

OF THE SOLEMNITY OF THE IMPERIAL CORONATION

^A The solemn rite is performed, and signs of public joy and acclamations are heard, with which the people wished many years to the most pious John Palaiologos, the most powerful emperor of the Romans, and to the most religious Augusta, Helena. At the same time, John Cantacuzenus, the father-in-law of the emperor, is crowned with his spouse and proclaimed emperor, and his son Matthew is designated Despot. In this celebrated banquet, one could see a ring of emperors and empresses, lords and ladies, like the banquet of the twelve gods recorded of old; for Emperor John was flourishing in the flower of youth, and the Empress Helena had not yet passed her thirteenth year; but having become pregnant, she bore the emperor a firstborn son, whom they named Andronikos. But he, having reached virile age, began to defile himself with crimes and to act youthfully, not devoted to the handling of arms, but to stupration and whoredoms, which galled the spirits of many and stirred up a bitter and noxious smoke from their hearts. But Cantacuzenus did not grant sleep to his eyelids, nor slumber to his temples; but as the Turks had previously scouted and come to know the passages of Thrace, and their entries and exits, they did not cease from crossing the strait, some from Sestos to Abydos, others from Lampsakos in very small boats, and they were plundering the Chersonese. Cantacuzenus, indeed, was kept continually vigilant in defending the fortresses and camps situated on the Thracian borders.

^B Notes of Ismael Bullialdus. The custom of praying for many years for the emperors in festivities in the Constantinopolitan court, as is to be seen in many places in Codinus Curopalates, they said in one word, "Long live the emperor." And this custom still endures today in the Church of Constantinople; so that while the patriarch is celebrating the holy liturgy, one of the officials of the Church from time to time, but at intervals, cries out, "Many years, master." These words are now used by the Greeks as thanksgiving, when they offer words of grace for the office or duty received, for they say, "Many years to the emperor," or "Many years, master."

^C As for the fact that *he wrote in chapter 4, book iv, that he was crowned a second time that year, and that he wanted his wife also to be crowned*: he had already been crowned at Adrianople; wherefore he wished to have the crown placed upon him again, he himself provides this reason: He had already been crowned at Adrianople by Lazarus, the patriarch of Jerusalem; and that anointing with holy chrism was sufficient among those who were well-disposed. But so that no occasion for calumny might be left to those who spoke evil and were hostile to him, on the grounds that he had not received the crown at Byzantium according to the ancient custom of the emperors, the solemn coronation was repeated and performed a second time. This rite was deemed necessary to a certain extent for the management of affairs in that empire by imperial authority. For since Constantine, who fell in the storming of Constantinople, was not crowned, he is not considered an emperor by our author; for he calls John Palaiologos, son of Manuel, the last of the Palaiologan line, and calls Constantine, his brother, only a Despot. After the death of John, when he himself administered the affairs of the empire at Constantinople, Michael, the first of the Palaiologoi, assumed the crown so that the affairs of the empire might be administered and conducted under his authority and auspices; meanwhile, since the legitimate heir was not being crowned, because he was inept for conducting business on account of his childish age, and by that solemn ceremony it seemed that not only the insignia of the empire, but also legitimate power had been handed over; and it could also have been granted for a time, since Patriarch Arsenios, who crowned Michael, did not grant the empire to him in perpetuity. *But (as Gregoras says, book iv) he did not grant the imperial authority to him in perpetuity, but only so that he might administer the empire for the time being, as circumstances demanded, until the legitimate heir and successor reached age; then he would willingly yield it to him alone, along with the imperial thrones and all the imperial symbols.* It is evident from Cantacuzenus himself, book III, cap. 56, that to oppose Cantacuzenus with the authority of John Palaiologos, the Empress Anna and the Constantinopolitan senate saw to it that he was crowned, so that affairs might be conducted under his auspices and legitimate authority. But when the succession to the empire is certain, as soon as the predecessor dies, the right and title of the heir and the insignia of royal majesty pass to him; nor is there need for that anointing or coronation for him to act as king, to possess the sum of affairs, and for everything to be conducted under his auspices and in his name.

Ducas reverses the location of the places. For the Turks, crossing from Asia into Europe, were carried over; for Abydos lies adjacent to the shore of Asia, and Sestos to Europe.

^A Cantacuzenus did not cease to oversee the fortresses ^B toward Serbia. At that time, Suleiman, one of the sons of Orhan (60), having crossed from Lampsacus with a very large army, ravaged the Chersonesus. Lord Matthew Cantacuzenus met him, and near the Hexamilium built in the Chersonesus, he joined battle, slew many of the Turks, and Suleiman himself.

CHAPTER XI (61)

Cantacuzenus, seeing the affairs of the Romans in a strait, and his son-in-law embracing the monastic life, [was distressed]. Indeed, Cantacuzenus says nothing of Gatelusio, although it is most certain that this Genoese rendered excellent service to John Palaeologus. And because Cantacuzenus suppressed Gatelusio’s deed, he deservedly falls under the suspicion of having passed over in silence many things which could have created disgrace and detriment to his own reputation. Regarding Gatelusio, apart from our Ducas, the writers of Genoese history discourse excellently. Augustin Giustiniani, Bishop of Nebbio, in his *Annals* written in Italian for the year 1355: "The Emperor of Constantinople, called Calo-John, with the help of Francesco Gattilusio the Genoese, drove out one named Cantacuzenus, who was occupying part of his empire, and in gratitude gave his sister as a wife to the said Francesco, and as a dowry gave him the island of Mytilene." Uberto Foglietta, *History of Genoa*, book 7: "I have thought it not out of place to insert into our history some things which, though done privately by Genoese citizens and touching not at all upon the republic, nevertheless enhance the dignity of our city, which has produced such men who, by their virtue and famous deeds, have attained to great honors and great power among the greatest princes, such as was Francesco Catalusio, of which man there is frequent mention in the history of the Greeks. This man, therefore, commander of the Greek fleets, crowned his faithful service of many years to the Greek Emperor John with an outstanding feat. For the attempt of Cantacuzenus, a man of great nobility and power rising up with huge movements against the Caesar, having already seized a good part of the Constantinopolitan domain, he suppressed by his effort and counsel. This merit the Caesar rewarded with an outstanding prize, the island of Lesbos handed over to him and his successors in trust, and his own sister given in marriage." Foglietta also notes that this happened in the year 1355. Peter Bizaro also, book 6 of the *History of the Senate and People of Genoa*, wrote the same about Catalusio; he merely added that he sent triremes in aid of Calo-John, the Greek emperor, allied with the Genoese, against Cantacuzenus, who had stolen a great part of the empire from him and held Byzantium. He wishes, therefore, that this be done under the auspices and by the forces of the Genoese republic, not by the resources of a private man, Catalusio. Laonicus, book 10, *On Turkish Affairs*, must also be consulted, where he discourses in passing on the Catalusi, an opportunity given to him by the narration of the state of the islands of the Aegean Sea and the whole Archipelago. So that Cantacuzenus can appear to have suppressed the name of Catalusio deliberately, lest an emperor in the seat of empire be said to have been overcome by the stratagem of a private man, which would have been shameful and infamous for him; especially since his wife, the Empress Cantacuzena, had previously rendered such excellent and strenuous service in turning back John Palaeologus, when he was invading Constantinople, and compelling him to head for Galata.

^A He was deeply grieved by John, who was living in luxury and drunkenness, and one day, having rebuked him to his face, he left the city with two triremes and arrived in Italy (62). Emperor Cantacuzenus, being left alone to rule the empire, resisted the encroaching enemy—both Turks and Serbs—to the best of his ability. The Turks, consequently, would frequently pounce upon and ravage the Chersonese. Emperor John spent two years in Italy and Germany. Having collected many treasures from the Italians and Germans as a charitable contribution, he returned to the city to protect it. He came to the island of Tenedos, which at that time was inhabited and subject to the Romans, and he was anxious about how he would be received by his father-in-law, the Emperor. At that time, a certain Genoese nobleman, who had set sail from Genoa with two triremes, was heading for the Hellespont. Since the Roman state was shattered and its affairs had reached a point of complete ruin, he too moved out from Genoa, intending to seize a portion of the fortresses of the Chersonese and to rule them, just as others held Chios and other places—the Genoese and the Venetians. ^B By chance he encountered the Emperor while passing by, and, after they had held discussions with one another, the Emperor revealed his intent to him and found the man to be compliant and ready to provide help in any way possible. He bound him with oaths that he would lay down his own life for his sake, and, God assisting, would deliver the city from the hands of Cantacuzenus, and would establish him alone as Emperor of the Romans, both inside and outside the city. This man was named Franciscus Gateluzus. The Emperor replied, "If this happens with God's assistance, and you help me in reclaiming my empire, I will take you as my son-in-law and give you my sister Maria in marriage." Having both agreed to these promises, they sailed through the Hellespont as was necessary. Sailing up opposite the city during the night, they arrived at the small gate known as the Hodegetria (63). A strong wind was blowing— ^C as he sailed into Byzantium, with no one aware of it, during the night, at the harbor situated at Heptaskalon. ^D [alt-version omitted]

^A Francis, however, devised a stratagem. He had many oil jars in his triremes. For when departing from Italy, he had loaded the triremes partly with oil, which he had later sold and distributed, but he carried back empty amphorae. He therefore ordered the rowers to carry one amphora each, two by two, along the wall of the city and smash them, from which a loud noise would erupt; and thus they did not cease from creating a clamor and shouting until the guards, having been awakened and alerted by the noise, stood up and asked the cause of such a clamor and din. The crews of the triremes replied, "We are merchantmen, carrying much oil, part of which we intend to sell in the Pontic Sea, and part in the Queen of Cities itself; and while we were sailing, look, one of our ships was damaged. Be willing, therefore, to be of assistance to us, and we shall share the remaining cargo with you as with brothers, provided that you keep us ourselves unharmed and safe; for the sea was growing rough, and the waves were rising with briny foam." Then those who were guards inside the doors opened them, and about twenty came out; but those who were armed and lying in wait, numbering about five hundred, broke out from the triremes and entered, and slaughtered the guards they found in the tower. Leaving the triremes empty, about two thousand armed men entered the city with all their weaponry and battle array. ^B The Emperor, having entered, and having immediately sent some of his own men to the residences of the Palaiologoi and his paternal friends, announced his arrival, and everyone came running; for it was night. Francis, having gone up into one of the towers and having fortified it with shield-bearers and captains, brought the Emperor up, surrounding him with Latin and Roman heavy infantry. The same man ran along the wall with a great many guards, shouting with a loud voice, "Long live the Emperor John Palaiologos for many years!" And it began to grow light, and the populace, having heard the shout, ran to the Hippodrome. When it was first light, both those from the palace and the greatest number of the people were flocking together in crowds. ^C But the Emperor Kantakouzenos, having promptly entered the monastery of the Peribleptos, cuts his hair and puts on the black robe, and informs the Emperor, his son-in-law, that the entrance to the palace is open to him. And the Emperor, having descended from the fortification, walked along the road leading to the palace, accompanied by all the Italians and their leader Francis, and by the whole multitude of the city, as many of the nobility as were following the common people. Then also the Augusta, having gone out to meet the Emperor with his son Andronikos, who was still an infant, they embraced one another and, rejoicing, entered the palace. The Emperor Kantakouzenos, having abandoned both glory, and the empire, and worldly pleasures, requested from the Emperor permission to leave the city and to go to the Holy Mountain to live as a monk in one of the monasteries; which he also did, and having spent a significant amount of time well, he rested in peace. At that time also Orchan was near ^D Ismael s Bullialdi notæ.

died, leaving the principality to his son Morat.

CAPUT XII.

The Emperor John, when he was over twenty-five years of age and had reached manhood, begot two sons after Andronicus, Manuel and Theodore. Andronicus indeed surpassed all his contemporaries in bodily strength, and excelled many in stature and beauty. Morat also had sons: the aforementioned Sabutzius, and Kuntuzes, and Bajazet. Now Kuntuzes was of the same age as Andronicus, and because they associated and took pleasure together from time to time, a rumor was bruited about that both of them had conspired and planned a rebellion, whereby each might remove his own father from the midst—Kuntuzes removing Morat, and Andronicus removing John his father—and that henceforth there would be a fraternal friendship and a treaty between them, so that the one would receive the empire and the other the principality.

^BWhen these things were reported to Morat, after a diligent and accurate examination of the matter, and having discovered that the conversations they had had between themselves were true, he ordered his son Kuntuzes’s eyes to be gouged out; he dispatched a letter to the Emperor John, declaring that his son had been blinded by his order and explaining the cause of the deed. He also accused Andronicus, the other participant in the conspiracy, and threatened that, unless John punished him with a similar penalty, he would wage a war of extermination against him. Then the Emperor John, whether conscious of the weakness from which he suffered and fearing to provoke Morat as an enemy against himself, or burdened by gross ignorance, complied. For he was for the most part dull and stupid, and handled no business; but he was entirely occupied with catching beautiful and comely women, so as to entice and ensnare any one of them in any way he could. As for other matters, he let them be rolled along by fortune, and was not solicitous about their outcome—about where they might finally lead—but was indifferent to successful or unfortunate results.

^CTherefore, he blinded Andronicus; and not only him, but also his son John, who was a mere infant and could scarcely lisp; and in his place he crowned his second son, Manuel, as Emperor of the Romans. The third son, Theodore, he established as Despot of Lacedaemonia. He shut up the blind Andronicus, along with his child John and his wife, in the Tower of Anemas (65); for two years, while in...

Ismael Bullialdi’s note

(66) In his *Pandectae Historiae Turcicae* he teaches that he learned from Zygomalas that those towers at Constantinople, which Leonard of Chios in his *Narration of the Conquest of Constantinople* calls Aveniades, are truly called by the name of the Towers of Anemas, and that they are those which were seen situated at the Pentapyrgos fortress, at the eastern angle of the city, near the church of the Blachernae.

^A Once they were shut in, having received help from the Latins of Galata, they escaped from the tower, and the Genoese, having received this man, began to fight against the citizens, holding Andronikos as a mask. And after they had fought for many days, father against son and son against father (this being characteristic of the inhumanity of the Romans and their hatred toward God), and because of the violation of the most terrible oaths made at that time, Andronikos enters the city and is proclaimed Emperor of the Romans. ^B He keeps his father and his brothers, Manuel and Theodore, locked up in the tower, which he himself had held as a Tartarus—just as Zeus once held his father Cronus and his brothers Pluto and Poseidon inside—and he himself laid claim to the empire. So, having been in the tower for two years, they also escaped through the agency of a certain evil spirit; his name was Angelos, but his byname was Diabolos; and blending the name with the byname, he was called Diabolangelos. He, therefore, casting them out of the tower, whether by the art of an angel or a demon, transported them by boat across the water to Scutari. But the Emperor Andronikos, having learned of the flight of his father and his brothers, did not wish for the misfortunes of the Romans to continue indefinitely, nor did he himself wish to be the cause of these evils; but he calls his father and brothers back, gives them sworn assurances, brings them into the city, raises his father to the imperial throne, and falls at his feet, and asks for forgiveness for his transgressions, and he releases him. For Andronikos had one of his eyes wide open, but John, his son, was squint-eyed in both and looked askance. ^C Then the Emperor, having been moved and having been greatly grieved by what had happened, sent him with his child and his wife to live in Selymbria, having granted him this city, along with Daonion, Heraclea, Rhaedestos, and Panidos. (68)

ISMAELI BULLIALDI NOTES

(67) *He was kept in prison.* Andronikos was blinded by his father, as Phranzes relates in ch. 16; but he was extracted from it when the Constantinopolitan nobles had persuaded Amurat to have him liberated. He relates later that John set out for Italy, and that he had entrusted the blinded Andronikos with the administration of the affairs of the empire in the meantime: but when he had returned, he ^D proclaimed his second-born son, Manuel, emperor, with everyone applauding. Andronikos, taking this indignity to heart, fled to Bajazet: and having obtained reinforcements from him, he attacked the city unexpectedly by night, captured his father and brother, and threw them into prison: who, after two years and six months, having deceived the Bulgarian guards, fled to Bajazet: having promised to pay annual tributes, they were restored to the empire. The narrative of Leonicus, lib. 1, History of Turkish Affairs, regarding this matter is very confused and does not agree with these accounts. He even wishes for John to have departed for Italy before the blinding of Andronikos. Concerning the protection of Andronikos by Bajazet, he treats this in lib. 3. (68) *Daonion and Heraclea.* Among others it is read that Daonion is a maritime town of Thrace under the metropolitan of Heraclea. Heraclea, which to this day lies near the Propontis and is a metropolis, was formerly called Perinthus, as the inscription clearly teaches, which we transcribed from the marble at Heraclea on May 1st, 1647. That marble stone was formerly a stylobate, upon which the statue of the Emperor Severus had been placed. That stone is seen inserted transversely into the wall of the metropolitan church of Heraclea—which is the most elegant of the remaining Christian temples throughout Greece—not standing upright; and the craftsmen who inserted it wanted the inscription to appear outwardly, so that it could be read; Selden transcribed it in the Arundelian marbles, p. 55, but corruptly; such as we ourselves have read it, we propose it here:

GOOD FORTUNE TO THE EMPEROR CAESAR SEPTIMIUS SEVERUS THE PIOUS PERTINAX AUGUSTUS ARABICUS ADIABENICUS PARTHICUS

The last syllables of two words were written in such a way that the N is contained within the O.

^A And the emperor crowns Manuel with ribbons and proclaims him emperor of the Romans. And he gives his own sister to Francesco Gattilusio—whom the narrative previously pointed out as a good and most faithful friend—as his wife, and the island of Lesbos as a dowry. And having celebrated the marriage, they departed thence and settled in Mitylene, and down to the present day they have not ceased to possess that island by succession from their lineage. Since, however, the narrative, in drawing us back from Bayezid to his grandfather Orxan on account of the accusations made against Cantacuzenus, has halted, come, let us begin again with the same momentum and proceed toward the affairs of Bayezid, or rather, toward the misfortunes of the Romans; and let us see where the history strives to arrive.

CHAPTER XIII

Bayezid demands tribute from the emperor, and requests that one of his sons come to serve him in the military. He invades the Cyclades Islands. John fortifies Constantinople; he tears down the fortifications built by his own order at the command of Bayezid, and finally dies. Manuel, who was serving in the military with Bayezid and living in his court, having heard of his father’s death, secretly arrives in Constantinople. Bayezid, taking this ill, imposes heavy and harsh conditions upon him, occupies Thessalonica, vexes Constantinople, and prevents food from being brought into it. The Hungarians and the greatest part of the Western princes move against Bayezid, and at Nicopolis they are struck by the Turks and defeated.

^B After Bayezid had effaced all the principalities of Asia—which were many—and had acted as monarch of Bithynia, Phrygia, I speak also of Mysia and Caria, he then set his mind and eyes against the City. And at first, having sent envoys to the emperor, he demanded that tribute be paid, and that in the expedition one of his sons be sent with one hundred soldiers. The emperor, being destitute of help from any of the kings, or the aristocrats, or the commoners, complied with Bayezid; and more than once Manuel went with a cohort of one hundred armed men.

^C [Notes of Ismael Bullialdus]: This statue was placed without doubt by the Perinthians; when Byzantium was captured by Severus, which, compelled by famine, surrendered to him, its walls, baths, and public buildings were destroyed, and it was reduced to the form of a village, and all private jurisdiction was attributed to the Perinthians, as Dion Nicaeus relates in his Life of Severus. He made it liable to tribute, and collected its goods well into the public treasury, and granted it and its lands freely to the Perinthians. In that inscription these words, "The senate and the people of the Neocori," signify the corporation, or college of priests, or aeditui. The Latins also used this term, as we read in Gruter’s book of inscriptions, p. 1102: VETTIO AGORIO PONTIFICI, VESTE PONTIFIC., Soli Quindecimviro, Auguri, TACROBOLIATO, CURIALI, NEOCORO, HIEROPHANTE, PATRI SACRORUM. Zosimus, who is subsequent to the time this monument was erected, testifies in his book that in his time the name of Perinthus was dropped and it was called Heraclea. Stephanus de Urbibus testifies to the same.

...that the Emperor Manuel was designated, after the blinding of Andronicus, we have in the celestial theme erected at the meridian of Constantinople at the very noon, in the year of the world 6882, September 25, that is, in the year of Christ 1373. ^D It stands thus: The horoscope of Sagittarius at 17 degrees, 2nd House; Capricorn at 19 degrees, 40 minutes, 3rd House; Aquarius at 27 degrees, 20 minutes, 4th House; Aries at 40 degrees, 5th House; Aries at 27 degrees, 20 minutes, 6th House; Taurus at 19 degrees, 40 minutes [remaining houses are opposite]. The positions of the planets were as follows: Sun in Libra at 10 degrees, 0 minutes; Moon in Capricorn at 8 degrees, 44 minutes; Saturn in Capricorn at 27 degrees; Jupiter in Cancer at 26 degrees, 22 minutes; Mars in Aries at 12 degrees, 28 minutes; Venus in Libra at 12 degrees, 10 minutes; Mercury in Libra at 18 degrees, 37 minutes; Ascending node or Dragon’s head in Virgo at 28 degrees; or the royal lot in Capricorn at 9 degrees; or the Part of Fortune in Pisces at 15 degrees. Any person, having delineated the theme, will be able to distribute the planets and other points of the sky through the houses. Furthermore, we obtained this celestial theme in the library of the most serene Grand Duke of Tuscany, Ferdinand II, a prince most wise and most kind toward scholars.

(70) That which is written above. (71) And as for the first. We noted above that the Byzantine emperors offered tribute. Laonicus, furthermore, Phranzes, and Leunclavius make no mention of Constantinople being fortified by Emperor John, or that tribute was commanded of him by the Emperor Bayezid.

to this he finally yielded; and for the first time, and then a second time, the Emperor Manuel, with one hundred 72 armored soldiers, was sent by his father, the Emperor John, to serve under Bajazet, as he was marching toward Pamphylia against the Turks. Bajazet, moreover, forbade the annual transport of grain from Asia to the islands—I mean Lesbos, Chios, Lemnos, Rhodes, and the rest. And indeed, having prepared a fleet, he sends sixty long ships to Chios, sets fire to the city, destroys the neighboring villages, and ravages the Cyclades islands, Euboea, and the parts of Athens. The Emperor, seeing the tyrant’s manifest ambition and insolence, began to fortify a part of the city called the Golden Gate, constructing two towers on either side of the gate with white, well-polished marble; yet he did not do this at his own expense or with stones from quarries, but through other most beautiful 73 offerings, tearing down the temple dedicated in the name of All Saints, which the Emperor Leo the Wise and great Emperor had built, and the temple of the Holy Forty Martyrs, which had been well constructed by the Emperor Maurice; and he gathered together for the completion of the work the remaining ruins of the Basilica of Saint Mocius, which the great Emperor Constantine had ordered to be built. Having completed this fortification 74, he had enclosed a part of the city from the Golden Gate to the southern seashore, and had prepared it as a stronghold for himself to retreat to in time of need. Now, when this small fortress was completed, Bajazet wished to go on an expedition against the Turks situated in the regions around Perge in Pamphylia. And so, summoning the Emperor, he sends, as was his custom, his son and the Emperor Manuel with the one hundred soldiers. And after the return, he signifies to the Emperor John, who was in Prusa, that he must either tear down the small fortress of the Golden Gate, which Manuel had rebuilt, and leave it in ruins, or else he threatens to gouge out the eyes of the daughters of his son Manuel and send them to him immediately, blinded. The Emperor John 75, therefore, seeing such tyranny and having no means to act (for he was bedridden and suffering from gout, and, to tell the truth, half-dead from excessive luxury, food, and drink),

Notes by Ismaël Bullialdus

(72) That the Emperor Manuel alone, if we believe Phranzes, but also his father John, served in the army of Bajazet, as he relates in book 1, chapter 16, and Laonicus in book 2. (73) "But through other offerings." Cedrenus mentions that temple of the Forty Martyrs in the time of Maurice: and that it was begun by Tiberius and finished by Maurice in the eighth year of his reign. His words are as follows: "In that same year Maurice finished the temple of the Holy Forty Martyrs, which Tiberius had begun." He also made mention of the great shrine of Mocius the martyr, and even that its sanctuary had fallen to the ground, so that the holy table was broken and destroyed, he deemed worthy of care and raised up the body. (74) "From the Golden Gate." This fortress is in a corner of the city wall, which lies adjacent to the mouth of the Propontis and the Thracian Bosphorus; in which place Mehemet, after the capture of Constantinople, ordered a castle to be built, which is called by the Turks "Jedi-cula," meaning Seven Towers: today it is seen almost deserted, and inhabited by few people. That Golden Gate even now, as in the time of Leunclavius, is closed. Ducas makes mention of this fortress below in chapter 45. (75) "The Emperor John." Concerning this Emperor John, and his lusts and lechery, Laonicus writes in book 2, where he states that he took away the betrothed of the Trapezuntine Emperor from his son Manuel, and, although afflicted with gout, took her as his wife.

^A having no other surviving son except Manuel whom he might leave as heir to the empire and his successor, leveled the fortress to the ground, and by clear demonstrations made known to the tyrant that he had reached the end of what had been commanded. The Emperor, indeed, when such bitter and wicked orders were brought to him, still afflicted with bodily pains, paid the debt [of nature] (76). Manuel, the Emperor, upon learning of the death of his father, fled by night and reached the city; and there, having fulfilled the mourning for his father according to custom, he sat in anxiety concerning the tyrant, and whether he would attack him and the city. The tyrant, learning of the death of the Emperor and the flight of Manuel, was vexed and annoyed; and he raged at his own people, wondering how he had escaped and no one had noticed him. For he had intended to kill him, had he happened to have him in his hands. He then sends apocrisiaries to the Emperor Manuel, demanding that he be willing to have, and to remain within the city, one of his judges (77) and jurists—whom they call a 'Cadin'—saying that it was not just for Muslims engaged in trade, and coming to the city of Constantine, to be brought to trial before the tribunal of the infidels for litigations and controversies that might arise; but rather that a Muslim should be judged by a Muslim, and proposing other similar things laden with heavy burdens of injustice and chicanery; finally [he added]: "If you are not willing to do this, and to grant what I command, shut the gates of the city and be king within it. But everything outside of it is mine." The tyrant (78), having crossed from Bithynia into Thrace, leveled all the towns of the city, and deported the inhabitants from Panidos (79) as far as the city itself. He also took Thessalonica ^B and the villages that were after Thessalonica. To the Peloponnese he sends Ab... ^{C D}

Abranezes as commander (81), and he plundered all of Laconia and Achaia. To the cities lying along the Euxine Sea he sends Turachanes (82), and by emptiness he laid them waste; and, to speak simply, everything was vanished and became uninhabited. The city had no one 83 to harvest or to thresh, but it was constricted by the magnitude of the famine and was breathing its last. For the tyrant did not fight it with war—neither hurling against it, nor wall-scaling, nor skirmishes, nor any other engines of war did he introduce—but only by having more than ten thousand men sitting in a circle far off, and watching the exits so that nothing could enter or leave it. There was, therefore, a stiff famine inside the city of grain, wine, oil, and other kinds; and for the need of bread and every other equipment that kitchen boys provide, there being a lack of wood, they tore down the magnificent houses and burned their beams. The Emperor Manuel, being at a loss and seeing no help anywhere, writes to the Pope, to the King of France, and to the despot of Hungary, ^B notifying them of the blockade and the constriction of the city; and that if help and aid did not arrive quickly, it would be surrendered into the hands of the enemies of the Christian faith. The leaders of the West, therefore, moved by these words (84), and having armed themselves for the counter-battle against the enemies of the Cross, came into Hungary as spring was beginning. Both the one from Flanders, and most of the English, and the magnates of France, and not a few of the Italians; and, indeed, at the call of the King, they pitched their tents along the banks of the Danube, having with them the despot of Hungary, Sigismund, who also was and was called King of the Romans. And so, having crossed over to the other side at Nicopolis, and having been well-prepared, they armed themselves against Bajazet. But Bajazet, having learned some days before of the gathering of the peoples from the West, and having himself gathered all his army—both from the East and the West, and those who were guarding the city—drove right at them; and having passed by Philippopolis, and the very tall mountains, and ^C on to the plains that... ^D

^A withdrew, and waited there. On the following day, the Christians, having drawn up their battle line, proceeded into the sight of the Turkish army; and having formed a testudo, they broke through the middle of the enemy’s phalanx at the first onset, and they fought most strenuously; and as long as they had not penetrated to the last line of the enemy, they cut down all who resisted. And they performed their duties so strenuously in a dense mass that they rendered the work of the Turkish slingers and archers useless. When at last the Flemish cohorts noticed that the battle was succeeding against the Turks, and that the latter were yielding to flight, they themselves also charged in a dispersed run with broken ranks against the rear and penetrated into the middle of the Turkish battle lines, and they filled the muddy pools of the plain with the gore of the slain; and moving back, they rushed into those same ranks. Then finally the satellites of the prince Bajazet—who are called the "Porta," being as it were the door of the palace of the court, all of them purchased for money, and more than ten thousand of them pressed into service from various Christian nations—hiding in ambush, with one onset and a shout, launched an attack upon the Franks and the Hungarians, and having surrounded them on all sides with joined hands, they partly cut them down with the sword, and partly turned them to flight. But the men of Flanders, having turned and seen the rout of the Hungarians, and the Turks shouting and sending cries into the air and running behind them, were suddenly ^B set upon by others with a tumultuous noise and the sound of trumpets, who rushed into the ranks of the Franks, and some they pursued, others they threw down under their horses, and the rest who resisted they slaughtered; and having pursued the remainder as far as the Danube, most of them threw themselves into the river and were drowned. They therefore captured alive the great noble, the Duke of Flanders (85). ^C

Ismael Bullialdus’s notes. (85) The Duke of Flanders. This is John, Duke of Nevers, son of Philip the Bold, Duke of Burgundy, and nephew of John, King of the Gauls. Furthermore, all the historians of that age attribute the blame for so great a disaster to our men, who, unaware of the method and art of Turkish fighting, rushed with a reckless attack to their own ruin and that of the others. The year of this battle, however, is reported differently by various authors. The Turkish annals, which Leunclavius follows, claim that this slaughter of the Christians was committed by the Muslims in the year of the Hegira 794, which began on November 29, 1391. Calvisius followed the Turkish chronology in his first edition: but he wrongly writes that the year of the Hegira 794 began in November 1391; perhaps it is a typographic error: indeed, in the later edition, he moved it to the year 1392. But as to why the Turks should have written that this battle was fought in the year of the Hegira 794, I shall offer a reason, which seems to me quite probable. From Bonfinius, *Hungarian History*, decade 3, book 11, it is evident that Sigismund, the king of Hungary, after the Wallachian and Turkish army had been cut down and routed, besieged and captured the minor Nicopolis in the year of Christ 1392; this disaster suffered by his own men is what the Turks expunge from their annals; in the year 1392, when their army was cut down, they assign the battle of Nicopolis, notable for the slaughter of the Christians ^D and for their own ruin: thus they confuse two battles, and transfer one prosperous to themselves in 1392, so as to obliterate the memory of the disastrous one. Froissart contradicts this in the cited place, who says that it happened in the year 1396, on Monday or the second day of the week, before the feast of St. Michael, which was September 25. Since in that year the Dominical letters were B, A, Bonfinius, in the cited decade/book, says it happened on the Calends of October, 1396. In Brașov or Corona, in Transylvania, it is written thus on the walls of the church: In the year 1396, Sigismund fought unhappily at Nicopolis against Bajazet in September; thus in the volume of the authors of *Hungarian History*. Maurus Orbinus agrees with this in *History of the Slavs*. Buntingus and Ubo Emmius write that it happened in the year 1396. But Phranzes, whom we have had only in Latin until now, refers that slaughter to the year of the world 6900, that is, to the year of Christ 1392, and it agrees with the Turkish Annals. Where it should also be noted that Phranzes places that disaster in Nicopolis, so sorrowful to the Christians, after Manuel’s departure to Italy, as well as Ducas; it is evident from the *Venetian History* that in 1395, Manuel left Constantinople and arrived in Venice: because if his departure followed the disaster at Nicopolis, the year of the battle of Nicopolis preceded the year 1395. How these may be reconciled, I do not see: but I think we ought to trust our own authors more, who observed the times more accurately and, in this place, better than the Turks.

^A and Bergonia, and other Frenchmen, and high-ranking barons, whom, having sent [them] to Prusa, he shut up and later sold for a large sum of money, having received a guarantee from the lord of Mitylene, and the son of the aforementioned Francis Gateluzi.

CAPUT XIV.

^B Consequently, having grown arrogant ^C in such good fortune and having become exceedingly puffed up, he sends emissaries to Emperor Manuel, demanding the city. He, however, gave no answer at all. But most of the people of the city, being pressed by famine, were being distressed and were inclined to surrender the city. But, reminding themselves of what had been perpetrated in Asia by the Turks, the destruction of cities, the desolation of holy temples, and the temptations and slanders at every hour to abjure their piety, they turned their minds backward, saying: "Let us not grow weary; let us place our hopes in God, let us endure for a little while. And who knows if perhaps God, overlooking our sins, will have mercy on us, as He once did the Ninevites, and save us from this beast?" And the tyrant, as much as he saw the citizens resisting and not yielding to his will, by so much did he grow savage and angry against the city. And what happened? The recently mentioned Andronicus, ^D the brother of Emperor Manuel, had died in Selymbria, and the youth John, his son, having reached manhood and holding his father's place, was sought by Bajazet for Selymbria. But he would not endure it, speaking [of it] and recounting the injustice he and his father had suffered from his grandfather.

Notes of Ismael Bullialdus

[87] "Consequently, having grown arrogant." Leunclavius, lib. VI, writes that a courier from Bajazet was sent, demanding that Constantinople be surrendered to him, and that Manuel should depart from it.

[88] "The recently mentioned Andronicus." Ducas differs much from Phranzes regarding John, the son of the blinded Andronicus, who was established as emperor by Bajazet. For the latter, in lib. I, cap. 20, relates that John was prefect for the administration of the affairs of Constantinople while his uncle Manuel was departing for Italy, not that he was placed on the imperial throne by Sultan Bajazet. Laonicus describes all things confusedly in lib. II.

^A and sought to rely upon them for the empire. He, having wronged them, gave the empire to his second son, and gave my father this small town, as you see; and if you were to take this too, I have been treated with extreme injustice. Then Bajazet, having found another opportunity, turned aside. For he had long been considering in his mind by what artifices he might invade Constantinople; and so he did not omit the pretext of the name of John, who was the nephew of Manuel through his brother, and he ordered Manuel to ^B depart from the city, and that John be brought in as the natural heir to the empire, and he would grant peace and a quiet state to the citizens. Then the Emperor Manuel, seeing the people tossed about by dissensions, and one part rising up and clamoring, while the other took great courage and cried out that John should be brought in and the scandals removed; and the Emperor Manuel, being thoughtful and full of learning, seeing the common people whispering and complaining that he would not yield the chair to the successor, but intended to rule tyrannically and had no care for the welfare of the public, deliberated a plan that was most wise and very sagacious. He sends word to John, who was then camping outside Constantinople with ten thousand Turks, and gives him oaths, and receives from him the promise that he would be brought inside the city and would deliver to him the empire of the Romans, while he, Manuel, ^C would depart with the triremes that were to be found, and go wherever God might will. Persuaded, therefore, by his promises and oaths, he enters; and the Emperor, having received him kindly and handed over the palace to him, and having made a public address before all the nobles and the people, embarking on the triremes with his wife and children, left the city, having handed over the empire to John. But what was the objective of Bajazet, and what was that of the Emperor Manuel? For Bajazet imagined that he would have the city in the power of John; for he had sought this before and he himself had agreed to it, and Bajazet had promised on oath to give the Peloponnese in exchange for the city, and that for the future he would have a peaceful state. But the Emperor, being most Christian ^D and initiated in divine things, and full of wisdom, seeing all his subjects suffering under indigence (for a modius of wheat was selling for more than twenty gold pieces, and wine likewise, and a scarcity of other necessary foods); and the common people, out of necessity, tending toward disbelief and the betrayal of their country; and he himself confessing each hour and day to God, saying: "Far be it from me, Christ the King, nor let it be heard among the distant nations of the Christians, that in the days of Manuel the Emperor the city was surrendered, and the holy and precious vessels within it given to the impious and to the enemies of Christ." Having found, therefore, that John was at that time conspiring with the tyrant to make him emperor; and the tyrant managing the affair as if it were on his behalf, Manuel said, "Save him who saves, and do not concern yourself about the empire." Having come to the coastal regions of the Peloponnese, he left his lady there with his children. For he had John as a babe, and the Theotokos.

Theodore. Having sent back the triremes, he boarded one of the great ships and sailed to Venice, to Milan, Genoa, Florence, Ferrara, and having traveled through all of Italy, he journeyed from Provence to Germany, or Francia. And all the kings, dukes, and counts honored him and rewarded him with gifts as if he were a demigod. Having traveled through all of Francia and crossed the borders of the Alemanni, he came again to Venice. The Venetians, having acted as proper hosts and sent him away with very many gifts, he returned to Methone with their triremes. And having met with the empress and the children, he sat awaiting the misfortunes of the city, or rather, the misfortunes of the Roman nation.

The emperor John, having entered into the city and been crowned emperor, first introduced, according to the agreement of Bajazet, a Turkish judge, who would himself adjudicate the disputes ^B that arose between the Romans and the Turks according to the Arabic law. And all the lands that the Romans held as far as Selymbria, Selymbria itself also became Bajazet's, and John was reigning only within the city. Now Bajazet, sitting in Prusa and seeing the high-crowned trees of good fortune teeming with fruit, and every day wantonly enjoying himself with the various warblings of birds—for there was nothing lacking in the kinds of tongues that was beautiful, whether in the body of an animal, or metal, or some other thing in the world given by God for the sweetness of the sight—so that it would not be and be found in his treasuries. Therefore, selecting the purest of bodies, and those of handsome appearance, both male and female, they stood by, young and tender boys, and maidens shining more than the sun. Of whom? Romans, Serbs, ^C Vlachs, Albanians, Hungarians, Saxons, Bulgarians...

CHAPTER XV.

After Emperor John entered the city and assumed the imperial diadem, fulfilling before all else the condition laid down by Bajazet, he established a Turkish judge in the city, who would discern the litigations and controversies ^D arising between Greeks and Turks, and settle them according to Arabic law. Furthermore, all the towns situated as far as Selymbria, and Selymbria itself, fell into the dominion of Bajazet, with John reigning only within the city walls. Meanwhile, Bajazet in Prusa, as if enjoying the fruits of good fortune hanging from that tree and taking up the daily growth amidst the singing of birds, and given over daily to luxury and delights, was occupied securely with various kinds of lust. For in his treasuries he had collected whatever beautiful and graceful thing all nations could send, both animals preeminent in bodily form, and metals and other things which God produced in the nature of things as pleasing to the eyes. Chosen boys and girls stood by, intact in form and body, and tender in flourishing age, virgins also...

^A and Latins—each one singing in his own vernacular language, and they not consulting together. But he, sitting and indulging in licentiousness, did not cease from committing acts of lust, behaving lewdly with both males and females. These were the wages of our transgressions, a just training by God. But do You, O Lord, render unto them also according to their works; overlook our iniquities, O Master, and do not allow us to be crushed as reeds of hemp, but look upon us with Your merciful eye.

While he was thus indulging in excess ^B, behold, on one of the days, a message came that envoys had arrived from Persia seeking to see the ruler. "From whom?" he asked. They replied, "From Temür Khan, Sultan of Persia and Babylon." He commanded that a place be given to them for rest. After a few days, he summoned them and sought to hear the business of their embassy. They, having entered and standing before him, said, "The Great Khan Temür, through us his servants, gives thee notice, saying that it is not permitted for thee to seize the things of others, and by that means to become a great leader. Be content with those things which God has permitted thee to take from the infidels. But the provinces which thou hast snatched like a robber from the rest of the princes, restore them at once, turning back, so that it may go well with thee before God, and thou mayest have the gratitude and praise of the rest of the princes. But if not, I, with God's help, shall be their avenger."

Having said these and many other things, Bayezid ^C ordered their beards to be shaven off with a razor and them to be sent away in disgrace, saying to them, "Go, announce to your lord: let him come quickly, for I am waiting for him. Let him be separated from his lawful wife if he does not come." After having spoken these and other trifling insults to them, he sent them away in disgrace.

Notes of Ismaël Boulliau

^A He, ^B however, not neglecting this, but with all his army marched toward the higher regions of Armenia; for in the preceding time he had taken the great Sebastia of Cappadocia. ^B And in this campaign, having crossed the borders of Greater Armenia and entered the land of the Turco-Persians, he took one of the cities called Arsyngas. Having then turned back, he came to Prusa; and having departed from Prusa and crossed the strait, he came to Adrianople and sent word to the Emperor John, saying: "I, even if I drove the Emperor Manuel from the city, did not do this for your sake, but for my own. If you wish to be our friend, depart from your present position, and I will give you whatever province you desire; if not, God and His great prophet are my witnesses that I will spare no one, but will utterly destroy all." ^C Bajazet sent these and other messages filled with rage, but they entrusted their hopes to God. For they had been practicing for a long time taking little for sustenance. They answered, saying: "Go, announce to your master that we, being in weakness and great ^D oppression, have nowhere to take refuge except in God, who helps the weak and casts down the powerful; and do whatever you meditate." In those days, messages arrived from Amasia, saying that Temyr Chan was campaigning against Syria. Bajazet, having crossed the strait and staying in Prusa, sent everywhere to gather forces from all parts of both East and West. Meanwhile, Temyr Chan traversed Armenia, first conquering Arsyngas by the law of war, and slaughtered all the colonists who had been brought there by Bajazet. Then he came to Sebastia, which was a large city, and pitched a camp; and seeking to take the city, and when those within did not surrender, he dug around it, set it upon beams and planks from the foundations, without anyone within knowing what was happening to them. For the diggers had begun the excavation from a mile or more away from the city. The city was built of sun-dried brick. Then he sent word again to those inside, saying: "If you wish to be saved, surrender the city." But they, not being persuaded, but having poured forth boundless insults, he cast fire ^D [on the beams upon which the city was set, and it fell from its foundations, and entering...]

they began to strike down the citizens without mercy and to plunder and despoil them. Furthermore, Temyr Chan ordered all the chief men of the city to be gathered into one place, and directed that pits be dug like vast sepulchers, and that they be bound with a bond which none of the tyrants of past times had ever devised. For they bent their necks, and having thrust them between their legs, until the neck of that wretched and unfortunate man, whoever he might be, was brought down to the anus, and his shanks alongside his knees were pinned from both ears. And the man, like a hedgehog, orb-shaped, was hurled into the sepulcher; and though ten or even more were in one grave, they did not cover them with earth; but having fastened them with boards, they piled earth over the boards, so that having been stifled not quickly or easily, they might be deprived of life. Such a torture did the Scythian devise. When, therefore, he had destroyed it utterly, he came into the regions of Phoenicia, and as far as Damascus itself, and burns and plunders everything, and takes away incalculable wealth and a great multitude of captives. And having devastated Damascus, he crosses over to Aleppo, and destroyed it also, and transferred many masters of the arts to Persia, and having frightened the Arabs, he journeyed back to Samarkand, the capital of Persia. ^B But Bajazet, hearing the things that had come to pass at Arsyngan, in the city of Sebastia, in Syria, and in Damascus, and at Aleppo, did not cease from making census-takings both in his own lands and in Asia, gathering a new army and increasing it beyond measure. The poor citizens, with the emperor, lifting their hands to God and shedding most copious tears, supplicated, saying: "O God and Lord of mercy, have mercy upon us, your useless servants; and give to him who threatens us, this our house, and the holy things that are in it, some other concern, some other care, another thought, so that, having been delivered from his tyranny, we may glorify you, Father and Son and Holy Spirit, the one God, unto the ages. Amen."

CHAPTER XVI

Temyr Chan, as spring began ^D, moving from Persia toward the regions of the Tanais, and having gathered a collection of Tauroscythians, Zychians, and Ishmaelites,

^A and having razed the small towns in the Bosporus, he crossed into the parts of Armenia; and having passed through Cappadocia with a large army, and having taken up not a few of the Armenians, he arrived at the parts of Galatia, having an army equal in multitude to that of Xerxes of old. Bayezid, for his part, having gathered every army, both Thracian and Eastern, and another newly conscripted army, and having with him Stephen the son of Lazarus, the Serb, together with many guards, also went out to meet Temyr. But when he too approached the regions of Galatia, he learned that Temyr was encamped at the city of Ancyra. Having approached nearby, and having fixed his tents in the middle of the plain near Ancyra, he had a river flowing by, and potable water for the need of the army, the horses, and the entire host. Temyr, however, was dwelling on arid ground. But what happens? Bayezid orders a proclamation to be made in the midst of the camp: that the following day everyone should go out on a hunt. ^B He went out, therefore, with his entire army, hunting and chasing deer for three days. But Temyr, rising from the place where he was, came and encamped on the banks of the river where Bayezid had previously sat. Water, therefore, being scarce—since the sun was also making its journey in Leo—Temyr was no longer concerned about obtaining water. But Bayezid, boasting and haughtily showing his disdain for the engagement with Temyr, as if he were considering it a secondary matter, busied himself with the hunt; and this was the beginning of his misfortune. For having gone out, and with the sun at its meridian, the soldiers were failing in life under the heat, and they sought water and there was none, and they fainted and died. Five thousand men therefore died in that hardship. After three days, when he turned back to the place where he had been lying, he found Temyr having arrived there first, ^C and the water was not under his own control, but the location of the place kept it at a distance, and they could not [get to it] easily. By necessity, therefore, they knew that on the next day they would necessarily have to join battle. In the year that was already waning, while the sun was traversing the twelfth house of Gemini, in the western region, a sign appeared in the heavens, a messenger of evils: this was a comet of great...

Notes of Ismaël Boulliau

(5) The Tauroscythians are those who dwell between the Borysthenes and the Tanais, and inhabit the Tauric Chersonese. The Zychian people are those by the Euxine Sea, otherwise called Sindi. Pliny, Book VI, ch. 7: "By the Cimmerian [region] dwell the Maeotici, Vali, Serbi, Archi, Zingi, Pessii." These Zyngi are, according to Pliny, the Zinchi, located on the peninsula of Corocondama. The Sindi and Zinchi are the same; in Eustathius on this verse: "Behind the Sauromatae follow the Sindi, who by some are called Zinchi." The region of the Zinchi is called in the Royal Library, book 118, in the formulas of subscriptions and inscriptions of the epistles of the Patriarch of Constantinople: and it is held among the Metropolitas to whom the Patriarch writes. Constantine Porphyrogenitus, in [his work] *On the Administration of the Empire*, left this noted about Zinchia: that in the part of Zinchia toward the place of Papagia, which faces the side of Panagia, where the Zinchi reside, there are nine springs giving forth a foul scent, the water of which, if drunk, brings ulcers and pustules to the lips.

(6) Emperor Leo’s *Tactics*, Book I, ch. 2, has this title: *On the arrangement of the "aplekta"*. To "aplekton" and "fossaton" are the same, and denote a camp, and the verb "aplekeuein" signifies to pitch a camp in the same place. By apocope of the "a," Ducas wrote "plekeuon," a figure so familiar to the Greeks even now that one word is scarcely pronounced whole by them, nor can traces of the ancient Greek idiom be discerned.

(7) Ancyra is a city of Galatia.

^A and clear, revealing an erect mane in the likeness of a flaming fire; and above four cubits, not unlike a spear, it cast beams from west to east; and when the sun had submerged below the horizon, it illuminated all the borders of the earth with its own rays, nor did it allow the other stars to emit their light, nor the air to be darkened by the shadow of night: because its light surpassed the splendor of others, and it stretched out flaming toward the vertex of the heavens as long as it stood above the horizon. This portent was seen by the Indians, Chaldeans, Egyptians, Phrygians, Persians, the inhabitants of Asia Minor, the Thracians, Huns, Dalmatians, Italians, Spaniards, and Germans, and whatever other nations dwell upon the shores of the Ocean: and this reddish and shining portent, most terrible of all, which is called a Lampadias, endured until the autumnal equinox, when the sun began to pass through the sign of Libra. ^B

But let us return again to the matter, and consider how God, by a new and miraculous prodigy, submerged one Pharaoh into the deep sea by means of another Pharaoh, and how the people of God obtained a respite and cessation from their many labors; yet they neither saw nor understood it. The Scythian, therefore, having issued a proclamation throughout the camp in the evening, so that all might be present at the following light, mounted on horseback and armed, arose at the deep of dawn and drew up into battle-order the commanders of the cohorts and the chiliarchs. ^C Upon the right wing he placed his eldest son as leader; upon the left, the grandson whom he had by him: for Temyr had already exceeded sixty years. He himself, however, led the rear of the battle-line; and then he encouraged his men with these words: "O my multitude, invincible army, nature of adamant, wall of brass, insuperable generation, you have heard what our ancestors performed gloriously from the beginning, not among the eastern nations—for the East is our fatherland—but in Europe and in Africa, and, to speak in a word, throughout the whole world. You know accurately the expedition undertaken by Xerxes and Artaxerxes against the Greeks, I say the Greeks, the demigod heroes; for these ^D semibarbarian Turks can no more be compared with them than a locust can be compared with a lion. Nor do I recall these things to your memory to rouse your boldness, for the prey can no longer escape from our hands; but let no place of flight be given to this bugbear. And that it may be taken alive and intact, and that we may carry it off into the Persian land as a spectacle for our children, let us teach it not to adjure us hereafter by our wives. I wish, therefore, that this great body of troops which we see might be surrounded,

Notes of Ismael Boulliau

^A And let the right side be led in a circular manner, and likewise the left; and fortify the whole plain, and let the enemy be found in the center, as if he were the fixed point of a compass. Then the two horns, one from the right and the other from the left, began to circle the territory, since it was still early morning. Bajazet, as the sun was rising, having drawn up his own legions and having sounded the war-trumpet, stood awaiting the starting signal from the Scythians. But they carried out their orders without voice or shouting or any ordinary sound, laboring like tireless ants. Therefore Bajazet began to chatter and insult his own high officials, and to demote and beat the ^B *Tziavousidas*, as if they were not opposing the war properly. But one of the leading men from the *bandon* of Atin, having heard that his lord Atin was standing face-to-face with his brother in the battle line of Temyris, let go of all the reins, and having seized the *bandon*, fled with five hundred hoplites to the enemy. Those of Sarchan and those of Mantachia and Carmian did the same, seeing their leaders shouting and making signs, and they all fled to them and went toward the adversaries. Bajazet, like the jackdaw, was gradually stripped bare. ^C The host of the Scythians was circling around, and it became a sphere as it had just been [suggested]. Seeing this, Stephen, the son of Lazar and brother-in-law of Bajazet, still being with him with five thousand Serbian spear-bearers, and not bearing the defeat, advanced with martial spirit against the Scythians, having set all the spears facing forward toward the Scythians. The Scythians, seeing the audacity full of spirit, opened a gate and gave them a way out. The Scythians shot their arrows from behind at the soldiers in the hindquarters of their horses; for they could not harm the riders, as they were fenced in by black iron. The Serbians, turning back again, ^D and opening the gate again, the Scythians gave them passage; yet, from both sides, not a few fell. Stephen approached Bajazet and spoke sufficient words into his ear, but he did not make him amenable to fleeing; for already many dogs had encircled him, and fat bulls were pressing around him. Stephen, therefore, observing the things that were happening and foreseeing what would come to be a little later, secretly took his own men and the firstborn son of Bajazet, the one called Musulman, and striking again into the middle of the adversaries, and with great force thinning them out, and throwing down many, he himself... [index: entries preserved]

^A barely escaped the snares. For the Scyths, having gathered densely from the outer circle to the inner and thicker one, had arrived at a compact mass. Stephen was fleeing along the road leading to Prusa, and Musulman with him. But the Scyths, sparing none of the Turks who were in flight, cut them all down without mercy, until Bajazet (15) ascended a certain hill in the middle of the plain because of the severe congestion, having with him ten thousand slaves bought for money, whom they call Janissaries; all the rest had dispersed in a rout. The Scyths, pursuing the Turks, when they saw Bajazet in the midst of the ranks already struggling like a sea-bass, ^B after a cry went out that no one should kill anyone, stripped them and let them go. For this is a law (14) transmitted from ancestors to descendants, remaining uncorrupted not only among Romans, but also among Persians, Triballi, and Scyths, because they profess the same religion: to plunder their goods, but not to enslave their bodies, nor to kill anyone outside the battle array. Then the slaves of Bajazet, like lions, turned upon the Scyths. But the Scyths, because of their excessive ordering, stood against the Turks; for what could ten do against a hundred Scyths? Nevertheless, they were all slaughtered, and the misfortunes of Bajazet had reached such a point that the Scyths approached him and said: "Dismount from your horse, O Bajazet, and come hither; Temur Khan calls you." Then, even though against his will, he climbed down from his horse (15); for he was ^C

*Notes of Ismael Bullialdus.*

...Bajazet with his wife and children Musulman, Jesus, and Mehemet were captured, as he relates. But Leunclavius, book vii, in the beginning, testifies that only Musam (that is, Moses) with his father was captured: and Phranzes, book i, chap. 22, agrees with him. Leuncl. in the same place writes that the Emir Suleiman was withdrawn from the battle by Eisnes-Bego and Hassan-Aga and led away to Europe. This Suleiman is the Ducas's Musulman, whom Stephen, in Leunclavius lib. vii, seeing the situation desperate, snatched away by flight from the battle. ^D ... [regarding] Genitzeros, when he writes that they deserted Bajazet at the very last: and that they did not surrender until, with no hope of safety remaining, they saw that Bajazet was soon to be captured. Concerning what our author adduces, Leunclav. lib. vi relates the purpose of Temyr, and reports his words to Bajazet: "At what time," he says, "I was departing from my own regions, about to undertake this expedition, I swore and promised to God that, if I were to emerge victor from the ensuing battle, I would kill no one from that time forward." But when Ducas says that the Romans used the same custom, it must be understood as being towards Romans; just as the Musulmans use it towards Musulmans. The Turks refer this defeat and captivity of Bajazet to the year of the Hegira 803, ending three days later, which was the year of Christ 1401, August 7, feria 2; for the year began August 11, feria 5; a comet seen in the spring preceding this epoch of time confirms this, which Juvenalis Ursinius testifies shone in the year 1401, and in the Chronology of Buntingus, as we have already said, which for the rest, and also for the vulgar characters of the year, is more certain. The hottest time of the year, when the Sun was traversing the dodecatemorion of Leo, also agrees. Ursinius, however, relates that the battle was begun in the year 1402; Phranzes wishes it to have happened in that year on July 28, as is gathered from lib. i, chapters 21 and 22. In that year he writes he was born on August 30, while Constantinople was being besieged; but it is certain that the siege of the city had been resolved long before Temyr had defeated Bajazet in war; wherefore the July in which Phranzes relates these princes fought in line of battle will be the year 6910, of Christ 1402, which is also confirmed by his words, in which he confesses, chapter 24, that he will write thenceforth regarding the glorious deeds and worthy of memory that happened from the year 6910: whence that year 6909 is excluded. It has not been concealed that the mark or character of time, which Leunclavius refers from the history of Hanivaldana, agrees with July of the year of the world [Christ 1402]; for he says it was fought at Ancyra on feria 6, which is called Zuma-Juma, that is, the day of the temple, by the Turks: and from there the day of July was feria 6 in the year of the Hegira ending, and after three days beginning the year 805, August 1, feria 3. Paulus Iovius in Annal. Genuens. lib. v, Ubertus Folleta lib. 13, Petrus Bizarus also lib. ix of the History of Genoa, [and] Augustin. Justinian. in the Genoese Annals write that the battle was fought in the year 1402. That Damascus was captured and devastated by Temyr in the year 1400, Augustinus Justin. testifies, the destruction of which city, according to our Ducas, preceded the battle at Ancyra by one year. Nevertheless, the aforementioned comet...

^A led him away. When he had heard that Bajazet had fallen into his power, he ordered a tent to be erected, under which he sat with his son playing at zatrikion, which game the Persians call *shatranj*, but the Latins *scaccum* [chess]. By this playful diversion, he wished to show that he was not so anxious about the capture of Bajazet, and that he had held [the] prey before his nets in his countless forces; yet, what the reality was, he hid. For although he had drawn up his battle line with forces twice as large, he was nevertheless exceedingly anxious and angry within himself, until he perceived that matters had turned out happily for him; then he began to act with cunning and wile, and to measure the gifts of fortune by his own bravery. Finally, they bring up Bajazet, and place him standing at the vestibule of the tent, and with a loud voice ^B they pursued Chan Temyren with auspicious acclamations, and among them the name of Bajazet was heard most often: "Behold, the prince of the Turks stands fettered before you." But Temyr, intent on the game of chess, did not leap up at the voices of those acclaiming him; therefore, those present acclaimed again with a more insistent voice, and repeated the name of Bajazet once more. Temyr, having then been defeated in the game of chess by his son, gave him the name in Persian *Siachruch* [Shah Rukh]—which is called by the Italians *Scacco zocco*—and he called his son by that name from then on. Having then gazed and seen the line of troops and Bajazet in the midst like a criminal, he asked them, saying: "Is this the one who, a little while ago, was threatening that he would separate our wives if we did not join battle?" To which Bajazet, ^C having received the reply, said: "I am he; for it does not befit you to hold the conquered in such arrogance and to despise them; but learn, you who are also a prince, to impose limits and measure on your rule." Then Temyr, perceiving the immoderately inflamed bile within him, because he had remained fasting from morning until evening and, parched by the most bitter heat and dust, was scorched and dried up; and as he stood upright, Temyr ordered him to sit before him, and he soothed him with a gentle and mild speech, and consoled him. He then commanded three tents...

^D [index: entries preserved]

that is to say, magnificent pavilions, to be pitched, saying to him: "Go, take your rest, and do not expect me to do unto you what you have done unto others. I swear to you by God and His prophet that no other person shall separate your soul from your body, except God, who joined them together." ^B Then, Bajazet having entered the tents which Temyr had gifted him, Temyr commanded a trench to be dug around the tents, and ordered a thousand Persian soldiers to keep guard in a circle about the tents, and outside the trench five thousand picked men from his own household guards, changing them every day and night.

For eight days he remained in that same plain where the battle took place. And in these days the Persian army dispersed from Galatia into Phrygia, Bithynia, Paphlagonia, Lesser Asia, Caria, Lycia, and Pamphylia, so that in every province and city all the army of Temyr, and Temyr himself, seemed to be present; thus, in those eight days, that multitude overflowed and flooded [everything]. Temyr, having plundered immense wealth and many captives from Ancyra, and burning and consuming all those he met, came to Cotyaeum, the metropolis of Phrygia, bringing with him also Bajazet, well enclosed in the manner we have already described. ^C However, something happened in Ancyra that is worthy of memory.

While Bajazet was still engaged in the war, four of his sons were with him in the army: first Musulman, the second Esses, the third Mehemet, and the fourth Moses; but at home he kept two others who were still infants, Mustapha and Orchan. Now, in the year that the battle was fought, the father had assigned the province of Galatia, to be governed by his third son, Mehemet. When he saw that his father was about to fall into the hands of the Scythians—as it seemed in a short time—he himself also fled with those under his command, and he wandered through the mountains as a fugitive, awaiting the outcome of events. Having found miners who were very industrious and diligent...

Notes of Ismael Bullialdus

(19) And having soothed and consoled. Leunclavius, Book VII of the *History of the Mussulmans*, explains the manner in which Temyr received and kept Bajazet. Phranzes, Book I, chapter 29, and Laonicus, Book III, not far from the end, differ from Ducas and Leunclavius. ^D (20) And Temyr having received wealth. Laonicus and Leunclavius testify that Temyr was most cruel and most avaricious. (21) While Bajazet was still in the time of the war. Leunclavius, Book VIII, in the beginning, enumerates all the sons of Bajazet: their names were these: Ertogrul, emir Suleiman, Mustapha Zelebis, Isa Zelebis, Musa Zelebis, sultan Mehemet, and Cassimes or Cassumies Zelebis. Ertogrul was killed in the battle against Casim Bucharedin; Mustaphas perished in the Temyrian battle. Suleiman escaped safely, and Mehemet also survived when things were desperate. Isa came to Prusa or Bursa, and held his seat of empire there. Musa was captured with his father; meanwhile, Cassumes was being educated in the Seraglio. In this place our author omitted the name of Mustapha, and asserts that he did not fall in the battle below: whom, moreover, Ducas calls Esses, Laonicus and Leunclavius call Isa; and even today the Turks call our Lord and Redeemer, the Prophet, Isa. He will later appear on the scene against Mehemet, who, after Musulman, Moses, and Esc or Isa were killed, and after this Mustapha was defeated, alone will obtain the sum of the Osman empire. Leunclavius therefore differs from our author both in the age of Mustapha and in the name of the youngest, who is called Orchan by our author, and Cassumes by him. (23) Having found miners. Laonicus, Book III, relates that it was attempted by the son of Bajazet that he might be set at liberty, the miners of Temyr having been corrupted with a large sum of money, who dug a tunnel into the part where Bajazet was: but finally, they were caught in the very act. Leunclavius and Phranzes make no mention of this noble and bold deed.

and reaching the middle of their tents, for they had nearly accomplished the scheme, had not some divine power prevented the miscreant from being liberated. Now when it was morning—for the sun was hidden beneath the earth, traversing the Lion for about nine hours—the new contingent arrived, and seeing the earthworks of the pit, they raised a cry; and the guards who slept through the night were awakened, and a great clamor arose throughout the entire army. Then they leaped in and found Bayezid standing in the middle of the tent, and Chotiaferuzes, his arch-eunuch, who had been captured together with him. The diggers fled, and with them Mehemet. In the morning, having appeared ^A before Temyr and having reviled him, and having spoken threatening words to him to his face, he ordered Chotiaferuzes to be beheaded. From that time on, a great guard was placed over him, and iron collars and fetters—this during the night; but by day, numerous soldiers did not cease guarding him.

CHAPTER XVII

Departing from Cotyaeum, Temyr, overturning everything, enslaving all, seizing every treasure to be found with numerous tortures and punishments—burning, hanging, showing men buried alive, and performing every other torment—came to Prusa; and opening the treasuries, he emptied out the heirlooms won by the Romans: gold, silver, precious stones, and pearls measured by the choinix like grains of wheat. He found there also his wives and concubines, and with them the daughter of Lazarus. And having taken all that belonged to Prusa, Nicaea, Nicomedia, and the surrounding cities—the inexhaustible treasuries—he arrived in lower Phrygia; and having plundered all the small towns and cities, he came into Asia. And having crossed Adramyttium and Assos, he came to ^{A B C D} [Notes of Ismael Bullialdus:]

(24) As to why Ducas is silent about that iron cage, to the point of not saying a word about it, although he recounts other matters with sufficient accuracy: for my part, to speak my mind, I will candidly say that, with the kind permission of those who disagree, men of that time invented that cage to exaggerate the inhumanity and cruelty of Temyr-chan; or perhaps the iron manacles and fetters with which Bayezid was bound at night is what they called an iron cage. Leunclavius, Book VII, partly confirms the narrative of Ducas regarding Chotiaferuzes or Hozzapherizes-Beg, specifically that he was captured in battle; but he omitted that his head had been cut off, which our author narrates as having happened.

(25) Ducas narrates the feats of Temyr more accurately than Leunclavius or Laonicus: he describes the capture of Smyrna quite well, which he could have known because of the proximity of the places, since Lesbos is only a two-day journey from Smyrna; and this he could have known from the records of the prince of Lesbos or Mitylene, who rendered honor and service to Temyr to avoid his cruelty and wrath. Ducas himself assisted the successor of the prince of Lesbos in primary matters, and was considered among his most intimate associates and counselors. Jacobus Bosius in his *History of the Order of St. John of Jerusalem* states that Smyrna was captured by Temyr, just as Laonicus, Book III, who briefly explains that expedition and describes the engines Temyr used for the capture of cities. Leunclavius does not teach that Smyrna was captured.

(26) Leunclavius, Book VII, states that the daughter of Lazarus, who is called Maria above, was ordered to come to Temyr's banquet, even though among the Zagatai Scythians this was not considered a vice or a disgrace. Bayezid, however, considering the injury to be done to himself according to the custom of his nation, bore it most bitterly. See also Laonicus regarding this matter, Book III.

(27) Adramyttium, a maritime city of Phrygia.

^A Having arrived at Pergamon and spent some days there, he amassed the treasures of the neighboring cities and seized young boys and girls as captives. He tortured and punished all the Turks and Romans alike, burning some with fire and starving others to death in confinement for the sake of gold and silver. Having gathered together all the wealth of those cities, he set out for Magnesia, which is situated on Mount Sipylus. Having collected there all the gold and silver treasures of Lydia, and all the wealth that Sardis, Philadelphia, and Attalus possessed, he came to Smyrna. There, he pitched his camp next to the small fort of the Brothers that had been built in the days of the aforementioned Omur, and he demanded it be surrendered to him by them. But the Brothers—for many men and women, Ephesians, Thyraians, Nymphaians (29), and Christians from other cities had fled for refuge into the fort—refused, trusting in the fact that it would not be captured by anyone; for Bayezid, too, had campaigned every year and had not ceased to guard the approaches securely, so that he might master the small fort by famine, since he accomplished nothing by war.

Then Temyr, having conceived a plan, set about blocking the mouth of the harbor, having issued an order from the evening that on the following morning each of the soldiers should take a stone and cast it into the mouth of the harbor, and this was done. When those in the castle saw this, they were terrified; and had they not dragged their triremes and ships out of the harbor into the open sea at the first hour of the day, they would have been burned to ashes by the Scythians. ^B Beginning in the early morning and continuing until the first hour, they made the liquid dry land. Nor did even a tenth—what do I say, a tenth? Not even a hundredth part of the army sufficed for the work commanded. For the whole army was a countless multitude, occupying every region all around, and, before anything could be heard of their coming, they traversed one land after another, often covering a journey of three days in a single day, racing about like birds of the air, bringing nothing with them, yet having everything that is most excellent as supplies for easy conquest.

For these things are so: both the ability to sally forth in such great numbers, exceeding all count, and the swiftness and quickness of their movement. And greater than these is that they entirely spare not themselves, and against their enemies they proceed into battle like wild beasts. When the Scythians had crossed the mouth of the harbor and reached the ditches of the town, the Brothers fought bravely from the battlements with missiles, and they caused the Scythians to fall into the ditches like locusts ^C being slaughtered by sparrows, and the ditch was raised up by the bodies of the Scythians; and the Scythians, like heads of the hydra… ^D

^A grew up again. For the remainder, in exceeding great numbers, trampled upon the bodies of the fallen Scythians, and placing ladders, they ascended, and some reached the battlements of the walls, while others entered the path that leads to Hades and death. Nor did any survivor turn away from trampling upon the bodies of their own fathers or children, nor did they make any distinction between theirs and others; but each was intent only upon this one thing, how he might be the first to ascend and place the scepter on the tower. Then, having ascended from all sides and having pursued the friars into the inner part, they were concerned only for their own safety in flight, and bringing the triremes near the acropolis, they boarded in confusion and disorder, having the Bailie himself and the rest of the friars along with them. But all the Christians who had come there for protection from the outside, along with their wives and children—some in the sea, some clutching the rudders of the triremes, others the oars, others the lines of the prow and the anchors—cried out to the passengers: "Have mercy on us, for we are Christians, and do not abandon us here." But they, striking with cudgels at the hands reaching out, and spreading their sails, sailed away, leaving them half-dead. The Scythians, having taken the acropolis and having collected the captives into one place—for they were, with their wives and children, over a thousand—brought them before Temyr, and he ordered all their heads to be severed with the sword. And having built a single tower, putting ^B in one stone and one head, joining them together, so that the faces might stand in sequence; and in the other order, where there was stone, there was a head upon it; and where there was a head, there was a stone upon it, with all the faces visible on the outer surface. And it was possible to see a strange monster and an inhuman contrivance.

The Phocaeans sent legates before he arrived in the regions of Ionia, and they did him homage with very many gifts; and he received them and made peace with them. For one of them belonged to the Genoese, which was also called the New, and the other was subject to the governor of Mitylene, which was also called the Old. Temyr, having come to Smyrna and warring against it, sent his grandson to explore the Phocaeas; and when the governor of Lesbos learned of this, he boarded a trireme and came to the Phocaeas. And going out of the city and playing the host as was proper to the grandson of Temyr, they ate and drank and gave themselves to joy together, and he then sent him away with many gifts. The kin of Temyr bestowed upon him a scepter as a sign of affection, and having embraced one another, ^C the one by trireme and the other having mounted a horse, they parted from one another. And having arrived and finding that Smyrna had been razed to its very foundations, he made his journey toward Ephesus, and having gathered his army from all sides. ^D

^A For a command had been issued by him from Ancyra: “Wherever the grandees and satraps with those under them may happen to be, let all be found at Ephesus.” For indeed he was journeying back from Ephesus toward his native lands; there he pitched his tents and spent thirty days, and after gathering all the surrounding fortresses of the city, and cities, and villages, and after collecting—through many tortures and burnings—all the gold and silver and every other precious material and costly clothing left behind by their ancestors, he departed. And he came to the metropolis of Caria, Miletus [Mylasa], ^B where such a fierce winter set in, with cold and frost, that the very nature of four-footed animals, as well as the birds of the air and the water creatures, were frozen stiff, their nature having been turned into ice. But when the army of Temyr migrated from one city to another, he left the place from which he was departing so desolate and full of the horror of solitude, that not even a dog’s bark could be heard anywhere, nor the twittering of a tame bird, nor the wailing of a child; but just as a fisherman draws a net from the sea onto the shore, pulling in whatever it has caught—whether a small fish or a large one, and even the vilest little fish and tiny crab—so did they likewise plunder the whole of Asia and depart. From Miletus they went to Upper Phrygia Cappatiana, doing the same things. From Laodicea they arrived at Phrygia Salutaris ^C (which the Turks in their own language call Karasar); there also the much-afflicted Iltirim Bajazet died. Many affirm, then, that he deprived himself of life with poison. For Temyr indeed wished him to live and to bring him into Persia, and to show the Persians what a beast he had captured, and to put him on display and lead him in triumph, and after that, to cause him to be relieved through great affliction. But since he was breathing his last, he signifies to Temyr [saying]: “I am now exchanging this life for death; but you, look upon me dead with a joyful and cheerful face, and give my body ^D to be buried in the tomb built by me.” And having heard these words, the Scythian was softened in his resolve; and having sent him off by slaves who were undertakers as if he were...

one of a hundred whom he liberated, he brought him to Prusa, and they buried him in the tomb which he himself had built. Temyr, having departed from there, arrived at Lycaonia, and from there to Caesarea, then to Lesser and Greater Armenia. Having spent one year outside of Persia, he returned as a victor and a triumpher after that time, bearing booty and spoils such as no tyrant of the Persians ever had. But let us return ^A again to the later leaders of the Othmans, and let us see in what way the prosperities of the sovereignty passed over to them. For the Emperor Manuel, having heard of the defeat of the Turks, and the sudden change of Bajazit ^B—how he had fallen as lightning from heaven—immediately returned to Byzantium. And his nephew yields the helm of the empire, and he himself is sent to the island of Lemnos. And Manuel is hailed as sole emperor by the palace and the people. But Mousulman, having crossed over into the West, entered within the city and falls at the feet of the emperor, and beseeches him, saying, “I will be to you as a son, and you shall be my father; and from now on there shall be no tares of discord sown in our midst, nor will there be any offenses; only appoint me governor of Thrace, and of such other land as I possessed through my fathers.” He handed over to him as hostages one of his under-age brothers ^C, and one of his sisters, called Phatmacatun; promising to give to the emperor Thessalonica, and the places by the Strymon as far as Zetunium, and the Peloponnese; and the lands surrounding the city from Panium as far as the Sacred Mouth, and from the Sacred Mouth as far as Varna, all the coastal fortresses situated on the Euxine Sea.

CHAPTER XVIII

Emperor Manuel, when he had heard of the defeat of the Turks and the sudden change of fortune of Bajazit, who had fallen like a lightning bolt from heaven, returned to Byzantium instantly, and received the helm of the empire to be governed from his nephew, whom he relegated to Lemnos. Manuel, therefore, is greeted as emperor alone by the palatine officials and the populace. But Musulman, having crossed the strait, betook himself to the western regions, and having entered Constantinople, fell at the feet of the emperor and addressed this suppliant speech to him: “I will be a son to you, and you will be a father to me; and from this time forth no tares of discord shall be disseminated between us, nor shall any offenses come between us; only constitute me prefect of Thrace and of other regions, as many as my ancestors possessed.” He also handed over hostages from his under-age brothers, one, and one sister called Phatma-catun; and he promised that he would restore to the emperor Thessalonica, and the towns situated as far as Zetunium by the Strymon, and the Peloponnese, and also the towns near the city from Panium as far as the Sacred Mouth, and from hence as far as Varna, all the coastal fortresses placed upon the shores of the Euxine Sea. ^D

^A Once peace had been established, the Emperor sent him to Adrianople and dispatched Demetrius Leontarius, 37 a man prudent and quick in military matters, to receive Thessalonica. When he had taken it and notified the Emperor, he brought Emperor John inside and proclaimed him emperor of all Thessaly. Likewise, the Emperor sent famous Romans to all the cities and small towns, and they recovered them, having driven out the Turks; and in the Thracian regions there was peace of every kind and undisturbed tranquility. But in the East, there was great turmoil and a sudden change of rulers in the provinces. ^B Therefore, with the onset of spring, after that severe winter and tempest had passed, a powerful famine and plague arose in all the provinces which the feet of the Scythians had trodden, along with civil wars. Thus, the Carmanian 38, having received permission from Temyr, returned to his ancestral domain and recovered it; likewise, Sarchan recovered his ancestral principality of Lydia. Orchan and the two sons of Atin, Homur and Esses, all occupied Ionia for themselves. Elias, the son of Mantachia, also gained possession of Caria and Lydia. As for the sons of Bajazet who had been left in the East, one of them, Mehemetes, 39 remained in Ancyra in Galatia, since he had no inheritance or province; his younger brother Moses, being still a child, lived with him. Esses, the other one, wandered hither and thither, possessing no authority or empire, and Mustaphas was in the same condition. Wherefore Mehemetes ordered one of the magnates who accompanied his father, named Temirtes, who was then present in those regions, to march against Esse from Ancyra; and having engaged him in battle, Temirtes emerged victorious and cut off his head. Thus Mehemetes was magnified in Galatia. ^C Meanwhile, in the part toward Ionia 40 that belonged to Atin, there arose a man named Cineites, the son of the one called Karasupasi, a man brave and experienced in military affairs.

Ismaelis Bullialdi notes

^A and skilled in the art of war; his father, while Bayezid held supreme power, had governed Smyrna, and because his rule had been long-enduring, the Smyrniotes revered him as their general toparch and prefect. At this time, he undertook a war against the sons of Atin, for they dwelt in Ephesus. Cineis, having gathered the Smyrniotes and about five hundred men from the surrounding villages, descended and plundered those in the field of Ephesus. In a short time, having gathered more than five hundred others, he arrived at the city of the Ephesians itself. Having laid siege to the town, in a few days the son of Atin abandoned it and fled, and Cineis became master of the principality. Nevertheless, he constantly wrote to Musulman, who was in Thrace, saying, "I endure these toils for your sake; it is not for myself that I have taken hold of the principality of Atin, but for you. Send me help, therefore, so that I may oppose your enemies to the end as long as they persist." Placing his trust in these words, Musulman sent ^B much treasure from Gallipoli to Smyrna once, twice, and many times over, with which he met the daily expenses of the war until he drove out the heirs of Atin.

In the beginning of spring, in the second year after that terrible incursion of the Scythians, one of the sons of Atin, who was also called Homur—the other having died—returned to his uncle, Mantachias Eliezpegus, the prince of Caria, and as a suppliant, falling at his feet, he begged for help. Mantachias received him very kindly, assented to his request, and, having gathered his entire army, went to Ephesus in the company of Homur, bringing with him about six thousand men. But they who were in the city, with Karasupasis, the father of Cineis, numbered only three thousand, because Cineis was at that time staying in Smyrna. The Ephesians, however, did not submit then but, resisting courageously, cast fire into the city. The flame, having been kindled through the four quarters, devoured the houses, and those things which had been left behind by the Scythians, the fire consumed like hay. And the whole city was ash and dust in two days. The Ephesians, seeing such great ruin, surrendered. ^C Karasupasis retreated into the citadel and endured the siege until the autumn, expecting help from his son, Cineis. But he was unable to leave Smyrna and go to Ephesus, because the scarcity of soldiers forbade it. Finally, therefore, having thrown open the gates, he surrendered the citadel, which fell into the hands of Mantachias; he took him and the others who were in the town, and led them off in chains to his own principality. He settled the son of Atin, Homur, in his paternal principality, and Karasupasis...

Ismaelis Bullialdi notae. (41) *Homur*—this was the brother of Ese or Isa, and both were grandsons of that Homur from whom Smyrna was snatched by the Knights of the Order of Jerusalem, as was narrated above, chapter 7. They are called sons of Atin because they traced their lineage from Atin, the leader of the Turks; by the name of sons, nephews and descendants are also included. (42) *Eliezpegus*—that is, the Eli-beg of the descendants of Mantachias.

^A in a small town, having bound and thrown him into a tower, along with those who were with him; Mammalos is the name of the small town. But what, then, is Cineites doing? Setting out from Smyrna with one bireme, he sailed along the coast of Caria and arrived at Mammalos, where he secretly sent word to those who were imprisoned that he had come to steal them away. They, having made a banquet for their guards, and having poured out unmixed wine until they were sated and had put them to sleep as if they were dead, exited the tower themselves; and having lowered themselves via ropes from the wall, they boarded the bireme, and sailing away, came to Smyrna. Thus there was great joy at such a theft.

^B At the beginning of winter, Cineites marched against Ephesus and shut Homur inside the small town, giving the whole city up to his soldiers to plunder. And apart from the people, who were not enslaved, everything that they had possessed after the incursion of the Scythians, they looted, and many of the citizens were slaughtered, and the destroyer committed myriad other horrible deeds. Then, having come to terms with Homur, and having given his daughter to him as a wife, and having confirmed the truth with oaths, he exited the castle; and they embraced one another as father and son, and he renounced his obedience to the Musulman with an oath, and was proclaimed general of Atinis. ^C Accompanied by him, he traversed the entire principality and drew to his own side all the cities toward the Maeander and those toward the north—Philadelphia, Sardis, Nymphaeum, as far as the Hermus river. And having placed in them men most faithful to himself, and having entrusted the entire government and administration of them to his own kinsmen and friends, he himself stayed in Ephesus with his future son-in-law. One day, however, in the morning, a rumor spread among the citizens that the leader had died. After sunrise, therefore, they carried his body out to the small town which is called Pyrgion, situated at the foothills of Mount Tmolus; and there they buried him near his ancestors. Cineites, having been raised in power and considering the principality ^D as his paternal inheritance, was called supreme duke of Asia. For this reason, since the Musulman could not bear his great insolence, he resolved to cross over into Bithynia. And having crossed the strait and entered Prusa, all the Prusans welcomed him gladly, and with as much joy as they were ready [to die] for him. Then, with spring having begun, he prepared an army.

^A against Cineites; but he, accompanied by only a few horsemen, flew to Iconium, the metropolis of Lycaonia, and addressed Caraman. From there he came to Cotyaeum, and after having held the same conversation with Carmianus, he drew both of them with their troops to Ephesus. The speech which he made to the princes was as follows: "You know accurately what great damages Bajazites inflicted upon you and your parents: some he slaughtered, others he stifled with a rope, and he himself became monarch after driving you out. Since, however, that pestilence has been removed from our midst by the just judgment of God, let not the offspring of the asp devour us, but let us rather crush his head as quickly and nimbly as possible, while he is not yet vigorous and strong, and let us lead a secure life hereafter."

When the princes heard his words and considered them useful to themselves, they traveled in chariots; Caraman brought thirty-three thousand soldiers, Carmianus ten thousand, and Cineites five thousand, and they encamped at Ephesus. Musulmanus himself also came from Prusa to Lopadium, and after counting his whole army at twenty-five thousand men, and moving from Lopadium, he came to Pergamum, in the plain of Maenomenus [47], and from the plain to Smyrna. Having learned of the meeting of Caraman and Carmianus, he was perplexed and troubled. Departing from Smyrna toward Ephesus, he came and pitched his tents at a place called Mesaulium [48]. And there, fearing the adversaries, he crowded his tents together, dug a trench, raised mounds, and sat himself in the middle with his army. His adversaries were holding camp at Ephesus, and were not even half a day’s journey—that is, a distance of six hours—apart from one another. But neither did he dare, hindered by cowardice, to provoke or attack them, nor did they [dare to attack him] because they were unequal in strength.

When therefore both sides declined to fight, and the business of war was not burning, one of the secret and intimate friends of Cineites approached him and said, "Caraman and Carmianus have agreed together and wish to hand you over this night into the hands of Musulmanus; they, having made a peaceful settlement, will return fearlessly to their own lands; they are to accomplish the whole matter this night." When Cineites heard this, as evening fell ^D, he lit torches and lamps in his tents, and having selected swift horses, he went up to the citadel to his brother Bajazites—for he was the guard of [the citadel]—and after he [informed him] accurately of the state of his affairs,

^A and instructed him to guard the city diligently until morning, he himself, with the rest of his servants, went to Musulman. And in the middle of the night, when the soldiers of Caraman and Carmian came to the tents of Cineites, they found no one. But Cineites, when morning had already come, having put a noose around his neck, came before Musulman, weeping and saying, "Lord, I have sinned, I am worthy of death. I have myself placed the noose upon my own neck. Do with me as you wish; I am rightfully subject to every punishment." Musulman, softened by these words and moved to pity for him, clothed him in a shining garment and asked, "Where are those commanders now and where is their army stationed?" He replied, "In Ephesus; and if you wish to entrust the army to me, I will go to them and bring them to you in chains." But Musulman, fearing that some treachery might be lurking behind these pretenses, did not wish to pursue them. But when the sun had risen, he himself mounted his horse and proceeded with all his army toward Ephesus, having Cineites with him. ^B Caraman and Carmian, as we have said, having come around midnight to the tents of Cineites and finding him not there, perceived the ambush; and a great noise and confusion arose in the camp. Some were searching for their horses, others for their saddles and blankets, others for camels and mules, to load them with their baggage and gear, and others for their wagons. And when the sun rose, and all was properly arranged for departure, the commanders, with the cavalry and infantry, stood on a high place, so that the mules and camels, which they were driving before them with all their baggage, might cross the passes of the Meander; but they themselves stood in line of battle for so long as they saw that the heavy burdens had passed through those defiles. Finally, they themselves, maintaining their ranks, entered those passes, and when those who were closing the rear guard had already entered them, Musulman sent his infantry across the bridge which is near Mount Galesius ^C and entered Ephesus at the fourth hour of the day, with the sun entering the sign of Libra. But Cineites tried in vain many things by which he might induce this prince to pursue them, but he could in no way be persuaded. For besides the fact that he was very easy-going and was touched by the miseries of others, he feared the tricks and devices of Cineites. And Musulman was as upright and simple as Cineites was wicked and crafty. Thus, having pitched his camp in the territory of Ephesus, he spent four months there, indulging his spirit and seeking pleasures, passing his time in luxury and delights; for he was more addicted to wine than others and prone to lust, as far as Musulman was, so good and very simple, as Cineites was wicked and crafty. Having therefore pitched his tents ^D (51)

Notes of Ismael Bullialdus

Chapter XIX.

Moses (52) defects from his brother Mehemet and withdraws into Wallachia; he invades and defeats his brother Musulman. While Musulman seeks to save himself by flight, he is killed by young men in a certain town; Moses burns the town and its inhabitants, moves against Serbia, and then attacks Constantinople in vain. Emperor Manuel summons and stirs up Mehemet against Moses. Mehemet, defeated twice, retreats to Byzantium; finally, he defeats Moses; the latter is killed while fleeing, and his body is carried to Prusa to be buried.

Now Moses, whom we mentioned earlier, while dwelling with his brother Mehemet in Ancyra of Galatia, fled ^A and came to Sinope, to the ruler of the Turkoman, Spentiares (53). Having been kindly received by him, Moses asked that he might be able to cross over to the opposite mainland, Wallachia, with his help and assistance, which he obtained from him quite easily, and he crossed into Wallachia. Then he betook himself to the Voivode Miltzes (54), to whom he made known by certain proofs who he was, and whence and how he had come thither. Wherefore the Voivode granted him freedom to travel securely through all of Wallachia, and the power to act as he pleased. But when the governors of the West, who were guarding the parts of the Danube, learned of the entry of Moses into Wallachia, they wrote and informed ^B Musulman of what had happened, and that if he did not hasten to cross into the regions of Thrace, Moses would possess the West, and he himself, while lingering in Asia, would arrive at it. Musulman, having given heed to these words, came quickly from Ephesus to Lampsacus, bringing with him also Cineitēs, having appointed another governor in his place in Ephesus and in the whole province. Now at Lampsacus, he was building a very large tower in his own name, on the shore opposite to Gallipoli. The duumvir was Salagruzo de Negro (55), a Genoese of the nobility, who, having built it as was fitting, and Musulman having seen it, he bestowed upon him very many riches. And having crossed to Gallipoli, and sitting in drinking bouts and carefree, indulging ^C and committing excesses, he did not concern himself about Moses. Moses, meanwhile, did not cease writing to the grandees and setting out for them all things useful, should he become master of the principality; and he was not only concerned with these things, but also, having gathered Turks from the regions of the Ister (Danube), he was proclaimed by them prince of all Thrace, Thessaly, and Illyricum. Musulman, [sending] Cineitēs toward the parts of Bulgaria, in the regions of the Ochrids (56). [...] to Justinian, Most Blessed Archbishop of First Justiniana, Achrida, and all of Bulgaria in the Holy Spirit, beloved brother of our mediocrity.

[index: entries preserved]

^A He appointed a governor and sent him off; he himself made his journey to Adrianople, and upon entering the city, everyone proclaimed him a benefactor and provider of all good things. And in truth it was so; for wherever Musulman went, whether in a city or in a village, to spend thirty days there, both the wealthy and the poor, and even those begging for lack of food, all became self-sufficient. Then Musulman, having gathered an army from Adrianople, sent it against Moses, while he himself spent his days in drinking. Moses, having joined battle and appearing the stronger, pursued the army of Musulman almost as far as Sofia, and the rumor went everywhere that Moses was about to become the ruler of the West. ^B And indeed, Musulman, having become aware of the imminent entrance of Moses into Adrianople—for all the multitude was flocking to him, and not a few of the notables—finally recovering somewhat from the fatigue of his drunkenness, desired to go to Constantinople. Having begun the journey with a few companions, they themselves soon abandoned him and fled, riding off to Moses. Musulman, while traveling, met with some people in a certain village (57), and the villagers saw him, and from the form of his horse, his clothing, and his appearance, recognized that he was the ruler, and ran to see him. Five young archers, carrying bows and arrows, arrived first; Musulman, feeling disturbed, let fly an arrow at them, and one of them, struck, fell headlong. He then fired a second and laid another low; then the three who remained, for these five were brothers born of the same father and blood, with one accord turned their weapons against Musulman, threw him from his horse, and once he had fallen, cut off his head. ^C The citizens of Adrianople admitted Moses, whom a long train of attendants accompanied, into the city, honored him with all the refinement they could, and he was proclaimed ruler of the West. Upon learning of the death of his brother Musulman, he mourned him and sent soldiers and the chief of his satraps, who brought his body to Adrianople; later they bore it with great pomp to Prusa and laid it in the monument that he himself had built. He even conducted a diligent inquiry into those who... ^D Ismaelis Bullialdi note: Laonicus, in his Chronicle, makes mention of Achrida. Lib. I calls the city of Macedonia "Ochridem." The Acts of Pope Leo IX against Michael Cerularius and Leo, bishop of Achrida, also clearly show it to be a city: in them exists a letter to: "The universal patriarch of New Rome, and Leo, archbishop of Achrida, metropolis of the Bulgarians, to our beloved brother in the Holy Spirit, John, bishop of Cannensis." Cantacuzenus also calls it so, lib. II, cap. 20, so that all doubt is removed, and it is established that Achrida is a city. (57) Beccani’s Annals and the Verantian History relate that the death of Musulman happened in almost the same way. Hanivaldana disagrees with them. Leunclavius, lib. X, ascribes the year of the death of Musulman to the year of the Hegira 815, which began on May 6, the 3rd feria, in the year of Christ 1410. Laonicus...

^A having made an accurate search for the murderers of Musulman, and having found all three, sent them to the village where he had been killed; and having gathered all the villagers, and bound each one together with wives and children, and having secured each one in their huts, he set them on fire. And children and parents, and kinsmen, and the huts, and the whole village were reduced to ashes and became dust. Such a punishment did that inhuman man inflict upon humans, showing the first fruits and specimen of the evils which he was destined to commit in his days. Having therefore gathered the magnates of Thrace and Macedonia and the other provinces—for they were all gathered for his veneration—he spoke to them in an address, saying: "O men and friends of my father—for I do not call you slaves—you know accurately the threat which the part of Asia ^B sustained from Temyr, and more than that, that my father was handed over into his hands like a sparrow. Yet none other than Constantinople and its emperor summoned the Scythians and Persians, and called the rest of the nations into our fatherland. But since my brother, who ruled the parts of Thrace and the remaining land which our father ruled, not only did not show the veneration and piety owed to his fatherland, but rather, if one must say it, became a *giaour*, that is, an infidel: for this reason God, having turned away from him, delivered into my hand the sword of the prophet, to cut in two the infidel, and to exalt and raise up the faithful. For this reason, then, it is not fitting that the land of Constantine ^C should hold so much, nor Macedonian cities, and especially Thessalonica, which my father acquired through many labors, and transformed the altars of idols into sacred precincts of God and the prophet; but even the mother of cities herself, and the murderer of my father, if it is pleasing to God, I shall, applying myself earnestly to the work, submit to my empire, and the temples which stand in that city, consecrated to God and his prophet, I shall constitute as houses of prayer." At these words, all applauded with auspicious acclamations, and received his words no differently than those of God. Having therefore gathered a sufficient army, he first invaded Servia ^D (for the lord [Stephanus, son of Lazari...])

^A had abandoned it, struck by the arrival of so great an enemy, and whose very name he feared), and making an excursion into very many towns and open fields, he led away as captives handsome youths, beautiful in body and face; the rest he slaughtered with the sword. And having captured and harvested three small towns by war—and while harvesting, he spread a table upon the corpses of the Christians and held a splendid and famous banquet with his chief men and nobles. Departing from Servia, he returned to Adrianople, and after resting for a short time, he prepared siege engines for the conquest of Constantinople. Having sent an army—not small—into Thessaly, he besieged Thessalonica, and having occupied all the regions except for Zetunion, and having placed his camps by the Strymon, he himself advanced toward Constantinople, and found all the towns deserted, for the Emperor Manuel had transferred the inhabitants into the city; he handed everything over to fire. And he himself, having pitched his tents, was confident in his mind that he would become master of it, but in action and with the remaining ^B force, he was standing at a distance. Yet, every day, he did not cease from fighting, and being fought, and slaying, and being slain by the citizens. For the citizens would sally forth and engage the Turks; and for one Roman, three Turks would fall. This did not please the Emperor, for he held the Romans, for the most part, because of their scarcity, as dear and commendable as the pupil of the eye. He would say, "What profit does it bring me if I lose ten Roman soldiers out of a hundred? Or what injury does it cause to Moses if a hundred out of a thousand Turks perish?" Yet the boldness of the Romans did not cease from sallying forth and engaging the Turks. Therefore, in the fighting, the Turks captured one of the illustrious men, the pincernas of the former Emperor John and of the Emperor Manuel's son, whom they beheaded. ^C When the Romans learned of the slaughter, they sallied forth. And after much fighting and shouting, they carried his body inside the city, but the Turks brought his head to Moses. Then Nicolaus Notarius, the father of the deceased and an interpreter for the Emperor lord Manuel—who was very rich—immediately redeemed the severed head with many hundreds of coins and buried it together with the body. For that youth, there was great mourning among the Romans, and for his father and his brother Loukas, who during the days of the last Emperor John Palaiologos served in the office of grand logothete, and who finally, in the total destruction of the city, was himself beheaded along with his children. But let us now return to the series of the narrative. ^D For the Emperor Manuel, when he saw the savage and inhuman spirit of the tyrant, and the war of extermination...

Notes of Ismael Bullialdus

^A Since he bears implacable hatred against the Christians, he advises Mahomet, his brother, who was still residing at Prusa, to come to Scutarium, from where he would transport him by imperial galleys to Constantinople; and having gone out from Constantinople with the help of God and the Emperor, he would engage in battle with the tyrant. And if fortune should incline toward the tyrant, the city will always be ready to receive him; but if the opposite should occur—which is what we ardently desire—[he says], "You will take possession of the leadership, and you will be as dear to me as a son." Mahomet, having heard these words and having become eager, marched with all his forces to Scutarium with great readiness. The Emperor, having learned that he had arrived at the opposite shore, crossed over with the galleys he had prepared, and having met with Mahomet and exchanged solemn oaths, he brought Mahomet with him to Constantinople. And having celebrated a great festival in his honor upon his entry for three days, on the fourth day Mehmed went out from the city with his entire army and a small band of Roman soldiers; and having joined battle with Moses, he was defeated, and once defeated, he fled back into the city. But the Emperor, having comforted him with persuasive words and having replaced the military equipment he had lost, took care again that he should go out a second time to engage with Moses. ^B Now Moses, having come out from the borders of Constantinople and having with him the entire western army, was preparing against Mehmed and the city. And Mehmed went out a second time and was again defeated, and again he fled into the city, and again the Emperor received him. Then Mehmed, having become despondent and reflecting that the turning of fortune is as fickle as a sling, said to the Emperor: "You, holy father, who weigh the moments of events and oversee the shifting of the scales, do not permit me, as you observe fortune casting my affairs up and down, to be betrayed or to have the enemy handed over to me by her. But I say this: everything that has been written on the foreheads of each one of us by the finger of God will inevitably come to pass. ^C Order me, therefore, to begin the road leading toward Adrianople with my own forces; and pray for me only as a father for a son, as I am indeed, and let us leave future events to the providence of God." Then the Emperor, having heard his words, and having embraced and kissed him, and having prepared a sumptuous dinner, they rejoiced together with gladness. When morning had finally come, Mehmed went out from the city and divided his army into two parts: one part he sent toward the regions of the Euxine, and the other he led toward the road bearing to Adrianople. Then Moses, again hearing of this and learning how he had divided his forces into two sections, pursued the parts that were heading toward the sea. And indeed, the two armies came into conflict, and those of Moses, having been defeated, gathered themselves to Mehmed. He received them with joy. But Moses, seeing what had happened, and [seeing] the... ^D Ismaelis Bullialdi nota. (61) Everything written on the foreheads: According to the belief of the Muslim religion, which asserts inevitable predestination, and claims that nothing is done by the free will of man.

^A Moses, struck by this turn of events and the inconstancy of fortune, fled, and having entered a swamp without realizing it, he was pursued by one of the satraps who was serving in Mahomet's army; turning around, Moses killed him. But the satrap’s servant, who was a knight, having caught up, cut off Moses's right arm from the shoulder, throwing it into the swamp; and having entered with but one arm, and having swooned from the loss of blood, he fell from his horse. The satrap's servant having come to the ruler, reported both the death of his master and the wounding of Moses; having come to the swamp, they found him dead, and his body was brought before Mahomet. He, seeing and mourning him according to the inhuman custom of their people, sent his corpse to be buried in Prusa, near his forefathers. Mahomet, having returned to Adrianople and sitting on his paternal throne, was visited daily by the leading generals and magnates of the West, who came to pay him homage. In those days, while Moses was occupied and distressed after his brother Mahomet, Cineites secretly fled from the Thracian regions, and having crossed the Hellespont, he came into Asia; and having gathered an army from Smyrna and Thyræa, he occupied Ephesus; and the Muslim whom he had placed in charge of its guard, he beheaded, and he soon became master of all Asia before Mahomet had arrived in Thrace. ^B

CHAPTER XX

When therefore the Emperor Manuel received the message that Mahomet held the supreme power, he sent chosen magnates from his principal nobility as envoys to him, and requested, according to the covenant entered into while he was acting in Constantinople, the things that were comprehended in the negotiated pacts. Mahomet received them graciously; and having confirmed the pacts with an oath, he restored all the fortresses situated on the Euxine Sea, as well as the towns and camps of Thessaly and those adjacent to the Propontis. ^C Having finally treated them with honor and heaped them with many gifts, he dismissed them in peace, having given this answer: "Go and report to my father, the Emperor of the Romans, that, by the help of the divine power and with my father and emperor providing aid, I have recovered the paternal kingdom. From now on, I am and will continue to be a subject to him, as a son to a father. For I am not ungrateful, nor shall I be found unthankful. Let him command whatever he wishes, and I shall execute his orders as promptly as possible with the greatest pleasure." Likewise, the envoys from the Serbs and the Wallachians, and the Bulgarians, and the Duke of Ioannina, and that of...

despota of Sparta and prince of Achaia, and having addressed them all kindly, and having invited them to sit at table with him, and having honored them all with gifts, he sent them away in peace, saying to them: "Announce to your lords, that I grant peace to all, and I receive peace. Whoever destroys peace through guile, may the God of peace be against him." ^A Since the affairs of the Emperor Manuel were in a secure state and subject to no attack, he determined to arrange a marriage for his son John. And having sent to the king of Russia [(64)], he obtained his daughter, a young girl, as a bride. And having betrothed her, and having changed her name to Anna, he did not wish to crown her as empress at that time; for the girl was in her eleventh year. But when three years had passed, and a plague epidemic had overtaken the city, and a great multitude of people had died from the buboes, the Empress Anna also passed away, leaving great mourning for the citizens.

The son of Bayezid, who had been given as a hostage by the Mussulman to the Emperor Manuel, was one of two: the first, along with his sister Phatma, had been released and was being raised in Bursa; but the other was smitten [(65)] with a love for Greek learning, still being with the Emperor’s son, John. And going to school, he was initiated into letters and was being taught. So much, then, was he inflamed by the love of learning and by his studies with John, that he even approached the Emperor Manuel, asking to be baptized according to the Christian rite. And he confessed to the Emperor every day that he was a Christian ^B and did not accept the dogmas of Muhammad. But the Emperor did not wish to listen, so that no occasion for scandal might arise.

Then, during those days when the plague was consuming and destroying bodies, without respecting or sparing any age, it reached also the young son of Bayezid. He informs Emperor John ^C, saying: "O Emperor of the Romans, my master and father, I am now meeting my summons, and though I do not wish it, I am leaving everything and departing to the tribunals that are in the life to come. I truly confess that I am a Christian; yet you do not grant me the earnest of the faith and the seal of the Spirit. Know, therefore, that if I die unbaptized, I shall bring an accusation against you before the tribunal of the incorruptible God." Then the Emperor, moved by these words, sent someone to baptize him, and he himself became his sponsor; and on the following day he died. ^D The Emperor buried him with all honor in the monastery of the Prodromos, in the Studion, in a marble sarcophagus near the church inside the gates.

Ismael Bullialdus’s notes. (64) Concerning the marriage [of John], Phranzes writes a few things in book 1, chapter 38. He writes that the death of that Anna from Rhosia, or Russia, occurred in the year 6925, [the year of] Christ 1417, and that she was consumed by the plague. (65) "But the other was smitten." That the youngest of the sons of Bayezid was a Christian is testified by Laonicus in book IV, who calls him Jesus, and by Phranzes in book I, chapter 30, and he relates that his name was Jusuph, or Joseph.

^A After an interval of about three years, the emperor wished to take another bride for John, his firstborn son, and also for Theodore, the younger. Therefore, he sent legates to Italy 66 and obtained the daughter of Theodore, the Marquess of Montferrat, for his son John, and the daughter of Count Malatesta for Theodore. When they had returned to the city, the father, the emperor, celebrated their weddings according to the laws and rites of marriage, and designated them crowned with the diadems of the Emperors of the Romans. He also celebrated the wedding of Theodore and the daughter of Count Malatesta, and proclaimed him Prince of Lacedaemon by bestowing upon him the ornaments and symbols of that office. But the Emperor John was not fond of his spouse; for although the girl was very well-proportioned in body, having a comely neck, flaxen hair, and tresses gleaming like radiant gold flowing down to her ankles, wide shoulders, arms, chest, and hands of excellent proportion, fingers imitating the luster and splendor of crystal, and a body of erect, even above-average, stature, she yet possessed a most beautiful face, nose, eyes, and eyebrows—such that, to use a common proverb, she seemed like Lent in front and Easter behind. ^B Seeing her thus, the Emperor John did not cohabit with her, nor did he ever share a bed with her. For this reason, she remained alone in one of the bedchambers of the palace. The emperor then wished to send her back to Italy to her father’s house, but he was restrained by the love that he bore for the Emperor Manuel. When, therefore, the empress fully understood the stubborn and obstinate disposition of his mind 67, she contemplated taking herself out of their midst; and this she did, having sent to the Genoese of Galata and made known her departure. One day she went out of the city into one of the pleasant gardens for the sake of relaxation, accompanied by her fellow-countrywomen, and with a few youths whom she had brought with her from her father's house. ^C Then, towards evening, having prepared a bireme, the leading citizens of Galata went aboard, approached the shore, received the empress with honor and reverence, and transported her across to Pera, where everyone, as though she were their mistress and empress, went out to meet her and venerated her with every service due to her. The citizens of the city, however, did not perceive any of these things that were happening when evening had already fallen; but on the following morning, the matter became known throughout the entire palace, which everyone took poorly 68. And not bearing the contempt which they had suffered at the hands of those of Galata, they prepared to make a raid and destroy their suburbs. But the Emperor Manuel prevented it, and the Emperor John, as for the event itself, ^D treated it with a moderate manner, though with a displeasing countenance.

Notes of Ismael Bullialdus

66 The second marriage of the emperor was celebrated according to Phranzes in the year of Christ 1419, January 19, so that a period of two years at most intervened between the death of Anna of Russia and these second nuptials: by no means three years according to the calculation of Ducas, who calls this second wife of John "Sophia" and describes her, shining with extraordinary and absolute beauty, ironically; he compares her front parts to Lent, the rear to Easter, by a proverb not too honest. Hence one may conclude that she was of a thin and not blooming face and deformed. Laonicus, book IV, not far from the end, relates that she was of honest morals indeed, but of an unpleasing and deformed face. In the last book, Phranzes testifies that she fled in the year of Christ 1426, in the month of August. 67 The emperor, however, [shows] the unchangeable nature of his mind. 68 The Emperor Manuel prevented it. Phranzes and Ducas disagree in assigning the time, [alt-version omitted]

and they also endured being considered despised and rejected by the townspeople of Galata; indeed, arms were already being taken up by them to invade and utterly overthrow their suburbs, had not the Emperor Manuel restrained their attack. However, John was delighted at these things which had been done. There was present a very large Genoese merchant ship, which was soon to depart for Italy. Therefore, a North wind having risen, the empress boarded it, being worthily equipped; and with sails spread, she sailed for Italy. She returned, having gained nothing else but the fact that she was not anointed with the crown, though she said even this: "This is enough for me as a testimony that I was and am the Empress of the Romans; I care not for the ten-thousand-talent treasures." ^A Having arrived at the borders of the territory of Ferrara, those who were preeminent in that principality, having learned [of her arrival], went out with her brother the marquis to meet her, and escorted her as far as the palaces of her ancestral home. She, having gone to one of the monasteries, chose it for her residence there, and having dedicated herself to God, she fulfilled the remainder of her life.

The Emperor John ^B (69) having sent to Alexios Comnenus, the emperor of Trebizond, betrothed his daughter Maria as his wife, who was beautiful in both figure and character. And having brought her from Trebizond, they brought her down to Constantinople. And the Patriarch Joseph joined them through the customary sacred rites, and she was proclaimed Lady of the Romans. The emperor also, having departed from Constantinople (70) with many triremes, went down to the Peloponnese. ^C And having subjugated the Prince of Achaia, and having taken as subjects others of the descendants of those who originated from Navarre, he returned to Constantinople, leaving behind his son Theodore as Despot of all the Peloponnese. And having returned also to Gallipoli, he encountered Mahomet, and demonstrated such faith in the emperor, that even in the trireme ^D from Sarmatia, the daughter of the ruler of the Sarmatians.

Notes of Ismaël Boulliau

regarding the time in which Sophia fled to Italy. Ducas records that this happened while Manuel was still alive: on the other hand, Phranzes asserts that Manuel had already died; for Manuel yielded to fate, as Phranzes reports in the last chapter of the second book, in the year of the world 6933 [Christ 1425], on the 21st day of July. Sophia, however, fled in the year 6934, in the month of August, clearly after the death of Manuel. We will also note here other points of time indicated by Phranzes regarding the death of Manuel and the beginning of the reign of John. The death of Manuel occurred on the aforesaid 21st of July. Then in the first chapter of the second book, he narrates that in the month of August the sum of affairs had devolved upon the Emperor John. This indeed does not seem likely to me, that John, already being crowned emperor a year after the death of his father Manuel, attained the sum of power. I think, therefore, that Phranzes, or whoever transcribed him, erred, either by writing August in place of September, or if he began to administer the affairs of the empire in the month of August, then for the year 6934 we should read 6933.

(69) ...[concerning] chapter 1, he writes that Maria of Trebizond arrived at Constantinople on August 29, in the year 6935 [Christ 1427], and that in the same year 1427, in the month of September, the solemnities of the nuptials were celebrated. But Laonicus, disturbing the order of events, narrates that after the daughter of the Marquis of Montferrat had fled, John took another wife, the daughter of the King of Sarmatia of the Sarmatians—that is, of Russia or Muscovy; which is contradicted by two witnesses, Ducas and Phranzes, who assert that the third wife of John was the daughter of the Emperor of Trebizond. Our author has thus far followed the history of the three wives of John by way of a digression. He returns next to the series of the narrative, and explains the expedition of Manuel to the Peloponnese: which the emperor here undertook in the year following the arrival of Anna from Russia, as Phranzes testifies, namely in the year of the world 6923 [Christ 1415], in the month of March, on the 23rd day of which he arrived safely at the port of Cenchreae. In the following year, 6924, he returned to Constantinople. Laonicus makes mention of that expedition, book IV, and of the Hexamilion, which Phranzes also testifies was rebuilt by him. Pope Martin V later granted plenary indulgences to those who were willing to go to defend the Hexamilion. However, since mention has been made here of the naval base and port of Cenchreae, we shall advise the reader that Leunclavius, in book XIV of his *Historia Musulmanica* and in the *Pandects of Turkish History*, chapter 120, is neither consistent with himself nor has he attained the truth at all. He is not consistent with himself, because in the book he places Geremen on the Isthmus of Corinth near Corinth; but in the chapter of the *Pandects*, in Laconia or Tzaconia. Which is impossible, for the same city to be situated in two places. He has attained the truth in part, when he said that Geremen is situated on the Isthmus of Corinth near Corinth; but it is not Corinth, but Cenchreae in the Saronic gulf, where once the shipyards of the Corinthians were.

^A Having entered into the imperial city and dined with the Emperor, the Emperor, having treated him and those with him with many gifts and honors, departed. And the triremes sailed with the Emperor with the greatest joy, completing the return journey. And all the people of Constantinople, with the patriarch and the senate, went out to meet him, and with acclamations and hymns led him into the palace; and the matters of the return were thus brought to completion.

57 CHAPTER XXI

Mahomet crosses into Asia. He brings Cüneyd into order ^B (71), whose insolence was at its peak. The Great Master of Rhodes restores the fortress of Smyrna, but is forbidden by Mahomet. Smyrna is surrendered to Mahomet by the wife of Cüneyd. The Great Master is permitted to build a fort on the borders of Caria and Lycia. Cüneyd obtains pardon. The Turks attack Naxos in a naval war, but are defeated in battle by the Venetian fleet. The Venetians attack the tower of Lampsacus in vain. Cüneyd is made prefect of Nicopolis on the Danube. A new religious sect instituted by a Turkish monk in Ionia is embraced by many, against whom Mahomet sent the son of Susman and then Hali Beg; these, having acted unsuccessfully, perished in the enterprise. Finally, they were oppressed and destroyed by Bajazet, the son of Mahomet, the Bassa, and they were killed while professing voluntary poverty.

At Mahomet, with things in the western provinces duly established and disturbances everywhere settled, crossed into the eastern parts. He came to Prusa, ^C and having repaired the buildings which Caraman had burned, he set out from there on an expedition into Asia. For Caraman, at that time when Mahomet had gone to Constantinople and was waging war against Musa, had departed from Iconium with an army and descended upon Prusa, which he plundered. Moreover, he dug up the bones of Bajazet, the father of Mahomet, from the tomb and delivered them to the fire. For this same Bajazet had once ordered the father of the aforementioned Caraman to be beheaded at Iconium. Having descended into Asia, Mahomet found that Cüneyd had grown powerful and was leaping beyond set bounds. Having arrived at Pergamum in Asia, he notified Cüneyd to yield the places which he occupied there and to depart from the province. But Cüneyd, regarding him not at all, fortified his castles and sat waiting for his approach. Mahomet, having come to Cyma (72), and having demanded the fortress—for it was held by Cüneyd—besieged and captured it. And he put to death his soldiers by the sword, but set the local inhabitants free. Departing from there, he came to the plain of Menomen, in which there was a fortified stronghold called by the name of the Archangel, which the Turks renamed Kagiacik (73); having captured it with great force and skirmishing, he came to Nymphaeum (74); ^D and having taken Nymphaeum by war, [index: entries preserved]

he went to Smyrna. Having fortified Smyrna as was fitting and placed a great number of soldiers, and having prepared a great supply of arms and men, and other necessary provisions, Cineites himself went to Ephesus, leaving his mother, and his brother Bajazites, and his children shut up in Smyrna. But his son-in-law and slave, Audulas by name, being found at Nymphaeum by the men of Mahomet—for he was the guardian of the fortress—they captured him to bring him before Bajazites, the Vizier, that is to say the Mesazon, of Mahomet; for he was in great power and license, a second leader as it were; for he was a slave of Mahomet, but because of his exceeding servitude he had made him prince of his house. This aforementioned Bajazites, while Mahomet was still in Thrace, wrote to Cineites: "If you wish to be lord of Ionia and not to have any trouble from us, give me your daughter in legal marriage, and I shall be your son-in-law, and you shall be my father-in-law, and thenceforth you shall live secure and untroubled in your principality." But Cineites, wishing to display his arrogance and pride before the messenger (75), with the slave Audulas present who belonged to him, said to him: "Whose slave are you?" He replied, "Yours, my lord." And Cineites, "And of what race?" Audulas replied, "An Albanian." "Of what religion?" Audulas replied, "Formerly I was a Giaour, but now I am a Mussulman." Cineites then said to his grandees: "This day, in the presence of you all, I give my daughter as a lawful wife to my slave Audulas; and I make him free and my son-in-law from this day, and one of my kinsmen." And all who were sitting in council having acclaimed Cineites, he opened his mouth and said these words to the messenger: "Report to your master Bajazites that we have taken as a son-in-law from the Albanians one such as he is, a slave bought with money such as he is, younger than he is, and wiser than he is." The messenger, having understood the words, revealed the whole gist to his master, and from that time he nursed an implacable rage against Cineites. Finding an opportunity, when he needed to, he seized Audulas at Nymphaeum and cut off his testicles, making him a eunuch. But let us return again to the thread of the history. For Mahomet, having come to Smyrna and besieged it, found there the Grand Master of Rhodes with three triremes, rebuilding the fortress that had been destroyed by Temyre, even against the will of Cineites. Then the rulers of the surrounding islands, having learned of the arrival of Mahomet at Smyrna, all ran to meet him on account of two causes; [since]...

^A because of the goodness and gentleness and the exceeding power of Mahomet, and because of the craftiness and piracy of Cineites. Therefore, the rulers of the Phocaeans, some by land and others by sea; the ruler of Carmian in upper Phrygia, the ruler of Mantachia in Caria, the ruler of Mitylene with triremes, the ruler of Chios also himself by trireme, and the great Master of Rhodes who was [already] there, all went to pay homage to him and to assist in the overthrow of the tyrant; and he greeted them all amiably as brothers. Having spent ten days attacking Smyrna, with all the islanders bringing naval aid as they were able against those besieged, on the tenth day the mother of Cineites, along with his wife and children, came out and prostrated themselves before Mahomet, begging forgiveness for their sins. Consequently, they surrendered Smyrna; and taking it, he demolished its walls as far as the ground in many places, and tearing down the ramparts and its towers in part, he allowed the inhabitants to dwell [there] without fortifications. ^B Now the great Master (76) was building a very large tower at the mouth of the harbor, and had raised it to more than half its height. But Mahomet, having commanded the Turks by night, demolished it from its foundations. In the morning, seeing what had happened, the Master was pained and went to the ruler, and having spoken many words, and having represented how the fortress had been built in the days of his predecessor at the expense of the Rhodians—and that if he did not grant permission for it to be rebuilt, there would be strife between his dominion and the most blessed Pope, and a great force would come from the western parts and would destroy and lay waste a great part of his dominion—Mahomet, hearing his words with an equal mind, answered nothing harshly. ^C For the memory of the things which they had suffered, when the Scythians were acting severely and harshly against them, was still fresh in the minds of the Turks. "I, indeed, father," he said, "desired to be generous and munificent to all the Christians of the world; for it is the hallmark of a government to benefit the good and to punish the wicked, and also to see to the utility of one's subjects. For having come into these regions, there were no Muslims who stood before me who spurred on my mind and intellect, but [many] saying: 'Even if Temyr did nothing useful in Asia, but only destroyed and left in ruins the small town at Smyrna, he set up a great monument to Ionia; for the Ionians who were in the condition of slavery, all fleeing into that citadel, would escape to freedom; and those traveling ^D by land and by sea, sailing in pirate skiffs, all luck-"

- ^Alessly were taken into the yoke of slavery, and they acted with hostility toward one another, both on sea and on land—the Rhodian knights and the Turks. On account of this, the impious Temur was well-regarded. "Do you wish, then, that I should conduct myself more impiously than that tyrant? My soul recoils from this. Nevertheless, so that your desire may be satisfied, and the pleas of the Turks may not prove vain, I grant you a place, as large as you wish, in the borders of Caria and Lycia; betake yourself there, and build a small city ^B wherever you wish." Then the Grand Master, having heard these words, said to Mahomet: "O ruler, grant me a part of the lands under your power, and do not send me away into foreign provinces." The ruler replied: "I give you from my own, for I have bestowed the province upon Mantachia; let this not be a concern to you." Having requested an imperial order, and having received it, he departed. Likewise, the people of Chios, the Lesbians, and the Phocaeans all had their requests gladly received, and, having fulfilled their wishes, the ruler sent them away in peace.

The mother of Cineites, ^C making humble supplications, did not cease until she had obtained a hearing and freed her son from the death penalty. He also came and prostrated himself before Mahomet, giving him oaths that he would no longer act in disorder, but would live faithfully for all the time of his life, and that he would hold and call those descended from the Ottomans lords and masters. He gave the province to the son of Alexander Susmanus (77), whom he also converted to his own impiety; and having ordered Cineites to follow him into Thrace, having set the affairs of the East in good order, he returned to the West. And having come to Callipolis, he prepared a fleet against the Duke ^D of Naxos (78) and the rest of the Cyclades islands that were under his hand, accusing him of not having come to greet Mahomet, just as he had not done formerly at Smyrna. The fleet therefore having departed from Callipolis, having as admiral Tzialispegis with thirty triremes and biremes together, went to the island of Andros, and to Paros, and to Mylon (79); and having gathered many of the islanders, and having caused very great damage, he returned. The Venetians, having learned what had happened, did not tolerate it. For the Duke had long since...

Notes of Ismael Bullialdus

^A And when spring arrived, they also prepared ten triremes, and they were watching the Adriatic Gulf (80), Euboea, Crete, and the Cyclades islands. When seven triremes arrived at Tenedos, they desired to reveal themselves to the enemy, and having entered the Hellespont, they sailed as far as Lampsacus. Now, the Turkish fleet, being extremely well-equipped, was stationed in the port of Callipolis. In the meantime, they spotted a small sail which had set out from the port of Constantinople, and the Venetian fleet commanders, thinking it was Turkish, sent one of their triremes to attack that ship. When the Turks saw what was happening, and surmising that the one being pursued was one of their own, another trireme went out from among them, wishing to defend it. ^B It was, in fact, a Lesbian vessel sailing down from Constantinople. When the Venetians saw the Turkish triremes coming out in a chain, they charged against them, sounded the war trumpet, and engaged in battle. In the first assault, they struck the trireme of the admiral, called Giali Beg, and, rushing upon it, they slaughtered everyone indiscriminately with the sword and hacked Giali Beg himself into pieces. Then, one by one, they boarded the others and captured them all, pitilessly hacking the Turks to pieces in the sight of their wives and children, who were standing on the shore at Callipolis, which is one mile distant from the place where the battle occurred. When the day was already inclining toward evening, the Venetians sounded the retreat and with sails unfurled led the twenty-seven Turkish triremes along with their own to the island of Tenedos. Having entered the harbor, and having carefully weighed and examined everything, they collected all the Turks separately and slaughtered them. ^C Regarding the Christians, they conducted a different inquiry: for those who were being held captive and in chains on the triremes, their lives were spared; but those who, having received pay or being led by some other reward, had voluntarily hired out their services, were all hanged on the island of Tenedos. Then one could see all around the circuit of the island gallows arranged like vines, and the corpses hanging from them like bunches of grapes. When the Venetian triremes arrived in Crete, they dispersed the captive Christian oarsmen, some throughout that island, some in Euboea, and some were transported to Venice. After winter had passed and spring was beginning, the Venetian fleet sailed again from Venice and entered the Hellespont, and attempted to take the tower which Musulman had erected at Lampsacus. The Venetians attacked and battered it with their triremes, ^D since they were unable to disembark on the shore. For Chamzas, brother of Bajazit the Mesazontes, was present there with an army of ten thousand men and more, keeping watch for the approach of the Venetians. When they saw that their efforts were fruitless, they abandoned the attempt, sailed for Constantinople, and left the tower semi-demolished and shattered: they had struck off its roof from the top to the bottom and riddled it through like a sieve. Then Chamzas, seeing the triremes leaving, he himself [… the Turks]

(80) The Adriatic Gulf. Improperly called the Adriatic; the Adriatic Sea takes its name from the city of Hadria, not from Adrian. It should be noted furthermore that here the Ionian Sea is understood by the Adriatic Gulf, which flows between Sicily and the Peloponnese; and even today it is still called by sailors *il Golfo*.

^A having ordered him, he razed it to the foundations, saying: "It is not fitting to gain disgrace without profit." And Mehmed, having crossed over to Callipolis, gave Cineites a lordship in the region of Nicopolis, near the Danube River, having charged him to guard the frontiers well and to fight on behalf of the Muslims.

At that time ^B there arose one of the Turks, a private and rustic man in the regions of the mountain which lies at the mouth of the Ionian Gulf, commonly called Stylarium, situated opposite Chios toward the east. He taught the Turks voluntary poverty and stated that everything, except for wives, was to be common—provisions, clothing, teams of oxen, and farmland. "I use your house as my own," he said, "and you use my house as your own, save for the female portion." And having deceived all the rustics with this doctrine, he craftily dealt for the friendship of the Christians as well. For he set forth a doctrine: "Whoever of the Turks says that the Christians are not god-fearing, this man is impious." And all those who were subjects of his opinion, meeting any of the Christians, would show them hospitality and honor them as an angel of God. He himself, meanwhile, did not cease daily sending apostles from Chios to the governors and those inscribed among the clergy of the Church, announcing to them his opinion, and that there is no other way for anyone at all to be saved except through concord in the faith of the Christians.

It chanced at that time that an anchorite, a Cretan elder, was living on that island in the monastery called Turlote. And that false abbot, having sent two of his apostles, who were dressed in a single tunic, with heads shaved and uncovered, feet without sandals, and a small cap—and having saluted the elder and announcing, "I, too, am your fellow-ascetic, and to the same God whom you serve, I too bring my worship; and by night I am with you, crossing the sea with silent foot." The true abbot, being deceived by that false abbot, began himself to speak absurd things concerning him, saying: "While I was staying on the island of Samos, he was my fellow-ascetic; and now, crossing over day by day, he associates with me; and we converse together," ^C and he was spouting other such monstrosities of fables before me, who write these things.

^D Notes of Ismael Bullialdus. (81) "In those days," he pursues the history of the new sect in Leunclavius, lib. XI, and in *Annal. Turc.* The name of Bedreddin Simavna is unknown to our author, just as the Cretan monk is also unknown to Leunclavius. With great and singular prudence Sultan Mehmed opposed this nascent sect, which would have excited seditions and tumults, such as later occurred under Soliman in the year 1526, having been incited in Asia Minor, as Leunclavius says, lib. XVIII.

(82) "Commonly called Stylarium." Italian sailors in their nautical charts denote the name of that place as Capo Stylari, and assert that it is 40 miles distant from Smyrna, 20 miles from Old Phocaea (*Foia Vecchia*), and 10 miles from the Holy Panagia of Chios. Dominicus Marius Niger, in *Comment. Asiae Primo*, discoursing upon the Chersonesus of Chalcitis, writes as follows: In (this should have been said of Mimas) what the moderns call Cape Stilari. In ancient times, as Strabo relates in Book XIV, it was called this; and on that promontory there were stone-quarries for millstones, which ancient appellation corresponds to the modern Turkish: for it is called today Kara-borru, or commonly pronounced Kara-bornu, that is, "Black Nose" or "Black Promontory." Leunclavius, in the cited Book XII, is mistaken, for he thinks that Caraboru, or Karaburun, is a town of Lycia, and that the Turkish name is derived from there. Caraburun, where that sect had grown, is situated in the territory of Aidin, which Adin or Atin had ruled, part of which was Ionia; that Cape of Kara-borun or Kara-bornu is very high, and lies on the right to those entering the gulf, adjacent to which is Smyrna.

^A Basmani, then, the son of the one mentioned above, who had been appointed by Mahomet to govern the province, levied an army and marched against that false abbot, but it was not in his power to overcome the mountain passes of Stylarium. The inhabitants of Stylarium, gathering together—more than six thousand of them—stood in the difficult, nearly impassable terrain and slaughtered the entire army along with the leader Basmani himself. Then all the crowd that followed Percligia Mustapha—for this was the name of the false abbot—placed their hopes in this impostor, extolling his name above the prophets; subsequently, a decree was issued by them not to cover the head with the cap they call a *zarkula*, but rather to lead a life wearing only a single garment, remaining bareheaded, and to associate more with Christians than with Turks. After these events, Mahomet ordered the governor of Lydia, Hali Beg, to march with all the forces of Lydia and Ionia against the Stylarians. The Stylarians again guarded the narrow entrances and mountain passes, and when the greater part of the enemy forces had entered the defiles, they were almost all slaughtered by the rustics, so that Halibeg escaped to Magnesia with barely a few men.

When Mahomet heard of this accepted defeat, he sent his son Morates, who was yet an adolescent, only twelve years old, and joined as his attendant Bajazites Mesazon. They gathered all the forces of Thrace, Bithynia, Phrygia, Lydia, and Ionia, and with great force broke through those narrow roads that were so difficult to approach. They killed everyone they encountered without discrimination—old men and infants, men and women, and to speak truly, they raged savagely against every age—until they arrived at the mountain which these *monochitones* (that is, those wearing one garment) had undertaken to guard. ^B They fought there most fiercely, with countless numbers of those fighting for Morates falling, until the surrender of them all, along with their false abbot, ensued. They seized and bound them and led them all to Ephesus, where, although they subjected that impostor to various tortures, they found him nevertheless intrepid and constant and stubborn in his opinion. Therefore, they placed him on a camel, stretched out in the form of a cross, with his hands expanded and nailed to planks, and led him in triumph through the middle of the city as if it were a spectacle of triumph. His disciples also, who would not deny the errors of their teacher, they slaughtered all in his sight, saying nothing else but "Tete sultan eris," ^C which is to say, "Lord abbot, hasten." And then they would gladly accept death. For the glory of many of his students prevailed for a time, as ^D [Notes of Ismaelis Bullialdi follow: Since Leunclavius, in the Turkish histories he published, does not mention the expeditions undertaken by Alexander Susman and Hali-bego against the author of the new sect and his followers—mentioning only the last, of which Morales, son of Mehemat, and Bajazites Mesazon were the leaders—for the Turks willingly admit they have been conquered, and they do not acknowledge having been broken in battle until now except once or twice: namely in the Temyrian war and in the naval battle at the gulf of Naupactus, commonly called Lepanto, where they were overcome by Christian princes allied with the Venetian republic: whom furthermore Ducas calls Bercligia Mustapha, and Leunclavius calls Baruglusem Mustapham. By which title they show veneration to men preeminent in holiness and gravity. "Dede" signifies grandfather in Turkish. I once heard a certain Dervish called by them Sidik Dede, that is, "intimately faithful grandfather," which was done by them out of honor; for he was the second after the leader of the Dervishes.]

^A Among his disciples, a belief prevailed that he was not dead, but continued to survive among the living; and a certain ascetic, whom I spoke to after these events had transpired, was caught up in such a delusion. For when I asked him what he thought of the man, he answered me that he had not died, but had crossed over to the island of Samos, where he had formerly had his residence. But I, scorning the fellow’s ravings and placing no faith in them, could not bear to listen to him any longer. Once these matters were settled, Bajazet, leading the youth Morat ^B along with him, traveled through Asia and Lydia and delivered all the Turcocalogeres (that is, Turkish monks) whom he encountered living in voluntary poverty to a bitter death. Having crossed Phrygia and traversed the straits, he reached Adrianople, and presented his son Morat to his father Mahomet as a victor crowned with trophies. Then Mahomet bestowed upon him the government of Amasia and the regions towards Cappadocia, for he was still young; and he appointed one of his great men and officials, a person called Georgitz-beg, to manage affairs for him.

CHAPTER XXII

^C The aforementioned Grand Master [(85)] in that year fully equipped a fleet with three biremes and a portion of his ships, and brought on board all the necessary materials, such as lime, cornerstones, timber, planks, and whatever else was useful for building a fortress. Coming to the borders of the province of Caria, at a certain promontory, he planted the fortress in the name of the prince of the apostles, Peter, calling it Petronium. Once he had well laid the foundation and begun to build the walls, Mantachias Eliez-beg also came with a great force, intending to obstruct the undertaking; but he accomplished nothing. Having therefore successfully completed the fortress and fitted it with lofty towers, and having installed a garrison ^D of brethren within, the Grand Master returned to Rhodes. As he departed, he left behind laws and customs for the guards of the fortress—to always be sober and vigilant, and to take every care for the fugitive captives, to receive them and save them in the fortress, and for them to be registered as freedmen of Saint Peter [(86)]; which name is preserved even to this present day.

Notes of Ismael Bullialdus

(85) The aforementioned Grand Master is named Philibert de Naillac. (86) Bosius, Book V of the History of the Order of the Military Knights of Jerusalem, writes that in the year 1399, Smyrna having been taken by Temyr, the Grand Master immediately sailed with a fleet into Caria; he occupied a place there, situated between the Ceramic and Iasian gulfs, which is today called the Gulf of San Pietro, where formerly Halicarnassus had stood, and built the castle of St. Peter, concerning which Bosius speaks thus: "Which was of great glory and reputation to this Order and of great utility to Christendom"; and he adds that dogs were kept in that castle, which, tied up during the day, were sent out at night for the guarding of the castle: their sagacity was so exquisite that they distinguished Christians from Turks.

^A Mahomet, at the beginning of spring, having gathered the army of the West, departs from Adrianople, and having crossed Thrace, comes to Prusa. Having summoned the satraps of the East, he marched with his whole army toward the regions of Lycaonia, turning over in his mind the vengeance he desired to exact for the crimes and insolence perpetrated by Caraman at Prusa. For he had determined to avenge the insult offered to the ashes and remains of his ancestors, which his servants had mockingly dug up, and the paternal bones which Caraman had consumed in fire. When he arrived at those places, he destroyed many towns and villages by fire and, proceeding at a rapid pace, reached Iconium and took it. Caraman, fleeing for safety to the mountains of Syria, had retreated; thence, through envoys, he humbly and submissively begged for forgiveness for his committed sins and asked that he might be pardoned. Mahomet, eventually moved by his entreaties, left the province to him ^B and gave security by oath that he would be faithful and an entirely guileless friend always, and that he would never again cross into the borders of Othman. Having abandoned the pursuit, Mahomet returned behind him to Prusa, crossed the strait, and came to Adrianople. While he was staying there, a message arrived that his youngest brother, named Mustapha (88), the son of the aforementioned Bajazet, was living in Wallachia. At first, he sent two of his chosen slaves to decapitate Cineites; but they did not find him, for two days earlier he had crossed the river and joined Mustapha, and, having given him oaths to run with him, to endure hardships together, and to establish him as ruler of the West and East. When Mahomet learned of the flight of Cineites, and not bearing the injury ^C he was about to suffer from him, he raised an army and, leaving Thrace, entered Macedonia. There, having learned that Mustapha and Cineites had crossed the Ister and, having the Wallachians as allies and no small army of Turks, were marching toward the regions of Thessaly, he himself made his march toward them with his army. Having encountered them near the regions of Thessalonica, and—

^D *Notes of Ismael Bullialdus.* (87) *Mahomet, at the beginning of spring.* This is the expedition which Leunclavius recalls, Book XII. (88) *This is Mustapha, about whose birth there is a dispute.* The Muslim historians, whom Leunclavius follows, contend that he was an impostor, and for this reason, they call him "Dusme" in the Turkish language. Phranzes, lib. I, cap. 32, asserts that he was legitimate, and the uncle of Morates II, and by him was defeated and strangled. Laonicus, lib. IV, *Mustaphas, one of the sons of Bajazet.* Ducas likewise asserts that he was his son, and maintains this against the protestations of the Turks. Furthermore, Leunclavius and Phranzes have handed down that he became known under Morates; Laonicus, under Mahomet, the father of Morates: in which part he agrees with our author. And in detailing the beginnings of the tumult raised by this Mustapha, the transition of Cineites to his side, and the struggle of both, he is moderate.

^A Having then joined battle, and Mahomet having obtained the victory, Mustapha, together with Cineites, fled from him as far as the gates of Thessalonica. They resisted with a few men, aided by the citizens. When evening had already come, and they were not willing to enter the city, Demetrius Lascaris Leontarius received them with hospitality, and comforted them, saying that they should take heart regarding the changeability of fortune, and harbor no anxiety in their minds about handing them over to Mahomet, even if there were a proposal to surrender Thessalonica to the Turks. Taking heart at these promises from Demetrius, they dined without worry, and turned to sleep.

When morning came, Mahomet sent one of his officers to Leontarius, saying: "You know precisely the love I possess, and the unbroken friendship I hold with the Emperor of the Romans; do not wish, therefore, to tear this apart, and to destroy it to the end, and to cause damage to the entire race of the Romans, and to introduce an irreconcilable enmity between us and the Romans; but return to me the prey that has been hunted down by me. If you do not do this, telling me to farewell to our friendship, I shall embrace enmity, and as shortly as may be, I shall take your city, and take captive those within, and strike your life away, and have my enemies in my hands."

Then the lord Demetrius, being very prudent, replied in writing, saying: "You know, Lord leader, that I am not a master, but happen to be a servant, and not only of the Emperor of the Romans, but also of you, since you desired to be reckoned as his son. Therefore, it is a duty to fulfill and bring to an end ^B what is ordered by you. Yet it is also my duty to make known that which has happened to my Emperor; for he who entered the Emperor's court, being pursued like a partridge by a hawk, for the sake of safety, is not one of the ordinary Turks, but your brother, as I have learned. And if he were one of the ordinary ones, I would not have handed even him over to you without the Emperor having first directed me. Therefore, I beg you subserviently, wait a little while; for at this very hour I am informing the Emperor of what has happened, and as he must order, let him order; and I shall fulfill that which is commanded."

Having heard these words, Mahomet consented that a message should be sent, having himself also written to the Emperor the things that seemed good to him, and exhorting ^C him... ^D

Notes of Ismael Bullialdus

Laonicus says that he came to Therma, and that those captured were led to Constantinople: but our author's narration is fuller, and with the circumstances added, more lucid. In the margin of the edition of Laonicus, in the year of the Cologne of the Allobroges, Therma is called Thessalonica; Therma indeed is not far from Thessalonica, and lies on both sides of the Thermaic gulf. In later times it was called Thessalonica, which was once Therma: if the testimony of the author who described the catalog of some cities whose names have been changed is true: it exists in the manuscript library of the King.

^A regarding the matter of not being the cause of scandals from the things that had occurred. The Emperor Manuel writes to Mahomet: "I, indeed, as you know well, promised to be a father to you, and you a son to me. And if we both keep what was promised, behold, here is the fear of God and the keeping of commandments; but if we transgress them, behold, the father shall appear as a traitor to the son, and the son shall be called the murderer of his father. I, for my part, will keep the oaths, but you do not wish to keep yours. Let God, the righteous judge, be the avenger of the one who is wronged. As for the refugees (90), it is not to be said, nor to be heard by ears, that I should deliver them into your hands; for this act is not royal, but tyrannical. And if I were pursuing my own brother, and he, being pursued, fled under your wings, and you asked for him, you ought not to deliver him to me to be killed. But if you did deliver him, you would have acted worse than a human, having become a traitor and a murderer. Know, therefore, that this abominable act will never be done by me. Yet, since I was appointed to be in the manner of a father to you, I swear to you by the one God, who is worshipped by us Christians in Trinity, that the refugee Mustapha will never at all leave his prison, nor his travel companion Cineit, as long as you enjoy your sovereignty and your life itself. But after you have departed from this life, I shall decide concerning them as circumstances dictate. But if this proposal of ours is not acceptable to you, then follow your own inclination." He also writes to Demetrius Leontares, commanding him as follows: "When you have read what I have commanded you, execute it immediately. Put these refugees, Mustapha together with Cineit, and those who accompanied them, onto one trireme and send them to us with all due haste. And do not act contrary to what has been commanded."

^B Mahomet, reflecting in his mind on what would happen if he fell into conflict with the Emperor, and having learned that, during his own lifetime, Mustapha would not be granted freedom from imprisonment, nor would Cineit, ceased from harassing Thessalonica. Departing from there, he came to Adrianople, relieved of many cares and anxieties by which he had been tormented before, considering the manifest rebellion of Mustapha and Cineit. Lord Demetrius Leontares also prepared one trireme, and having put both captives on board, sent them to the Emperor. And the Emperor, after a short time, sent Mustapha to the island of Lemnos, ordering those there to guard him diligently and carefully; but he shut Cineit in the Monastery of the Pammakaristos, where he rested in quiet. The Emperor then sent apocrisiaries and requested from Mahomet the expenses which were to be made for the sustenance of Mustapha, ^C in whose retinue there were thirty men; with Cineit, however, there were ten. Therefore, the Emperor received from the revenues and treasury of Mahomet three hundred thousand aspres annually, with an oath interposed that Mustapha was not to be set free so long as Mahomet should remain among the living.

^D Ismaelis Bullialdi notae.

(90) Manuel the Emperor, as it befits a supreme prince, one not subject to the clientage of others, a generous and magnanimous man, replied to Mehemet. For he would have committed a shameful and wicked act, and would have confessed himself to be a subject and client of Mehemet, had he, in violation of the law of asylum and hospitality, delivered up Mustapha and Cineit, who had fled to him.

^A For there were thirty youths with him, and ten with Cineit. Therefore, the Emperor arranged to receive annually from the treasuries and revenues of Mehemet an amount of three hundred thousand *aspers*, having taken oaths that Mustapha would not be released for the duration of Mehemet’s life. After his death, acting as was right toward the Emperor for his successors, he chose what was to his own advantage. Having thus received the agreements in writing and the oaths, the ambassadors departed. But Mehemet, nursing enmity against the Wallachians on account of the proclamation of Mustapha, sent a great army and ravaged, burned, and inflicted very great damage. After this, he began to harbor enmity against the City in secret; for he kept these things hidden in the depths, but did not manifest them openly at all.

^B At that time, there was a certain man from the city of Philadelphia, a Christian by race, and in rank one of the officials of the city of Philadelphia, but in his actions cunning and deceitful. During the incursion of the Scythians, being one of the leaders, he delivered up many of the Christians into the hands of the impious for the sake of the tribute, because they were wealthy, so that they might pay the tax demanded by Temyre; and since they were unable to pay, the barbarians burned them—so much so that he even drove the archbishop of Philadelphia to such trials and tortures that he abjured the worship of the Christians. This man came to Constantinople, and having met one of the men of the palace, and entering with him frequently, one of the days in the palace there was a need for an interpreter, as the matter was pressing. He entered readily and interpreted what was spoken by the Turks; for he had learned the language of the Turks to a T. From that time on, therefore, the ambassadors of the Emperor had the “Theologian”—for so he was called—with them, as he joined them for the sake of the language. Often, therefore, the embassy business did not cease, due to certain causes that arose, and the Theologian accompanied the ambassadors. Having thus familiarized himself with Bajazet, the Mesazon of Mehemet, he became his great friend day by day, receiving certain mysteries from the Romans and casting them into the ears of Bajazet, and displaying pure faith to them, while revealing only part of what he discovered from the Turks. He reached such a peak of fortune as to become the general *apocrisiarius* ^C of the Emperor, and a dinner companion of Bajazet, and often of Mehemet himself; for it was said and heard by many that the Theologian was not a true assistant to the Romans for their good; and they banished the aforementioned Mustapha to Lemnos out of fear, so that he would not flee from the City because of this man. And other things, I mean concerning the food allowance, and the ^D things promised for the maintenance of Mustapha, were obstructed by the Turks for a period of time, so that they were not paid. Through other ambassadors, therefore, the Emperor complained about this but achieved nothing, until... Ismael Bullialdus’ notes: (91) The crimes and betrayals of the theologian, who was called Corax, for which he was punished with the most bitter execution, are more fully explained: of whom I find no word in others.

^A The things promised for the expenses of Mustafa were from time to time hindered by the Turks. And though the Emperor sent messages through other ambassadors, he accomplished nothing, until the theologian arrived and performed everything. The Romans, therefore, had evil suspicions of him. But the Emperor Manuel neither suspected him, nor even showed it, even if he held something within; however, just as the wise architect God transforms all things, and in one hour overthrows those things which are standing well, and raises up those things which are lying badly, so too the schemes of the theologian, or rather the "muddler" (for that is what *thologos* implies), even if the things said by many at that time were true, as the outcome also proved, were turned to vanity. For Mahomet, while riding in the hunt, when a wild boar suddenly burst forth from the thicket, and he himself was brandishing his spear against the beast, fell from his horse, gripped by an epileptic seizure and half-paralyzed; and having picked him up, they carried him into the palace; for he was near the hunting grounds of Adrianople. Having then summoned the most skilled physicians, both those dwelling in the vicinity and those sought from afar, they brought rapid assistance to the sick man. Meanwhile, the entire army was grieving and longing to catch sight of their leader. In the morning, a presentation taking place, according to custom they brought him out. And all, seeing him, cheered and rejoiced. ^B Being seized again the next day by an epileptic fit, and hindered in his voice and tongue, when evening had already fallen, he paid the debt of nature on his bed. When therefore Mahomet had passed almost all the time he reigned in peace with the Emperor of the Romans and all Christians, except the Venetians, he departed by fate, with no external force hastening him; for he expired peacefully in the palace at Adrianople, which he had built, having been troubled for a short time by illness; he was delivered from a kind of death that had befallen none of his ancestors. For while others were killed by poison, others strangled, he alone was exempt from a violent death; as I think, because Destiny looked away, out of the friendship which he had purely toward the emperors, and the compassion he showed toward the subjects of Christ. Having therefore crossed the unreturnable path to the underworld, he left his firstborn son, the one called Murat, as emperor of the Turks; ^C he was then ruling in the borders of Amaseia. For indeed he had obtained those marches there to govern, having been given them by his father, acting as boundaries of the Perso-Turks, who were ruled by Karajulucus, a neighbor to the Lazi and the Persians, and son-in-law of Alexius Comnenus, emperor of Trebizond, whose daughter he had taken as wife. More often indeed they were agitated by seditions.

Notes of Ismael Bullialdus

(92) Or rather *thologos*, collector of filth or excrement. *Tholos* indeed signifies dung, sordes, feces.

(93) After Mahomet had passed... in the year of the Hegira 824, which begins in the year of Christ 1421, January 6, the second day of the week, the Turkish Annals wish it to have happened. Leunclavius and others have not written from what illness he died.

(94) He left his firstborn son... Leunclavius, lib. XII, thus reports that the emperor declared his firstborn son Mehemet to be his heir while dying: and that he ordered him to be summoned as quickly as possible, and that they should keep his death in secret until he arrived. The same was done after Morates was dead, and his death was hidden, infra cap. 33.

(95) Karajulucus... or Kara-oilucus, according to Leunclavius, lib. XIV, History of the Muslims, had a son named Habil, who was reduced to slavery by the Damascenes, that is, the Mizirenses or Egyptians. Laonicus, lib. V, says the sons of Carailucus were called Leucarus. Moreover, in Turkish *Kara-oiluc* is the same as the Latin "black south," and thus from the heat of the climate and the color of the earth, Mesopotamia is so called. In the same book, Leunclavius also notes that the sons of the red old man, *Kisulis Cozz*, infested the Amaseian province or Sanjakate with robberies: and that these...

Persians, and he also took to wife the daughter of Alexius, Emperor of Trebizond; for those of Amasia, ^A being frequently unruly and inciting the Turco-Persians—since they are of the same race and live in the same manner—appeared to be moving toward defection. Mahomet, his father, who has now passed, thought it necessary to entrust that province to his son, and to establish him as lord in those borderlands, and as a head arrayed against the Persians, just as he himself had done at Adrianople against the Romans, Huns, Vlachs, Serbs, and Bulgarians, swaying the spear so that his subjects in all of Asia and Thrace might live in prosperity.

Therefore, when Murad Bey came into his inheritance, he did not enter upon the sovereignty untroubled, nor without a storm, but with great tumult and ^B having sustained great loss, as the account will soon reveal. For indeed his father, having fallen ill, called to himself the first of his magnates, whom they call *vizier* and *pasha* in their own tongue, and whom the Romans call patrician and *mesazon*. The man's name was Bajazet, of Albanian descent, who from childhood had drawn the lot of servitude, and had been with Mahomet Bey in his calamities and afflictions. For while Mahomet was still young, being pursued by Temyr, who had slain his father, among the mountains of Galatia in the borders of the city of Ancyra—in which place also occurred that great battle which the account has already described—[Mahomet] fell into many terrible things and ^C extreme hardships, wandering in exile and pursued by the Persians, and the aforementioned Bajazet suffered and was afflicted along with him. And how was this? Both of them were traveling on foot, and Mahomet was still a boy, and could not bear the struggle of the journey; but his feet were swollen, and being no longer able to walk, Bajazet carried him on his shoulders for many days' journey, like a Libyan ass, and brought him safely back within the borders of his father's empire. And when hunger frequently vexed Mahomet, this man, appearing in the guise of a *monochiton*—what we call a dervish—would go around entering villages, begging for bread like a mendicant so that he might provide food for Mahomet; in which he proved himself a good and faithful servant, such as no other could be found. ^D And when he himself had reached manhood and had taken his paternal authority as an inherited estate, he also made recompense to him, according to the words of the Lord: "You were faithful over a few things; I will set you over many." Consequently, he established him as lord of his household and of all the land ruled by him. This aforementioned Prometheus, Bajazet, having administered the principality and all supervisory duties well, and as was proper,

Ismael Bulliald’s Notes.

...as being the authors of the incursion into those provinces, namely Chasan-beg, son of Dulgadir, and Hlabili-beg Kara-oiluc-oglio: whom Torguzes Pasha, having captured, killed, and thereby took away the power of the Turcomans to plunder in the future.

...that he was the *vizier-azem*, or supreme [vizier], as one may understand from Leunclavius. For he, after the death of Mahomet, having shared his counsels with Chasi-einase and Abraham Pasha, administered all affairs until the arrival of Murad. Furthermore, no one besides our Ducas recounts the services rendered by Bajazet Pasha to Mahomet, nor the hardships which he endured after the battle with Temyr.

...understands it as a Muslim monk dressed in a single tunic.

^A administered the regions. This Bajazet, then—whom we have called Prometheus—rightly directed the affairs of the empire and administered Asia and Thrace, as befitted the interests of his master. He devoted his entire care to maintaining the army and procuring supplies necessary for military expeditions, and he managed the business of peace and war while Mahomet lived and ruled in peace. When Mahomet fell ill, he summoned Bajazet and declared his final will by making a testament; he decreed everything concerning his affairs. He also adjured him by God and their prophet, and by the bread and salt 98 which he had provided for him and spent on his nourishment, to be a loyal servant to his son Morat, just as he had been to him. He was to hand over to him the paternal hegemony and establish him as master of his father's house. As for his other two sons—for it happened that Morat was then of a youthful age, and the other two were boys of eight 99—he ordered in his testament that they be committed to the trust of the Emperor Manuel, so that he would be their guardian. He ordained all these things fearing that Morat might, according to their custom, destroy them by strangulation, as indeed happened later. Having thus arranged everything well by his testament, and thinking that even after death he would find matters with his children in a state of peace, he missed his mark, having cast it far from the target. For he imagined: "If my two sons are in the hands of the emperor, Morat will be, free from turbulence and agitation, the master of all subjects, and the rebels and seditious will not have the means to raise their hands. The infants will be liberated from unjust slaughter, and will have sufficient means for every kind of life, provided by the leader Prince Morat." The emperor, by holding such hostages with him, entertained the hope that he would share a sincere and unfeigned friendship with Morat, as if casting terror upon the dog with the club of Hercules. And if at some time the fortune of Morat should become exhausted and be cut off by some chance, the emperor hoped that, through his own efforts, the prince he had established would be gentle and, like a tame snake fed kindly in his bosom—which, if it should happen to strike with a bite, as the nature of evil things remains untamed, would at least not instill the poison by the pressure of its teeth—he would be safe. The emperor rejoiced, dreaming these things to himself; but the fortune of the Romans, aware of the future, groaned. ^D When, therefore, Mahomet had died at Adrianople, as we have narrated,

^A in the buildings constructed by him within Hadrian’s [city], they hid his corpse for forty days in the house where it lay unburied, while no one yet knew that he had died, except for four domestic servants: Bajazet and Ibrahim, the patricians or viziers, and two physicians, who went in and out daily, babbling vain reports to the grandees that the leader was ill and that the therapeutic aid of certain necessary items was required. And it was possible to see a multitude of others sent—some to Serbia, some to Constantinople, others to the islands—to look for things useful for his medical treatment. But he who was supposed to be treated by the physicians to rid the intestines of their burden and relieve the lungs and liver, had his abdomen cut open, and all his inner contents were delivered to the earth inside the room where he lay. ^B They anointed the body with myrrh, wrapped it in a shroud, and placed it upon a bed, as if he were still alive and sick. All these things were done by the two viziers and the servants of the palace, who did not go out, nor did they hold conversation with anyone. The purpose, therefore, was such: if the surrounding nations—the Romans, the Serbs, the Genoese, the Venetians, and the Caraman in the East—were to learn of the death of the leader, the heir Morat would not be able to come down from the borders of Persia, and there would be tumult in the government, and faction in the army; and the Caraman would mercilessly plunder all the affairs of the East, and the Christians would plunder Thrace, and the Turks would be unfortunate, while the Romans would flourish in good fortune.

Things being thus, they sent word of the father’s death to Morat by a certain courier ^C at the time he was living in Amaseia. After the passage of forty days, the messenger whom they had sent arrived, announcing to them the arrival of Morat and that he had come down near Prusa, to a certain village called Melaina, and had handed to them letters from Morat signifying his arrival at Prusa, and instructing Bajazet that, upon receiving the corpse of his father, he should return to Prusa with the entire senate, in order to bury the father and proclaim him leader. Then Bajazet, having received the letters with as much pleasure and joy as possible, on the next day sat upon the tribunal, and with all the satraps and grandees, and with no small part of the city, he began to speak to the people as follows: "It is not necessary for me, men, to speak and harangue to you, from what state to what state you have been exalted ^D (2)

CHAPTER XXIII

[alt-version omitted]

(2) And by a certain courier. That courier was the first, and he was a *Cesnegir*, that is, a taster, by the name of Eluanbegus.

God favoring and our prophet interceding for him, we were raised to that fortune which we now enjoy. Most of you have seen these things yourselves, or have heard from your parents, that not yet sixty years have passed, or at most a little more, since the descendants of Othman crossed the strait, subdued all of Thrace with their arms, and compelled the Roman empire and the Serbs to pay them tribute; and not only them, but also the Wallachians beyond the Danube, the Huns, and the populous nations of the Albanians and Bulgarians. In a word, they reduced them all to such great slavery and oppressed them with such tribulations that their own treasury and public revenues were not enough to pay the tributes and stipends ^B owed to us. But they were even driven to such calamity that they sent their daughters and sons to our emperors like slaves. And for what reason? To excite our clemency and pity, seeking from us a respite from their hardships and peace. Moreover, he increased the power and dignity of this empire, having wisely and prudently collected men from all nations—and for the most part, men of the lowest and most rustic status, who did not worship the one God whom the prophet preached—and led them to true piety, and made them fortunate, adorned with dignities and honors, and illustrious leaders. Of that number am I myself, as well as the greatest part of those of you who are now listening to me. Therefore, it does not befit us to lose heart, nor to be given to sloth, but rather to be sober ^C and vigilant. And each one of us, as a natural and genuine son of Othman, must fight for this paternal inheritance; nor ought we through our own negligence allow it to be destroyed. For even the father, lord, benefactor, and bestower of goods is one, the same Mahomet, and his successor Morates, the firstborn of his children and most beloved: who now sits upon the throne of his father in the great city of Prusa. The father of our lord paid the common debt of all. Having said these things, he wailed with loud lamentations and tears, and at the same time all the grandees and the guards, with one voice, cried out with great tumult and noise and wept mournfully. Then Bajazites and ^D Ibraimus, bearing the corpse, placed it in the courtyard of the palace; and having followed the dead man with much mourning, they ordered the forces of the East to march the next day toward Callipolis, while the magnates followed on foot with Bajazites, accompanying the corpse. Having then crossed the strait, they carried it to Prusa and deposited it in the tomb which he had built for himself while he was alive; they mourned for eight days, and to celebrate the memory of the deceased, they performed funeral rites according to the custom of the nation: afterwards, the mourning having ended, they [acclaimed] Moratem.

Ismaelis Bullialdi notæ. (3) The first among the nations from which the militia of the Janissaries was collected, he was the author, having indeed used wise and prudent counsel. For that fund of soldiers is inexhaustible, who depend on no one for the hope of rewards except the prince: of whom they are not only slaves, but also foster-children and sons, as it were. (4) They carry the body of the deceased emperor, having imitated the Roman senators who carried the funeral of Augustus on their shoulders; or the consuls, who carried the urn in which the ashes of Severus were transported on their shoulders, as Herodian notes, lib. IV Hist. post Marcum.

^A They proclaimed and saluted ^A the ruler as emperor. Once the ceremonies befitting the majesty of the empire were duly performed, and the emperor had bestowed numerous and valuable gifts upon the purpurati of his court—who in turn honored him with presents—they consulted regarding the affairs of state. They immediately dispatched envoys to Karaman and to the Emperor of the Romans to inform them of the death of Mahomet and the inauguration of Murad, and to renew the treaties of peace, as is the custom for new rulers and sovereigns. For they wished to establish and secure the affairs of the East as was necessary, through agreements and oaths with Karaman, and only then, having crossed the straits, to look to the affairs of Thrace.

But the Emperor Manuel, seizing the opportunity, sent envoys to him: Palaiologos Lachynes and the theologian Korax, ostensibly to offer condolences and to congratulate him on the commencement of his rule. Furthermore, they recalled the final will of his father, and in accordance with it, requested that the children be delivered to the emperor, if indeed they desired the harmony and love that had existed between him and his father to remain intact and uncorrupted. ^B If they refused to deliver the children and to comply with the laws of his father, the emperor had a successor at hand, whom he would shortly establish as ruler of Macedonia, Chersonesus, and all of Thrace, and before long, also of Asia and the rest of the Orient. Manuel had already disclosed this plan to the aforementioned Mustafa.

Bajazet, speaking on behalf of the new ruler Murad, gave answer to the envoys, saying that it was neither honorable nor consistent with the laws and oracles of the Prophet for the children of Muslims to be reared among the *Giavours*—that is, for the children of the faithful to be under the tutelage of infidels. "If the emperor wishes, however, let him enter into friendship with us and cultivate it according to the prior treaties, and let him be a father to these children, as many as there may be, but let him abstain entirely from the duty of tutelage. We shall count his friendship as a gain and hold it as a universal treaty confirmed by a seal; and we shall take care that no one among us attempts anything contrary to justice and equity, or transgresses these boundaries. ^C Furthermore, let us give mutual oaths, which shall be as a wall of bronze and a fortified rampart between us. But as for your petitions, in which you ask to have the children with you, it is impossible to consent to such a request, and, in truth, even less possible to deliver them."

Dismissed with this response, the emperor’s envoys returned to him and reported everything that they had seen to be difficult. Wherefore, troubled in spirit and mindful of what had recently been arranged with Mustafa, who was abiding on the island of Lemnos—having been sent there into exile by the same emperor, as the account previously set forth—he summoned Demetrios Laskaris Leontarios, a man who was, to speak the truth, a most valiant leader of war, who had proven his strength of spirit in Lacedaemon and Thessaly while John Palaiologos lived and reigned in those regions. ^D

^A For this Demetrios held the highest honors from him. Upon his death, he sent his third son, having crowned him Despot in Thessaly; and having summoned Leontarios from there, he kept him near him at Constantinople, as a man prudent and approved in military affairs. For the Emperor Manuel was blessed with six male children, of whom the first was John, who, having been crowned by his father, was proclaimed Emperor of the Romans; the second was Theodore, whom he established as Despot of Lacedaemon; the third was Andronikos, who also became Despot of Thessaly; the fourth was Constantine, who was allotted the Pontic regions bordering on Chazaria; ^B the fifth was Demetrios, and the sixth was Thomas, who, being infants, were living with their father.

Then, as the necessity was pressing, he gave ten triremes, properly equipped, which were in the port of Constantinople, to Demetrios Laskaris, and sent him to the island of Lemnos, having ordered him to take the exile Mustapha, along with the often-mentioned Cüneyt, and to transport them to the Chersonesus with the force of the triremes. And he was to establish Mustapha as the leader of Thrace (as he was the natural son of the aforementioned Bayezid) and as the rightful heir to his father’s assets, lands, and provinces—which indeed came to pass. ^C For it was an ancient custom among the Turks not to inquire curiously whose son this or that person is, provided only that he is a descendant of Osman. If he is not of the same root, it is impossible for them to submit to him or honor him as a leader. I shall begin from this point to narrate the plan long ago devised by the Turks, which is preserved even until now, and through which they boldly stand against the Christians, and raise trophies of victory over them, and forever carry off the prize of conquest in a way that no other race has inherited.

The Turks, having descended from Persia (7), and ^D [the regions] lying along the Dnieper River, looking toward the more eastern and northern parts, towards Ouzia [the land of the Uz], and Chazaria, and Alania, and Cherson, and the other territories.

Having passed the borders of Armenia and having begun to ^A plunder the regions of Upper Cappadocia and Lycaonia, they would signify by the voice of a herald, as if on behalf of their leader, that if anyone wished to make an incursion against the infidels, let him come. For the Turkish nation was, as no other, addicted to rapine and litigious—for it was so even among themselves; but if against Christians (8), what need is there to speak? And if they only heard the voice of the herald, as for an incursion, which is called in their language *Akkin* (9), then all of them, in great numbers and like a flowing river, came of their own accord, most of them without money and without a bag, and without spears and scimitars; others went on foot, forming countless camps, they rushed. There were no others, but each had a club in his hands, and rushing against the Christians, they took them captive like sheep; God having by ineffable judgments given this decree against us because of the multitude of the sins of our race. And the continuous incursion prevailing until now; holding not only the eastern themes (10), but also those of Thrace, they subdued all the provinces from the Chersonese to the Ister. Nor did they neglect the daily chances and events; for with the Serbs, having changed their plan, they made peace today, tomorrow they were plundering the lands of Attica, Lacedaemon, Achaia, and Hellas. But after the day after tomorrow, when the Romans, as it seemed, were drawing in peace, mourning and woe fell upon the Serbs; then the Bulgarians; later the Albanians. And henceforth, laying waste all the wild ^B [territories].

On the Themes

Notes of Ismael Bullialdus

^A And this wild and savage race of barbarians has not ceased, nor does it cease even to this day; to my mind, it will not cease until such time as we receive the fear of God into our hearts. For since we behave impiously toward the divine, being baptized in the name of the Father, and of the Son, and of the Holy Spirit—of the one Godhead—yet despise this and set at naught the commandments of the one true God, we have been delivered into the hands of the impious, and we are righteously punished by them, God having ordained this rightly and justly. And they have not only reduced the countless and manifold nations living on this side of the Ister [Danube], but have utterly subdued the Vlachs beyond the Ister as well; they brought the Huns themselves, a countless multitude, into total subjection. And it is not only the neighboring Turks who make incursions—those of Thrace, of Attica, of Illyricum, of Mount Haemus, and those neighboring Serbia (for indeed, as far as I am concerned, this race is far more numerous today, from the strait of Gallipoli to the Ister, than in the regions of the East, I mean those subject to the leader descended from Osman)—but also those from the Asiatic land, and those inhabiting Phrygia. And what do I say? The Lycaonians who live on the borders of Armenia, the Amasinians, Cappadocians, Cilicians, Lycians, and Carians travel on foot all the way to the Danube, for the sake of plundering Christians. For even if ten thousand times ten thousand should invade any given province, they act in the manner of brigands, ^B and after plundering everything, they flee. This has rendered all of Thrace as far as the borders of Dalmatia a desert; this has made the Albanians, a people beyond number, few to count. It has utterly annihilated the Vlachs likewise, the Serbs, and the Romans. With these being taken captive in this way, they dedicate the fifth [part] of the spoils to their leader, according to their new law. And they consecrate this fifth part to the authority; and these are the choicest items; then follow the leader’s own men, and those who assess the authority. Wherever they see a youth, robust from among the captives, they buy him for a very low price, and ^C name him an inductee to the authority and a servant. And the leader calls these a newly-enrolled army, or in their own tongue, "Janissaries." He brings them over to his own impiety, circumcises them, and calls them his own household; he bestows upon them many gifts, the most brilliant offices, not mere provision, and all sorts of other good things, making them his table-companions and fellow-diners. ^D

^A And he cherishes them with a father's love, as if they were his own offspring: this includes the goatherds, shepherds, neat-herds, and swineherds, the children of farmers and cattle-breeders. For, toward such a disposition, they in return render their own lives of no account for the sake of the leader; rather, they cast them away for the sake of the glory they have attained, so that they may not fall from it, suffering in time of war on behalf of their masters, and thereby obtaining the victory. Now, the identifying mark of these men is the head-covering, which in the common language of the Romans they call a *zarcola* (14). For indeed, all the Turks in general use the same thing as a covering for the head; all of them, as many as are of the common people and as many as are of noble birth, use one dyed scarlet. But as for those from other races who have fallen under the yoke of slavery, having been registered as slaves of the leader, these wear white head-coverings made of the whitest felt—a hemisphere insofar as it covers the head, but having a projection above the crown, as much as a span high, ending in a point. ^B This newly recruited body of men, therefore, becomes excessively numerous each year, and is multiplied by a hundred. For even slaves acquire slaves, and the slaves of slaves acquire slaves; and all are named, and are, the slaves of the leader. There is not among them any Turk or Arab, but all are the children of Christians—Romans, Serbs, Albanians, Bulgarians, Wallachians, and Huns—who, having acted impiously, and enjoying the delights of the present life like pigs at the trough, have become like dogs diseased with rabies, always bearing deadly, implacable hatred against their own kinsmen. For as we have said above, the subject easily changes from one leader to another, ^C provided that he is of the same Othmanic root, he who has recently begun to rule, and from nowhere else. And we have reviewed the history that even the slave race itself possesses the same impulse; for it suffices that he be a new Othmanic scion. For all the Othmanids are considered their patrons, and they are such; and they themselves hold them as their own freedmen. But when the rule flows from one to another, whether from father to son, or from brother to brother, whomever fortune may smile upon, to him the slaves most faithfully render their services. We shall begin the history again, from where the story of this narrative began. ^D We return again to the series of the history, from where we digressed and began this narration.

Ismael Bullialdus' Notes. (14) They call it *zarcola*. It is a head-covering, and white wool, which the Janissaries use, the form and figure of which we have depicted in many books. The *zarcola* is surrounded by a golden fringe; and on its front part rises a cylindrical silver or bronze tube; and from the top a plume is let down onto the back, three spans in length. That head-covering for the Janissaries is white; for certain others it is red. (15) That the subject changes. This difference in recognizing the princes is shown by the clear examples provided in the four sons of Bajazet I; in the two sons of Mehemed, Morat and Mustapha. In the sons of Mehemed II, [in] Bajazet II and his brothers: also in the sons of Sultan Suleiman: and finally in this century, in the brother of Sultan Achmet, Mustapha, and his children. (16) It seems that some words are missing here, *τεθνηκότα*, or perhaps just *καί* is missing.

CHAPTER XXIV

^A Demetrius Leontarius carries Mustapha, the son of Ilderim Bajazet, as the account has already shown, across into Thrace, and with him the aforementioned Cineites, often mentioned, having secured them first with oaths that he would never violate the imperial counsel, but would always be obedient as a son to a father, having given his own son ^B to him as a pledge of faithfulness. And having made agreements, he would deliver to the Emperor the city of Gallipoli in the Chersonese, and the Pontic regions up to the borders of Wallachia, and those of Thessaly as far as Erissos (18) and the Holy Mountain, and certain other difficult-to-capture and impregnable gifts. Having then secured them with oaths, they hoisted their sails and sailed toward Gallipoli. And indeed, those of Murad, having ensured that he would hold the small town, and having brought the light boats and triremes into the harbor, and having stationed the fighters well upon the tower that overlooks the harbor, sat waiting for the battle. Demetrius, having brought out Cineites with a few of the Turks he had brought, and a not insignificant army of Romans, began to wage war. And indeed, the Gasmoulikon (19) of Gallipoli and the populace fought face to face, but were not capable of offering resistance to Cineites; for the man was brave and most experienced in military matters, as was no other of the Turks of that time; thus, even if unwilling, they turned their backs and the citizens turned in flight. Mustapha, therefore, seeing these things and becoming full of courage, came out with much fervor also from the triremes. And indeed, having fought until evening, at dusk Mustapha and Demetrius again went aboard the imperial ^C trireme, and sat both of them in the stern; and he ordered those opposing him who were standing directly across from him to be summoned without fear, having given pledges that he would hold a few words with...

^D (17) Demetrius, having taken Mustapha... (18) Erissos... (19) And indeed the Gasmoulikon...

them which were profitable for their city. He began his speech to them in these exact words: "O men, you know precisely that I am the son of Ilderim Bajazet, and you were the bondsmen of my father. By what manner do you not render honor and respect to your master? Do you not know that he who previously held power was my brother? And he, having murdered the other of his brothers, and having seized the hegemony until now, has made me an exile and has confined me ^A in the hands of the Romans as if in a prison. Now, by the nod of God, with fortune looking favorably upon me and running forward without hindrance, He has directed me into the paternal hegemony; but you push against me and do not allow me to proceed. If, therefore, you incline toward me, and grant me passage, and provide the way leading me to Adrianople, to the paternal house, you shall be to me from now on not bondsmen, but brothers, and I will maintain my paternal goodwill toward you, and I will heap grace upon grace, and gifts upon gifts. But if you should resist, I will indeed become master of the paternal affairs, with fortune assisting and my father the emperor laboring together with me. For the road leading to the west will not be denied to Murat; and when I become the master of my own, and take an opportunity, I will judge you." When these words had been heard in this manner, some of the leading men came over voluntarily and did obeisance, and others followed them. At daybreak, having departed from the triremes with Cineites, they mounted horses, and having sounded the war-cry, they rushed ^B from the triremes as if for battle, together with the armed Romans and Turks. And indeed, the whole multitude of the common people, as many as were armed and as many as were spectators, immediately rendered their obeisance; and all acclaimed him as their leader and descendant of Othman; and the neighboring villages flowed together until evening, doing obeisance and acclaiming him. But those within the town did not yield; rather, they resisted, saying and acclaiming with a loud voice Murat as their leader and universal master, while heaping insults upon Mustapha. Then Mustapha, leading all his forces, departed toward the hexamilion of the Chersonese, and all those of the Chersonese and those outside ran together acclaiming him. Meanwhile, Demetrius was besieging the fortress of Gallipoli. Let us therefore return the account to the affairs of Murat, ^C to make known to us how and by what manner he obtained the rule, and how the designs of the Romans came to nothing; and by what manner Mustapha escaped, having been sentenced to death, and how Cineites, having abandoned him, fled.

Since Murat was dwelling in Prusa, as the account has already indicated, and the better part of his subjects were daily flowing to him, as if wishing to console him for the death of his father and congratulating him on his assumption of the rule, suddenly a messenger was brought from Lampsacus, reporting that triremes, as many as...

could be, were at Gallipoli, and that shouting and disturbances, the clatter of engines, and the din on the battlements could be heard, along with other signs of a hostile incursion.

^B The most esteemed counselors of Morates, and the most prominent among the nobles, having long harbored envy against Bajazet—because in power he excelled the others who held offices, and he conducted himself arrogantly, holding everyone else of no account (for the man was indeed supercilious and insulting to many)—thought they had found an appropriate time and an opportunity for speaking their minds. For Morates was a youth, not yet holding the reins of the empire in his own hands, but, like a stubborn mule, kicking out everywhere and treating the boy emperor as nothing. In him there was not a spark of free speech; he cherished his satraps more, holding them excessively dear.

They spoke to him as follows: "Do you see, my lord, how diligently our regent attends to our affairs, which have already perished in the western regions? The crown of your kingdom has been placed upon the head of Mustapha. He will soon be in possession of the wealth and forces of Thrace; and before long he will grow strong even against us, unless some care is taken. Command, therefore, that Bajazet cross the strait with all the forces that are at hand here and lead them against Mustapha before the forces of the western provinces join him. For among all your satraps, there is no one more capable than Bajazet of repelling the enemy and turning them to flight; for the entire Thracian militia respects him no less than their own master, and he leads them where he wishes, just as if they were his own servants, and he has them completely obedient and submissive."

Bajazet heard these things gladly, and as quickly as he could, he arrived at the strait of the sacred mouth of the Propontis; and after crossing to the farther continent with a few soldiers accompanying him, within two days he approached Adrianople and assembled a powerful army there. For in all things, as we have said, that man was sharp and ready, and was heeded by all. ^C Then, having shared his plans with the governors of the western provinces, he bound them by an oath never to defect, even if he should sustain any kind of defeat; and furthermore, that they would act bravely and generously against the enemy and, with God helping him to be victorious, would contribute their efforts to that end. Having done these and similar things among them, Bajazet led out a very powerful army.

^A And when he had entered the road which leads straight into the Chersonese, scouts sent out by him returned in haste, announcing that Mustafa, having departed from those places with a huge army, had crossed over near a village recently built by the Turks, famous for its dense population (which is called Magna Carya), and that he intended to encamp the next day in the territory of Adrianople. Having heard this, Bajazet, suspended in spirit and wavering between boldness and fear, left Adrianople and led out forces totaling more than thirty thousand soldiers. And when they had arrived at a certain marshy plain (it is near the edge of the field, so that the city of Adrianople is seen dimly from it, being planted with woods and a very humid place), in this spot he prepared for battle. For Mustafa had also arrived with those under his command, and both armies were compelled by necessity to engage, even though the location seemed unsuitable. Then Bajazet, having combined his hortatory speech with directions given from his chariot and on horseback, addressed the western leaders thus:

^C “Men and brothers, and all you who acknowledge your authority under my command, it is well known to you how clement and gentle toward you our late lord was. You have experienced his mild and easy spirit, for he held you not in the place of slaves, but of brothers. Truly, he did not indulge his own pleasures as much as he studied your interests; and whatever goodness he conferred upon all, he considered it as gain added to himself. He strove so that the race of the prophet might increase, and the depleted affairs of the Romans might diminish. ^D Therefore, he added many cities and provinces to the empire of the Muslims, and he did not cease until the very day of his death to increase his powers and possessions and to make them more extensive. But now, this present false Turk, who has been raised up at this time on account of our sins, is already partitioning an authority not yet occupied by himself, and is handing over to the Romans the better part, not yet acquired, which the ancestors of our king possessed through much sweat and labor. Do you not clearly understand that this Callipolis and its strait are the keys of the East and the West, of the Aegean Sea and the Euxine? If the Romans keep this under their own dominion, the Turks will be unable to transport captives to the East, but the Romans will transport Turks, with no one to stop them. And now your troubles will begin, as the Romans assert their freedom. On this account, I urge you, that against this false”.

[index: entries preserved]

^A Mustapha, and those who assist him and share his sentiments—Romans—you must resist with all your might. For this impious man, who is an enemy of the faith, is not born of Othmanic blood. Indeed, that Mustapha, the brother of our lord—as I once heard from him—departed this life while still a mere infant. Because Manuel, the emperor, feared Moses, he declared this man, who was just one of the common Turkish folk, to be the son of Iltrim [Bayezid], to intimidate Moses. Later, when this impostor saw that the emperor was bound by oaths, and that he and our lord had entered into an agreement of mutual love and concord, he fled into Wallachia. There he remained with Mylza, who was at that time the leader of the Mysians, proclaiming himself to be the son of Iltrim and asking for aid. Having obtained some small assistance from there, he entered the regions of Thessaly as a brigand, plundering the merchants and travelers he encountered, calling himself the son of Iltrim and a descendant of Othman. Wherefore, as you know, our lord sent a respectable army against him. Having joined battle somewhere near Thessalonica, the villain, unable to withstand the assault, fled into that city. At that time, Cineites was also serving under our lord, having previously rebelled, holding the province of Asia and styling himself the sovereign ruler of Smyrna and Ephesus. Driven from thence ^B by our king’s powerful army, he had been ordered to accompany him and live in the western provinces. Having seized an opportunity, he fled to Thessalonica and for this reason joined forces with Mustapha. When the citizens remained stubborn in their resolve not to betray this impostor, our lord wrote to their emperor, clearly signifying these things to him: "When I had gone out to the hunt, most illustrious emperor, to catch a beast, and having already driven the prey I was pursuing into the trap in my hands, this wolf burst into the sheepfold of your empire and escaped safely. I ask, therefore, that my prey be returned to me, lest it bring ruin to yours and my flocks in the fullness of time." To these things, the emperor replied: "Even if it is a wolf that has sought safety in my fold, I am of a gentle and humane disposition; nor do I take pleasure in the slaughter of others. I will be the guardian of the wolf, not his betrayer. Be content with this: I will keep him bridled and subject to my power, and I will not allow him to run forth or devour anything that is yours, ^C but you shall reign in safety and abundance, so long as you live, and stand by the treaties which we both have sworn." Since then, the emperor kept him at Constantinople along with Cineites; and after four years, he sent him ^D to the island of Lemnos, where he has lived until now. Now, since the emperor cannot harm us, and understands that his plans are coming to naught—for he wanted to have two royal infants in his possession, so as to strike terror into us with his own forces—he has launched this deserter Cineites and Mustapha against us, like savage dogs driven mad. Let us not show ourselves like goats or hares against our enemies; rather, let us leap upon them like lions, and direct our spears, which know not how to bend, straight at them. Let the spirit of our men be bolstered—

for they are more numerous—toward those few with him who, even now, still have the bread of my master stuck between their teeth; for they shall soon be our helpers in retrieving the straying flock. This one thing shall be enough for us, if we enter the battle promptly and eagerly.

Having said these things, ^A and having drawn up the phalanxes in their proper order, he sounded the war-trumpet. On the other side, Mustaphas, with Cineites present, confirmed the spirits of his own men, swearing and promising them that if he should seize authority, they would be masters of all things just as he was, and that they would receive from him very many honors and gifts; offering small rewards to the lowly, and immense, measureless rewards to the nobles. And when Mustaphas saw that the wings of the battle were already shaking (that is, that they had come to the crisis of war), and that the enemies had made an onset by shaking their spears and the archers had sent forth volleys of missiles, he stood on an elevated place, abandoning the battle to Cineites—for the man was more courageous than any other, and accustomed to wars—and cried out in a loud voice:

"Men, brothers—for I do not call you slaves—to what end is this impiety? Does a slave wage war against his master? And this, indeed, from Albanians? Offspring of a barbarian race, against me, the son of Ilderim, your lord? For if my brother were alive, this impiety would have some color of excuse, as this man would be ready to sacrifice his life for him, he whose own neck is under the threat of a bloody fate. But now that my brother is dead, who is the heir begotten of him? And even if he were alive, he would have no jurisdiction in Thrace. He rules far and wide in the East. I do not invade his paternal property; I occupy only the domains of my father. Now, if anyone denies that I am the son of Ilderim, I will clearly demonstrate the truth to him. But if he wishes also to contend in war, let the son of my brother come—not my slave—with whom I may do battle. And to whomever fortune assigns the better part, let him reign. But I marvel at you, you who have proven your military virtue to all in the armies of my father, and who know the arrogance, the pride, and the disdain of this man worth three obols. If the outcome of this present struggle turns out successfully for him, who will be able to bear him? Therefore, I exhort you, do not be combatants, but rather be my allies, and come forward with fairness. And I will not withhold any of your dues—God is my witness—but instead, I will add more and increase them even further." ^B

When these things had been said, suddenly the satrap who was guarding the right wing, having detached himself as if he intended to clash with Cineites, came with those who were with him before Mustaphas; and all of them, having dismounted from their horses, rendered to him the obeisance of servants to a lord. And immediately, he who led the left wing of the battle line...

^A also performed similar actions. And it was possible to see a strange transformation: Mustapha in an instant had grown wings, and was like an eagle soaring high, while Bajazet was like a jackdaw stripped of its feathers, remaining solitary and deserted by his own men. Then, having considered in his mind that a servant rarely prevails over his master, and seeing that the threads of fortune were already being spun in reverse, he endeavored to secure his own safety in haste; and having dismounted from his horse, he and his brother Hamza also approached in the manner of servants, and did him obeisance. Then the men of Mustapha, having ended the battle, and pitched tents befitting a leader, and having helped Mustapha down from his horse, acclaimed him as their leader and the ruler of all the Roman lands. But as for Bajazet, having been ordered to sit at a distance, guards were assigned to watch over him.

And Cüneyt (25) came, and saw him still alive—for he was holding the outposts so that the opponent might not escape, and having learned that he was ensnared—he said to Mustapha: "How long shall this impious one behold the sun, who is not even worthy of tangible darkness?" ^B And Mustapha said, "Do as you wish," and ordered them to drag the wretched man a little way outside the camp and behead him. Which also came to pass, while he himself watched the beheading, and said: "Do you know, you wicked one, how to prune testicles?" For it happened that the testicles of the son-in-law of Cüneyt, Abdulla, had been cut off by the order of Bajazet. They also brought his brother Hamza, intending to behead him as well; but Cüneyt, having pity on him because he was young, said: "Let him go; for he is not like that cruel and inhuman man whom we have just put to death; nor has he yet committed any evil with his hands; let him therefore be my freedman." ^C The wretch Cüneyt did not see that he was warming to life his own murderer, and that the one he was showing pity to, he was soon about to have his own life cruelly taken by.

The new leader Mustapha, therefore, entered Adrianople with confidence and courage with his entire army. And the citizens came out to meet him with great joy and boldness, acclaiming him with a cheerful voice. But those of the garrison of Gallipoli (24), having learned what had happened, and having abandoned all hope for the fortress, surrendered it upon oaths and covenants. ^D Demetrius Leontarius, therefore, who had hoped to gain the city (for so among them...)

the guards of the fortress and all the supplies they had within, according to the agreements that had been made with them, he himself, having taken out from the triremes breastplates, helmets, spears, javelins, and every kind of weapon, began to bring them into the fortress. Cineites, therefore, having arrived and seeing what was happening, and seeing also the populace of the Turks disturbed and tumultuous at this unexpected and unforeseen change, began to mock and bitterly rebuke Demetrios, saying: "As it seems to me, General Demetrios, do you suppose that the struggle we waged and the dangers we underwent were for the sake of your kin and the empire of the Romans? But it is not so. That we who were shut in should be set at liberty, and that from being slaves we have become masters, this great benefit we ascribe to the heavenly God; we do not judge you Romans to be the cause of it. We consider indeed that we have used your efforts successfully, you who, having joined your labors with ours, have endured the hardships of war in this turn of events. To God alone, therefore, we offer thanks, who has kept us safe from past labors and calamities; and we send you away with gifts, such as your station permits, and with the necessary tokens of friendship. But that we should hand over cities and fortresses to you—God forbid! For you, O Demetrios, may it be enough that you return safely to Constantinople. The memory of the evils we suffered in Lemnos still clings to our minds, and how insultingly we were treated by the monks in the monastery of the Most Blessed [Virgin]. As a reward, you take home your head intact; I shall use the fable of the wolf and the stork. Ply your oars, for a gentle Eurus is blowing; reach Constantinople, salute the emperors from us, and announce to them how God has granted us dominion. May there remain between the emperor and us an integral peace and tranquility, and let there be no further question about Callipolis." The commander of the army was not a little disturbed by these words, and, becoming angry, he said: "Do you not know, O Cineites, what manner of emperor I have, how wise, experienced in affairs, and great-souled he is? Do you, after such insults that you have vomited from your mouth, send me away empty-handed? Rest assured that, as I foresee, you yourself will shortly proceed to Constantinople as a place of refuge; then you will realize what those words of yours are worth. But for the empire you have no power to command nor to dismiss me, but [rather] Mustapha the emperor, whom God and the fortune of the Romans have exalted. You indeed, being one of the crowd and the common people, refrain from words to which you have no one to pay heed." Having risen, therefore, he entered the triremes full of anger and bitterness, not knowing what to do, turning over in his mind the violation of the oaths and the promises that had been made by them. Nevertheless, he remained, waiting to see what response would be given him by Mustapha: whether, according to the treaties, he was to receive the fortress or not; and he determined to return [only] upon receiving that response. Mustapha then approached him, and after a long conversation, said to Demetrios: "I indeed, O friend, and most dear protector of mine, remember correctly those things which I promised before God and His prophet; and [I remember] that in the midst of these was also the...

^A fortress of Callipolis. Therefore, I have to render an account for all other things on that fearful day, if I do not stand by the agreement and fulfill it. But regarding the fortress, it is better to break an oath than to offend God, to deliver pious people into the hands of the impious, to make free people slaves, and to subject a nation dedicated and consecrated to God to the hands of infidels, and of those who do not know the one God of heaven and earth. But if I were to be plunged into such impiety, which God forbid, O Lord, the race of the Muslims would neither permit me the leadership, nor grant you entry into this place. Go, therefore, and I shall extend my gratitude to the extent of my power. But as for those things which are not under my own possession, but are allotted to the public and to my prophet, I do not wish to disturb any of the customs of the Muslims or the commands of the prophet, being a Muslim myself. For I shall persistently labor to increase the number of cities, to enlarge them, and to add the regions of the Giaours (unbelievers) to the dominion of the Muslims. But to grant the city, and Callipolis at that, which is the throat of the Muslims, swallowing the whole race of Christians, and a noose of the Christians, strangling and destroying them—never would such an absurd thought enter my mind, nor shall I bring it to pass.

When Leontarius heard these things (like a lion that has lost its prey, bearing its head low, and sweeping the ground with its tail, letting it slacken), he too, being cast down in mind by grief as if succumbing to frenzy, kept his head lowered until he ^B had finished his absurd speech. And thereupon, lifting his eyes, he addressed him thus: We know accurately, Lord Duke, how you Muslims have been disposed toward us for many years. Indeed, one hundred and fifty years have passed since your ancestor Osman snatched the parts of Bithynia, and Paphlagonia, and Phrygia from the hands of our ancestors and subjected them to his empire. But when his son Orchan became master and heir of these same themes or provinces, he never kept to the treaties and oaths, violating and overstepping the boundaries which God and truth had established. One hundred years have passed since that time, from which he began to devastate the West. Then his grandson, your father Ilderim Bayezid, when he held the height of power and all the provinces by right of succession, he too was caught in perjury; and at the end, God delivered him and his entire empire into the hands of the Persians. To this day, almost the thirtieth year from his death is passing, and your brothers, Musulman and Musa, having violated their oaths, lost their empire and their lives with an unhappy end. Only Mehmed, who has now passed away, your emperor and brother, did not violate his oath; he therefore yielded to a milder fate, after he... ^D

had enjoyed the peace ^A and the pleasures of imperial power with good fortune. But you, while acting in this way, will not laugh for long, as fortune abandons you and ceases to aid you. For God sends the unjust to Hades before their time, and utterly destroys those who set Him aside. For when you entered Thessalonica as a fugitive, if the Emperor of the Romans had handed you over to Mehmed, and your life had been ended by a noose, many would have been able to accuse and condemn the Romans as traitors, as cruel executioners of those who took refuge with them, and as people who acted contrary to justice. But now that the Romans have proclaimed you leader next to God, while you attribute all things to God—and you have spoken well in this, and I do not gainsay it—you nevertheless treat those who labored with you as enemies, and you turn your back on them. Enjoy your health and pleasures, then. As for us, we shall return to our own homes, and after reporting to the emperor ^B the deception, we shall entrust everything to God and wait with patience for His just judgment." Having spoken these words, he left the harbor, unfurled his sails, and directed his course toward Constantinople.

CAPUT XXV.

When the Emperor Manuel was informed of these events, he was seized by ^C deep sorrow and filled with anger. Being at a loss as to what he should do, he decided to follow a different path in his mind and to send envoys to Morates. If he were willing to fulfill his father's wish and give the two infants as hostages—since Bajazet-Bassas had departed from the living with his task unaccomplished—he would, with God’s help, restore him to his paternal reign. In the meantime, Mustaphas—for the narrative must return to his affairs—fortified the fortress, organized it well, and admonished the populace. He appointed drungaries and counts ^D of his own to the great fleet, and the tower in the harbor he secured well as was necessary. Having given oaths to them and rewarded them with gifts, he made his journey to Adrianople. And upon entering the palace of his brother Mehmed, who had departed, he found countless treasures and another immense preparation: garments, precious stones and pearls, beautiful women, and young male servants, outstanding in beauty, and all [manner of wealth].

^A And other spoils of Wallachia: then [he began] to spend his time in idleness, squandering his wealth, and daily surrendering himself to lust and drunkenness. Morates, however, still a youth, since he had not yet completed his twentieth year, was dwelling in Prusa of Bithynia, practicing the same habits, though not to the same degree; for he was stung by care, nor did his mind allow him to remain unbridled: but he was considering how and by what way he might recall to himself the paternal dominion, which his father had acquired through many labors, but which he himself had lost through no fault of his own. The chief of the magnates were with him, except for Bajazet, whom I have already said had perished through an evil fate. Having learned, then, of the surrender of the fortress of Callipolis, and that Leontarius had been sent away empty-handed, and that Mustaphas was also continuing to squander his time intemperately, not having any concern for how to keep the dominion safe, he adopted a plan similar to that which the Emperor had formed; and, having anticipated him, he sent to the Emperor a legate, a certain Abraham, a brother of Hali, of whom we have made mention, a man prudent and upright, and unaccustomed to the disgraceful words and lusts of the Turks. ^B He, since while Bajazet was alive he was held in the second place as Bassa, upon his death obtained the first honors, and was the prince of the nobles, and the *Mesazon*—that is, the counselor—of the dominion of Morates. He arrived in Constantinople, where he said not a word of the things which the Emperor had plotted. For the Turks kept their immense anger hidden in their minds, until time should turn their affairs for the better; with placid and serene eyes, and a mind composed for fraud, he transformed the wolf which he carried within into a tame sheep without. ^C And so, with gentle and submissive words he asks for help; he transfers the cause and blame of all that had been perpetrated onto Bajazet Bassa: he declared that he himself, and likewise the Romans, were free from guilt, using such discourse as this: "If it shall seem good to your Majesty, in a short time you will restore my master, Morates, to his paternal kingdom, just as you conducted yourself toward his father, most illustrious Emperor. For you hold the rudder in your hand, and you turn the ship wherever you please, whose steering-oar you direct skillfully. Such as you truly showed yourself to his father, who, relying on your forces, resisted Moses, so do now, and have pity on us, and do not allow him to hold the dominion who is not worthy even of a shed. For indeed, that frequently mentioned Mehemeles, while he was still reigning in Asia, when Moses had occupied Thrace after the slaying of his brother Musulman, became a hostile and capital foe to the Romans and the city (as we have warned above). That time, O Emperor, you summoned Mehemet from Prusa, and having given him safe conduct, you received him, having crossed [the straits] with his army, within the walls of Constantinople. But he, having led out his forces, once and again, and often having joined battle with Moses, being defeated, retreated to Constantinople: and again, as if from war...

he burst forth, and having at length killed him, he took possession of the sovereignty. So also now, he says, O Emperor, act toward Murad, ordering both immense gifts, and those worthy of much account, except for the surrender of Callipolis and the two children. But the Emperor did not yield, but kept his counsel firm and unalterable, and that the things deliberated might in the end be realized. While they were in these straits, and Ibrahim was spending many days waiting to receive a conclusion to the agreements he was seeking, another man, as if descending into the arena, urged that what was being sought by the Emperor be done with much exhortation, magnificence, and grace, and he implored that this service be entrusted to him as some great duty. And in truth, I am coming to tell from the beginning in what manner Murad crossed the strait, and with all preparation, and who the carrier was, and where he crossed the sea, and who the admirals were. ^B

In Phocis, which is adjacent to Ionia, there was a mountain in which there is a mine of alum, and all the stones from the summit, having been exposed to fire, subsequently become sand when placed in water. They throw this sand produced from the stone into a cauldron with water, and as it boils, the sand cast in dissolves. And the thick and substantial part of it remaining in the broth is like curdled milk; the dry and earthy part they cast out as useless; but the broth they pour into troughs, and after the passage of four days, the broth is found frozen on the edges of the receiving vessels, and shining like crystal; and the bottom of the vessel is also filled with crystalline fragments. Having therefore poured out the broth that remains after the four days, they cast it into the cauldron, and having poured in other water, and again throwing in sand, they boil it, and pour it into the troughs, as has been shown before. And they cast out the alum and store it in warehouses; and it is a necessary commodity for dyers. For all the ships that sail from the East to the Western regions consider the cargo of the ship to be the alum collected at the bottom. For the Franks, Germans, English, Italians, Spaniards, Arabs, Egyptians, and Syrians procure the alum from that mountain for the sake of the arts of dyeing. ^{C D}

*Notes of Ismael Bullialdus.*

(30) In Phocis. In Ionia, Phocaea. The same [Pliny], who in book XXXV enumerates all the places in which alum is produced, does not mention this mountain of Asiatic Phocis in which stones suitable for making alum are found. For many years those alum works have been abandoned: nor do the merchants of the Western provinces bring to the West today that which is produced in New Phocaea. But since this discourse is about making alum, we shall transcribe a few lines from the eleventh book of the History of the Senate and People of Genoa by Pietro Bizari, in which he noted the restoration of alum production in the West in the year 1459: Bartholomew Pernix, a citizen and merchant of Genoa of clever ingenuity, and a most diligent investigator of natural things, found in the island of Ischia several rocks suitable for making alum; so that, having taken a portion of them and fired them in a furnace, he boiled down the best and most excellent alum from them; and he was the first who, with the incredible benefit of many, brought back into use, as if by right of postliminy, this art, long discontinued in Italy and most other regions, and almost extinct, truly worthy that his name should be rescued from every oblivion. The same was noted by Agostino Giustiniani, in book V of the Chronicles of the Genoese.

^A During the reign of Emperor Michael Palaiologos, the first of the Palaiologoi to rule, certain Italians came requesting that the mountain be granted to them, and that they pay an agreed-upon annual sum. At that same time, the Turks were lying in wait, acting as brigands in the surrounding parts of Lydia and Asia, and were marauding as far as Sardis and even Magnesia. When the Italians perceived the incursions of the Turks, fearing for themselves and wishing to protect their own, they began to build a very small fortress, just enough for their own guard and for the fifty or more workmen they had with them. But the Romans living in the neighborhood—those in the plain of Menoemenon, and of Magnesia, and of Nymphaion—having heard of this construction, came and found them having already started the work. And then, as if by a common signal, conferring with the Latins, they promised to assist and suffer with them, and to cooperate in the erection of the fort; and not only that, but to build up what was being constructed into a great city, on the condition that if necessity should arise, they too, as lords of such a place, would be sheltered within. Both sides having agreed upon this pact, Romans and Latins began together and built what is to this day guarded by the grace of God: New Phokaia, at the foot of the mountain, near the sea, having the mountain situated on its eastern side, the island of Lesbos to the west, the Gulf of Elaia to the north, and the Gulf of Ionia to the south. ^B The stated lords of this city were the Genoese, Andrew and Jacob of the Cataneo family; and it acquired the name from the older Phocis, calling it New Phokaia, in which I also possess a house. When, therefore, affairs passed from the Romans into the hands of the Turks not long after, those found in the city, not bearing the daily skirmishes of the Turks and the slaughters of the Christians (for the Turks had become masters right up to the gates of the city), both Latins and Romans made sworn treaties with Sarchan, the leader of Lydia, and surrendered themselves as tribute-payers.

Notes by Ismael Boulliau

(51) In the days of Emperor Michael, Phokaia had devolved to him from his ancestors, having been bestowed by the emperor, the grandfather of the emperor, for the sake of administration and the payment of certain funds. Hence, at fixed times, those succeeding to its administration were always going about renewing the payment of the allotment by imperial letters, lest the long passage of time should surreptitiously infringe upon the imperial lordship. ^C ... and despised the younger [Andronikos] as weakened in power: to whom, however, the Genoese later surrendered Phokaia and Mytilene. From these words of Gregoras, it is evident that Phokaia had been granted to the Cataneo family as a fief, or rather had been let by the emperor by an emphyteutic contract for the sake of receiving an annual pension or tax. But when Gregoras speaks here of the grandfather of Emperor Andronikos the Younger, it must be understood as referring to Andronikos the Elder, whom the younger succeeded. But those words show that this Cataneo did not receive it from his father or grandfather, but at least from a great-grandfather; therefore, due to the exigency of the times, Michael Palaiologos, who [as Bizaro says in book IV of his History of the Genoese] gave Smyrna and Chios to the Genoese in 1261, granted it to them. Thus, Ducas has handed down the matter accurately, as he could well have known how it was done, being one who managed the affairs of the prince of Lesbos and possessed a house in Phokaia.

^A They promised to pay each year to Sarchan fifteen thousand in small silver coins, equaling the value of five hundred gold coins; and that every year the governor of the city who happened to be in office should go out and pay his respects to the aforementioned chief, along with ten thousand in silver coins. And thus, the Turks and Romans lived together in peace, having no trouble from anyone; but they went out without hindrance and traded. Likewise, the Turks would enter the city without fear and receive what they needed in abundance, living together as friends. Such an agreement holds until this day, nearly one hundred and eighty years since it was first established. ^B The governance of this same city is as follows: Since the Genoese Republic is governed democratically and no one can rule it tyrannically, it is customary every year, or sometimes after a longer interval, to send officials to the eastern parts in the cities under Genoese rule, such as on the island of Chios, in this Phokaia, in Galata, in Amisus, in Amastris, in Capha. And when the set time has passed, they send another, and the old one departs, ceding his seat to the new one; whom they call in their own language Podesta, which one might interpret in Roman terms as an official with authority.

^C At that time, while Mehemet was still alive, there came from Genoa one Podesta, being one of the most illustrious of Genoa, named John Adorno, youthful in years but old in wisdom, son of George Adorno, who had served as Doge of Genoa. Having been entrusted with the Podestaria for ten years, he returned from Genoa to Phokaia. ^D And indeed, having gone out according to the ancient custom and having encountered the Emir Mehemet, and having performed the accustomed proskynesis, and having finally received the alum metal, as he did every year, he pledged to pay twenty thousand gold coins over ten years, and he returned to Phokaia, where he began to mine with great expense. Six years then having passed, the end of the aforementioned Emir came, and the proclamation of the aforementioned Mustapha took place. Cineites also happily watched for the day he had hoped for; and Bajazites saw the day that was fatal for him, and all things which I have recorded have come to pass. At that time, the aforementioned John Adorno seized the opportunity to approach the new leader, Morat, to see him and pay homage, and to receive new orders, and to pay the tribute owed for the six years; for during these years he had suffered no small loss, for during those very times there was fierce war between the Genoese and the Catalans. The Catalans intercepted the ships of the Genoese and prevented them from sailing to the parts of Italy, Gaul, Spain, and England, and the alum trade was sluggish and at a standstill; and Adorno, in all...

^A because he was weighed down by foreign debt and had nothing with which to relieve his affairs, conceived a noble and wise plan to secure profit for himself, though it was to the damage of very many Christians. For, having chanced upon an opportunity he had never hoped for, he sent letters—which I have transcribed—to Murad before he departed from Amasia, in which he commemorated the great friendship and intimacy that had existed between himself and his father, Mehemet, and which he now desired to renew with him. "I am," he wrote, "ready to assist in every service and to bring you help; and I shall transport you by triremes and ships from the East to the West, and I shall perform this task more promptly than any other. Only command me, and what is ordered will be quickly accomplished." Murad, having therefore listened to his words, received them gladly and wrote back, saying, "With God's help, in a few days I am about to arrive in Prusa; let one of your own most trusted intimates come there, so that we may deliberate on this matter, and what and how we shall do it." ^B After a few days, he sent a certain Demetrios, surnamed Aga, with letters of great importance—which I have also transcribed—to Murad and to his viziers, Alibeig, Hadji-Avat, and Omur-bengin; for Bajazet had already been slain by Mustapha. Therefore, having duly arranged and settled everything with Demetrios, they sent back with him a man named Hatip, a Turk, one of the most prudent and distinguished, to give a pledge of faith to Adorno, and he also had with him fifty thousand gold coins to hire a fleet and prepare it to cross the strait of Gallipolis, as autumn was already beginning. But Mustapha, having learned of the plans and preparations of Murad and that the New Phocaea was preparing a fleet against him, felt pain in his heart, and his mind was pricked by his thoughts; he kept Phocaea constantly on his tongue, and meditated on its destruction. ^C Yet he did not abandon his pleasures, luxury, and drunkenness; rather, like a fierce horse, he neighed and spent himself in lust, abusing both women and men promiscuously. But Ceneites, hearing these things and watching to see how they would turn out, and seeing Mustapha living in folly and mentioning nothing to him about war or any other preparation against his enemies, entered the palace of Mustapha and began to make such words of reproach to him: "Are you unaware, O Prince, that only the region which the Thracians inhabit remains in our faith? But the other provinces, lying far and wide like the sea—I mean those of the West—are wavering and awaiting the outcome of future events, to see whither fortune may lead. For it has reached the ears of those peoples that Murad is in talks with the Emperor to bring him help and restore him to his paternal rule. ^D Now he has even struck up a friendship with the Franks (33). Everything in the West was in their hands. We, meanwhile, sitting quietly and securely in Adrianople, are doing nothing in the way of military strategy. As it seems to me, at least, before the enemies cross the strait..."

[alt-version omitted]

^A either from Lampsacus or from Scutarium, and create an uproar in the provinces of the West, and discord breaks out in the army, it is better for us to be the first to cross with the Western troops, to cross the bridge at Lopadium with speed and without hesitation, and to join battle with Murad. We, God willing, are superior to our opponents in both chariots and horses; and, once our arrival is known to them, their mind will be crushed like a reed, and their plans will be scattered, as is destined to happen to us also, if we neglect our affairs and allow them space to cross.”

After saying these things and more, Cüneyt, with Mustapha finally roused from the stupor of his drunkenness, persuaded him by such words. For Cüneyt was not planning so solicitously for Mustapha in order to install him as lord of the East; but, being a knave ^B, and foreseeing the man’s impending ruin due to his ineptitude, drunken stupor, debauchery, and his lack of military command, he wanted to escape. And while he was in such a frame of mind, he reflected within himself that if he attempted this in Thrace or another province of the West, he would easily fall back into the hands of the emperor. And again, Lemnos or another island would await him as an exile, and bitter would be the punishment exacted from him by the Romans. But he had in mind the East, and he was being nurtured by the hope of the province which he had formerly ruled; and he felt there would be an easy escape there. But these things were hidden in the recesses of Hades.

And so, having assembled an army and having made a rapid march, they came to Gallipoli; and having crossed the strait with a great force, they stayed in Lampsacus ^C for three days. As they were coming, the principal Phrygians of the surrounding cities were paying homage to Mustapha. But Murad, hearing of the incursion of Mustapha, set out from Prusa with a select army and came by night to Lopadium, having with him those who were skilled in knowledge and war, both Hadji-Ivaz and the sons of Temirtes-beg—Ali, and Homur, and Orudj-beg—men who were brave and excellent. There was also with them Hamza-beg, the brother of Cüneyt, who had grown up from childhood in the familiarity of Murad. Having therefore reached the bridge before Mustapha could secure it with a garrison, they destroyed it ^D and cut off the road by which they could be reached. Mustapha, having then set out with the entire army, pitched his camp at the bank of the marsh; and Murad, likewise, in the opposite tents.

Notes of Ismael Bullialdus

^A and set up their camps on the bank of the lake. Similarly, Morat took his position on the opposite side, and he too sat encamped, neither one having the slightest fear of the other. For the destruction of the bridge had been a wise decision; since the arriving enemies, finding the bridge broken, were prevented from continuing their march. But the forces of Morat gathered without fear; for the deep and utterly impassable river made the road to them inaccessible to the hostile forces. And if one wished to travel around the entire lake to reach the opposite side, it would not take less than three days' time, and that through narrow, rugged, and difficult mountains.

CHAPTER XXVI

When the camps were thus situated and they looked upon each other from opposite sides, since neither could move himself or progress against the other, the counselors of Morat debated among themselves by what arts they might bring down and destroy Mustapha. This plan, therefore, entered their minds. They summoned Hamza, whom we have already mentioned, the brother of Cineites, and addressed him with these words: "If you provoke your brother against Mustapha—and we ask for nothing else than that he desert him—behold, with the approval and decree of our lord Morat, we grant him the province of Atin. We will secure it for him by a written document, that he and his descendants shall possess it by hereditary right: he shall only provide an oath that he will remain in loyalty, that he will cultivate friendship without deceit, and that he will profess himself a client of Morat. And so that it may be known throughout the entire domain that Cineites is entirely subject to the command of Morat, every year he shall send one of his sons for the sake of showing reverence and honor to the emperor, who shall accompany Morat, perform military service for him, and receive appropriate wages from the emperor in the name of that service."

These words pleased Hamza; and that night he sent one of his servants, who swam across the lake and, entering the tents ^C of Cineites, found him sitting in a state of anxious thought during the second watch of the night. He said to him, "Your brother, my master Hamza-beg, wishes to have speech with you, which it is not permitted for another to hear. If, therefore, it pleases you, come alone around the middle hours of the night to the bank of the river near the bridge; there you from this side, and he from the other, may confer between yourselves about those secret matters." Cineites heard these words kindly, and dismissed the messenger, who swam back to the other bank. The next night, near the second watch, Hamza came to the bank near the bridge as agreed; and he [Cineites] came from the other side, alone to him alone, and having made himself known by certain signs, Hamza began to speak: "You know precisely, my lord brother, that I was born of your father, ^D and that you are the offspring of my mother, and that I am younger in age. I would desire, therefore, that you might rule the whole world, since I would be called to a share of the empire."

[alt-version omitted]

^A Yet as I would gladly wish this, so it is hateful, undesirable, and loathsome to me that you should be in distress and danger, and in the midst of many who nourish envy against you. For I shall truly not be without a share in your misfortunes and calamities. Do you even know with whom you are riding, or with whom you are living? First, all men cry out that Mustapha is not of the Othmanian lineage; and this assertion has been mocked everywhere. Second, that even when the facts are compared, it demonstrates his incompetence in warfare and his effeminacy. For those who are descended from the line of our rulers have displayed warlike spirits, and the heroic deeds and military campaigns of each individual are known to the world. Third, if this effeminate man and barbarian layman attain the monarchy, those from of old who were the guardians of the West and of the borders of the Danube—I mean the Abranezides and the Turachanides, and every other descendant of those whom the West has recognized as the heads of the principality from the beginning—and why do I mention the Westerners? For if fortune, which God forbid, should ^B assist Mustapha with its favor, he himself, embracing all the leaders of the East, will restore to them all their ancestral honors. But you, when these things come about, what do you expect other than the end of your life, and that a shameful one and unworthy of your courage? For all distinguished men know the readiness of your spirit and your leonine boldness for entering into battles. Envy looks at your virtues with savage and hostile eyes. Envy is followed by fear; and those who consider that you will bring destruction upon them, because they are envious, they themselves get ahead and act upon their envy against you, pre-arranging their own security and driving away their fear. Therefore, for these pressing reasons, which, when ignored, destroy the souls of heroes—to whom I consider you an equal—abandon this infamous man and come over to us. For already my master Morat, through the exhortation of the nobles ^C of his court and myself, forgives all the failures and deeds committed by you; and all the rebellions and acts you have attempted against him and his father, and against their principality. And with a peaceful and favorable eye he looks upon you, and through me he grants you the province of Atin as a hereditary possession, so that both you and those from your loins will enjoy this as an inheritance; with the sole condition laid down, that when time demands, you shall send one of your sons to serve in his army, and that you acknowledge yourself as subject to his empire. I speak these things to you as a friend; but do you explain to me what you think. ^D To these things, Tzinjet began to say to Hamza: "You know accurately, brother, that from the Othmans I have seen no profit, nor honor, nor rank. But they have seen much from me in their times of distress; and these arms have performed many and countless warlike deeds. For after..."

the incursion of the Tartars ^A, who was it that rescued this very prefecture—which Morates now promises to give me—from the hands of Homur, son of Atin? Was it not Cineites? Did I not pursue his brother Isas, and shut him up in the small fortress of Palaeopolis, and having captured him, put him to death? Did I not also kill Homur, his brother, by treacherously murdering him—both of them being the natural and legitimate heirs to that prefecture? Meanwhile, Musulman, the uncle of Morates, whom you call your master, was sitting in Thrace, indulging his own whims. But I proclaimed him lord of Ephesus and all Ionia. Later, when he cast me out, he bestowed that prefecture upon Kelpaxisi, a man of Triballian descent ^B and a purchased slave. And in this condition things stand: that prefecture which he now grants me, the son of that Homur whose head I cut off, now possesses, having been sent into the possession of his father's domain; he has been ruling it for about a year or more, and all who are subject to it serve and obey him. If God grants me that land as a reward for my military deeds, what thanks will I owe to Morates? None at all. For the grandfather of Morates, that Ilerim Bayazit, seized and took possession of this land from the grandfather of the current Mustapha, son of Atin. Thus, I too, God willing, shall today become its master. Since, therefore, you have come for this purpose, brother, I promise you before God and his prophet that from now on I shall be a sincere friend to Morates, and when there is need of an army, one of my sons shall always accompany Morates. For ^C I, even without these agreements, was intending to go to Ionia to engage with Mustapha, the grandson of Atin. Since, therefore, you, my brother of the same heart and the same father, have requested that I be a friend to Morates, I promise it now, and the coming night I shall begin to demonstrate by my actions the things agreed upon with me.

When they had departed from one another, Hamzas reported the things said and agreed upon to Morates and the council, and it pleased them all, and they took courage, and conceived good hopes. On the following evening, at the first watch of the night, Cineites ^D left his tents standing as they were, and with many lamps lit in their midst; and having gathered all things useful for this business—namely, chariots, and horses of the finest quality, and every other supply of gold and silver—he ordered his servants, purchased with money, and his friends, not a few—about seventy in number—to mount their horses. Each one carried in his clothing a suitable portion of the load, whether of gold or silver or some other precious material, which did not have an excessively great bulk, and they departed, entirely without...

^A noticing them. They left behind the heavy baggage and all things difficult to carry; likewise horses, camels, mules, and every other supply. Having traveled through the whole night and crossed mountains and plains, by morning they reached the borders near Lydia, in the regions towards Chliera and Thyatira, having completed a journey of two days in that one night. And towards the third hour of the day, having crossed the Hermus River, by evening they arrived at Smyrna, not being hindered by anyone at all; except that when they wished to cross at the bank of the Hermus River, some Turks who were there tried to prevent the crossing, reckoning that they were of Mustapha’s party. For indeed all of Asia was troubled by the expedition of Mustapha toward the east. Cineites, having turned and pursued them, slaughtered some with his sword, and having wounded others with arrows, he himself continued his journey without fear. The Smyrneans, seeing the orderly troop, and being puzzled as to whose it was and who was its leader, when they learned that it was Cineites, ^B all ran out with wives and children at the sight of Cineites. For he was a Smyrnean by birth, and rearing, and grew up together with them all. Having learned from them that Mustapha, the grandson of Atyn, was residing in Ephesus and Thyra, he himself penetrated into the inner parts of the province, where Bryela, Erythrae, Clazomenae, and other villages are situated. All the Turks who inhabit these further borders are most warlike and very much accustomed to fighting, and a hereditary friendship existed between them and Cineites’ father. Having gathered, therefore, two thousand from among them, and having prepared spears from the branches of trees, and having forged lances in haste in the space of one week—making them rough and uneven—and having added to them two thousand archers armed with axes and spears, he led them on.

When Mustapha learned of the arrival of Cineites, ^C and having assembled a multitude of troops, he went out from Ephesus and arrived at Smyrna in order to meet him. But he, having learned this, went off to meet him. And when they had met one another in a certain place called Mesaulion, and had prepared the battle lines of each side as best they could—for the place was marshy and full of wood—the war-trumpet of Mustapha sounded. For Cineites possessed neither a trumpet nor anything else of the sort. Both armies having engaged, Cineites, entering like an eagle among sparrows and scattering them hither and thither through the trees, encountered Mustapha somewhere and struck him on the head with an iron staff; and the wretch, not bearing the blow, fell forward from his horse and expired. Then all those who followed Mustapha ^D approached and did homage to Cineites, and hailed him as leader. And immediately, with a great escort, they rode toward Ephesus, and there...

^A he was received with great applause as their leader and acclaimed as a friend. Mustapha’s body he finally ordered to be carried out by the noblest men with the greatest pomp, and to be buried in the little tower with his ancestors. And in this way Cineites was proclaimed leader a second time.

CHAPTER XXVII

^BVarious discussions regarding the flight of Cineites; upon learning this, Mustapha takes to flight and crosses into Thrace. Adurnus transports Morat and his forces from Asia into Europe. Mustapha tries in vain to prevent this with great promises. Morat, having disembarked his troops onto land, puts the Mustapheans to flight, recaptures Callipolis, and makes for Adrianople. Mustapha is captured and, in a public place in the city, is suspended by a noose and strangled.

But let us return and see what happened to those whom Cineites left behind in his flight. When the nobles rose in the morning and, according to custom, came together, they discussed among themselves how a great commotion had arisen during the past night in the tents of Cineites. Some said that he had crossed to the other bank and joined Morat; others, who harbored envy against him, boasted that what had happened had been predicted by them. The army of Morat, which was sitting on the opposite bank, also learned that Cineites had truly fled. Then, in the ^C camp of Morat, one could hear the sound of trumpets and other instruments, with shouts and signs of joy that reached up to the heavens; at the same time, riders were seen on the banks of the marsh. Mustapha, having been awakened and learning of the flight of Cineites, realized that he had surely crossed to the other bank and taken lodging with Morat. Trembling with fear, he hastened to withdraw from that place, and it was possible to see his army shivering, overcome by panic. But the enemy on the opposite side pursued them, raising a clamor, attacking them with insults, and shouting boldly in their own language, "Dur, Dur, Callan!" which means, "Stop, stop, do not flee!" For they had no way to cross and join battle, as the bridge had been destroyed. Mustapha, therefore, mounted his horse and departed toward the regions of Lampsacus, hastening ^D to reach the opposite shore. On that day, Morat repaired and rebuilt the bridge by bringing up large timbers and beams, and, having crossed, most of Mustapha's soldiers ran to him, paying him homage and acclaiming him. Mustapha arrived at Lampsacus, truly like the jackdaw of the proverb stripped of its feathers; and in a single small boat, which he found ready, accompanied by only four servants whom he used as couriers, he crossed to Callipolis. Having gathered the light-armed infantry of Callipolis, he waited to see what would happen. Morat, having crossed the bridge, sent couriers to Phocaea to Adurnus, telling him of the events and urging him to sail with his whole fleet as quickly as possible to the straits. Adurnus, therefore, having his ships ready, boarded them, set his sails, and sailed toward the Hellespont, having the wind blowing from

astern. Sailing through the night, at daybreak he appeared between Lampsacus and Callipolis, and at that very hour Morates was on the shore. ^A Having arrived near—for there were seven oversized ships—Morates went into the better and larger one. Adurnus, as was fitting, paid great honor to Morates, and Morates likewise to Adurnus, and they sat together in the ship and conversed. For Morates was anxious, fearing lest the Franks, having despised their oaths, might deliver him into the hands of Mustaphas, and having taken vast treasures, might depart. Morates had with him in the ship which he boarded more than five hundred of his own servant-soldiers, along with his satraps, and Adurnus had placed in the same ship more than eight hundred brave Frankish soldiers; in the remaining ships there were as many Turkish passengers as each ship possessed as a contingent of Frankish soldiers. Adurnus, however, was keeping his oaths intact and without any deceit. ^B While they were in the middle of the strait, Adurnus stood up, and kneeling before Morates, requested that the debt owed for the alum mine be gifted to him. And Morates, rejoicing, granted it, and a reed pen was dipped to erase the payment of the old debt; and the debt was about twenty-seven thousand coins in total count.

Mustaphas, standing on the opposite shore and observing the ships—like small towns in the middle of the sea, or like islands—was wounded in his soul, for that day was clear. And not knowing what to do, he sent one of the boats to call over one of the more intimate friends of Adurnus, pretending he had some matters to discuss. Adurnus sent his vicar, Barnabas de Cornelia, and having happened upon Mustaphas, he promised to give Adurnus fifty thousand coins, if only he would not put him out of the ship, but send him elsewhere wherever he wished. But Adurnus did not wish to listen. Morates, having heard what had happened, embraced Adurnus and said, “Be from now on our brother and faithful friend.” ^C Then, having stood opposite Callipolis, the men of Mustaphas did not allow them at all to approach the harbor. The captains of the ships, towards the lower parts of the harbor outside the city in the sea, lowered their sails and at the same time prepared their anchors for battle in order to disembark on land. And the men of Mustaphas ran along the shore and stood opposite, preventing the landing. Adurnus, having prepared the rowboats and the skiffs and small boats of the ships—more than twenty—sent them so that they might take the land, being more than five hundred Frankish crossbowmen and javelin-men within them. Having disembarked, therefore, and sent the archers about a mile away from the shore, and while they were defending the coast, safely Morates also ^D disembarked, surrounded by a thousand ambidextrous archers, and...

^A more than three thousand highly warlike soldiers. The Franks, positioned at the front of the battle line, made a path by hurling lances and throwing stones. Then those with Morates, once a trumpet blast had been sounded together with the Franks, rushed against Mustaphas, who turned his back and fled, pursued by them without ceasing until they killed many of them. Morates then marched toward the city’s small fort. Mustaphas meanwhile made for Adrianople as quickly as possible, and having entered the treasury where the treasures were kept, he took as much money as he wished, packed it, and set out toward the regions of Wallachia, urging on his horses as much as he could. Morates, having spent three days in Callipolis and having taken the fortress, cruelly slaughtered all those who had resisted him to prevent him from disembarking at the harbor. Then he set out, hastening toward Adrianople, having with him a vast army gathered from the east and the west, and John Adurnus as well, with all his ship commanders, followed by a force of more than two thousand Italian foot soldiers—sturdy men, breathing war, whose body armor was made of black bronze and whose weapons were ^B spears and battle-axes. As he approached Adrianople, all the citizens poured out to meet him, greeting him with cheers; he addressed them all with kindness. Upon entering his father’s palace, he provided a rich banquet and feast for everyone, inviting all the Latins along with Adurnus, and they all rejoiced and praised him. Having bestowed many gifts upon Adurnus, he also granted him Peritheorion, [(44)] one of the small cities of the west, to possess and enjoy for his entire life, as well as the customs duties of Phocaea; and having rewarded the other ship captains with precious garments and other magnificent gifts, he dismissed them with thanks and in peace. They traveled to Callipolis, and having set their sails, they departed for the sea toward Phocaea. Meanwhile, Morates ^C dispatched very swift young men and bold commanders, who captured Mustaphas somewhere near the bank of the Ister. For he had intended to enter Constantinople, but, mindful of his past deeds, his own conscience restrained him. They brought him before Morates, who passed sentence that he should be strangled in a public place [(45)] like one of the criminals, so that the public of the common people, if not all, at least the greatest part, might believe that he was not the son of Bajazet the Ottoman, but a subject.

Ismaelis Bullialdi notes

[(44)] Peritheorion. This is a fortress; it was a bishopric under the metropolitan of Trajanopolis. Regarding that place, Cantacuz. Hist. lib. II, c. 38, speaks thus while reviewing the towns restored by the younger Andronicus: "But he also rebuilt another city on the coast of Thrace, which had been previously destroyed; they claim the emperor Anastasius was the author of its foundation, and that it was called Anastasiopolis from his name. Him [Andronicus] restored it; not the whole thing, indeed, but as much area as he was able to enclose, and he called it Peritheorion." That city is situated in Thrace, near the city [of Maroneia], not far from the island of Thasos. [(45)] Strangled, Leunclavius says in lib. XIII, in a public place, so that men might believe Mustaphas was an impostor. For Muslim princes are accustomed to kill their brothers and blood relations secretly and out of the sight of men. Furthermore, regarding the note of years, observe...

people, if not all, then the vast majority of the populace, held the opinion that he was not the son of Bajazet Othman, but was a fraudulent person, invented by the Emperor Manuel Palaiologos. The truth, however, is that he was truly the son of Bajazet. ^A

Chapter XXVIII

^B When Morates, after winter had already set in, had mounted the throne of his father’s principality, with the approach of the next spring, he issued a public edict and by the voice of heralds commanded the soldiers to come to arms, and gathering a great army, he prepared to lay siege to the city of Constantinople. For a long time, the Emperor Manuel had ceded the empire to his son John, and he himself, being an old man, remained at rest, occupied with the study of divine writings. Having learned, therefore, that Morates intended to wage war against him in that month—it being April—he sent an ambassador to him named Corax the Theologian, a man who originated from Philadelphia, and who, after the invasion of the Tatars into Asia, had moved his place of residence to Constantinople. He was, in fact, more cunning than any other man of that time, and most wicked in his dealings with the Turks, as well as in his calumnies. ^C Having established a familiarity with some of the court officials, he had also become known to the Emperor Manuel. And because he practiced the Turkish language and understood it as much as was necessary, he was always sent along with the emperor’s ambassadors, serving as an interpreter and translating what was said by the ambassadors to the viziers of the then-ruling prince Mahomet. As time was often consumed in such tasks, he became known also to the prince Mahomet and to the great vizier Bajazet, and he became so intimate that if there was anything the emperor wished to communicate to Mahomet, or Mahomet to the emperor, the Theologian would instantly weave it together, and he appeared to both to be a great adjudicator of many affairs. Envy, however, which grudges at all things good, directed its sharp arrows against the Theologian. ^D When Mahomet had passed away, and Bajazet the vizier had died, and affairs had shifted in the aforementioned [manner]—

Note of Ismael Bullialdus

^A ...by the help of the Romans, unto Mustapha, as aforesaid, does the sum of affairs devolve. And the sweet friendship which had been cultivated between them was transformed again into hatred and rivalry upon the empire shifting once more to Morates. And since the Emperor had determined to mitigate and appease this bitterness, he sent as envoys to Morates, Palaeologus Lachanas and Marcus Jagaris, men distinguished for their nobility and prudence, that they might satisfy him with plausible arguments that the Emperor was not the cause of those things which had befallen Morates, but rather Bajazit, who was then administering the affairs of the state; for he had been unwilling to hand over the infants to the Emperor, as he had been commanded by the will of their father, though he had been admonished by the entreaties of Bajazit: nay, he had even dismissed with contumely the envoys who requested them. But Morates would neither see nor hear these envoys, but kept them held apart for a few days, until he had gathered what was necessary for him for this military expedition to assault the city of Constantinople. Afterwards he dismissed them, having given this reply: "Depart and announce to your Emperor that I shall arrive shortly." A few days later, having gathered all his forces in one place—a vast army of two hundred thousand soldiers or more—he marched against Constantinople.

^B For this reason, the citizens were brought into suspicion regarding some atrocious act concerning the Theologian, saying that he had engineered fraud and treachery against the city, bearing it ill that he had not set out with the envoys. For the Theologian was, for the most part, disposed kindly toward the Turkish commanders, and loved their emperor. Manuel, having learned of the envy of the tumultuous crowd against the Theologian, sent him to Morates as if to negotiate peace; for Morates had already encircled and entrenched the city, and had pitched his tents within the sanctuary of the Fountain (the Pēgē) near the walls of the city. ^C The Theologian, having gone out of the city and met with Morates and his high-ranking men, and having labored much and spoken concerning peace, was unable by any means to persuade the tyrant. But, it was reported in the opinion of the many, he had wished to come to terms with the Turk on this condition: "If," said he, "you bind your faith with an oath that you will not make me prefect of the city, I will hand it over to you"; which words one of his most faithful friends, who was present, overheard. Having made such a pact, he returned to the city, so that on the day agreed upon and appointed when the Turks were to assault the city, he would stand at the Gate of the Fountain, surrounded by his men, and introduce them. The Theologian immediately met with the Emperor, to report the account of those things which the envoy had negotiated. But he, having heard word of the matters recited above from another, reported it to the crowd and revealed the betrayal which the Theologian was meditating, and secured belief for his words by certain pieces of evidence. ^D When the Theologian had gone out from the monastery—for the Emperor, being old and infirm, was then living in the monastery of the Peribleptos…

Notes of Ismaël Bullialdus

^A While the elder [note: referring to the previous context, the ailing Emperor John Ⅷ] was dwelling in the monastery of the revered Virgin, the Theologian departed. Emperor John, who was intent on repelling the attack of the enemy, had some of the city's leading men and light-armed soldiers simultaneously shouting humiliations and insults against him. Having become aware of this tumult, Manuel inquired what had happened; then those present brought before him the man who had revealed the betrayal. Manuel wished to calm this tumult and ordered the Theologian to be held in custody, along with his accuser, so that on the next day the matter might be clearly understood. The Cretans, who were on guard at the Emperor's gate, having heard the rumor of the betrayal, gathered together and approached him (the Cretans had always rendered the most faithful service in every way, were burning with divine love for the temples of the saints and their relics, and ardently desired the imperial majesty of the city to be safe); they therefore said: "Emperor, it is not fair that we should prefer this city to our own homeland and be lavish with our own blood for the protection of this imperial city, while the natives, and those who have renown and authority in it, wish to betray the divine mysteries and your empire. Command, therefore, that the Theologian be delivered into our hands, that we may examine the whole matter accurately." The Emperor Manuel replied that he feared lest the man be in danger of his life due to envy, and to these he added such words: "If I had truly known he was guilty of any crime, I would have immediately punished him with the most shameful death. Therefore, take him in chains and examine him, and conduct the inquiry. If he should be innocent, absolve him. If he is proven guilty, let him pay the penalty." ^B Diligent inquiry was therefore made concerning the Theologian, who was in chains, with torments being applied; certain proofs became evident to those investigating exactly, when there were found in his house very many gold and silver vessels, garments also woven with gold, and documents undoubtedly composed against the Emperor. These vessels had indeed been given to him by the Emperor to bestow later upon the Turk, which he, having committed theft, was concealing for himself. Then the Cretans, having dragged him through the main street to the imperial gate, there put out his eyes with inhuman and altogether bestial cruelty; they gouged them out in such a way that not even traces of eyelids or skin appeared. Being then thrown into prison, he died after three days; and his house, having been plundered of the many treasures which were in it, was destroyed by fire. ^C When Mourat heard of the death of the Theologian, and the cause of the slaughter, he was inflamed with anger and grief; certain men suggested to him that no one else was the author of this slaughter but Michael Pyllis. This Pyllis was an Ephesian, a Roman by race, Christian in rite, and born of a noble family of that city. He was skilled in the Roman and Arabic tongues and worked as a scribe in the prefect's palace. However, he was corrupt and wicked in his morals, wallowing in luxury and intemperance, and was altogether profane. Him, then, they brought to the tyrant's court, and accused him to Emperor Manuel of having revealed by letter that Corax the Theologian was about to betray the city; and his ^D

^A fate was to be condemned to death. Then they bound him and harassed him with fierce tortures, for he was hateful to all; finally, having kindled a pyre, they placed the wretch upon it. And they asked him if he wished to abjure the Christian faith, so that he might be saved; otherwise, the fire would consume him. Then he, who in his character and deeds had already been a Turk before his formal abjuration, betrayed the Christian faith by renouncing it; having been circumcised, he was then led away with much pomp. After many years had passed in that execrable profession, having paid his debt to nature, he cast off his soul.

Meanwhile, Emperor Manuel, who, as one might say, had death before his eyes every single day, lying bedridden, devised a plan against Morates. Of the two sons of Mehemet, the brothers of Morates, he had already throttled one with a noose, according to the cruel and wicked custom that prevailed among them. As for the other, who was also named Mustapha, after the death of their father, a certain one of the magnates of his father, named Eliez—who performed the office of cupbearer, called in the Turkish tongue Siaraptar—having stolen him away after the father's death, transported him to the parts of Anatolia toward Cappadocia. To this Siaraptar Eliez, the Emperor wrote letters in secret, in which he invited and urged him to bring that boy to Prusa. At the same time, he sent a great sum of money ^B so that he might hire soldiers for pay, raise a new army, and introduce the boy into the province of Bithynia. Morates was occupied meanwhile with constructing engines for the purpose of tearing down the battlements of the walls, and was wearing out those besieged with skirmishes, being desirous of possessing Constantinople; when, after a few days, one of the couriers arrived, bringing news to Morates that his brother Mustapha had entered Prusa, and had been received kindly and with applause by the citizens as their prince. And that, having departed from Prusa with Siaraptar Eliez, he had proceeded to Nicaea. Having learned these things, Morates reflected within himself: "The Emperor of the Romans has another Mustapha at the ready, through whom he will bring me troubles." Moved by this new state of affairs, Morates desisted from his hostile actions; he dismissed his immense army, giving them the opportunity to depart. Leaving aside his towers and engines for the storming and defeating of the city, he returned to Adrianople.

While these things were happening, Emperor Manuel, having become paralyzed and drawing his final breaths, was lying ^C and within three days he paid his debt to nature. He was most wise and virtuous, illustrious in temperance and modesty; he left the empire to his son John, the last Emperor of the Romans, who in truth surpassed all others in virtues worthy of the empire. ^D Morates, therefore, proceeded with his armies against

^A the city for three months. After he had recovered and entered Hadrianople, he came to Callipolis after three days. Having crossed over with a sufficient force of foot soldiers and a few horsemen—with no one knowing where he was going—he arrived at Nicaea, after traveling for one day and a night, early, while it was still dark, and signified his arrival to those who remained in the faith. Through them, a commotion was stirred up in the middle of the city, the gates were opened, and as the sun was rising, Morates was received within the walls. He found the boy, Mustapha, about six years of age, and strangled him, and slaughtered his guards. When he saw the child dead, he ordered him to be taken to Prusa and delivered to the tomb near their father. In that same year, three ^B princes who bore the name Mustapha died: one, who was considered by many to be the supposititious son of Bajazet; a second, the brother of Morates; and a third, the grandson of Atin, whom Cineites killed; and in the same year, the Emperor Manuel died. After Morates returned to Hadrianople, he did not cease day and night from searching for some pretext by which he might attack Cineites. He therefore sent a message to him, saying: "You remember well the conditions upon which you agreed with me. If you wish to be my friend, send me your son at once, for I intend to cross the Ister. But if you are not so disposed toward me, and refuse my commands, I shall act toward you as God wills." Cineites answered him: "Do as you please, but leave the outcome to God." ^C He therefore sent Akincidas in that year into Walachia and Serbia, revealing his proclamation as king. Legates came from all sides, wishing him well in the beginning of his reign, both from the Despot of Serbia and from the Voivode of Walachia; he therefore made peace with them. With the Emperor John, however, there was no possibility of reconciliation; for he nourished an implacable hatred. Since he could not accomplish anything against the city of Constantinople, he turned his mind toward the regions of Thessaly, the approach to the Peloponnese, and the coastal areas along the Strymon. He sent sufficient forces, blockaded Thessalonica, and ravaged the surrounding areas. He raided Zetunium and its environs. At that time, Cantacuzenus Stravometis had been sent to the governorship of Zetunium—a ^D courageous man, if he should be called a man—who had inflicted great damage on the Turks living in those parts and was protecting the areas around Zetunium and the small town securely. Having prepared the army of the East, he sent as commander a certain Halilin, Roman by birth, the husband of the sister of the aforementioned Bajazet, whom Cineites had killed while he was with Mustapha. Having taken all the forces, he approached the regions of Philadelphia. But Cineites [the rest of the text is missing from the scan].

territory of Thyatira to meet Halil. Both encamped in such a way that they could see one another, and they were no more than five stades apart. When day broke, the clarion sounded on both sides; and when the phalanxes had been drawn up in due order, the younger of the sons of Cineites, who was also surnamed Curtis—that is to say, Wolf—rode out with his shield-bearers and the other squadrons which he led, and charged into the enemy. Like a wild boar, he hacked a path for himself through the center of their line. But the legions and troops of Halil, as they retreated, opened their ranks from the front to the rear, so that he passed through without inflicting any great damage. Then Halil, having detected that this man was unskilled and ignorant of military affairs, immediately led his forces into a narrow place and ordered them all to conceal their white head-coverings ^B, thinking that Curtis would return by the same road. Cineites meanwhile stood ready to attack the first line of Halil, while at the same time waiting for Curtis to attack the rear on his return. For he feared that if he himself pursued Curtis straight into the enemy lines, the rest of the ranks might disperse and join themselves to Halil; for this reason, he would not move from his position while awaiting Curtis. But the latter, insolently proud, was returning at a slow pace with his cavalry and other fellow-soldiers. And having quickly completed a journey of ten stades and slaughtered those who met him, he returned by the direct road he had taken. Upon seeing a large body of soldiers in an elevated place, and hearing the sound of trumpets, and catching sight of standards similar to those that were in his father’s army, he supposed that his father had pressed upon the enemy from the rear and had put Halil to flight. When he had approached the place, however, and recognized that they were his opponents, he turned his reins and, driving backward, fled like a hare ^C; but he was pursued by the light-armed troops, who were equal in speed to flying dogs, as one might say. In a short time, the Wolf was caught and brought to Halil. Cineites was impatient of this delay, because he had been standing idle in the meantime. But when he learned that his son had fallen into the hands of the enemy, he retreated with the remaining forces to the mountains that look toward Smyrna ^D and traveled through steep and difficult roads until he arrived at a certain small fortress named Hypselen. For he had provided it in advance with everything necessary, and had fortified it with chariots and ships, and had also brought along all kinds of provisions. This fortress was situated on a certain gulf of Ionia, opposite the island of Samos, on the very shore of the sea. Meanwhile, Halil sent his son Curtis, bound in iron chains, to the Emir at Adrianople, as the first fruits of the Cineites who would soon be cut down by the sickle. The Emir Murad sent him and his uncle Hamza, mentioned above, bound to Gallipoli ^D; and there, having put iron manacles on them, he threw them into the tower. Halil then, having crossed the river Hermus, and

^A arriving at Nymphaeum. From there he set out and came to Ephesus; and having summoned all the notables and those in positions of authority, he gave his word, and received theirs, that they would be free from all treachery, and that they would not plot any deceit against one another. He further promised to grant to each one his rations, his position, and his honors. He also wrote and sent to the prince, reporting all that had occurred. When he heard of the flight of Cüneyd and the distinguished feat ^B performed by his son through Halil, he gave the province to Halil. In his place, however, he sent Hamza, who was the brother-in-law of Halil and the brother of Bayezid (whom Cüneyd had executed in the days of Mustafa), to observe and reconnoiter Hypsela and to besiege it, and to take careful heed that he might not escape. Cüneyd, seeing that his affairs were in a strait, escaped by sea. For he had three biremes in Hypsela, and having boarded these, he sailed for the Pamphylian sea. Having set his brother, called Bayezid, as commander in Hypsela, and having instructed him to take care of the small fortress with all his might—for he had furnished the interior with all manner of weapons, provisions, and every sort of necessity, and had a vast, adequate supply of many ships—he himself set off ^C for Amorium (53), and sent word to the leader of Iconium, the Karaman, that he wished to meet with him, because he had things to communicate with him and desired to hear certain things from him. The Karaman sent two hundred horses to him, and having held a deliberation with his local lords, said, "Let him come." He ordered his galleys to retreat. And so when they had come together, and after he had spoken at length about coming with forces and assisting him, the Karaman was not persuaded, reminding him of the treacherous plots formerly committed in the time of the Sultan, as the account previously explained. He sent him away, having given him sufficient funds and five hundred men as assistance. Having departed from there and descended with his five hundred horsemen, and crossed Phrygia Salutaria, he came down to Laodicea. From there he went up the great mountain of Tmolus and came down to Sardis; and from Sardis to Nymphaeum. There he altered his course, leaving the road that led to the right, and following the stream, he spent the night at a village called The Thirty (54). Having passed on that day through the plains ^D that lie beneath Mount Galesius and the mountains that lie near the sea, he arrived at Hypsela at the first watch of the night. Suddenly, with a shout and a clamor, they began to yell, and the surrounding encampment was routed. Some fled, others fought back, and those inside, having thrown open the doors of the little fortress, moved out; and joining with those outside, they slaughtered the opponents. When morning came and the army had been gathered into one, they cast everyone inside the fortress, even those who were unwilling, and Cüneyd himself—for those outside were beyond

fifty thousand; those within numbered barely a thousand, including those of the Caramanian. ^A Hamzas, therefore, observing that he had no power against it by land—for it was a very strong fortress, situated in a high place—sent word to Murad that they should provide for ships from the Genoese for assistance; for the fortress opened toward the sea, and showed the whole interior position to the sea, and left everything exposed. One of the Genoese known to Murad, named Persivas Palavicinus, agreed with the leader to depart and take the fortress; for Adorno had already died. He, having come to the island of Chios, and having hired three very large ships, came by sea to Hypsela. Those within, along with Cüneyd, seeing the ships, were struck with fear, and having fought on the first day, they realized on the day after that they would be surrendered. For the five hundred Caramanian soldiers, having opened the gates of the fortress during that same night, fled; some escaped safely, while others were cut down by those outside. For the subjects of the Ottoman Empire and those who followed the party of the Caramanian were always in a state of mutual hostility. ^B In the morning, Cüneyd, seeing the crowd in an uproar, and fearing lest they might all flee in the coming night, leaving him behind, sent one of his own men to Khalil—for he was the one besieging the fortress that week; Hamzas was staying in Ephesus. He sent word to Khalil: if he would give pledges to Cüneyd that he would not kill him, but would take him alive and bring him to Murad, or send him, he would come out and surrender, and leave the city to him. Khalil having given sworn pledges, Cüneyd came out with his brother Bajazit, and they did obeisance to Khalil. He therefore gave them tents, and they rested. But Hamzas, having arrived toward evening, and having learned from his brother-in-law Khalil what had been done, sent four executioners—for he [Cüneyd] was sleeping and snoring from much wakefulness during previous nights—who crushed his head as he slept. ^C In like manner, they cut off the head of Bajazit, and of his son, and of his descendants. They did not spare even the infants of his lineage. They sent the heads to him swiftly to Adrianople to the ruler. And the ruler sent to Gallipoli, ordering the heads of those imprisoned there to be cut off, namely Curti and his uncle Hamzas. And so it was done. And by such an event the race of Cüneyd was utterly destroyed, root and branch.

Chapter XXIX.

John preserves peace with Murad. Murad firms peace with other princes, from which the Venetians are excluded on account of the occupation of Thessalonica: the causes are related in passing through which Thessalonica came into the power of the Venetians. Thessalonica is besieged and taken by storm and pillaged by Murad, and new inhabitants are sent into it. The Venetians, fearing worse things, enter into peace with Murad. The princes of Wallachia overturn one another from the royal throne; Draculius, having killed the others, survives as voivode of Wallachia. On account of a horse refused to him by the Caramanian, Murad brings war upon him: and between the two peace is soon after established.

John therefore the emperor, having settled affairs, and with Murad the peace having been established and strengthened, to the cities and Ismael Bullialdi note.

^A villages which the Pontic Sea possessed, except for the strongholds which he was unable to take in battle, such as Mesembria, Dercos, and others, and Zetunium together with the remaining regions of the Strymon, and a yearly tribute of three hundred thousand aspers, he sat in peace as much as possible. Murad, however, as fortune looked upon him with a smiling face, and he had utterly destroyed all his enemies, and had no one remaining to cause him fear or to oppose him, wandered through Thrace and arrived at Prusa. Departing thence, he crossed the bridge of Lopadium and descended into Pergamum. From Pergamum he arrived at Magnesia; from Magnesia to Smyrna, and from Smyrna to Thyrea and Ephesus. The ^B envoys of the neighboring princes, and also those from afar, flocked to him. For the emperor had sent his lord, Lucas Notaras, his minister, with many gifts. In like manner also Lazarus the Despot of Serbia, and Danus the prince of Wallachia, and the lord of Mitylene, and the Chians and Rhodians, all sent envoys to congratulate him on his happy and auspicious success. They all received pledges from him, and they themselves gave them, that they would be at peace and full of friendship with him, and he with them, except for the Venetians, for a reason which I shall presently recount. The Despot Andronicus, who after the emperor John and Theodore was the third son of the emperor Manuel, and who was afflicted by the sacred disease, was ruling over Thessalonica. At the time of Murad’s war—I mean the war before the city—after Mustapha had departed from Lemnos, Thessalonica was troubled by war; and all the leaders of Thessaly, Aetolia, Phthia, Thebes, and those stationed beyond Ioannina, that is to say the descendants of Abranezis, Turachanes, and many others, surrounded Thessalonica with a close siege. ^C The Thessalonians, therefore, being indignant at the daily incursions of the Turks and hoping that it would be liberated by none of their own people, because the city was being squeezed by internal calamities and could not endure the pressing famine and the shortage of all necessities, held a council; and the Despot willing it or not, they sent some of the leading citizens to the Venetians to surrender Thessalonica to them. The Venetians, having received the message gladly, agreed to guard and to nourish and to make the city prosperous, and to transform it into a second Venice. And the Thessalonians themselves consented to be faithful in the ^D community of the Venetians, just as those who were born in Venice itself, and…

^B had been reared there. Having therefore established these conditions, they brought the duke with ten triremes to Thessalonica, and introduced him within, and escorted out the despot Andronicus. And the triremes, having offered praises to the new duke, sailed back to Boeotia. From then on, there was a multitude of wars; for the Turks said, "This city belongs to us; for if we had not shown it to be weak, it would not have turned to you." For in this frame of mind a hard battle took place, and the Turks held the upper hand, while the Thessalonians were famished. But the Latins, fearing lest the Romans, being hard-pressed, should make a revolt and bring in the Turks and drive out the Venetians—for the city had also been predisposed by the Turks—began to move the families of the noble Romans, some to Euboea, others to Crete, others to Venice. The pretext alleged for this, which was commonly bruited about, was the shortage of necessities, such as grain, barley, legumes, meats, and any other food. Therefore, so that fewer and more sparse families might remain in the city, and the citizens might be freed from these straits, the leaders changed their abodes and transferred them elsewhere, with the intention of returning later, God helping. Thus they moved most of them here and there; many were cast into the deep sea; others they punished as traitors; and those who were left behind they vexed with countless outrages and indignities.

^C After Murad had returned from Asia to Thrace, the Venetians sent envoys to him seeking peace. But they received no other response from him than this: "That city is my ancestral possession, and my grandfather Bayezid took it by force and hand from the Romans. If the Romans were the ones holding power there, they could justly complain that I am doing them an injury. But you, being Latins and having arrived from Italy, by what right do you meddle in the affairs of these regions? If it seems good to you, return to your own lands; otherwise, I shall be there shortly." Having therefore returned without success, they wrote this response to Venice by the guard—that is to say, the scout—triremes. Then, as spring began, Murad departed from Adrianople and came to Serres ^D (59). Having gathered there his army from the West, he wrote to Hamza to bring the forces of the East with him, and having crossed the strait, to enter the borders of Thessaly. Having then united together, he sends him to Thessalonica with all his forces. Meanwhile, Murad remained in Serres, indulging in the good things there; for he was fond of banquets, being a young man at that time, of about twenty-five years of age. Hamza, however, was surrounding Thessalonica with a rampart, intent on the siege daily. Those who defended themselves within the walls, if their number were compared with those of the besiegers, were as one to a hundred. Then, having constructed ladders, and...

siege engines, he urged Morates to come so that they might undertake the storming of the city. Meanwhile, those who were held besieged within the city were awaiting the triremes from Venice. Consequently, Morates arrived, and he found everything skillfully prepared, and the triremes did not appear. Then Morates, through a trumpeter, announced these things to the soldiers: "Behold, I grant to you all that is in this city: men, women, children, silver, and gold; I wish only that the city be gained for me." When these things were proclaimed by the trumpeter, the blare of the trumpets was sounded, and the ladders were moved toward the walls. (What, I ask, could five hundred, or a thousand, or even two thousand men accomplish in such a great city, when scarcely one archer was present in every ten towers?) By means of the ladders, therefore, they climbed upon the walls, and at the same time they threw themselves into the city; and through one of the gates opened by them, the whole army entered like a swarm of bees. A spectacle then appeared to the eyes like a wondrous prodigy. Individual horsemen, holding chains in their hands, were dragging after them men, women, boy and girl children, and infants. Those who were dragged forth were uttering only this one cry: "Woe," and there was no one who was touched by their miseries, or who extended a helping hand. A bad omen, and a miserable precursor of the calamities that were impending over the imperial city. ^B Houses were stripped, temples were left desolate; the ornaments of the churches and the sacred vessels were handled by the polluted hands of the impious: venerable virgins came into the embraces of the lewd; noble women became the slaves of ignoble men; in the end, every evil overwhelmed them. What is this? How and why did it happen? Because of our sins. Thus, in the space of one day, so great a city, deprived of all its inhabitants, stood utterly desolate. But Morates the emperor brought into it from the neighboring villages and towns new Turkish colonists with their wives and children; furthermore, he proclaimed that if any of the Romans, having paid the price of redemption, should return after the war into liberty, he might come into the city and dwell there securely. The principal monasteries, whose fame was celebrated everywhere, he consecrated as temples of his own religion, except for the church of the great martyr Demetrius. For although he had entered that temple and sacrificed a ram with his own hands ^C and had prayed to God, he nevertheless ordered it to be restored later to the Christians. However, the Turks stole all the ornamentation of the sepulcher and the shrine of the martyr, and of the temple and the sanctuary, leaving only bare walls. Then Morates departed from Thessalonica and returned to Adrianople. A few days later, the Venetians sent envoys to him, who concluded a peace, being moved by the fear that Euboea might also be snatched away from them.

^D During this time also, amidst the illegitimate sons of the Vaivode of Wallachia, Mylcas (such as many, being very much given to Venus,

dissipation, were living), departed from Constantinople—for he had been residing there in the palace of the Emperor John in military garb, and conversing daily with the youth, being skilled in warlike and insurgent matters. There were also certain Wallachians to be found at that time in Constantinople. Taking him, they departed to a certain corner of Wallachia; and having gathered there in significant numbers daily, a powerful force was formed. For the race of the Wallachians was unruly and of a fickle disposition, inclined toward plotting against their princes.

Now the Vaivode at that time was a nephew of Mylcas, the son of a brother named Danus. Having learned, therefore, that Mylcas was dead—though he himself was residing with Murat when he campaigned against the city [Constantinople], and being as one prepared for the onset of battle—he also, having run with the Turks into an ambush, managed to enter the city. And having made himself known to the Emperor, he went out with the Romans and performed valiantly against the Turks. When, therefore, Murat departed from the city, having not attained what he was hoping for, but instead having failed in his purpose, Danus, having done obeisance to the Emperor, sought his freedom and a direct path to return to his own lands. The Emperor, having acted generously and having placed him upon one of the greatest ships, sent him from the Pontic sea to Asprocastron. There, the nobles of Wallachia who were present acclaimed him as their prince ^B and restored him to his ancestral principality.

Ismael Bullialdus’s Note

[N] Mylcas, or Mirkes, concerning whom see chapter 19, and this chapter 29. [N] Danus. N. illegitimate son, killed by Danus, son of Dan. Dracula, another illegitimate son, who killed Danus, son of Dan. Danus killed by Dracula. N. sent by Murat into Wallachia to rule over it: and defeated and killed by Dracula. N. blinded by John Hunyadi. (Hist. Hung.)

Regarding Mirkes and Danus, John Thwrozius in the Hungarian Chronicles, year 1415, chapter 17, makes mention that they were born of the same blood, yet were not brothers: of whom the latter implored the aid of the Turks, the former the help of Sigismund. Likewise Anthony Bonfinius, *Rerum Hungaricarum*, decade 3, book 3, year 1415, speaks thus: "In the cause of the Wallachians there were two princes, the one Danus, the other called Mirkes, both born of the same lineage; discord arose for the sake of ruling. When Danus noticed that he was inferior in strength, he was drawn by a precipitous plan to flee for the aid of the Turks: from whom he easily obtained the auxiliaries he requested, since they thought this an excellent opportunity to occupy Dacia. Wherefore, in order to drive out the kinsman who was hostile to his kingdom, he introduced profane legions. Mirkes, lest he allow the Turks to invade Dacia, or to be cast out of the kingdom by the wealth of a wicked race, fled to the help of Sigismund, etc. Losoncius, sent with an army to protect Mirkes, was cut down by the Turks and Wallachians." Laonicus, book IV, makes words about Mirkes and Danus, whose wealth and help Moses used against the Muslim; in book V [he relates] that Dracula was defeated by Hunyadi, and Danus restored ^C to the possession of Dacia or Wallachia.

It was asserted that he had been set over them: he killed all of Dracula's kinsmen and allies: who were the illegitimate sons of the leader Myrxas, says Laonicus. But from John Thwrozius we learn that after the rout at Varna was accepted by the Hungarians, John Hunyadi Corvinus, seeking safety in flight, escaped into Wallachia, and was there captured by the Vaivode Dracula and detained for some time. Having received such an injury, Hunyadi, incensed with anger, moves against Dracula in the year 1446, and having captured him along with his firstborn son, kills him by the sword. He also deprives the son of the Vaivode Danus of his sight. Laonicus, book VIII, also discourses on the capture of Dracula by Hunyadi: and that he moved against the Dacians in order to send Danus into possession of Wallachia. The outcome of the war was this: the Dacians abandon Dracula and go over to Danus. Dracula, deserted by his own men, betakes himself to flight, from which he is dragged back by Danus, who had pursued him, and is killed by him along with his son. Therefore, either Laonicus writes falsely concerning this Danus, or it is necessary that there were two: one, according to Hungarian history, blinded; another who, according to Laonicus, killed Dracula. Regarding these, Mirkes and Danus, Leunclavius speaks few words in *Pandectae*, number 71, but they are of no moment. ^D

^A Having obtained the dominion, he sent envoys to pacify Morates, who succeeded in winning him over. For Morates was of a gentle character and possessed of praiseworthy manners; thus, with the annual tribute paid, Danus held power over Walachia in peace. But let us return to Draculius—for it was by this name, which carries the notion of perversity, that this wicked man was called. Having then waged war against Danus, he cut off his head and became master of his father's principality. Morates, having learned of the deed, took it heavily; for he had in his hands another brother of Danus, and wishing to establish him as ruler in place of the brother who had been murdered, he sent him with a force into Walachia. Draculius, having raised a fierce war against the invaders, routed them, destroyed them utterly, and with Danus's brother slain, secured the principality.

In that same year ^B there came one of the servants of Caraman, reporting to Morates that among his horses there was one of the Arabian breed, which, in action, in age, in color, and in the symmetry of its limbs and joints, was as superior to any of those raised and trained with care and diligence among the Arabs as could be. Morates, therefore, falling into a desire for the horse, sent one of his honored servants to request it, hoping that Morates would obtain the horse upon his first message, whether for the sake of friendship or in exchange for some price. For Morates was always threatening him, having been, from his father and grandfathers, fortunate in his wars against the principality of Caraman. He was confident, therefore, on many accounts, that he would obtain the horse.

But Caraman, thinking otherwise, answered the servant of Morates: "Is your master able to mount this horse?" pointing with his finger to the horse. And he said, "Whether he is able or not is not for me to say; he has, indeed, the answer to your words. But return to me the answer that I may report to my master." Caraman said, "Announce to your master that he will not be able to sit upon this horse while he stands haughty; for I myself can barely manage to mount him, and for this reason, I do not send him to you." ^C Morates, having heard these words, was hardened; and having gathered his armies with haste, and crossed the Strait, he arrived at Prusa, and remained there a short time until the forces of the East could assemble.

And the aforementioned Draculius, the Vaivode of Walachia, having also crossed the Strait, arrived at Prusa and met with the Emir Morates. He paid him homage and professed himself a subject, and gave his oath to Morates that whenever he should desire to move into Hungary, he would grant safe passage and point out to him the way as far as the borders of Germany and Russia. Moved by such promises, Morates admitted him as a guest and companion to his table; and having honored him with many gifts, he took leave of him and his more than three hundred followers in a friendly manner. Prusa then, having proceeded to Cotyaeum and advancing from there, he moved toward the borders of his domain.

And having seized two cities, one of which is called in the Turkish language Aksiari, and the other Pegsiari 64; this latter city was near ^A Iconium, being a two days' journey away. Then Caraman, having nothing else to do, sent to him ambassadors—the most honorable of his lords—carrying a large sum of money, his horse, and the two cities he had taken, along with their fields and villages, solely for his turning back. His sister, whom Caraman had married—for Caraman was brother-in-law to Morates through his sister—also sent him letters of entreaty; and being swayed by their entreaties, he made peace with oaths, and returned. ^B

After he came to Adrianople and learned that the Despot of Serbia, the son of Lazar 65—the brother-in-law of Bajazit, whom the narrative mentioned in the events of Bajazit’s time, namely the Ilerem—had died, he having died childless and without an heir, he sent ambassadors to his successor, demanding the whole of Serbia. Now he had a nephew through Maro, the daughter of Lazar and sister of the late Stephen. For George was the son of Vulko and son-in-law of Lazar. ^C When he saw the ambassadors, he honored them as was fitting; and he reflected in his mind upon the deceits of the dragon, knowing that if it eats and is satisfied even a little, it will be quiet; but otherwise, if no morsel is cast into its mouth, it will devour all of Serbia, and Bulgaria, and his own ancestral lands with gaping jaws. Therefore, he maneuvered to buy time, and pledged his daughter in marriage to him, and conceded the greater part of Serbia ^D under the name of a dowry, with this sole condition appended, that peace should quickly...

Ismaelis Bullialdi notes.

64 Aksiari, Pegsiari. Leunclavius in his 15th book calls these cities Acscheherem and Beg-Scheherem, and in the same book calls them Buscara. In the common geographical tables, Sari, which is perhaps Acsiari, is situated to the north of Iconium; Bogas, which is Begsiari or Boscara, lies to the east and south of Iconium. Ortelius is mistaken, who makes Leunclavius's Ac-Serai into Anazarbus; whereas Anazarbus was once in the eastern borders of Cilicia, which is a journey of many days from Iconium.

65 Now the Despot of Serbia, son of Lazar. That it may be clearer to the readers of the History of Ducas regarding those things that pertain to the despots of Serbia, we repeat here from Mauro Orbino, who wrote in Italian of the kingdom of the Slavs, two genealogies: one from the side of the family, namely of the Nemagna; the other of the Privazii.

Part of the genealogy of the Nemagna family.

MILUTINUS, or UROSCUS THE HOLY. WLADISLAUS. Uroscus, strangled by his son Stephen in the year 1331. CONSTANTINUS. PRIMISCIA, or SINISSA. STEPHEN DUSCIANUS, died at Diopotamon, a town built by Andronicus the Younger, in the year 1354, at age 45. NEDA, wife of Michael, King of the Bulgarians. Concerning her, see Cantacuzenus, Book III, Chapter 2. Uroscus, the last king of the Nemagna family; whom Cantacuzenus, Book IV, Chapter 43, calls the son of the king: who waged war against his uncle Simon, the prince of Acarnania.

^A his daughter in marriage, and the greater part of Serbia as dowry; who could number the talents of gold and silver that he paid to satisfy the peace with an oath? He then sends ambassadors, who win over the prince to the conditions of this peace. He sends the Saritzas, one of his viziers, to betroth the maiden and to give oaths to George and receive assurances from him in return. The Saritzas, therefore, having met with the Despot George and completed the marriage agreement, returned. Having requested leave to build a small town on the bank of the Danube, he was granted it by Murat, and a decree was issued to him, and the Despot began to build Smederevo. ^B And Murat, when summer was now near ^C at hand, moved against Hungary, and having crossed the Danube toward Nicopolis, he was met by Draculus, who pledged to pay tribute and to be ready to carry out his orders. Murat, therefore, through Sarazias Bassa, demanded that not only tribute, but also Maria, the daughter of George, be given to him as a wife. As George was prepared to pay the tribute, so he was averse to that marriage. Yet, overcome by the pleas of his wife Jerine—or Irene—who hoped that by this marriage Murat would be reconciled to the Serbs, he entrusted his daughter to Chalil Bassa to be brought to Murat.

Notes of Ismael Bullialdus.

From this it is evident that Ducas, in chapter 111 of this history, was in error when he asserted that Lazarus was the son of Stephan—who in this genealogy is the son of Dusan; he likely believed that there was another son besides the son. Stephan Crala did not succeed… ^D [Here follows the *Genealogia gentis Pribaziæ* table:]

[Genealogy of the Pribazian race from which the last Despots of Serbia came.]

[PRIBASIUS. 1. Despot Lazarus, slain in the battle at the field of Kosovo: he took parts of the empire from Uroscus, son of Stephan Dusan, by force of arms.]

[STEPHAN, Despot of Serbia.] [MARA or MARIA, wife of Wki Branchovik.] [JELINA or HELENA, wife of Nikolai de Gara.] [DESPINA, wife of Balsa.] [WCOSAVA, wife of Milos Kobilich, who killed Murat.] [MILJEVA, wife of Wk. Baiazitis primus.]

[STEPHAN.] [GEORGIUS, Despot of Serbia, succeeds his uncle Stephan. His wife Irene Cantacuzena.] [GREGORIUS.] [JOANNES.] [LAZARUS.] [MARIA, wife of Murat II.] [NN, two sons blinded by Murat.]

[GEORGIUS.] [Wk.] [MARIA, wife of Bonifacius, Marquis of Montferrat.] [CATARINA, wife of Count Ulrich of Cilli.] [JOANNES.] [MARIA, wife of Ferdinandi Frangipani.] [MARIA, wife of King Stephani Bozina.] [IERINE or IRENE, wife of Joannes, Duke of S. Petri in Galatina.] [MILIZA, wife of Leonardo, Despot of Lartensis.]

From this genealogy and from the consensus of Leunclavius’s history, the error of those who assert that the daughter of Despot George was the wife of Bajazit I is refuted; and the genealogy which was exhibited in the *Pandects*, no. 54, is entirely false. Lazarus's son, who died in the year 1421 with no surviving children, is Stephan, whom George Brancovich succeeded, as the grandson of Lazarus through Mara, whom Ducas calls Maro. What our writer says, that George was the son-in-law of Lazarus and not his grandson, is written incorrectly; and he certainly should have written: *vid. Voulkou, son-in-law of Lazarus*. For if Despot Stephan had died while his nephew (who succeeded him) through his sister Maro—or Mara—survived, there could be no other person than George, from whom Murat sought to reclaim Serbia under a new right, because his uncle Stephan had died without children. Murat did not have Milieva as a grandmother, daughter of Mahomet and granddaughter of Bajazit; for no author has handed down that Bajazit had children from her.

(66) *And he gives his daughter in marriage*, noted in the kingdom of the Slavs. Mauro Orbini notes that Murat moved against George, Despot of Serbia, after the passing of Stephan (who was born to Lazarus), and occupied several locations; whom George, in order to appease, declared himself a tributary and vassal of Murat. But when Murat saw that George was not keeping his promises, he brought war upon him again in the year 1455. George sent an ambassador to him, by whom Murat, led by Draculio, to the year of the Hegira 840, which began on July 14, 1436 (a Friday), as the Turkish histories refer; Leunclavius must be consulted, book xiv, where he calls this man "Direcola." Zipinium is Cibinium or Hermannstadt in Transylvania, which Laonicus calls Ardelia, one of the principal cities.

^A Joyfully exulting, he greeted him; and having joined the forces he was leading, he attached himself as a companion on the march to Morates. And when he had led him four days' journey within the borders of Hungary, they found the region deserted; for the Hungarians, having learned of the approach of Morates, had transported the inhabitants from the villages, hamlets, and minor camps to another place. Wherefore the Turks proceeded through the deserted region, having gained nothing except one very small castle, and that taken even beyond their expectation. For when the garrison had gone out to seek the things necessary for their needs, and were remaining outside the city, the Turks, passing by in the morning by chance, found the gates open, and entered without any resistance, and having plundered everything, they departed. But having advanced as far as Zipinium, which is one of the famous cities of Hungary, they did not dare to approach it closely. When therefore its inhabitants ^B saw the invading Turks with indignation, they engaged in battle with them at the open gates of the city and slew many of them. Wherefore the Turks retreated, always having Draculius as their guide, from whom Morates feared that ambuscades might be laid against him. When they arrived at the bank of the river, they crossed him over again. At this time the King of Hungary was still an infant, nor did he have a regent to administer military affairs. Wherefore, the audacity of the Turks having become known, the Queen appointed one of the nobles as prefect general over the armies; a man, indeed, bold and spirited, and in military matters another Achilles or Hector. Morates, having crossed the river and arrived at Adrianople, sends Saricias as a bridesman, in order to bring to him his betrothed from Serbia. And when he arrived, the Despot received him kindly and magnificently, for he had been crowned that very winter. For Emperor John, having sent the signs of the principality through George Philanthropinus, had named him Despot of Serbia. That bridesman at length departed from Serbia, having abducted the young virgin, who was carrying away immense ^C treasures and garments woven with gold; she was also taking her two brothers with her. When they arrived in Adrianople, the marriage was celebrated with the greatest joy. Morates had previously taken another wife, the daughter of Spentiar; yet he burned more for this one, because she excelled in outstanding beauty and keenness of intellect. The nuptials having been completed, he generously bestowed many gifts upon his brothers-in-law and dismissed them kindly; afterwards, as autumn began, he lingered in Adrianople, passing his time now in hunting, and at other times occupying himself with spectacles and drinking bouts. But at the beginning of spring, he formed an evil and malignant ^D design against the Despot, his father-in-law, suggested by one of his nobles, who...

of the despot and his father-in-law, having for this purpose one of his nobles as a counselor, a man who was an evildoer and an implacable enemy of the Christians, by name Phadulach; for he had first been great chartulary of the revenues of the emirate; then, when the ruler saw his craftiness and that he was sharp and severe in counsel, and ill-disposed toward the Christians, he made him also his Mesazon. And one day he said to Murad: "Why, sir, do you not utterly destroy the enemies of our faith? For since God has given you such an emirate, you disregard it and do not look upon them as is pleasing to God, but in your benevolence and long-suffering you protect the infidels. This, therefore, is not at all pleasing to God; but let your sword devour the flesh of the impious until they turn to the instruction of the one God and the great prophet. ^B Know, therefore, O ruler, that the fortress which the despot of Serbia has built is not in our interest. Let it then be taken from him, and we shall have it as a passageway from Serbia into Hungary. Let us seize from it those eternal springs which pour forth gold and silver like perennial water, and with these riches we shall subdue Hungary, and reaching on into Italy, we shall defeat the enemies of our faith." And the ruler, being most simple and having no malice in his heart, gave ear to the words of Satan; he therefore sent envoys to the despot of Serbia, demanding the small fortress newly built, that is, Smederevo. ^C But he sent back words to him, reminding him of the oaths and the kinship. But the tyrant, not taking the words of the despot into his mind in the slightest, marched against him; and in fact he first arrives at Smederevo at the time of summer. For the granary of the fortress was empty, as were the other food-stores. And having observed the opportune moment, he blockaded the fortress, and having laid siege to it for three months, it was surrendered due to the lack of provisions, with oaths and promises given that no one would be harmed. And having opened the gates, they went out to pay him homage. ^D There were inside the eldest son of the despot, and his maternal uncle, Thomas Cantacuzenus. He therefore placed sufficient Turks for guard, and having departed from there, he comes to Novo Brdo, the mother of cities, and having laid siege he took it, and surrendered it and all of Serbia to the Turks. When winter arrived, he returned to Adrianople. And the two sons of the despot—for one had been found in Adrianople while Murad was campaigning at Smederevo, and the other had been captured in that same fortress—were led to

^A Adrianople; and having sent them off bound to Anatolia, to Amasya, he had the eyes of both put out, on the advice of Phadulach. Now Draculius, having come to do him homage at that time, was also sent off by him in bonds to Gallipoli and imprisoned in the tower, on the pretext that he had intended to betray him in Hungary while he was paving the way, along with other fabrications which Phadulach was devising. Having then spent many days in the tower, they asked him for his sons as hostages; he sent for them and brought them, and delivered them over while they were still underage. ^B The emperor Morates sent them to Anatolia, to a certain fortress in Asia called Nymphaeum, and gave orders that they be guarded carefully. But as for Draculius, after he had bound him by oaths and received his own, that he would be faithful from now and into the future, he released him into Wallachia.

When spring began, Morates raised a great and numerous army from both Asia and Thrace, and marched against Belgrade. Now Belgrade ^C was a fortified and impregnable city of Serbia, having its foundations between two rivers, the Danube and the Sava. A short while before, the Despot George had given this city over to the King of Hungary when he requested it, fearing that if the Turks took it, they would cross to the opposite bank and capture the cities of the Hungarians and the Despot; for the Serbian indeed has many cities on the opposite bank. Thinking them therefore more powerful and warlike, he gave it to the Hungarians so that they might guard it. For the Despot had indeed crossed the Ister when Murad was seeking Smederevo, ^D and was living in his own cities, having the Hungarians guarding him. In this, the Turks became hostile toward him. Having arrived at Belgrade and having pitched his tents all around, and having constructed many stone-throwing machines, both small and large, and having raised earthworks, and having prepared over a hundred triremes to sail along the river, he sat down for six full months, besieging it both by land and by the river. But he achieved nothing; rather he was repelled, losing many of his own nobles and servants, both through the pestilential disease and through the machines sent from the fortress. For they sent against them leaden balls, the size of a walnut.

Ismaelis Bullialdi Notae

^Asumpserunt. For into the very leaden balls, equal in size to a Pontic nut, a bronze machine, onto which they were loaded in a straight row, would discharge five or ten at a time. Behind the bronze [tube]—for the machine imitates the shape of an oblong pipe or reed—there was a receptacle filled with powder, which is made of nitre, sulphur, and willow charcoal crushed and mixed together. It gives off the odor of bitumen if the spark of a fire is brought near its nostrils. Being thus tempered, it is instantly ignited, and the spirit of the fire, confined in a narrow space by the balls, expels them with force; while they are being driven by this violence, the one closest to the powder pushes the one next to it, and that one pushes the one in front of it. And thus the power is transmitted to the ball positioned at the mouth, and it dispatches it for a mile's distance; and it strikes whoever it happens to be, whether a man or a beast, even if they are wearing iron armor. But the power of the powder so greatly prevails that even if the ball has pierced one man, it does not lose its force toward another, nor does the power grow weak in two bodies, ^B even if they are iron-clad and armed. But when the ball happens to strike iron or some other material suitable for armor, because it is pressed for space, it transforms the spherical shape into a straight line, and the ball becomes like a nail; and it passes through the intestines of the vitals just like a river of fire, or, if it is of some other material condensed by a hammer, its roundness is turned into an oblong shape by the impact, it becomes like a nail, and it penetrates the inner vitals like a river of fire.

CHAPTER XXXI.

In that year the Emperor John departed for Italy with the patriarch, Lord Joseph, and the other bishops and ^C ecclesiastical dignitaries. ^D Michael Cerularius, having been raised to the throne of Constantinople by Constantine Monomachus, immediately upon being appointed, cast the Pope of Rome out of the diptychs, bringing forth the question of unleavened bread as the cause of the casting out, and, as they say, the addition to the Creed concerning the Holy Spirit. Peter, Patriarch of Antioch, concurred with him, as did Leo of Bulgaria. The reign of the aforementioned Monomachus was, according to the chronicle of Scylitzes, in the year 6561 (during which year also the fall of Constantinople to the godless Turks occurred, on the 29th of May, the third day of the week), 404 years from when the schism between the Churches of the Romans and the Franks was completed. This same Michael Cerularius furthered the schism and fanned its flame. And this occurred because of certain worldly affairs which the Italian, Argyrus, arrived to facilitate; but further, because that patriarch and those with him wished not only to be immune from reproach and judgment by Rome, but also to set themselves up and claim power over the remaining patriarchal thrones, and for the see of Constantinople to be over all, just as previously that of Rome had been the exarch of all.

^A And to the rest of the bishops and officials, to celebrate the synod. For he had already pondered the union, and having sent envoys to Rome, he secured Pope Eugenius beforehand, promising to provide all the expenses along the way himself, and to provide revenues in Italy for the officials of the palace and the Church, and for the Emperor himself, and for the Patriarch. And those who were gathered ^B in Constantinople from Asia, from Thrace, and those found in the islands, and the monks found on the Holy Mountain, in number as well as those of the palace along with the Emperor; and the Pope sent triremes from Italy, and things for...

Notes of Ismael Bullialdus

From that point to the year 6961 (in which Constantinople was captured by the atheistic Turks on May 29, the third day of the week), 404 years had elapsed, during which the schism between the Romaioi, or Greeks, and the Franks, or Westerners, had persisted. Michael Cerularius himself increased the evil of the schism and caused it to break out into a greater conflagration of discord. A certain Italian named Argyrus, having mixed in certain secular affairs, exacerbated that wound, but especially and primarily the ambition of the Patriarch: he wished to withdraw himself and his successors from the jurisdiction of the Roman see, not to be appealed to the Pope any longer, nor to be judged by him. Furthermore, his intent was to draw unto himself the authority and jurisdiction over other patriarchal thrones, and to transfer to the Constantinopolitan Patriarch the power that the Pope of Rome had previously held over the others. This schism persisted until the times of Michael Palaeologus: who labored in the year 1274 at the Council of Lyon to reconcile it, to harmonize the discords between the Greeks and the Latins through envoys, and brought about the reception of the Greek Church into communion with the Roman. ^C But to the decree of union most of the Greeks contradicted: and it was in vain that Emperor Michael embraced the union, and that John Beccus, the Patriarch, who had rejected it while he lived as a private citizen, eventually approved it. For Andronicus, the son of Michael, and George Cyprius, the Patriarch, disapproved and condemned it. Andronicus even deprived his deceased father Michael of funeral pomp and customary honors, because he had felt as the Latins did. Then John Cantacuzenus, when his affairs had been reduced to straits, contemplated that unity of the Churches, and desired the Greek Church to return into favor with the Roman, so that he might draw the supreme Pontiff and the Latins to his own side against Anna and the Constantinopolitan senate, which he himself testifies in the history he wrote. But what fruit could one hope for from such a union in such great dissension of the Greeks from the Roman Church? — that it was very great and that the Orientals raged against the Latins with the most bitter hatred is evident from Cantacuzenus himself. For he, while discussing the evil arts of Apocaucus, a most depraved man, reveals that this man wrote letters to the supreme Pontiff in the name of Empress Anna, and without her knowledge: by which Anna was reconciling—and subjecting to the jurisdiction of the Pope—the Eastern Church. Convinced that the affair was being conducted seriously and that the letters were genuine, the Pontiff wrote back to Anna: he praises her for such a holy proposal and urges her to persevere in it. The Pontiff's letters were delivered to Apocaucus, who concealed them with himself, intending to bring them forward against Anna ^D if he had sensed that she was averse to the marriage of Emperor John and his daughter: for he knew that if the Pontiff's letters were published, he would stir up the Constantinopolitan clergy and populace against Anna, and he knew that the Greeks were utterly opposed to that union of the Churches. Furthermore, while Manuel Palaeologus was reigning, when the affairs of the Greeks had been worn down by the Turks, and they held an empire that was only precarious, if I may so say, having been made tributary to the Turks: compelled by extreme necessity, imploring aid for their afflicted affairs, they flee to the Latins: and that they might more easily obtain it, they give the Latins hope of returning to the communion of the Church, and around the year of Christ 1417, Eudaemon Joannes, sent into Italy by Manuel, was to reconcile the Constantinopolitan Church and the whole East to the Roman Church, and when on November 11 of that same year Martin V had been elected supreme Pontiff, he dealt with him concerning the reconciliation of the Churches; he sets forth the affectation of the Emperor and the Patriarch, by which they study to promote so great a good. Pope Martin embraced Eudaemon Joannes kindly, and granted indulgences to those who would go to fight to defend the Hexamilion. He also writes letters to the Emperor and the Patriarch, in which he signifies with what desire of mind he longs for the union of the Churches. But after Manuel died, John his successor sent envoys to the Pope time and again regarding reconciling the concord. Of the second legation, which Phrantzes mentions, the Great Stratopedarch, the head of the Manganon, and Demetrius Angelus Clilas, who was secretary to the Emperor, were members. It was then deliberated about indicating a council, so that they might transact and decide the union of the Church therein. For the time being a council was being held at Basel, to which the Fathers were inviting the Eastern Church: but the Greeks adhere to the sides of the supreme Pontiff, and come into Italy, and with the Latins celebrate a council at Ferrara, and finally at Florence: what outcome it had, one may gather from this history of Ducas.

(75) Those who were gathered were accompanied by the elected Arch-prelates, and they attended the synod: [those] of Ephesus, Trebizond, Heraclea, Cyzicus, Sardis, Nicomedia, Nicaea, Trnovo, Monemvasia, Lacedaemon, Amasia, Mitylene, Stauropolis, Moldavia, Rhodes, Helenos, Drama, Ganos, Dristra and Anchialos: all twenty in number. The Arch-prelate of Russia also came to the council with a bishop. From the archontes of the Church there were also present the Great Sacellarius, the Great Skeuophylax, or guardian of the vessels, the Great Chartophylax, the Great Prefect of the Church, the Protecdicus, the Nomophylax, and almost all other officials, except the Hieromnemon, who at the time lay ill. The prelates of the monasteries, however, were: the prelate of Pantocrator, the prelate of Maleos, the prelate of St. Basil. From the hieromonks, Pachomius, Moyses of the Laura monastery, Dorotheus, monks of the Vatopedi monastery. The vicar of the Patriarch of Alexandria is the Archbishop of Heraclea. The roles of the Patriarch of Antioch are fulfilled by Greg. Pneumaticus, and the Archbishop of Russia. Finally, the Archbishops of Ephesus and Sardis [for] the Jerusalemite.

(76) The three triremes sent by the Pope. They reached Constantinople around the end of September, in the year 1437, which were commanded by Antoninus Condolmerius, nephew of Pope Eugenius, and an earthquake that happened that very day is noted.

^A Having then departed for Venice, the Venetians received the Romans with kindness, treating the emperor as a second monarch and a provider for the salvation of souls; likewise also the patriarch and the other high priests. They gave them a sacred temple, into which they entered to celebrate the unbloody sacrifice. On that day, all the men and women in the city gathered to see and hear the divine and holy mystery according to the custom of the Eastern Church. And having seen it, they wept, and crying from the depth of their souls, they said, "Lord, keep Thy Church unharmed from the arrows of the wicked; join it into one; break asunder the scandals in its midst; for we who had never before seen Greeks, nor did we know their order, heard only by reputation, and we thought them to be barbarians. But now we know and believe that these are the first-born sons of the Church, and it is the Spirit of God that speaks in them." ^B Setting out then from Venice by land, they came to Ferrara. And having begun those matters of the council there, a deadly plague began to spread in Ferrara; having departed from there, they came to Florence. And in Florence the council was completed. The exarch of the Greek side among the high priests was Mark of Ephesus; and on the side of the Latins, Cardinal Julian of the Holy Cross, a man most skilled both in secular wisdom and in the dogmas of the Christian faith. Mark of Ephesus was, in Greek learning and in the decrees of the holy councils, a rule and an immovable standard; there were present also Bessarion of Nicaea and Isidore of Russia. These were the most learned among the high priests, along with the great chartophylax Balsamon and the archdeacon. From the senate there were also present Gemistus of Lacedaemon, George Scholarius and universal judge, and Argyropulus; these were the men who participated in the discourse.

Notes of Ismael Bullialdus

(77) "From Constantinople they departed," Nov. 24, 1437, on which day an earthquake occurred in Constantinople. Phranzes, ch. 14, book II, says the emperor arrived in Venice on February 8, in the year (of Christ 1438). Those who were then present with the emperor and patriarch report that they arrived in Venice on a Saturday, that is, the Saturday before the Sunday on which the Eastern Church reads the Gospel of the prodigal son, which is found in Luke ch. xv, in the liturgy. It must be tested whether Phranzes agrees with these. In that year the lunar cycle was 14, the solar 19, and the Sunday letter E; therefore Easter was on April 13: from which, if we count back 9 Sundays, we arrive at February 9, the Sunday of the prodigal son. Therefore, the day before was Saturday, February 8. That Sunday is called Septuagesima by us Latins. From that Sunday until the next, which is called the Meatfare, the Greeks eat meat abundantly. The notation of the 8th day of that year, which was a Saturday, the second of the Lenten season, also agrees, on which day patriarch Joseph greeted the pope with the kiss of peace in the Lord, as Phranzes relates in ch. 46, book III, and those who participated in the ^D council agree; they add that the patriarch refused to greet the pope according to the custom of the Westerners. Whether the Venetians then granted the Greeks permission to celebrate the liturgy, I do not know, unless perhaps it was at St. George’s, where, having returned to Venice, they celebrated the liturgy for the deceased patriarch. The Greeks who were present note that by the request of the Doge of Venice, the emperor was asked to return from the council to Venice to order the Greeks to celebrate the liturgy in the temple of St. Mark; which was done. For the celebration, the protosyncellus chose those whom he knew were most opposed to the Latins: and in the presence of the Doge of Venice and the patricians, the sacred liturgy was performed, with them approving and praising the ceremonies. They excuse this celebration in a Latin temple by saying that they celebrated on their own Antimension, used their own vessels, and kept every order and ceremony of their Church. Nor should it be omitted that the archbishop of Heraclea had refused to celebrate with the Lacedaemonian, because he appeared to him to be irregular, for having promoted a certain homicide to priestly orders.

^A From the side of the Latins, many such men gathered there. After various conversations were held and contentions were finally set aside, the Italians and Greeks, except for Mark, agreed as one; and it was established by oath, and they devoted with curses whosoever should ever contradict it. From this they gathered such fruit, that all consented in it, that the Holy Spirit proceeds from the Father and the Son, as from one principle and single procession, which the Greeks call "from the Father through the Son." Having all, therefore, signed this confession of faith, they departed from Florence, having first celebrated the divine liturgy together, having partaken of the holy communion, and having given the kiss of peace to one another, with the exception of Mark. ^B But what pricked Mark was the addition made to the symbol; he was saying to the Latins, “Expunge it from the confession of faith, and wherever you please, let it be placed and appointed in the churches, just as is chanted in other canticles, ‘The Only-begotten Son, and Word of God, being immortal.’” To this the Latins contradicted, arguing thus: “If the addition contains blasphemy, show us, and we shall delete it both from the holy symbol, and from all the books in which the Fathers have treated theological matters; I mean Cyril, Ambrose, both Gregorys, Basil, Jerome, Augustine, ^C and Chrysostom, and many others. But if we Latins confess the Father to be one principle and cause, fountain and root of the Son and of the Spirit, not positing two principles, what need is there to delete the addition? For we call this not an addition, but a clarification and explanation.” And so the patriarch also passed away after the union in Florence. The emperor and the synod fathers then set out, and came by land to Venice, at the expense and costs of the pope. From Venice they were conveyed to Boeotia in Venetian triremes, at the command of the pope; and from Boeotia they crossed over to Constantinople with royal and Venetian triremes. Upon entering the city, they found the mistress, the wife of the emperor John, deceased, ^D as well as the wife of the despot Demetrius, the brother of the emperor. The emperor then sends envoys to Murad, showing gratitude and...

^A a sincere friendship toward him. His mind had been preoccupied with the thought that by traveling into Frankia, the emperor had made an agreement with the Franks and had become a Frank, and that they were preparing to campaign against Murad by land and sea to uproot him from the West. But the envoys announced to him and demonstrated that, regarding the matters he had heard, the emperor had not traveled into Italy for such reasons, but rather he had been cheered in his mind concerning the difference of dogmas regarding their faith.

And the archbishops, upon disembarking from the triremes, were greeted by the people of Constantinople according to custom, who asked: "How do things stand with you? How did the synod go? Have we perchance attained the winning side?" And they replied: "We have sold our faith. We have exchanged piety for impiety, having betrayed the pure sacrifice. We have become Azymites." These and other more shameful and filthy words they uttered. And who were those among them who signed the decree? Antony of Heraclea ^B and all the rest; for if anyone asked them: "And why did you sign it?" they said: "We were afraid of the Franks." And upon being asked again whether the Franks had tortured anyone, or scourged them, or thrown them into prison, they said, "No." "But how, then, did this right hand sign it?" they asked; they replied, "Let it be cut off! The tongue confessed it, let it be rooted out!" They had nothing else to say; for there were indeed some of the archbishops who, at the time of signing, said: "We will not sign unless you provide us with a sufficient amount of revenue." And they gave it, and the pen was dipped; for the coins spent on them were beyond counting, and were measured out into the hands of each of the Fathers. Yet, after repenting, they did not return the silver. Wherefore, by their own confession that they had sold the faith, they are convicted of having sinned more grievously than Judas himself, who returned the silver; but the Lord knows, and he delayed; and fire was kindled in Jacob, and wrath ascended upon Israel. (Ps. LXXVII, 26).

Notes of Ismael Bullialdus

The metropolitan of Heraclea, after the Greeks returned to Constantinople and consulted about electing a patriarch, was present at the election even if against his will, not to cast a vote—for he denied that he would bring one—but so that in the presence of the entire clergy he might confess the sin which he had committed by signing the Florentine decree, and might testify that he was worthy to have the hand with which he had signed ^D cut off, as he confessed to some who associated with him privately.

Those from the Constantinopolitan clergy who were present at the Council of Florence deny that, when the decree was signed, the Greeks asked for, or the Latins promised, "provisions" (that is, food and money): a charge which, however, was brought against the Greeks upon their return to their homeland, namely, that they had sold their votes for gold. They do indeed admit that some did receive money; but say that most of them did not sign the decree. Regarding that Florentine council, Laonicus, book VI, chapter 15 and following up to 17, is to be consulted.

CHAPTER XXXII

^A The aforementioned Despot George, seeing his despotate laid bare and desolate, and having no other hope than a few small towns situated in Hungary, and sighing daily—yet there was no one to pity—comes to the King of Hungary; for he was quite young, yet all things were governed by the hand of the queen, his mother, and Jancus, the protostrator. He implores and laments in order to obtain mercy. The queen, moved and fearing all the more lest Serbia, being left deserted, might let the destroyer reach Hungary, orders the commander to assist with the expenses of George, for he was very wealthy. And so, having provided pay and taken twenty-five thousand horsemen and archers, he crosses the river, and having traveled rapidly as far as the city called Sofia, and having set fire to it, they burned it, along with all the surrounding cities and villages, sparing nothing. The entire plunder they sent back across the river; the men then advanced toward Philippopolis. But Murad, having gathered the Western army—for he had no opportunity to call for the forces from the East—came to Philippopolis. Now the Hungarians, with the Despot, having stolen away as far as the village called Izlati in the Bulgarian tongue—^B

Notes of Ismail Bullialdus on Chapter XXXII

^A is interpreted as "Golden," for the site lay between Sofia and Philippopolis. In the space between, there were difficult mountain passes and thickets extending almost to Philippopolis, and they wished to cross the mountains, provided they could first make a path with the help of woodsmen and lumberjacks, and then enter. But the Turks, having traversed the difficult places, and having arrived opposite the Hungarian camp, became fearful and did not descend from the mountain into the plain. The Hungarians, however, very boldly ascended halfway up the mountain. The Turks did not cease to shoot arrows, but accomplished nothing; finally, seeing that both sides were achieving nothing of note due to the difficulty of the terrain, they turned back each to the place whence they came. Then Murad was gripped by fear, revolving in his mind that in his own days he had not seen any force of Hungarians cross the river, and yet now the despot had brought this about. He sent an envoy ^B to the despot, and surrendered all his cities, as well as Smederevo. He sent back his sons, who were blind, and likewise those of Dracul, and he made sworn treaties. He also sent word to the queen in Hungary (90) and to the regent of the realm. For the commander-in-chief was Jancu (91). The regent of the King of Hungary was the King of the Saxons (92); for they had summoned him and made him guardian, because the true King was young (for he was then in his fifteenth year). Then the Turks—that is, the ambassadors—arrived in Hungary, and they gave oaths to the Saxon king, and they received oaths that they would be friends and loved ones; that the Hungarians would not cross the river to come against Murad, nor the Turks against the Hungarians. But Jancu did not swear, saying (93), "I am ruled, I do not rule."

Then, peace having been made by the Turks, as well as the Hungarians and Serbians, he himself made preparations against Karaman (94). And having gathered all the forces of Thrace and Thessaly, and having crossed the strait, and having pitched his tents at Bursa, he prepared the eastern armies as well. Likewise, he sent to his firstborn son, named Alaaddin, to gather an army from Amasia and to come to Iconium; and he did so.

^D **Ismael Bullialdus' Notes.**

(90) *He sent word to the queen in Hungary.*... (91) *For the commander-in-chief was Jancu.* Verily, this is Jan-cus or Joannes Hunniades, who was commander-in-chief of the Hungarian forces. (92) *The regent of the King of Hungary was the King of the Saxons.* This is false. For Ladislaus of Poland was King of Hungary, and he ruled it by royal right, not by tutelage or as vicar: nor was he ever King of the Saxons, who are taken here by Ducas in the place of the Poles: but he was the brother of Casimir, King of Poland. See Leunclavius, book xiv, concerning these bellicose movements and the peace made with the Hungarians and Turks. (93) *But Jancu did not swear, saying.*... (94) *He himself made preparations against Karaman.* Laonicus, books vi and vii; Leunclavius, book xiv, and Phranzes, book ii, cap. 18, also recount the history of this war, after the Hungarian movements and the settlement with the Serbians.

^A For Caraman, when the lord and Yanko had come against Murad, having also found an opportunity, came down and took his cities, which Murad had previously taken. And this is the cause of the war. Having departed from Prusa, he came to Cotyaeum, then to Saluutaria, and having made sufficient preparation there, he came to Iconium. Caraman, fleeing with his army, entered into the borders toward Syria in the rugged mountains. Murad, having unsparingly plundered Iconium and having carried off from there a great amount of gold and silver, came to the city of the Larandines 95, and having committed most terrible acts there upon the Larandines, he turned back plundering and raiding every city and region of Caraman, ^B causing damage to the Turks of the same race as himself. Wishing to depart from the land of Caraman, he dismissed his son with the army and turned back to Amasia. He himself, having come down to Prusa, crossed over into Thrace as the summer was passing away. Caraman turned back again to his own places. When winter had begun 96, one of the servants of Alatin, his son, came from Amasia, reporting his death. Murad made great lamentation, for Alatin, who was in his eighteenth year, was very handsome and bold; and after the mourning, having called all his leaders and satraps, he designated his second son, Mehmed, as leader and commander of all his subjects, though he was still underage and a young boy; he himself, having crossed into Anatolia, sat quietly in Prusa living as a private citizen. ^C When spring had begun, scouts came from the regions of Hungary reporting to the young leader and to those caring for him—Halil, Sarizia, and Zaganas—that a great multitude of Hungarians and Wallachians was gathering at the banks of the Ister [Danube]. Mehmed sent word to his father. Murad, having wondered at the violation of the oaths, was considering what might be about to happen. Therefore, as summer was beginning, he summoned to him the forces from everywhere in the East, toward the rising of the Dog Star; and twenty-five triremes appeared from the Aegean Sea 97. Having come opposite Callipolis, they blocked the strait. Likewise, a part of those same triremes sailed up to the Sacred Mouth, intending to block the passages there too. The Hungarians, however, having crossed the strait of the Danube, were coming ^D safely, clearing the way, and taking the fortresses; thus they arrived as far as Varna. Murad, finding no crossing, was distressed; and those of Mehmed, being in a predicament, were despondent. Then, having moved toward the place near the Sacred Mouth, and having found it clear of the triremes, he crossed over, both he and those with him.

^A Those of Mehmed’s forces holding the watch, having learned of Murad’s crossing, united in one day. And two days later they arrived at Varna. And on the following day, having joined in a battle that was fearful and terrifying from early morning until the ninth hour, the Christians were slaughtering the Turks without mercy. But around the tenth hour, the King of the Saxons remained alone with five hundred men, or more or less, and turned the reins of his horse toward him. Jangus was restraining him, but he was not persuaded; and having approached, the horse received a mortal blow, and it threw the rider, the king, headlong, and they immediately beheaded him. When Jangus perceived what had happened—for the head was suspended on a spear—there were shouts and clamor, and the cry, "Let the one who flees, flee!" The Turks therefore slaughtered a great number, and night overtook them, and Jangus, having barely escaped, crossed the river. The Turks, as victors and trophy-bearers, returned to their camp. Then the fortunate Murad again crossed the strait and arrived at Magnesia, and there he pursued his living.

But we Christians, not yet understanding that our sins are those that bind us, and that our evils are those that bring about our misfortunes, fortune again lets loose another wrath against us. For Halil, being experienced in the machinations of power, and because the young man would never be fortunate, brought Murad back again to the palace of Hadrian, and he was acclaimed as ruler. And the young ruler Mehmed, his son, is sent by his father to govern in Magnesia. Jangus, having learned of this, crosses the strait of the Ister by another road, and having passed through all the narrow passes, he comes to Nissus or to Cosova. And Murad was ready with all his army. And indeed, having fought from the evening, in the morning, while it was still dark, he arose with some soldiers, and as if to prepare the battle before the hour, he himself fled. For he knew the Turk’s army was far superior in strength, and that the Hungarians were trembling and ^B inclined toward flight. ^C

Notes of Ismael Bullialdus

(98) *Holding the watch.* Perhaps here is to be understood the city in the Odrysian region, which is called Boukelos, under the metropolis of Adrianople. Emi of the mountain. It is called Bilgiur by the Turks, as it seems probable from the elements of the words.

(99) *Battle at Varna* and the slaughter of the Christians, November 10, in the year 1444, of the Hegira 848, which began in April on the Lord's day of the month of November; it was the month of Regeb or Regiad, day of the week 2.

(1) *But Jangus was restraining.* Phranzes, Book II, chap. 18, reports the same. Laonicus, Book VII, writes that Wladislaus was urged by some who envied Hunyadi to attack Murad's camp.

(2) *For Halil.* Leunclavius, Book XIV, and Laonicus, Book VIII, explain by what arts Chalil brought Murad back to the royal throne. The Turkish Annals note this occurred in the year of the Hegira 850 (that is, 1446 of Christ), along with Murad's expedition into the Morea that same year. But it should be understood thus: in the year of Christ 1445, Murad was restored to the imperial throne; and he arrived in the Peloponnese at the end of the year 1445, and in the year 1446, of the Hegira 850, he left Hadrianople. Both the Turkish annals and the Hungarian history note that Murad’s expedition into the Morea preceded by more than two years the battle of Hunyadi with Murad on the field of Cosova: which indeed is true. For the expedition into the Morea happened around the end of the year 1445, and the beginning of 1446, and the battle on the field of Cosova in the year 1448. Phranzes, however, and the Brief Chronicle, which we have provided here, refer to the year 6955, and the month of December [that is, 1446 of Christ]. Ducas perhaps immediately adds the mention of this battle to those things which he narrated about Varna, because they pertain to Hungarian and Servian affairs. ^D

(3) *To Nissus.* Nissus is a city in Servia by the Ibare river. Ptolemy in his Map of Europe has it in Upper Mysia: in which is also held the river Ciabrus, which some wish to be the Ibare: although on that map of Ptolemy the river Ciabrus is very far from the city of Nissus. Laonicus, Book VII, calls it...

^A Moravus. Morates, seeing at sunrise the tents of the Hungarians scattered and perceiving that they had taken to flight, made an assault upon them; he plundered some and slaughtered others, while others escaped; thus there was a great victory for Morates and a defeat for Jangu. Turning back after this great victory, he marched against the Peloponnese. For Constantine, who was at that time the Despot of Lacedaemon, having seen the arrival of the King and the triremes in the Hellespont, had prophesied the total destruction of the Turks; and having sallied forth from the Hexamilion, he had taken Thebes and the surrounding villages. Morates, having returned with the greatest success, sent an envoy seeking the return of his cities. But Constantine refused. Morates then marched forth and set up a camp at the Hexamilion, for he had built it four years prior; Constantine with sixty thousand men was inside it, and he himself entered; and in a short time he and his brother Thomas, who was the Despot of Achaea, were betrayed by the Albanians, although they themselves, perceiving the betrayal, fled. Morates, having run as far as Patras and Glarenza and delivered everything there to destruction, returned after having torn down the Hexamilion and left it a ruin; he took captive a multitude of people in excess of sixty thousand.

Chapter XXXIII

Around that time, Emperor John, having been afflicted by gout for a long series of years, and being in much grief and distress after his return from Italy, both by reason of the confusion and dissension of the Churches and by reason of the death of the Empress, was seized by illness and in a few days passed away, having been the final Emperor of the Romans. Those who were administering the affairs of the empire in Constantinople sent envoys to Constantine to bring him into the city. He sent envoys to Morates and, having conciliated him with gifts and gentle words, made peace with him, having removed from the midst all past causes of offense. ^C And wishing to perform a marriage for his son, he took as a bride a woman from the princes lying toward the borders of Armenia, the daughter of Turgatir, an official and leader of those who..

^A reside above the Cappadocians. He did not refuse this alliance, as one equal to him in power and wealth; but because the aforementioned Turgatir, dwelling in the midst of the Turcopersians and Caraman, was always able to form an alliance in war with his son who was governing in Amasia, and to oppose both Caraman, who was stirring from below, and Kara Yusuf, who was attacking from above, and by the intercession of this marriage, to obtain from him any help and assistance he might need. Whence, having also sent one of his viziers, the one called Saricias, he brought her from her father’s house with the greatest honor and glory, bearing many treasures and a very wealthy dowry. ^B Morates, her father-in-law, learning that she was approaching at the strait of Gallipoli, sent magnates from Adrianople and a picked force of soldiers; and having gone to meet her, they brought her to the houses of the ruler in Adrianople. The ruler, having received the bride with the greatest joy, began to celebrate the weddings. And having called all the commanders and leaders under his hand—Turks alike with Christians—all ran with many gifts to celebrate the wedding; they began from the month of September and concluded in the month of December, and the wedding was completed. He generously treated the relatives of her father who had come with her, and having rewarded them with every kind of benefit, he sent them back to their own lands. He then sent his son, the new groom, with his wife to the province of Asia Minor and Lydia to govern it. ^C Having come to Magnesia, when the month of January was already halfway through, and this having passed, with February coming into its fifth day, one of the couriers stood before him, swift as an eagle, putting into his hands a letter securely sealed. Having opened it and read it, he learned of the death of his father. The letter had been sent by the viziers, both Halil and the others. It disclosed the death of his father and instructed the reader not to delay, but if possible to mount a winged Pegasus and arrive in Thrace before the announcement of the ruler’s death was heard by the surrounding nations. Which he did; at that very hour he mounted one of his swift Arabian horses. He said nothing else to his magnates than, ^D "He who loves me, let him follow me." He departed quickly, having before him his own slave archers, and swift runners, all ambidextrous giants, all on foot; and behind them the swordsmen and javelin-throwing horsemen. And in two days from Magnesia he crossed the strait and arrived in the Chersonese. After waiting in Gallipoli another two days for those who were accompanying him to gather, he sent one of the couriers to Adrianople, announcing his arrival.

^A Since a frequent murmuring and rumor spread everywhere that the ruler was in Gallipoli, so that the rabble might not become disorderly and go rampant—for it was their custom to incite sedition during the changing of rulers; that is why they often concealed a death and told the people that the ruler was sick, and they do this because one who is about to take his place is not found in the place where the one who is dying exists. After he had departed from Gallipoli, many crowds flocked to pay homage to him. And when he drew near to the field, the whole order of the government went out, the viziers, and the satraps, and the governors, and the mayors, and the mystagogues and teachers of their impure religion, and those skilled in sciences and arts, and a large portion of the rabble in order to meet him. When the crowd had arrived in front of the ruler, at a distance of one mile in a line, they all dismounted their horses and walked on foot toward the ruler. But the ruler and those with him remained mounted. ^B When they had arrived within a half-mile, with extreme silence on their lips, they stopped abruptly and raised a great lamentation with tears. Then he also, dismounting from his horse along with those under him, did the same, filling the air with cries and wailing. And it was possible to see great mourning and lamentation on that day from both sides. When they had come together and approached one another, the magnates paid homage to the leader, kissing his hand. And mounting their horses, they entered the city as far as the gate of the palace, and the ruler having entered, each withdrew to his own home. On the next day, a great assembly having taken place according to custom (and even more so, as the ruler was still young and had just recently entered into power), ^C sitting on his father’s throne (as, would that it had not happened, but it occurred by the permission of God for our sins), all the satraps and the viziers of his father, Halil Pasha and Isaac Pasha, stood opposite him at a distance. But his own viziers, Siachin the eunuch and Ibrahim, stood by him according to custom. Then the ruler Mehmed asked Siachin his *mesazon*: "Why do the *mesazontes* of my father stand at a distance? Call them, and tell Halil to return to his accustomed place. But let Isaac depart to Brusa with the remaining leaders of the East, to consign the body of my father to burial. Let him also have the care of the eastern provinces." Having heard these things, ^D they immediately ran according to custom and kissed his hand; and while Halil remained *mesazon*, Isaac, having taken the corpse of the ruler with many leaders and great provision, departed to Brusa and buried him in the shrine built by him, having distributed a vast amount of coins to the poor at the funeral.

^A Morates indeed did not die after a long and grievous illness; rather, he succumbed to fate, but he was far less troubled by pains and afflictions than his father. This, it seems to me, was a tribute granted to him by the decree of God, to whose human nature the kindly disposition and compassion of this man toward the poor were manifest. For he not only kept inviolate and undefiled the sworn treaties which he made with those bound to him by race and impious superstition, but he also stood by the covenants made with Christians. If ever the conditions of peace were violated by the Christians, and the treaties confused, they did not escape the eye of God, to whom nothing is hidden, and having been justly punished by Him, the very avenger, for the injuries received, the extent of His wrath did not stretch long; but immediately after the victory, the barbarian did not pursue them. He did not thirst for the total annihilation of any nation he happened to defeat; but as soon as the vanquished considered sending embassies for peace, he readily received them and dismissed the envoys in peace, hating battles and loving peace. And the Father of peace measured out the end of the barbarian in peace, and not by the sword. There were but four days in all of his sickness. Having left the palace with a few young companions, he crossed to the island ^B which the rivers, splitting near the city, render spacious, and where, the land being fertile, pastures and green fodder for the dumb beasts grow. For in it are kept mares, and mules, and the proud horses of the leader, and buildings are constructed, most excellent for both warmth and pleasure as the season demands, and whatever else is useful for enjoyment. He wished to spend many days there, living privately with a few intimates for the sake of recreation and relief from the cares and toils of the wedding that had passed. Having crossed, therefore, and having spent one day there, enjoying himself not as he was accustomed, he ordered on the next day to be taken to the palace, saying that he was oppressed by a heaviness in his head and the rest of his body was numb. Having lain down, therefore, and being ill for three days, he fell into a coma and died on the second day of the month of February ^C of the year 6959. It is said [..] ^D

^A that after the wedding, and before he departed for the island, he saw a vision of this kind one night: that a terrible man stood before him; the man who appeared took him by the hand, for he was struck with fear, and he wore on the right hand a gold ring on the thumb. The one who appeared then took the ring [(16)] off the great finger of the ruler, and placed it on the index finger, which is next to the thumb; then, having removed it from the index finger, he fitted it to the middle finger, and after this to the one next to the middle, and again to the last, the little finger. After this, the one who appeared removed the ring and vanished. The ruler, having awoken from his sleep, called for his soothsayers and told them what he had seen. They interpreted the ring as the principality itself, and the fingers: the first as himself, and the others as those after him who would rule from him. Others secretly and in silence interpreted the thumb as the last time of his life, and the removal of the ring as the loss of rule. They compared the insertions and removals of the other four fingers through the ring to the fingers of those who were to rule after him, and the number of the years of the rule, and then the tyranny will have an end. ^B But let us return again to the narrative, and let us see what this bloodthirsty beast destroyed in his days, and consumed, and reduced to nothing. Having sent the body of his father to Bursa for burial, he began to search the treasuries and the paternal riches, and having found them filled with countless silver vessels, with gold, with precious stones, and with coins of great value, he sealed them with his own seal and placed them back in the treasury; then he found an infant [(17)] son of his father, born of his father's wife, a daughter of the ruler of Sinope. ^C

Ismaelis Bullialdi notes

from the daughter of the governor of Sinope, a legitimate wife; for he himself was born of a slave woman. When, therefore, the mother of the infant had come to the palace to console her stepson, he meanwhile sent one of his nobles, the son of Evrenes, by name Alin, his chief usher ^A at that time, into the house of the aforementioned, and he strangled the child. On the following day, he also put that same Alin to death, and he gave the mother of the child, even against her will, in marriage to his father's slave, who was called Isaac. He wished also to give his other stepmother, the daughter of George, the Despot of Serbia, a woman most devoted to the Christian piety, in marriage to some other slave; but fearing ^B lest her father should incite the war of the Hungarians against him, while his own rule was not yet consolidated, but was still in the course of establishment, he was unable to do what he had purposed. For the Despot, having heard of the death of his son-in-law Murat and that Mehemet had girded himself with the rule, immediately sent envoys to console him and to comfort him for having been orphaned; and to renew the treaties and sworn agreements which he had had with his father, and to secure them by oaths; and furthermore to request his daughter and take her back to his own house; all of which Mehemet performed, yet not with the intention of wishing to live peacefully and kindly and to rule, but as one redeeming ^C the time. For when he receives it, he will commit acts of injustice and lawlessness. These and other things he did, having put on the sheep's skin, a wolf even before his birth. Having therefore received the envoys in a friendly manner, and having given and received sworn treaties, he dismissed them in peace, having also sent his stepmother back to her father with great glory and honor, and having bestowed upon her very many benefits, and assigned to her lands from the borders of Serbia, for her sustenance and every kind of care.

Likewise, the miserable and unfortunate Romans living in Constantinople at that time, together with the Despot Constantine, having themselves learned of the change of rule, sent ^D ambassadors for the sake of consolation and to salute the chair of the principate. Who to whom? The lambs to the wolf, the sparrows to the serpent, those gasping for breath to death. But he, the Antichrist before the Antichrist, the ravager of the flock of my Christ, the enemy of the cross and of those who believe in him who was fixed upon it, having assumed the mask of a friend, as a disciple of Satan who transformed himself into a serpent, accepts the embassy, and writes new covenants, and swears by the God of the false prophet, and by the prophet synonymous with himself, and by his foul books, and by the angels and archangels, that he will observe peace and remain

^A in love and harmony with the city and the Despot Constantine, throughout his life, together with all the surrounding regions and cities subject to the same dominion. And the goodwill and disposition which his father possessed toward the Emperor John, who had reigned before him, and toward the Despot Constantine now, he would maintain in that same frame of mind to live and die. And beyond these fair promises, he also granted annually to the Roman Empire three hundred thousand aspers from the revenues of the regions watered by the Strymon. The wretched men asked for these funds for their sustenance, as well as for other expenses of the aforementioned Orchan 21, a descendant of Othman. And having done well according to their desire, they departed expressing their love, and they themselves were glad; likewise those of Wallachia and those of Bulgaria. And those who inhabit the islands, the Mitylenians, Chians, Rhodians, and those from Galata, the Genoese—all coming from every side 22 with gifts—worshipped the one who was truly incarnate as a demon, and having received his assurances as they wished, they departed.

Everything, therefore, as that evil man himself reasoned, he had arranged well; and having falsely demonstrated a state of peace to all Christians, and having secured a three-year truce with the regent of Hungary, Jango 23, he himself went on a military campaign against the Caraman 24, under the pretense that he himself was a sincere friend of the Christians, and that the Christians held a guileless friendship toward him, though they were of different nations and of a foreign religion; while the Caraman, being a Muslim and a worshipper of the rites of Muhammad, always and at all times did not cease to foment wars and disturbances at every opportunity. Wishing—or rather, he desired, and as he desired, so it came to be. For Mehemet had heard that the Caraman, upon hearing of the death of Morat, had rushed from his own borders and had seized three fortresses 25 and a considerable amount of land; yet these fortresses and that land were not possessed by Morat from his ancestors, but had been taken by the Caraman some years earlier from the

^A ruler, just as the story previously related has shown. The son of the raptor, having therefore found a reasonable pretext against the one who had formerly been wronged and who was for that reason investigating his own affairs, marched against him with an army. Having crossed the strait with the armies of the West, and having waited at Prusa for the armies of the East, he departed from there and arrived at Cotyaeum; from there he went into Phrygia Salutaris, to that place called by the Turks Carasaris, near the borders of Caraman. Then the Caraman, having heard of the arrival of Mehemet, sent envoys from among his own magnates, requesting forgiveness for the transgressions committed and saying that he was prepared to restore the fortresses which had been taken away. To these, for the sake of the pretext to be spoken, the tyrant yielded. ^B For the foolish and senseless assembly of the Romans had devised a reckless plan, sending envoys to him to announce that Constantine was emperor; for he was not yet crowned, nor was he even likely to be crowned on account of the aforementioned reasons, yet they called him Emperor of the Romans. They therefore first announced the messages of the embassy to the Mesazontes, as was their custom, saying that the Emperor of the Romans did not accept the customary quantity of three hundred thousand aspers (26). For, they said, Orchan, who is himself also a son of Othman, just as is your leader Mehemet, is a man of mature age, and every day very many people flock to him, hailing him as lord and leader. But since he does not have wherewithal to be generous to them and to honor them with gifts, he asks the Emperor, who, being short of money, cannot satisfy the petitioner. "We therefore ask one of two things: either double the pension for us, or allow us to set Orchan free. For it is not our duty to feed the descendants of Othman; rather, they should be fed from the public funds. It is enough for us that he is detained, and that we prevent him from escaping the city." Halil Bassa listened to these and many other things (for he was always a friend ^C of the Romans for two reasons: the one, that he was gentle and mild in disposition, and the second, that he was a bribe-taker; and if anyone discoursed with him while carrying gold in his hands and holding it up like a mirror, he could, without fear of offense, blurt out any harsh words whatsoever). Having, then, heard the words which the envoys brought from the Emperor and the Senate to the Prince Mehemet, he spoke thus to the apocrisiarii: "O foolish and senseless Romans, I have long known the cunning plots of your minds; abandon what you are holding [i.e., Orchan]. The departed prince was gentle and was a true friend to all, and a man of good conscience; but our ^D current prince Mehemet is not what you suppose. For if his hands, whose audacity, ferocity, and impulsiveness are well known to me...

that God still overlooks your schemes and distortions. ^A Foolish men! The oath-bound treaty we made with you just the day before yesterday is barely finished; and if it were permitted to say so, the script written on the tablets is not yet dry. Now, therefore, because you have crossed into Anatolia and are staying in Phrygia, do you wish to make us afraid by displaying, as is your custom, manufactured scarecrows? We are not children, lacking in knowledge or strength; if you can do anything, do it. If you wish to declare Orchan prince in Thrace, declare it. If you are planning to bring the Hungarians to this side of the Danube, let them cross. If you also intend to invade our lands and try to reclaim what you lost many years ago, that is also permitted. Yet I would have you know: none of these things will turn out according to your wishes; on the contrary, even what you think you possess will be taken from you. Finally, I will report all these things to my lord, and whatever shall seem good to him, that shall be done. ^B

Having heard these things, Mehemet was inflamed with anger and hung in uncertainty; he was therefore brought to terms of peace with the Caraman, whom he had decided to crush with all his might. But, moved by these arguments, he thought to himself thus: "While," he said, "I am warring in Anatolia, the Emperor of the Romans will incite the other Christian nations against me, and will set Orchan free; and with the aid of these nations, he will become master of the East, and will cede the lands of the West to the Romans." Revolving these and similar thoughts in his mind, he admits the legates of the Caraman with a serene and gentle face: he speaks threatening words to them at appropriate times; at other times he addresses them gently and kindly, until he had secured the peace by oath, and bade them farewell with an embrace. ^C But to the Emperor’s legates he answered these words: "We shall shortly be at Adrianople; when we have arrived there, set forth to us all things that are necessary for the Emperor and the city; whatever you may ask, I am prepared to provide." Having used these and other flattering speeches, he dismissed them. ^D Mehemet, therefore, crossing the strait in a few days, arrived at Adrianople; and immediately he sent one of his servants into the region situated on the banks of the Strymon, who was to forbid the revenues granted to the Emperor from being paid to him; and he expelled the administrators and stewards of those revenues, who had received a pension for only one year. Having accomplished this, he embarked upon another undertaking, very harmful and ruinous to the Romans. As winter approached, he ordered edicts to be promulgated throughout every province of the West and East, and commanded that a thousand master builders, along with laborers in proportion to the number of craftsmen, and lime-burners, be assembled in every place, according to the size of the population; and, to say everything in a word, all things...

^A necessary for the completion of the work and the gathering of materials might be ready at the approach of spring, for the building of a castle at the sacred mouth above Constantinople. When the Romans heard this bitter report—those in Constantinople, those in all of Asia and Thrace, and the Christians dwelling in the islands—they were consumed with anguish and sorrow of heart. They had no converse or speech among themselves other than: "Now the end of the city has approached; now are the tokens of the ruin of our race; now are the days of the Antichrist. What shall we become, or what shall we do? Let our life be taken from us, O Lord, and let not the eyes of thy servants see the destruction of the city, nor let thine enemies say, 'Master, where are the ^B saints who protect it?'" This cry was not only shouted with wailing and weeping by those in the city, but by the Christians dwelling scattered through Anatolia, the islands, and in the West, who sent forth the same words mixed with tears and lamentations.

Mehemets, now that spring had begun, sent everywhere to gather craftsmen and laborers. But the Emperor sent ambassadors to Adrianople—not to ask for what he desired, nor to seek to receive double the revenue—but the ambassadors spoke to him in this manner: "It is now the hundredth year, or even more, since Adrianople was taken from us by your great-grandfather Morat, son of Orchan; ^C and from that time, no one of the race of princes descending from him has ever conceived of placing a hut, let alone a tower, in the vestibule of the city after the treaties were established. For although the cause of war might arise and both sides would join battle, they afterwards descended to conditions of peace, and once concord was reconciled, things were restored to a tranquil state. For your grandfather, Mehemetes, wishing to build a fortress from the foundations on the eastern shore of the strait, long and much, as a son is wont to do with a father, besought the Emperor Manuel and tried to persuade him until he should obtain this from him. He finally yielded to him ^D and permitted him to build the castle on the eastern shore, since for many years before, all of Anatolia had been possessed by his ancestors. But you, with whom we behave peacefully and as is fitting, are seen to wish, without a doubt, to interdict the navigation of the Euxine Sea, to ward off the Franks from it, to starve and consume the city with hunger, and to cut off the revenues which are received in it from the taxes on merchandise. Cease from this plan, we beseech you; and we shall keep a faithful and integral friendship with you, such as we had with your excellent father, the ruler. Furthermore, if you command us, we are prepared to pay tribute."

To this, Mehemetes replied: "I am not seizing anything that belongs to the city, which possesses nothing outside the ditches nor has any dominion. For if I wished to build a fortress at the sacred mouth, no law forbids me from doing so. For all things are under my authority, and the fortresses situated to the east of the mouth, even within them, Turks dwell—

and those in the West that are uninhabited are mine; for the Romaioi do not have the safety to dwell in them. Or do you not know in what straits and dire ^B distress my father was placed, when the Emperor was allied with the Hungarians? Those men, having come by land, crossed the Hellespont by sea bringing along the Frankish triremes; and having blocked the strait of Kallipolis, they would not grant my father passage. But he, having ascended as far as the place near the sacred mouth, and at the small fortress which his father had built, crossed over with his scouts, God consenting. For the Emperor's triremes were watching there to prevent the crossing; but I was sitting in Adrianople, being a child, awaiting the arrival of the Hungarians. The Hungarians were plundering the regions around Varna, and the Emperor was rejoicing, and the race of the Muslims was distressed, and the Cavurides were rejoicing. Then my father, having crossed over after many dangers, swore to build another fortress on the western shore, opposite that which is situated toward the East. He did not have time to do it, but I intent to do this through the help of God. Why do you hinder me? Is it not permitted for me to do what I wish in my own territory? Go away, tell the Emperor: "The present ruler is not like those who preceded him; what they ^C could not accomplish, he can do promptly and easily; and what they did not wish, he desires and wills." And whoever comes hereafter on behalf of this matter shall be flayed alive.

When the envoys heard the answer of the tyrant, breathing wrath and fury, they returned to the city and reported everything to the Emperor. Then all the citizens of the city, seized with anxiety and fear, spoke to each other saying: "This is he who is about to enter the city and devastate it, and will bring all under the yoke, and shall trample the sacred things under foot. He will level the noble and distinguished temples to the ground; and the relics of god-bearing men and of martyrs deposited in them, he will scatter and destroy across the squares and the crossroads." "Woe to us! What shall we do? Where shall we flee?" These and other things the wretches, weeping, lamented concerning their own lives, sending forth words broken by cries and wailing. But Mehemet, as spring had just begun and the month of March had already ^D passed, lime had already been made ready, in very many kilns at Cata-

- ^Aphygia, which were turned out daily; and from Nicomedia and Heraclea of the Pontus, beams were brought, and from Anatolia, stones. In accordance with the command, all those in authority, those in the provinces of Anatolia and the West, arrived, bringing with them those who had been pressed into service. Then the governor also departed from Adrianople and arrived at the place where he intended to set the foundation of the fortress. And having arrived at a slope below Sosthenion, called from of old Phonea, he determined to lay the foundation there in a triangular shape, which was also carried out. He ordered the name of the fortress to be called Paschesen ^B(32), which, when Hellenized, signifies 'head-cutter,' having opposite to it the fortress which his grandfather had built. He distributed the construction thus: to Halil Pasha he gave one of the corners lying by the sea, to build one tower of immense size, and as solid as an acropolis; to Zaganos, another in the other corner lying on the land, also a large one; to Saritsia another in the third corner; these three towers were to serve as bulwarks and acropolises, built at their own expense. The wall and the other construction of the fortress the governor himself took upon himself. And it was possible to see the crowds streaming from all parts of the earth, together with the *Cadisi*, that is to say the judges, since the tyrant had ordained the death penalty ^C for those who refused. And having divided the building by the cubit for each craftsman—the craftsmen were about one thousand, and with each craftsman two assistants near him outside the wall, and inside, as many again, both craftsmen and assistants. Those who were carrying stones, lime, and baked bricks were beyond number. And even the nobles at times worked as assistants, offering stones and lime, having observed the cruelty of the tyrant. The materials, both from the opposite shore and for the entirety of Byzantium, were taken from the ruins of the once great monuments that lay there; from which they also transported some columns from the ruins ^D of the church of the Taxiarch Michael (33). Some of those in the city, moved by zeal, went out to hinder the Turks, but they were all captured and died by the sword.

The Emperor, therefore, seeing that the tyrant's designs were reaching their conclusion, turned to another course.

^A And so, having sent envoys, he sought to obtain from him garrisons to protect the Romans in the villages near the city, so that the Turks, passing through, might not damage their crops, since harvest-time was already near. He even sent him various gifts, and daily provisions for food and drink, compelled by necessity and force, honoring the fierce dragon as if it were a necessity.

But Mehemed sent some of his own servants, with orders to look diligently and keep watch, that they should in no wise hinder those Turks who were driven or sent into the fields to pasture mules, horses, or other beasts of burden that were being used in the construction of the castle, so that they might suffer no injury from them; rather, they were to let them graze freely. If, however, the Romans in their indignation attempted to resist, then they too were ordered to join with the Turks and together resist the Romans.

At that same time, the son of Spendiar, the son-in-law of Morat—married to the sister of Mehemed, whom the narrative has previously mentioned—obeying the public decree of the prince, set out from Adramyttion ^B with his followers, coming to offer his own labor to the prince in the construction of the castle. When he had approached near to the tower which is called Epibata, he began to make his own men—the retinue he was leading—proceed on foot; and they drove their horses, unbridled, and the other beasts of burden that were carrying their baggage and packs, into the crops of the Romans. There, the grain, other vegetables, and legumes were devastated and destroyed. A certain Roman, seeing the damage being done to his carefully cultivated and plowed fields, ran up and drove the horses from the field. One of the Turkish grooms struck the Roman. Other relatives of the man who had been struck ran up, and then another, and likewise, from the opposite side, the Turks. A clash ensued, and some fell on both sides, Roman and Turkish.

The next day, Kagiabeg—for such was his name—approached the prince. After saluting him according to custom, he recounted all that had occurred at Epibata. ^C The prince, scorning to learn the matter more accurately from anyone else or to investigate it further, suddenly ordered Kagiabeg to depart in haste, surrounded by his own cohort, and to cut the inhabitants of that village into pieces with the sword, an order which was then carried out. For the soldiers suddenly rushed upon the reapers who had gone out in the morning to harvest, and slaughtered about forty of them. This was the origin of the war which followed, and of the destruction of the Roman people.

Upon learning of this, the Emperor ordered the gates of the city to be closed, and all the Turks he happened to find within the city he bound and placed in prison, releasing them again after three days had passed. For what else could he do? Among those who were captured in the city were ^D eunuch boys from the palace of the prince.

^A, who, having been brought before the emperor, said: "If you release us, O king, before the sun inclines toward the west, we will be grateful to you; but if it is after sunset, and we are not found before the prince, know that being released after that will not be pleasant for us, but rather deadly. Therefore, show us mercy and release us at this hour; if not, command that our heads be cut off; for it is better to die by your hands than by the destroyer of the common world." Having heard these things, the emperor was moved in his resolve and released them at that hour. And having sent envoys to the tyrant, he said: "Since you have preferred the matters of war, and I am unable to persuade you to follow either oaths or flatteries, do what you will. For I take refuge in God, and if it is His will to give this city into your hands, who is able to gainsay it? But if He again implants peace in your heart, I will gladly accept that as well. However, for the present, you are released from the treaties and oaths by which you bound yourself; I shall henceforth keep the gates of the city closed, and I will defend those within as best I can; you, in the meantime, rule as a greater power, until the just judge renders the righteous verdict for both me and you." Having heard these things, the barbarian, not even troubling himself to think of any excuse or apology ^B, immediately ordered that the proclamation of war be made. The emperor, foreseeing the future, had six months prior kept the fortresses in good repair, and had brought the villagers near the city inside; and they brought inside the harvested wheat and the winnowed grain. ^C The prince Mehemet meanwhile completed the fortress in all respects, with a wall and towers built to a thickness of thirty spans, and with a corresponding height. And in the tower that Halil Pasha had built, he placed bronze cannons which discharged stones weighing over six hundred pounds. He placed Pheruz Aga [(36)], his most faithful servant, in charge of the guard of the fortress; and he commanded him that ships, triremes, biremes, vessels, and boats, whatever might sail from the Hellespont to the Pontus, or from the Pontus to the Hellespont, of whatever lordship or dominion they might be, whether Genoese, Venetian, Constantinopolitan, Trapezuntine, Amysine, Sinopian, or even, he said, if they belong to my own subjects, they are to be prohibited from sailing past unless they first, having lowered their sails, pay the duty to the navigator, by which toll they may pass; and whichever ship does not obey, let it be sunk, shattered by a cannon shot. Having ordered these and other things, the arrogant tyrant, having also given him four hundred youths for the guard of the small fort, went himself to Adrianople, having completed the whole matter in four months, already of the

second year of his reign, from the creation of the world 6960 (of Christ 1452).

CHAPTER XXXV

Summer having now passed and the autumn season beginning, Mehemetes, residing at home, allowed no rest to his eyelids, but by night and by day he had the care of the city, how he might take it, how he might become its master. While he was still in the small fort and busy building, there came out of the city a certain craftsman, a Hungarian by birth, an artisan of the highest caliber, who made cannons for stone-throwing. This man had long before come to Constantinople and, having signaled his craft to the ministers of the emperor, they reported it to the emperor. But the emperor, having assigned him a daily allowance not worthy of his knowledge, nor even that meager and trifling sum, they did not pay the craftsman. Wherefore, despairing of his livelihood, he left the city and on a certain day ran to the Barbarian. And he, receiving him gladly and treating him honorably with food and clothing, gave him a salary as great as, had the emperor given him a fourth part of it, he would never have fled from Constantinople. Being asked by the ruler, therefore, if he could create a foundry to cast a cannon carrying a stone of enormous size, insofar as regards the strength and thickness of the city wall, he replied: "I am able, if you wish, to construct a foundry of the size of the stone shown to me. ^B For I know the walls of the city accurately; not only those, but even the walls of Babylon, I could reduce to dust with stones discharged by my cannon. Everything that belongs to my art and work I will accomplish duly. But as for the range of the shot, I neither know nor assert it." Hearing this, the ruler said, "Construct the foundry for me, and I myself will see to the discharge of the stone." They began to gather bronze. The craftsman then fashioned the model of the engine. In three months, therefore, a certain monster, terrible and extraordinary, was constructed and cast.

At that time, ^C as a certain Venetian captain named Ricius was sailing with a large ship from the sacred mouth toward the fort of Bascesen, and not [furling its sails, the men of the fort shot an enormous stone, and the ship sank...]

^D

Notes of Ismael Bullialdus

having lowered the sails, they hurled an enormous stone from the castle, which shattered the ship; and as it sank into the depths, the captain, with thirty others, boarded a small boat and escaped to the shore. But the Turks apprehended them, and having bound their hands and necks in chains, passing them through as if in a single line, conducted them to the prince, who was then residing at Didymoteichon. He ordered all of them to be beheaded; and the captain to be put to death by a stake driven through his anus, and their bodies to be left unburied—which I myself saw a few days later, while I was staying there. After departing from Didymoteichon in the month of January, he went to Adrianople, and having prepared all sorts of martial equipment, he wished to test the cannon which that artisan had cast. ^A And having skillfully placed it before the great gate of the courtyard of the palace—which had been built by him in that same year—and having carefully inserted the stone and measured the powder, he intended to discharge it on the following day; and it was made known throughout all of Adrianople so that they might have in mind the roar and the thunderous, heaven-shaking crash, lest any, hearing it suddenly and unexpectedly, should remain speechless, and pregnant women should miscarry their embryos. In the morning, therefore, he applied fire to the powder, and the spirit being heated, and the stone having been struck, it was released from the cannon with a heavy, air-borne noise that filled the air with smoke and mist. ^B The roar reached as far as a hundred stadia in length; and the stone fell a mile away from the place whence it was discharged. And where it fell, there occurred a pit about one fathom deep. Such is the power of the mixture of powders that hurls the stone. The prince, therefore, having both by night and by day every care and preoccupation, whether lying down or rising, and whether inside or outside his court, [was considering] by what war and by what engine he would take Constantinople. Often, when evening came, with only two companions, sometimes riding on horseback, at other times on foot, wandering through the whole of Adrianople in the guise of a soldier, he would listen to the things that were said about him. ^C For if any of the common people grasped in his mind that it was the prince, and wished to salute him with acclamations as is the custom, he himself would immediately inflict a deadly wound without delay, neither sparing nor pitying; but just as someone feels a sense of pleasure in crushing a flea, so he too, deserving of death himself, took delight in killing [others] with his own hand. On one of the nights, about the second watch, he sent some of the palace guards to bring Halil Pasha to him. ^D They arrived at his house and, having explained the message to his eunuchs, they entered the bedroom and announced how the prince was calling for him. He, becoming trembling, and having renounced himself, and having embraced his wife and children, went away, carrying with him a gold dish full of [index: entries preserved] Ismael Bullialdi notes. Return to Constantinople safely, on the ship of that best of men, Antonio Rizzo, who later suffered martyrdom for the faith of Christ.

^A thinking that this was his own, he embraced his wife and children and departed, taking with him a golden dish full of gold coins. For he was always tormented inwardly by fear on account of the reason I have previously explained. Entering the prince’s bedchamber, he saw him sitting and dressed; and having bowed down and placed the dish before him, he was questioned by the prince with these words: "What does this mean, Lala?"—as if one were to say in our common tongue, *tata*, that is to say, tutor. He replied, "My lord, it is the custom for the satraps and the nobles, whenever the prince summons any of them at an untimely hour, not to approach him empty-handed. Indeed, I have brought nothing from my own wealth in approaching you, but rather I offer you your own gifts from your own stores." The prince replied: "I am in no need of your things; I will give you more than you possess; one thing I ask of you: that you permit me to take possession of Constantinople." ^B At these words Halil, who had always protected the Romans, and whom they used as a right hand, filling that hand with gifts—so much so that he was called by all *Cavur Ortachi*, that is, fellow and helper of the infidels—was terrified. Then Halil, replying to the prince, said: "My lord, God, who has subjected the greatest part of the Roman dominion to your empire, will also deliver the city to you. For as it seems to me, with the help of God and the forces in which you excel gathered together, it will not escape your hands. I and all your servants will exert our efforts for you, not only with money, but even by shedding our blood profusely; be certain and secure in this purpose of ours." These words pacified that savage and cruel man for a time; he said to Halil, "Do you see this bolster? I have spent the whole night passing it from one side of the bed to the other, lying down and keeping vigil, and sleep has not come to my eyes. ^C I warn you, therefore, do not let silver or gold corrupt you or turn you from your purpose. Let us fight the Romans with a firm and constant mind; trusting in the decree of God and the prayers of the Prophet, we shall take the city." Having used these and similar flattering words, he dismissed him—he whose spirit, mindful of itself and conscious of many things, was agitated, and whose blood was kindled—having sent him away in peace. He plotted and contrived everything against the city, and spent all those nights without sleep. He even sketched the location and circumference of the city on paper, and shared it with those who knew the state of the ramparts and walls of the city. ^D He weighed the plans of where and how the engines were to be moved, the mantlets to be constructed, the siege-towers to be advanced, and where the mines were to be dug so as to reach the moat, and where finally the ladders were to be brought up to the wall; and, to put it briefly, he took care that all the apparatus, pondered and sketched by night, should be manufactured and brought to completion in the morning.

CHAPTER XXXVI

for by them you have lost the very city and the true religion, which will soon be overthrown in it. Woe! Be merciful to me, O Lord. I call you to witness before me that I am innocent of such a fault and offense, and that I am pure. Pay attention, miserable citizens, to what is being done: while you are increasing the miseries of the servitude which hangs over your necks, you have denied the faith received from your fathers and ancestors, and have professed impiety. Woe to you when you are judged." ^A Having written these and many other things, and having nailed them to the door of his cell, he shut himself inside, and the paper was read. Then the nuns, who were considered pure and who lived in God with orthodoxy—in accordance with their own judgment and that of their teacher Gennadius, together with the superiors, spiritual men, and the rest of the priests and laypeople—cried out an anathema; and they anathematized the decree of the synod, and those who had accepted it, those who were accepting it, and those who were going to accept it.

The common and marketplace rabble, having gone out from the courtyard of the monastery into the wine shops, holding in their hands the cups full of undiluted wine ^B, were anathematizing the Unionists, drinking to the intercession of the image of the Mother of God, and begging her to become the protectress and helper of the city—just as once she had fought against Chosroes, and the Chagan, and against the Arabs, so too now against Mehmet. "For," they said, "we have no need of the help of the Latins, nor of the union; far from us be the worship of the Azymites."

But the Christians who had assembled in the Great Church, having offered earnest prayer to God and having listened to the words of the cardinal, accepted ^C the decree of union. They also agreed unanimously that once the danger from the Turks had passed and tranquility had returned, some select, distinguished, and upright men should examine the decree, so that if there were anything that did not perfectly reflect the truth, they might correct and amend it. In that agreement, therefore, they consented that a common liturgy should be celebrated in the Great Church, performed by Italians and Greeks, and that Pope Nicholas should be commemorated in the sacred diptychs, as well as the exiled patriarch Gregory. These sacred mysteries were completed in the month of December, on the 12th day, in the year of the world 6961 (A.D. 1452). There were also many who did not accept the offering of the antidoron, ^D as if it were a defiled sacrifice performed in the unionist liturgy. But the cardinal, searching every heart and every intent of the Greeks, was not unaware of the intrigues.

^A Many, indeed, abstained from the sacred gifts offered, because they considered that liturgy, celebrated for the sake of reconciling concord, to be an impure and abominable sacrifice. Meanwhile, the cardinal explored and scrutinized the minds and hearts and the purpose of the Greeks, whose fraud and deceit did not escape him. Yet, since he was of that same race, he strove to ensure that aid was brought to the city; he acted more slowly and remissly, however, and the events that subsequently followed provided a legitimate excuse for the Pope, and many ascribed their downfall to the will of God, who directs all things to a useful end.

But the populace, savage and hostile to what is good, the germ and root of arrogance, the branch of vain glory, the flower of pride, the dregs of the Greek race—which, though contemptible itself, holds other nations in disdain—regarded all these actions as if they had never taken place. Those, therefore, who took the side of the Unionists, conversing with the schismatics, used these words: "Leave it alone, and let us see if God removes this enemy from our midst—this huge dragon who stands in battle array against us and boasts that he will devour this city utterly. If God destroys him, it will then be clear and manifest to you whether we have returned to concord and friendship with those who use unleavened bread."

^B When the wretches boasted in this way, it did not enter their minds that the oath, so often repeated by them for the sake of establishing peace and concord among the Christian Churches—the Council held at Lyons in the days of the first Palaiologos, the Council held at Florence in the days of the last of the Palaiologan emperors, and now, in this divine and holy mystery—would, in consequence of the indissoluble excommunication added in the name of the Holy Trinity, lead to their memory and that of the city being blotted out from among men.

O wretches, why do you busy yourselves with vain thoughts in your hearts? Behold, your priests and priestesses, your monks, your sextons, both men and women, who would not partake of the immaculate body and blood from the hands of the Greek priests—who administer the divine things according to the ecclesiastical tradition of the East—claiming that they are defiled and not Christian, shunning the blessing of the priests, and calling the temples altars of the gentiles: tomorrow they shall fall into the hands of the Barbarians to be defiled and polluted in both soul and body.

^C For I saw with my own eyes a nun, instructed and learned in the divine Scriptures, not only feeding on meat and clothed in barbarian dress, but also offering sacrifice to the false prophet, and shamelessly confessing her impiety, having cast off all shame and modesty. But why have I allowed myself to leap over an interval of five months? The day that follows will bring with it this calamity to be recounted with tears. The Emperor, suspecting that he would be besieged by the tyrant at the beginning of spring, sent some of the nobles of his court to the islands and other Christian provinces to purchase grain and all kinds of legumes, and whatever food was necessary, expecting the arrival of the tyrant in the spring. ^D There were, therefore, four very large ships sent to the island of Chios, for the purpose of bringing back grain, wine, oil, dried figs, chickpeas, barley, and other legumes.

and they were awaiting another cargo ship from the Peloponnese. And thus, when there were five of them altogether, with great and brave crews—I mean also very many, and with no small amount of full armor—they prepared to sail to Constantinople. All the islands, therefore, were in distress and anxiety concerning the city. And some surmised that it would be stormed and captured by the Barbarians; others, however, supposed that just as his father and grandfather, in their own times, having desired to take it, appeared to have labored in vain, so too would this man follow the same path.

CHAPTER XXXVII

The month of January having passed, and as the beginning ^B of February arrived, the prince ordered the furnace to be transported to Constantinople, and having yoked thirty wagons, sixty very strong oxen—I mean oxen drawn from oxen—dragged it from behind. And on both sides of the furnace there walked two hundred men, so that, lest it should stumble on the road, by pulling it this way and that, they might keep it in equilibrium. Fifty carpenters preceded the wagons, and two hundred laborers, to build wooden bridges to level out the unevenness of the road. And so February and March passed away, by which time it had been hauled to a certain place five miles distant from the city. For Karaca Bey had previously been sent with a force to the fortresses of the Pontus, namely Mesembria, Achelous, Byzus, and the rest, and had brought them over to himself. ^C Similarly, he took by war the towers of Saint Stephen lying toward Selymbria, slaughtering all those who were within; the remaining towers, however, submitted, as did their crews. All who yielded to the conqueror were saved, but those who resisted were beheaded. Selymbria alone resisted stoutly. Therefore, having brought the equipment to the place where they were ordered, and with a command to Karaca Bey to guard it, he arrived with his forces and began to make forays into the regions around the city, and to prevent the Romans from coming out through the gates of the city. For during the entire winter, troops ^D of Mysians and Paphlagonians had had their winter quarters stationed around the city under three standards, so that they might suppress the Romans' eruptions against the Turks and prevent them from making sorties from the city. The Romans, indeed, could not go out beyond the gates, being surrounded by such great enemy forces; nevertheless, they made forays by sea with biremes and triremes, and carried off plunder from the maritime villages of the Turks even as far as Cyzicus; and they also took captives.

(this is the first page of the chain)

^A of many, some of whom were slain, while others were brought to Constantinople and sold. ^B By the time this period of light skirmishes had passed and the days of the fast began to be numbered, the dissension in the Church did not cease; rather, one could see a strange discord among those entrusted with listening to the reasonings of men. When the Christians came to confess their faults, they were questioned by these men as to whether they had communicated with those who were cut off from the Church, or if they had chanced to hear a liturgy from a Unionist priest. These things were considered a severe canon (48) and a heavy penance. Yet after having performed the penance according to custom, he who was deemed worthy by participation in the Body and Blood of the Lord was forbidden, under a heavy penalty, to approach and receive them from the Unionist priests. For they said that these were not priests, nor were the offerings perfect. For if they were called to a funeral of the dead, or to a memorial of one who had died, and a Unionist priest appeared there, they would immediately strip off their phelonia (49) and flee as if from fire. The Great Church was also considered by them a den of demons and a Greek gentile temple. Where were the candles? Where was the oil for lighting the lamps? Everything was in darkness, and no one was there to dispel it. The holy sanctuary appeared desolate, foreshadowing the desolation that was soon to befall it due to the sins and iniquities of those who lived within it. Gennadius also, while in seclusion, continued to teach, imposing curses upon those who embraced peace and reconciliation.

After these things, I happened upon a noblewoman who had been taken captive, and she told me how, when she was seized by the pains of childbirth on the Holy and Great Wednesday of that year, she had called for her spiritual father, named Jacob, and made her confession. He urged her to receive Holy Communion. When she asked the old man if there were any hindrance to her receiving it from the hands of the priest who was officiating in the chapel within her own house (for that priest had, on the 12th of December, merely been present with the Unionists in the Great Church, but had not actually communicated with them; for he had not been reckoned among those concelebrating at the altar from the beginning, but had happened to be outside with others ^C Ismael Bullialdus' notes.

(48) *Canon drimys*. Canon here for penance and the penalty which is imposed upon the penitent. (49) *Phelonia*. Others interpret this as a mantle: but it was a common type of garment. I did not wish to translate it as *pallium*, since that does not befit priests, but only archbishops, to whom it is conferred by the Supreme Pontiff. Which also the patriarchs of Constantinople once received. It pleased me to interpret it as *stola*, which is befitting and proper to all priests. Today among the Greeks, not only patriarchs but also bishops wear the *pallium*. Regarding whom the canon of the 6th Synod, in Trullo, ^D private walls constitute the sacred office, we decree that they celebrate [Liturgies] in them only with the opinion and assent of the local bishop. But if any cleric should not obey our decree, let him be deposed. And Leo the Philosopher, in his novella concerning them, thus decreed: "We therefore decree that not only the priests of the individual catholic (that is, in this place, parochial) churches, but also the priests of each and every house, may freely celebrate the sacred mystagogy in all houses, whomsoever the masters of the individual houses see fit to call." And the following novella permits them to perform baptisms in them as well. Theodore Balsamon is to be consulted.

^A church where heretics had been present, and had not communicated, since he had not been chosen into the number of those ministering at the altar from the beginning of the liturgy; but he had stood outside the chancels with others who had arrived later, and who had worn nothing other than their sacred vestments). The pneumatic said to her: "It is permitted to you; God will forgive you. Go, communicate, casting away all darkness. For he is a priest and a minister; communicate without doubt."

But she, fearing the aged man’s decree because it was unobstructed, for he was on the side of the schismatics, calls to herself one Neophyte by name, and reveals to him the dissolution of her pneumatic’s command; for this Neophyte himself was enjoying boldness of speech, and was acting as a spiritual guide in the houses of the nobility and of the great ones. But he forbade her, saying: "It is unforgivable. For if you take ^B communion from his hands, you have eaten bread and drunk wine." O the extent of thy long-suffering, Christ King! O dark and blind one! If the priest had been a Latin, O you who are blinded by darkness, your folly might have been excused by some reason, however absurd; namely, that he had recited prayers to God in the Latin tongue, and that the bread was not leavened, and that warm water was not used, and other such absurd accusations, which an orthodox person would never utter with his mouth, nor would he murmur even in the slightest against divine mysteries performed in this manner; for anyone who dared such things would deserve to be stoned. What? Or how can you gainsay divine mysteries celebrated in your own tongue? What can you oppose to those prayers ^C which are in common use for you with the other priests of the East? You cannot allege anything else, O vain Pharisee, except that you are pure and intact, and separated from the rest of Christians—I will add, and excommunicated.

That noble woman, wavering in spirit between these contrary commands, was blocked by her own reasoning, and on that day did not partake; and through the night she remained uncommunicated. For if death had followed, that soul would have been sealed with the loss of the Spirit on account of Neophyte, and the evil spirit that dwelt within him. But let us return to the waves of our narrative, and let us look upon the raging sea, with the pilot cast out, seeking to swallow the ark of Noah and drag it into the deep, and let us contemplate the clean birds, as if they were unclean, being cast out to be torn apart by the claws of the unpolluted.

For the tyrant, ^D beginning in the month of March, sent messengers and heralds into all the provinces, ordering each man assigned to the army to come to fight against the city. All, therefore, who were receiving pay under registered names arrived; and to these were added an infinite number of those who followed the camp of their own accord. For all who heard that the city was to be besieged, to the very boys who, on account of their youth...

could hardly walk, as well as the old men burdened by years, hurried along. The citizens of Constantinople, meanwhile, supplicated God that the tyrant, whose arrival by chariot had been announced, might not assault the city during Holy Week. Therefore, on Friday of the week of Renewal (53)—that is, the Friday after Pascha—Nabuchodonosor came to the gates of Jerusalem, and having pitched his tents in front of the Charsi gate, behind the hill. And all his force, from the Wood Gate (55), which lies near the palace, as far as the Golden Gate (56) which faces south; and further, from the Wood Gate as far as the Cosmidium (57), and from the south to a width as great as the vineyards, already laid waste by Caracza, could occupy, all his forces pitched their camps. Therefore, on the sixth day of April, the Friday after Pascha ^A.

Notes by Ismaël Boulliau

(53) The week of Renewal, or restoration, is that which follows the day of Pascha: of which Codinus Curopalates makes mention in c. 14 of his book *De officiis aulae Constantinopolitanae*. It is also called the "new" week, on account of the catechumens renewed by baptism, who had been baptized at Pascha. The Latin commentary by Balsamon on the Apostolic Canons, canon 69, of which the Greek text does not survive, has it thus: "The week of Renewal is considered as the great day of the Lord itself." In that year the golden number or cycle of the moon was 10, the cycle of the sun 6, the letter G. Pascha was April 1, a Friday; the week of Renewal was April 6; Pentecost was May 20; the Sunday of All Saints was May 27. According to Ducas, therefore, the siege of Constantinople began on the 6th of April. ^B According, however, to Leonard of Chios, and those who followed him, Bizarus, it began on the 5th of April. Phranzes asserts that it began to be besieged on the 1st of April, lib. 2, c. 8. The Turkish histories report the assault on the 17th of Rebiul-euel, which was the 28th of March.

(55) The Wood Gate is that which is nearest to the western angle of the city. It was once called the Blachernian, because it was near the temple of the Blachernae. See Gyllius, lib. 1, ch. 20; Leunclavius, *Pandectae Hist. Turc.* 200, who calls it Xylokercon. But I am persuaded that they were different, and that this Xylokercon is the same one that Ducas calls the Kercoporta, which had been kept closed for a long time. That we may believe and assert this, our authority is Cantacuzenus, lib. 3, c. 9. He also speaks secretly with his friends who were staying in Constantinople, acting as to how they might deliver the city to him. They promised that they would break through the gate which is called Xylokercon, which had been closed for many years by a wall, and would bring him into the city. ^C

(56) The Golden Gate was still closed. It was formerly called the Selymbrian gate, as Leunclavius notes in the cited place. Beyond it, outside the walls, a fountain still exists, near which a temple of the Blessed Mary Theotokos had been built. The labors of Hercules, adorning the Golden Gate, are seen sculpted in marble. But when I viewed them with Apno, they were coated with the whiteness of lime, as was the whole circuit of the walls: so that the elegance of the sculpture escaped the eyes.

(57) "As far as the Cosmidium." Zonaras, *Annal.* tom. III, in the life of Romanus Lecapenus: from which it is clear that it was situated outside the city, toward the shore of the Ceratine gulf. And so also in the *Annals*: "And the horsemen, with the infantry that preceded them, occupied the Cosmidium": having found little resistance from the Romans about the bridge there and the so-called Perforated stone. And the ships, and the vessels, and the *dromones* anchored there. And those who were within the walls saw their upright tents. And in the following chapter, Ducas sufficiently shows that the Cosmidium was situated outside the city, at the shore of the Ceratine gulf. That place, therefore, was situated at the extreme shore of the Ceratine gulf, near the bridge of St. Mamas: and it can be no other than that which is called today Atbazari: to which is near the mosque called IVP, in which the pontiff of the college of doctors and jurists, called the Mufti, after the new emperor has obtained the empire, with certain prayers added, girds him with the scimitar. ^D

^A Mahomet girded the city with a siege. From the day that the reconciliation of concord was made in the Great Church, the Constantinopolitans shunned it as if it were a synagogue of the Jews; nor was there in it either offering, or burnt-offering, or incense. If any of the priests happened to celebrate the divine liturgy on some solemn day, those who were praying would stand there until the time of the offering of the sacred gifts; and then all would go out, the women as well as the men, the monks as well as the nuns. What need is there to say more? They considered that temple to be a shrine and an altar of the gentiles, and the sacrifice to be performed just as if it were to Apollo. For this reason, Isaiah, as if out of the mouth of God, says: "Behold, I will proceed to remove this people, and I will remove them with a removal; and I will destroy the wisdom of his wise men, and I will bring to nothing the understanding of his prudent men. Woe to those who take deep counsel, and not by the Lord. Those who take counsel in secret, and their works shall be in darkness, and they shall say, 'Who has seen us? And who shall know us, or what we do?' Therefore thus says the Lord: Woe, rebellious children, you have taken counsel, but not by me, and confirmed your agreements, but not by my Spirit, to add sin to sin." ^B Meanwhile, Gennadius did not cease to teach and write every day against the Unionists, and, striving to prove them heretics, he aimed his arguments and syllogisms against the most wise and blessed Thomas Aquinas and his writings, as well as against Lord Demetrios Cydones. He had as his companion in the work and adherent from the senate the first Mesazon, who was also the Grand Duke; whose rash impudence against the Latins—or rather against the city itself—burst forth to such a degree that, when the Romans saw the countless army of the Turks (or rather, when they saw them against the city), he said that it was better to see a Turk’s turban ^C reigning in the midst of the city than a Latin tiara. For the people of the city, having despaired, used to say: "Would that the city had been given into the hands of the Latins, who call upon Christ and his mother the Theotokos, and that we had not been cast into the hands of the impious!" The Mesazon preached the contrary of this, as we have related. But Isaiah addressed him, just as he did Hezekiah: "Hear the word of the Lord Sabaoth; behold the days ^D are coming, and they shall take everything that is in your house. And as many things as your fathers have gathered..."

up to this day, they shall go to Babylon, and nothing shall be left; and from your children who shall come out of you, whom you shall beget, they shall take, and they shall make them eunuchs in the house of the king of the Babylonians." ^A

CHAPTER XXXVIII

Constantine and the Galatians attend to the defense of the city, and the Venetians as well. Joannes Justinianus arrives at Constantinople with soldiers and is honored by the emperor. From the beginning of the siege the besieged make sallies against the enemy. The Galatians wish to be on good terms with Mehemet, yet they favor the Byzantines and bring them aid. Mehemet’s fleet approaches near Constantinople. Five ships laden with provisions enter the harbor of Constantinople, though the Turks try in vain to stop them; for this reason Mehemet subjects his Contostaulo, Palda, to insults and blows. Mehemet transports ships and biremes by land from the Bosphorus into the Golden Horn. Mehemet attacks Constantinople by land and shatters the walls with artillery. A remedy is applied to the artillery so that they might not break. An envoy of Joannes Huniades, misled by false opinion, gave pernicious council against the besieged regarding Mehemet’s bombardment. The walls of the city at the gate of St. Romanus are destroyed. The besieged resist strenuously, but Constantine is struck; and so that he might bring Mehemet to peace and the lifting of the siege, he offers a tribute, which Mehemet refuses. Justinianus attempts with poor success to set fire to the Turkish biremes in the Golden Horn. The Turks sink a ship of the Galatians. Mehemet constructs a bridge in the Golden Horn.

But the Emperor Constantine was intent on defending the city, as much as his strength allowed, ^B together with the Genoese inhabitants of Galata. For they also held a fixed conviction in their minds from which it was not easy to move them: that if the city were captured, their own fortress would also be devastated. For this reason they had previously written letters to Genoa, asking that aid and supplies be sent to them. To these the Genoese replied that one ship, which would carry five hundred soldiers to protect the fortress of Galata, would set out for them. The imperial and Venetian inhabitants of the city also detained the Venetian merchant galleys engaged in commerce that had returned from the Maeotic marsh, the Tanais river, and Trapezunt, and did not permit them to return to Venice, so that, if fate should so allow, they might be of help and use to the city. ^C Joannes Longus, of the Justiniani family, had arrived from Genoa transported in two large ships; these were equipped with many excellent siege engines and other apparatus of war, as well as soldiers distinguished by the vigor of their age and nobility. Joannes himself was a man clever in arraying battle lines and most experienced and skilled in joining combat. The emperor received him kindly and paid the wages of his soldiers; furthermore, he honored him with favors and the rank of Protostrator of the armies. He therefore took upon himself the burden of defending and fighting for that part of the city’s walls adjacent to the palace; for they had noticed the tyrant planting his stone-throwing artillery there, and all his other combat阵 against the walls. ^D Moreover, the emperor even granted him the island of Lemnos by chrysobull, should Mehemet be repulsed and forced to turn back empty-handed, out of those things he hopes to gain from the city. From then on the Latins fought heroically with Joannes, sallying out from the city gates and taking their stand at the outer fortification and in the moat; and the Romans, often leaping even outside the moat, were engaging the Turks, sometimes driving them back, at other times...

dragging captive Turks with them; and with these they joined hand-to-hand combat. This, however, was of very little advantage to the Romans; for, truth be told, a single Roman stood against twenty Turks. What advantage could they reap by engaging in close-quarters combat with the Turks by way of sorties from the gates? Therefore, the counsel was given that the Romans should hold stations along the fortifications, some fighting with javelins, others with arrows; others, using iron canisters, were discharging leaden balls against the enemy. These, five or ten at a time, being the size of Pontic nuts, were emitted all at once by means of igniting powder, and they possessed the power of piercing and penetrating; so that if one were to strike a man clad in iron, it would pierce through his shield and body, and leap into another who was in the way, and from him into yet another, until the force of the powder cooled. By this impact, it was possible for two or three men to be killed at once. The Turks eventually learned this, and they themselves began to use the same, and even more advanced, devices. ^B

Two-thirds of the month of April were passed in a few skirmishes and sudden battles, while the tyrant, having contracted new forces, was augmenting his army. To this army, a countless multitude of soldiers flowed in, both those who had been summoned for service and those who had come of their own accord; those who observed it estimated them to exceed four hundred thousand men. Even before the tyrant came, while he was still at Adrianople, the Genoese of Galata had sent envoys, announcing their unstained friendship toward him and renewing the previously written treaties. He replied that he was their friend and that he would not allow himself to be parted from the affection which he held for them, provided only that they were not found to be assisting the City—which they themselves had promised not to do. Yet, as the outcome proved, one party was deluded and mocked by the other. For the Galatans, knowing how the City had been besieged and encircled in vain in previous times by his ancestors, who had departed with their mission unaccomplished, were persuaded that the same end awaited this prince. Thus, being benevolent and friendly to the Constantinopolitans, they sent auxiliary cohorts from their own towns; and because Mehemed’s friendship appeared to them highly suspect and feigned, they bore aid to the City secretly, as befit them. The tyrant, for his part, was saying to himself: "I shall let the serpent sleep until I have slain the dragon; and then, with one light blow struck to its head, I shall trample it, dizzied." Which, indeed, also happened afterward. At that time, his ships were gathered, arriving by sea, with triremes, biremes, and small boats, up to three hundred in number. The harbor of the City was, therefore, closed by the chain ^C from the part of the gate of the City which is called the [Gate of the] Fair, toward the side of Galata, and the ships were positioned inside in a cluster... ^D

guarding the harbor and the chain. Now the ships, ^A five in number, one of which was the Emperor’s, carrying a cargo of grain from the Peloponnese, and the other four being hired from the Genoese by the Emperor, had stayed in the harbor of Chios until the entire month of March for some needs of their own. When April arrived, and they wished to weigh anchor, the north wind stood in their way. Consequently, both the citizens and the ships’ crews were in great distress. When the north wind finally subsided and the south wind began to blow, they left the harbor of Chios; and while it blew lightly on the first day, on the second it strengthened, and the ships were violently driven by it. So the people of the city stood waiting for this pleasant arrival, even though it brought them no profit. When the ships appeared, the tyrant, like a wild dragon, immediately rushed against his own triremes and other vessels, saying and ordering them that one of two things must happen: either they must capture the ships or prevent them from entering the harbor. Then the vessels went out and stood waiting for the arrival of the ships, outside the harbor of the Golden Gate. As the ships came along the level path, wishing to pass by the acropolis of Megademetrius ^B to enter the Golden Horn, the vessels blocked the way. For the sea at that hour was calm, the wind not blowing. And it was a strange sight to behold; for the sea, having been covered with the three hundred sails of the Turks and the five massive ships, the sea stretched out like dry land; and because of the missiles, they could not even lower their oars into the waters. But those on the ships, like winged eagles from above, sent down the missiles of the crossbows like lightning bolts, and they shattered the rigging, and no small slaughter of the Turks occurred. But the tyrant, driven by excessive arrogance while riding his horse in the sea, imagined that he could cut through the sea and ride his horse right up to the ships; so great was the fury in his heart, and the armed guard with him. Then, a wind blowing and the sails swelling, the ships cut through their path into the harbor and sailed, while the other vessels remained. For if the fleet of the barbarian had been in front of them at that time, those five ships could have sunk the three hundred. The tyrant, not knowing the science of the sea, only screamed. ^C His Great Contostaulus did not wish to listen, for he was ordering things unreasonably. Then, angered, the tyrant ordered the fleet to depart to the Double Columns, and for the Great Contostaulus to be brought before him. Having been brought, and thrown to the ground, and stretched out by four [men], he himself, the ruler, struck him with his own hands, giving a hundred blows with a golden rod, the head of which was of pure gold, weighing pounds.

^A This was five hundred [66]. He himself had prepared it to play with it as a sample. Now the man was of the race of the Bulgarian Elki, and was named Palda, the son of one of the Bulgarian princes [67]. He had been enslaved before the time, had renounced his ancestral worship, and was a servant of Mehemet’s father. He was the same one who had come to Lesbos four years before and had taken a boundless number of captives. He was not a good friend to the pirates, as he would snatch their spoils. And when they saw him being despised and beaten with rods by the tyrant, one of the Azapes took up a stone and, striking him on the head, gouged out one of his eyes. When the ships arrived in the port, the people of the city lowered the chain and gave them entry. Then the tyrant, seeing the large ships—there being eight of them—and the small ones, more than twenty, and the imperial triremes, and the Venetian triremes, and many other small vessels, he understood that it was not possible to take the port, ^B and he devised a noble and brave stratagem. He ordered the thickets behind Galata to be cleared, from the part facing the east, below the Double Column [69], to the other part of Galata situated toward the shore of the Golden Horn, opposite Cosmidion. And having made the road as level as they could, he placed the biremes on rollers [70], and setting up the sails, he ordered them to be dragged by land from the strait of the Holy Mouth [71], and to bring the ships into the Golden Horn; which was done. The boats were moved, and in each one a bowman sat, and another sat at the steering oars; another held the yardarm and shook the sail, another struck a drum, and another played a trumpet, singing a sea-song. And sailing with the wind, the thickets and ^C the torrents were traversed by land, until they reached the water, [where] they ^D [NOTE: The above text continues from the anchor while incorporating the provided fragments including the Greek/Latin narrative content.]

until they reached the water, [where] they brought eighty of these, being biremes, and left the remainder there. Who has ever seen such a thing? Or who has heard of it? Xerxes bridged the sea, and such a great army passed over it as if it were dry land. But this new Macedonian, and as I think, the last tyrant of his lineage, turned the land into a sea, and drove ships over the crests of the mountains as if they were waves. Yet he surpassed Xerxes: for the latter, having crossed the Hellespont, returned having donned the shame of the Athenians. But this man, having crossed the dry land as if it were water, destroyed the Romans, and took the truly golden Athens, the ornament of the world, the queen of cities. ^B

These things were done by sea; and by land, having brought that enormous melting-furnace opposite the wall, he set it near the gate of St. Romanus. And the technician took note; for he had two smaller ones fashioned by the side [of the great one], capable of holding stones of roughly seventy pounds, naturally constructed for the purpose. And whenever he wished to discharge the great one, he would mark the spot, first shooting the small one; and then he would aim at the maximum. And having struck the first blow, those within the city, having heard the report, became struck dumb, and they cried out, "Lord, have mercy." At that time, according to custom, the icon of the all-immaculate Theotokos was found ^C in the palace during the week of New Sunday [Diakainesimos]; and ever since then, they frequently held litanies in the monastery of the Chora, and the icon remained there until the conquest. And when he wished to discharge... [The great cannon of the Hodegetria's arrival: the icon of the most holy Theotokos Hodegetria, on her first appearance, stays in the palace until the great Sunday of Pascha. The Emperor meets this icon as it comes to the gate of the palace; and on the second day, he escorts it as it departs to the high places outside. And having made a memory of the emperors there, the emperor returns.] ^D

^A Then was fulfilled that which was spoken by God through Jeremiah, saying: "To what purpose bringest thou me incense from Saba, and cinnamon from a land far off? Your whole burnt offerings are not acceptable, and your sacrifices have not pleased me." For this reason, the Lord says these things: "Behold, I am giving weakness upon this people; and fathers and sons together shall be weak in it; the neighbor and his friend shall perish." The Lord says these things: "Behold, a people comes from the North, and a great nation; and many kings shall be roused from the ends of the earth; they shall seize bow and javelin. It is impudent, and will not show mercy. Its voice is like the surging sea; they shall stand in battle order upon horses and chariots, as fire against thee, daughter of Zion."

Now the sophist of that wickedness, the craftsman, knew a method to prevent the casting from rupturing. For we know that cast vessels, once discharged, if they were not immediately covered and protected by thick woolen felts, would shatter like glass; and even with such care applied, after two or three explosions, the air penetrating the pores of the metal would cause the same result. But what art did he use to prevent it? After the stone had been hurled, the bronze cannon, heating up from the heat of the saltpeter and sulphur, was immediately drenched with oil, whereby the pores being obstructed warded off the injury of the penetrating air; and by the warmth of the oil, the force of the cold was blunted: and thus that machine was sufficient to endure the explosions, until it brought about the destruction of the city. It remained still entire for the tyrant’s use, whenever it pleased him. ^B After a part of the wall was struck and shaken, he was aiming the stone to be discharged again at that same spot; but when Janko’s apocrisiarius [envoy], who was then present, received the intended shot with a laugh, and said to him who was aiming: "If you wish to make the walls fall to the ground with no difficulty, move the equipment to another part of the wall, at a distance of four or five or six fathoms from the first point of impact, and then, leveling it with the first shot, fire another shot. When the two sides have been struck carefully, then fire a third, so that the three shots may be found in the shape of a triangle, and then you will see such a wall falling to the ground."

The plan was pleasing, and thus the craftsman did, and thus it resulted. But from what, having been moved, the Hungarian gave this plan to the tyrant in this way, I shall tell. In that year, the king of Hungary had been designated ^D Emperor of the Romans, and had received the crown from Pope Nicholas. Janko also, who had administered affairs in the name of the curator [regent], having been discharged, the king himself, as emperor, took on the administration of the entire kingdom.

Notes by Ismael Bullialdus

^A And, having been crowned by Pope Nicholas and having girded himself with his authority, Iancu was ejected from the viceregal power, and the king and sovereign took upon himself all the care of the government. Having, however, oaths of affection with Mehemet determined for a period of three years, and with one and a half years already fulfilled, he sent word to Mehemet, saying: "I have surrendered the kingdom to my lord, and from this hour I am not the one to defend what I had promised; take the documents you gave, and return ours, and behave as you wish toward the king of Hungary." This was the cause of the arrival.

Regarding the counsel, which, being a Christian, he ought not to have given, I write what I heard. It is said that after the third defeat (77), which the narrative has already related, while Iancu was fleeing—and not as he wished, or as was becoming, having reached his own territory—he happened to encounter one of the spiritual men, and as he was recounting the events of the defeat and was distressed ^B at how fortune had abandoned the affairs of the Romans and looked with favorable eyes upon the impious, the old man replied: "Know, son, unless total destruction comes upon the Romans, fortune will not smile upon the Christians; for it is necessary for the city to be destroyed by the Turks, and thus the misfortunes of the Christians will have an end." Therefore, having this ominous prophecy in his ears, the envoy of Iancu desired the city to be conquered more quickly, and for this reason, he taught the counsel of how the wall should, and was destined to, fall easily.

When two walls had fallen, having one tower in the middle, and the tower at the gate of Saint Romanus (78) also lay on the ground, those within and those without were beholding one another. And Joannes Justinianus was fighting bravely with all those under his command, and with those of the palace, ^C having a not insignificant body of armed men from Galata, for they themselves were demonstrating friendship. And they would go out and remain in the camp of the army fearlessly, and they gave the necessary supplies abundantly to the tyrant, and they brought oil for the use of the siege engine, and anything else the Turks appeared to be asking for. But they were secretly aiding the Romans, and by crossing over at night, they were fighting for them the whole day; and on the following night, exchanging places, others in the city, and they themselves, were spending their time in the houses and the camp so as to evade the Turks. The Venetians also were fighting against the Turks, mingled with the Romans, at the Imperial Gate (79) as far as the Cynegus. And the Grand Duke, with five hundred armed men, was patrolling the city, ^D heartening the soldiers everywhere, and inspecting the watches, and searching for those who had been left behind—and this he did every single day. For he did not assemble the war

^A of the most holy Constantine through so many and such great Scythian, Persian, and Arabic wars, that it had ever happened that even a single stone weighing one pound was dislodged from the walls. Seeing, therefore, such a ruin of the walls rising before his eyes, and perceiving that he was being pressed by an immense army and fleet, and that a level path into the city lay open to the enemy, he was cast down with such despair of spirit that he sent envoys to the tyrant to implore him that, upon payment of an annual tribute of whatever amount he pleased, and even with the city's resources and riches surrendered to a greater ruler, and with other conditions imposed, he might lift the siege and, having moved his camps from the city, embrace peace. To the envoys the tyrant replied in this manner: "I cannot in any way withdraw from the siege: either I shall take the city, or the city shall take me, whether I be alive or dead. If, however, you wish to depart from it of your own accord, and not be forced, I grant the Peloponnese to you; I will give other provinces to your brothers, and thus we shall be joined and united in mutual friendship. But if you do not peacefully yield me entrance, and I enter by means of battle, I will strike down all your magnates with the sword, and I will leave the remaining crowd to be plundered by my soldiers, since the city will be empty enough for me." The emperor could never bring his mind to listen to or obey these terms; for it was not possible to hand over the city, taken from the Romans, to the Turks. For if he had committed this crime, what path could they take, to what place could they depart, ^B and the avenger—awaiting the hour [(80)] observed by the soothsayers—true. But the emperor, seeing the walls [(81)] fallen, and a bad sign against the city, and judging the fall to be against himself. For it had not happened during the times of the most holy Constantine in so many wars—Scythian, Persian, Arabic—that even one stone weighing a single pound had fallen. But then, seeing so much, and such an uncountable army, and a heavy fleet, and a wide path, he despaired, he lost hope, and having sent envoys [(82)] he begged the tyrant that, for whatever amount of tribute he wished each year, and even beyond his power, and other demands, only to depart from there, and to grant and embrace peace. But the tyrant said: "It is not possible for me to depart. Either I take the city, or the city takes me either alive or dead. If you wish to depart from it, I give you the Peloponnese with peace; and to your brothers I will give other provinces, and we shall be friends. But if you do not grant me the entrance peacefully, and I enter through battle, I will strike all your magnates with the sword, and I will grant all the remaining people to be disciplined by every one of my soldiers who wishes, and the empty city is enough for me." The emperor having heard these things [(83)], and not casting them into his mind in the slightest—

Notes of Ismael Bullialdus

[(80)] *Awaiting the hour.* One ought to refer this to the *Legatio Constantinopolitana* of Luitprand, bishop of Cremona, which he wrote in the year 968 for the Augusti Otho and Adelheid to Nicephorus Phocas. His words are as follows: "But see, I ask you, why he did not lead his army against the Assyrians. The Greeks and Saracens possess books which they call *aphasis* or visions of Daniel: I, however, possess the Sibylline ones, in which it is written how many years each emperor shall live; what the future shall be while he is emperor; the times; what the trouble shall be; and whether the affairs of the Saracens shall be favorable or adverse." Thus, it is read that in the times of this Nicephorus, the Assyrians cannot resist the Greeks, and that he lives for only seven years, after whose death one worse than him (but I fear that one cannot be found) and more unwarlike is to arise: in whose times the Assyrians are to prevail so much that they are to possess with authority everything up to Chalcedon, which is not far from Constantinople. For both sides consider the times; the Greeks, animated by one and the same matter, pursue, and the Saracens, if desperate, do not resist; but when they are awaiting the time, they themselves pursue, and the Greeks meanwhile do not resist. Hitherto, this custom prevailed among the Turkish pirates, that they approach the book which they have, held in value and religiously observed: they draw lots from it; just as we know the ancients used to consult the Homeric and Virgilian lots, and those Praenestinian ones cultivated chiefly in the estimation and religious opinion of all. And if a pirate draws a favorable lot from the book, he does not hesitate or delay to attack any ships whatsoever. Often, however, deceived, he pays the penalties of foolish credulity and barbaric superstition, having himself become the plunder. This agrees well enough with the customs of the Turkish race, that the *hartoli* and *Isici*, or as Laonicus calls them, *Zichidae*, who were more numerous in the army of Mehemet, had indicated a convenient time for storming the city: thus, indeed, hope was injected into the besiegers of gaining possession, and their spirits were increased for completing the undertaking.

[(81)] *But the emperor, seeing the walls.* [alt-version omitted] [(82)] *And having sent envoys.* Laonicus, book VIII, narrates that Mehemet sent an envoy to the besieged, Ismail son of Spentiar, that he might urge them to surrender, or rather that he might explore the state of the city. To him, the Greeks replied that they would in no way surrender, but would suffer the ultimate fate to protect the city.

[(83)] *The emperor having heard these things.* Leunclavius, book XV, [records] the contrary from the history of the Turks.

For it was not possible for the city to be surrendered to the Turks from the hands of the Romans. For if this were to happen, what path, or what place, or what city did they have to emigrate to, where they would not be spat upon by Christians, and insulted, and treated with contempt by the Romans? Not only Christians, but even the Turks and Hebrews themselves had cause to despise them. ^B

At that time, Justinian the Long (84) planned to approach the biremes by night and set them on fire. And having prepared one of the triremes, and having placed upon it the most proven of the Italians, and all sorts of mechanical devices, they stood waiting for the hour. But the Genoese of Galata, having learned of what was being done, reported it to the Turks. The latter, having spent that night without sleep, and having drawn up their equipment ready, awaited the Latins. But the Latins, not knowing of the betrayal by those of Galata to the impious ones, around midnight weighed anchor, and the trireme was approaching the ships in silence. The Turks, however, who had been awake the whole night, having ignited the fuse of their engine—for they had been vigilant all night—discharged the stone against the trireme. It struck it with a great noise, and having shattered it, sent it down to the bottom with its passengers. This threw the Latins into no small fear and anxiety, and John into no small despair; for all those who were drowned from his ship were well-equipped young men, and excellent warriors, more than one hundred and fifty in number. And the Turks, elated by their success, and having raised a great cry with yelling—all of them, both those on the ships and those in the tents—sent up such a noise into the heavens that that region of the earth seemed to be shaken. And because of the fear, those of the city and those of Galata all cried out. ^C

When day had broken, and they were fighting back joyfully and courageously, exulting in the unexpected destruction of the trireme, they fitted another stone, and that one of huge size, to the mouth of the gun. And, as it happened, a ship was anchored near the gate of Galata, carrying a commercial cargo of all kinds of goods and intending to sail to Italy—it was indeed the ship and cargo of the merchants of Galata. The Turks, having released the stone, struck the hull of the ship, and it was shattered and immediately sent to the bottom. This gift was the repayment of the "pure friendship" which the Turks showed to the Galatians. For they went to the magnates that very day, shouting, "As we are friends, and are showing the fruits of friendship, we have signaled the arrival of the trireme; for if you had not been listening for its arrival with us, those many labors of ^D the eighty biremes hauled across the land and brought into the harbor would have been in vain."

Ismael Bullialdus' notes. It relates, namely, that Constantine and Luke thought about making a surrender, had they not been deterred from this purpose by the authority and faction of the Italians, who were never going to agree to it. Laonicus, book vi, mentions these things. Leonardus Chiensis and Phranzes, book iii, ch. 11. Phranzes discusses the same ship of the Genoese sunk by the Turks in chapter 19, but differs from our author in certain respects.

for you would have been ash and dust at the hands of the Romans. You, however, by paying this compensation, have caused us such great loss." The intermediaries replied: "Not knowing that the ship was yours, but rather trusting that it belonged to our enemies, we have done this. ^B Have courage, therefore, and persevere in expecting us to take the city; for truly it is already present, and the time is near, and then every loss and everything else owed to you shall be given." With these soothing words they departed, not knowing, the wretches, that they themselves, and their city, just like that of Constantine, would soon meet the same fate. Meanwhile, the tyrant constructed a wooden bridge [(85)] from the shore of Galata toward the Cynegion. The construction was as follows: having gathered by order upwards of a thousand wine-casks, and having bound them with ropes across a width such that two such casks placed lengthwise would take up, he formed one row, and then another row similar to the first; having then joined and fastened the two rows together, and having nailed beams from both sides, he laid down planks. The bridge had become so wide that five foot soldiers could easily walk across it abreast. ^C Having thus finished everything, as seemed good to him, he sent a herald within, saying to the Emperor: "Know that the preparations for war are now completed, and it is time from now on to carry out what has long been intended by us. We leave the outcome of our undertaking to God, on whose will it depends. What say you? Do you desire to abandon the city and depart wherever you wish, together with your lords and their possessions, leaving the common people to be unharmed by us and by you? Or is it your resolve to resist and fight, and thus perish together with your life and your possessions, you and those with you, while the people, taken captive by the Turks, are scattered throughout every land?" The Emperor replied with the Senate: "If you desire, as your ancestors also lived, to live in peace with us, then thanks be to God. For they regarded my forebears as fathers, and honored them as such, and this city as their own homeland. For even in times ^D of need, all who entered into it were saved, and no one...

Chapter XXXIX.

The Turks being ^C duly instructed in all things for storming the city, as seemed good to Mehemetes, he sent a herald to say such things to the Emperor: "I inform you that all things for the assault are now ready, and the time has arrived to finally accomplish that which I have long since decided. We trust in the outcome of our enterprise to God, upon whose nod it depends. What do you answer us who are urging you to surrender? Does it please you to depart from the city, and to go wherever it pleases you, with your court nobles, their belongings, and treasures? Is it under this condition that neither of us shall inflict harm upon the people? Or is it your resolve to resist and fight? Therefore, do you choose to lose your life and your riches, and likewise to betray your people to be led away captive by the Turks through all regions?" The Emperor replied in the presence of the Senate: "If you wish to have peace with us, imitating your ancestors, we give thanks to God for that. They, indeed, revered my ancestors as fathers, honored and observed them; and this city, in which...

[alt-version omitted]

^A all those entering amidst the crisis were saved, and no one standing against them lived long. Restitute also the fortresses and land unjustly seized from us, as is just. And cut off also the tributes (87) as much as we are able to give you per year, and depart in peace. For what do you know if, daring to profit, you may be profited as a noble man? But as for giving you the city, it is neither in my power nor that of any others who dwell therein. For it is the common resolve of all of us to die of our own free will, and we shall not spare our own lives.

Hearing these things, the tyrant, despairing of the peaceful surrender of the city, resolved that proclamations be made throughout the entire army, and he declared the day of battle, swearing that he required no other gain except the buildings and the walls of the city; but all other treasure and captivity were to be your gains. Then they all applauded. And when evening came, having sent heralds round the camp, he ordered that great lights and fires be lit in every tent; and when the lights were kindled, he ordered everyone with noise and shouting to sound their unholy cry (88), which signifies their impiety. And it was a strange wonder to see and hear; for the lights, overflowing on land and sea, shone brighter than the sun, illuminating the entire city, Galata, all the ships, and the vessels beyond Scutari; and the entire surface of the water glittered so intensely that one might say it was like a thunderbolt. And would that it had been a thunderbolt, not only lighting up, but also burning and consuming the fleets and camps of the tyrant from heaven! ^B The Romans, thinking the camp was burning with fire, went forth as far as the ruin of the wall to investigate; but seeing their dances and hearing the joyous shouts that were made, they foresaw what was coming, and with contrite hearts said to God, "Lord, spare us from Your just threat, and deliver us from the hands of our adversaries." The townspeople, too, merely seeing such a sight and hearing the cry, drew breath like the half-dead, unable to draw in air or exhale. John, however, having struggled throughout that night, and having ordered all the twigs that could be found in the city to be gathered and placed in the ruins, having constructed another trench inside to protect the walls that had been damaged. ^C But the Romans, seeing their entrance and exit exposed, and being unable to go out of the gate and resist the Turks in the outer fortress because they were unprotected by the fallen walls. There were some of the elders who knew of a postern gate, from many ^D

^A years securely blocked up, towards the lower part of the palace; and having informed the emperor, by his order it was opened. And they went out from it, protected by the sound walls, and fought against the Turks in the outer enclosure. The name of that secret gate was once called the Kerkoporta (89).

The tyrant began to join total war on Sunday; and truly, when evening came, he gave no rest to the Romans that night; for that Sunday was the feast of All Saints, the twenty-seventh day of May. As the day dawned, he joined battle until the ninth hour. After the ninth hour, he divided the army from the palace ^B as far as the Golden Gate. And he placed eighty ships from the Xyloporta as far as the Plateia (90); the other ships, which were stationed at the two columns, made a circuit around from the Beautiful Gate (91), traversing the Megademetrion (92), the acropolis, and the small gate which is at the monastery of the Hodegetria (93). Having descended to the Great Palace, and having crossed the harbor, they encircled the area as far as the Vlanga (94). Each one of them carried a ladder equal in height to the walls, and every other sort of equipment for war. So, when the sun had set, the trumpet sounded, and the tyrant himself, on horseback, at the second hour of the night, ^C with his most trusted youth fighting bravely and fiercely, surrounded by ten thousand of his own slaves, and mounted on a horse, fought at close quarters in the part of the wall that had fallen down. Behind him and on his flanks were over one hundred thousand brave cavalrymen. And in the lower parts, as far as the harbor of the Golden Gate, were another hundred thousand and more; and from the place where the commander stood unto the palace, the extremities held another fifty thousand; and on the ships and the bridge an infinite multitude. The besieged, too, had divided their stations for defense. The emperor and John Justinian were fighting at the ruined part of the wall, on the outer embankment, holding it with three thousand Latins and Romans; the Great ^D Duke was at the palace with about five hundred. And the walls facing the sea, and the bulwarks from the Wooden Gate as far as the Beautiful Gate, were guarded by archers and bowmen numbering over five hundred.

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^A of the Beautiful Gate, making the entire circuit up to the Golden Gate; in each bastion was an archer, or a crossbowman, or a stone-thrower. Thus they passed the whole night without sleep, not having slumbered in the least. The Turks, however, at the instigation of their leader, were eager to approach the walls, bringing ladders beyond number that had been prepared in advance. The tyrant, therefore, behind the line of battle, brandishing an iron rod, drove the archers toward the walls, at times coaxing them with words, at times threatening them, while those in the city fought back bravely with all their might. John stood gallantly with his men, and the emperor himself was there, armed and fighting along with the whole array.

^B When, however, the successes of fortune were about to shift into the hands of the Turks, God removed from the midst of the Roman camp their general, a giant, strong and a warrior of a man. For he was struck by a leaden bullet in the hand, behind the arm, while it was still dark, and it pierced through his iron chlamys, which had been fashioned like the armor of Achilles, and he could not remain steady because of the wound. He said to the emperor, "Stand firm and courageously; I shall go to the ship, and there, after receiving treatment, I shall return quickly." For at that hour it was destined that what had been spoken by Jeremiah to the Jews should be fulfilled: "Thus shall you say to Zedekiah: Thus says the Lord God of Israel: ‘Behold, I will turn back the weapons of war that are in your hands, with which you are fighting against the king of Babylon and the Chaldeans who have surrounded you outside the wall in a siege; and I will bring them into the center of this city. And I myself will fight against you with an outstretched hand, with a high arm, with anger, and with ^C fury, and with great indignation. And I will strike the inhabitants of this city, both man and beast, with a great death, and they shall die. I will not spare them, and I will not pity them.’" The emperor, seeing John depart, became fearful, and those with him also—though they continued to fight with all their might.

The Turks, having approached the walls little by little, protected by shields, placed their ladders; however, they achieved nothing, for the defenders, throwing stones from above, drove them back, so that they stood there obstructed. All the Romans, together with the emperor, were drawn up against the enemies, and the whole force was there, and the goal was not to allow the Turks to gain entry through the fallen sections of the walls; but God, having willed it, brought them in through another way. For having seen the gate—which we have already mentioned—standing open, about fifty men among the renowned servants of the tyrant rushed in, and having ascended the tops of the walls, breathing fire and killing those they encountered, they struck down the skirmishers. And it was a sight full of horror to behold. For of the Romans ^D and Latins who were holding back the Turks who were moving the ladders to the walls, some were cut down, others, with eyes closed, threw themselves from the walls, and having their limbs crushed, were finally deprived of life by a bitter fate. Thereafter, the Turks, having easily applied their ladders to the walls, climbed up like eagles.

^A Meanwhile, the Roman soldiers fighting along with the Emperor were unaware of what was happening; for the entry of the Turks had occurred at a considerable distance, and furthermore, their entire focus was on those opposing them. For twenty battle-hardened Turks were fighting against each single Roman, and the Roman was not as capable a combatant as the average Turk. Toward those, therefore, were their purpose and concern directed. Then, suddenly, they see missiles descending from above, striking them down. Looking up, they glimpse the Turks; seeing them, they turned inward to flee. Unable to enter through the gate called Charisius, being crushed by the crowd, those who were stronger and more robust trampled upon the bodies of the weak ^B and forced their way in. Then the tyrant’s army, having caught sight of the Romans’ flight, raised a cry and rushed in together, trampling and slaughtering the wretches. Arriving at the gate, they could not enter; for it had been blocked up by the bodies of those who had fallen or were breathing their last. So, the majority entered through the breaches in the walls and cut down those they encountered. The Emperor, therefore, having given himself up for lost, stood holding his sword and shield and let out a wail worthy of commiseration: "Is there no Christian here to take my head from me?" For he had been left utterly alone. Then one of the Turks struck a blow to his face, and when he had received this, he offered his bare head and other cheek to another Turk. Finally, run through by a lethal wound, ^C as another attacked him from behind, he fell to the ground; for they did not know that he was the Emperor, but, having killed him as they would a common soldier, they left him.

When the Turks had entered, no more than three of their own had been lost in the entry. It was the first hour of the day, with the sun not yet fully risen above the earth. Having entered and dispersed from the Charisius Gate as far as the palace, they slaughtered those they met, and the fugitives likewise. They thus slaughtered up to two thousand fighting men. And indeed, the Turks had been fearful, for they were always calculating that there would be at least fifty thousand combatants inside the city. In this engagement, they slaughtered two thousand. ^D For if they had known that the entire armed force did not exceed eight thousand, they would not have killed anyone; for this race is so addicted to greed that even if a murderer of their own father fell into their hands, they would release him for gold; how much more so someone who had done them no prior injury? For after the war, I conversed with many, and they told me, "Struck by terror and dread of those who had fought in the vanguard, we slaughtered whoever we first encountered; but if we had known of such a lack of men existing in the city, we would have sold everyone like sheep." Meanwhile, the tyrant’s *Azapides* (95), who

^A rushed, some into the palace, others toward the monastery of the great Forerunner, St. John the Baptist, which was called Petra, and into the monastery of the district, in which the icon of my blameless Mother of God was also found at that time. O tongue, and lips, that must utter what happened to that icon because of your sins! As the apostates struggled to rush elsewhere, one of the impious stretched out an axe, aided by his vile hands, and divided it into four pieces, and casting lots, each took his own share, and having seized the precious vessels of the monastery, they departed. Entering the house of the Protostrator, they opened the treasures that had been stored up from days of old, ^B waking the noble ladies from their beds—for it was the twenty-ninth of May—and the morning sleep was sweet in the eyes of the young men and women, for they were sleeping without a care, trusting as they had the day before and the day before that. Then a great troop of the impious went along the road leading to the Great Church, and one could see the trick of fortune on both sides. For as it was morning, with the day still at twilight, some of the Romans, during the incursion of the Turks and the flight of the citizens, arrived fleeing to reach their houses and provide for their children and wife. Passing through the parts of the Taurus ^C and crossing the column of the Cross, being covered in blood, they were asked by the women what had happened. When they heard that detestable cry, "Enemies are inside the walls of the city, slaughtering the Romans," they did not at first believe it, but rather they even insulted and disparaged the one who brought the ill-omened news; but when they saw another behind him, and another after him, all covered in blood, they realized that the cup of the Lord's wrath had been brought to their lips. All the women, therefore, and men, monks, and nuns, ran to the Great Church, carrying their infants in their arms, both men and women, leaving their houses to whoever wished to enter them. And one could see that street ^D crowded and full of people. And why did everyone take refuge in the Great Church? For they had been hearing for many years from certain false prophets how it is destined that the Turks will…

city must be surrendered to the yoke of the Turks; and that they, bursting into it by force, would slaughter the Romans and advance as far as the pillar of Great Constantine ^A. And when they arrived there, an angel would descend from heaven, who, bearing a sword, would deliver the kingdom, along with the sword, to a certain unknown man found at that time standing at the pillar—a man very unkempt and impoverished—and would say to him: "Take this sword, and avenge the people of the Lord." Then the Turks would turn in flight, and the Romans would pursue them, striking them down, and would drive them out not only from the city and from the regions of the West, but also from Anatolia itself, as far as the place called Monodendrion, situated on the borders of Persia. Possessing these as matters destined to happen, some were running and urging others to run. This was the expectation of the Romans, which they had been studying for many years past, as the event ^B now brought to pass: for they supposed that if we leave behind the pillar of the Cross, we shall escape the coming wrath. And this was the flight into the Great Church. So it happened that in one hour that immense temple was full of men and women, both below and above, and in the porticoes, and in every place an innumerable crowd. Having shut the doors, they stood there, hoping for salvation from them. O miserable Romans, O wretched ones! The temple which you were calling, yesterday and the day before, a den and an altar of heretics, and into which not one of you would enter for fear of being defiled, because those who embraced the union of the Church performed the sacred rites within—now, because of the wrath that has come upon you, you rush into it as into a saving refuge. But not even when the just wrath of God had come, did it stir your bowels toward peace. For even in such a crisis ^C, if an angel were to descend from heaven, asking you: "If you accept the union and the peaceful state of the Church, shall I drive the enemies from the city?" would you not have refused? And even if you had agreed, would not the agreement have been a lie? Those who, a few days before, were saying, "It is better to fall into the hands of the Turks than the Franks," know this. When the Turks were plundering, slaughtering, and taking captives, they reached the church before the first hour had fully passed; and finding the doors closed ^D, they tore them down with axes without delay. Having entered, swords drawn, and seeing the numberless multitude, each one began to bind his own captive. For there was no one there to offer resistance, nor was anyone doing anything other than offering himself as a sheep. Who will recount the calamity there? Who will relate the lamentations and cries of the infants, the tears of the mothers, and the wailings of the fathers that occurred then? The random Turk would search out the most delicate [woman], or grab hold of a nun; another, becoming more powerful, would snatch away and bind [her].

^A The cause of the seizing and dragging was the plaiting of hair, the exposure of chests and breasts, the stretching out of arms. Then the maidservant was bound with her mistress; the master with his bought slave; the archimandrite with his gatekeeper; tender youths with maidens—maidens whom the sun had scarcely looked upon, maidens whom their father had barely seen, and who, if they had attempted to repel the raper by force, were driven on with clubs. For the despoiler wished to lead his prey to a safe place, and having deposited it in security, to return a second and third time to plunder. The rapers, those avengers of God, were emboldened, and it was possible to see all men in one hour bound, the men with ropes, and the women with their own head cloths. And one could see endless ropes of people coming out from the temple, and from the inner sanctuaries of the temple, like herds and flocks of sheep, weeping, lamenting, and there was no one to pity them. ^B But the things of the temple—what am I to say? Or what shall I speak? "My tongue has cleaved to my throat." I am unable to draw breath, my mouth having been sealed. Suddenly those dogs cut down the holy icons, taking away the ornaments, the chains, the lampstands, the coverings of the holy table. They broke some of the light-bearing vessels, and took others. They gathered together in one moment all the precious and holy vessels of the sacred treasury—gold and silver, and those made of other precious materials—leaving the temple deserted and bare, having left nothing at all behind.

Then, even in the new Sion, the things spoken by God through Amos the prophet were fulfilled. ^C For thus says the Lord God Almighty: "I will take vengeance upon the altars of Bethel, and it shall be dug up; I will break the horns of the altar, and they shall fall to the ground; and I will smite the vaulted house upon the winter house. And the ivory houses shall perish, and many other houses shall be utterly destroyed," says the Lord. "I have rejected your feasts, and I will not take pleasure in your festive assemblies. For if you offer me your whole burnt offerings and sacrifices, I will not look upon them. Remove from me the sound of your songs, and I will not hear the psalm of your instruments." And the Lord said to me, "The end has come upon my people Israel; I will not again pass by them anymore, and the ceilings of the temple shall howl in that day," says the Lord. "Hear this now, you who oppress the poor in the morning, and lordship over the needy of the earth. You who say, 'When will the month be over, that we may sell? And when will the Sabbaths arrive, that we may open our treasures,' for the purpose of making the measure small, and increasing the amount, and making an unjust scale, so as to obtain the poor for silver, and the needy in exchange for sandals?" "In that day," says the Lord, "the sun shall set at noon, and darkness shall settle upon the earth in a day of light. And I will turn your feasts into mourning, and all your songs into lamentation and wailing." ^D For it happened on that fearful day of the capture

^A of the city that the memory of the holy martyr Theodosia 99 was to be celebrated with a festival. A great multitude therefore gathered; for from the evening many, both men and women, had kept vigil at the shrine of the saint. But when day broke, the majority, and the women along with their husbands, going out for worship and carrying candles and incense, adorned and dressed as they were, suddenly fell into the snares of the Turks. For how could they have foreseen the sudden wrath that had spread over such a breadth of the city? Only those who knew its dimensions could understand. This threat, which we have mentioned, had broken out and was burning from the Gate of Charisius, and from [the gate of] Saint Romanus, and from the parts of the palace. The fleet, however, and the resistance at the harbor ^B did not give the Turks an opportunity to place ladders against the walls. The Romans were stronger than the Turks, attacking them with stones and missiles until the third hour of the day; until, having arrived and having brought back a portion of those who had been pillaging inside the city since the morning, and seeing the Romans fighting those outside, and having let out a shout with all their might, they ran up onto the walls. The Romans, seeing the Turks inside the city and letting out a cry of lamentation, "Woe is me," fell headlong from the wall. For neither strength nor power remained to the Romans there. Then even those in the ships, seeing the Turks inside, understood that the city had been taken, and quickly placing their ladders, they climbed inside ^C and, having smashed the gates, they all entered within. The Grand Duke, seeing the Turks come to the place where he was stationed—for he was overlooking the Imperial Gate—departed to his own house with a few men; for the rest had been scattered. And some were captured before they could reach their houses; others, finding their own houses empty of children, wife, and goods—and they themselves, before they could groan or weep, had their hands bound behind their backs. Others, returning to their houses and finding their wife and children already being led away, were bound and tied up together with their most beloved ones and their spouse. As for the old men who were in the house, those who were unable to leave ^D because of sickness or old age, they slaughtered them all, men and women, without mercy, and cast out the newborn infants into the streets. The Grand Duke, having found his daughters, and his sons, and his wife—for she was sick—shut up in the tower and keeping the Turks from entering, was himself captured along with those who were following him; and the tyrant sent some soldiers to guard both him and his entire house. He gave much money to the Turks who had come and surrounded his house, so that it seemed he had bought them off by an oath.

Ismaelis Bullialdi notæ. (99) The temple of this saint, in that part which is today called Casan Bassa, located beyond the Ceratian Gulf, adjacent to Galata, was later converted into a mosque. But how could they cross the gulf when the Turks were filling all the shores?

^A The Turks, having all entered the city, began to plunder and seize everything everywhere, even the muleteers and cooks. As for John Justiniani—whom I have already mentioned as having gone to his ship to have his wound dressed—while he was at the harbor, some of his men came running and told him that the Turks had entered the city and the Emperor had been slain. Upon hearing this most bitter and stinging news, he ordered the heralds to recall his shield-bearers and shipmates with trumpets. The other ships likewise began to prepare for departure, as most of them had lost their captains, who had been taken prisoner. And there was a ^B piteous spectacle to be seen on the shore of the harbor: men, women, nuns, and monks crying out lamentably, beating their breasts, and begging those on the ships to take them in. But this was not possible, for it had been decreed that they should drink the cup full of the Lord’s wrath. Indeed, even if the sailors had wanted to take them on board, they could not; for even if the tyrant’s vessels had not been occupied with the plunder and sacking of the city, not even one vessel could have been spared; but the Turks, having left their ships, were all inside, and the Latins, having found an opportunity, were departing from the harbor. The ^C tyrant gnashed his teeth, but he was unable to do anything further, and he endured it against his will. The inhabitants of Galata, seeing this incurable disaster, ran to the strand with their wives and children, surveying the small boats. And wherever they chanced upon a skiff entering, they would scramble into the ships, abandoning both their goods and their houses. Many who were pressed by the violence even cast their treasures into the deep sea, and sustained other terrible losses. One of the tyrant’s ministers, who was held in high favor at that time by Mehmed because he had encouraged and praised the tyrant’s plan to undertake the assault, ran to the parts of Galata—Zaganos was his name—^D crying out: "Do not flee!" He swore by the tyrant’s head, saying, "Do not fear, for you are friends of the leader, and you shall have your city unmolested by any man, and the treaties you had with the Emperor shall be ratified with us under even better conditions; put aside any other thought, lest you provoke the leader to anger." Having said these things, Zaganos prevented the Franks of Galata from departing. Nevertheless, those who were able to flee did flee. Then the rest, having consulted, took the keys of the citadel along with their podestà and went to do homage to the tyrant. Having bowed and surrendered the keys, he received them with great joy, and dismissed them after addressing them with gracious words and a gentle expression. Only five of the great ships spread their sails, for the others were not able to leave, since their captains had been taken prisoner and they had been left behind. Thus the ships that fled saved themselves by leaving their captains behind as captives. Having sailed out of the harbor and...

as a north wind blew, their sails full, they sailed away with sighs and lamentations, weeping for the calamity of the city; the Venetian merchant galleys did the same. The Turkish sailors from the ships, having found all the common people outside the city, gathered all the men and women together wherever they were and led them onto the ships. The remaining people of the city were rounded up outside into the tents of the camp.

CAPUT XL. Mehemetes enters the city, and comes to the temple of St. Sophia, and commands the Imam to recite his prayers there. He speaks to the Grand Duke who has been summoned to him. The head of Constantine is fixed upon a column in the Augustaeum. Another account concerning the Grand Duke Orchanes. Mehemetes consoles the Grand Duke and describes the names of the illustrious men. He visits the wife of the Grand Duke and addresses her gently. Mehemetes commands the youngest of the Grand Duke's sons to come to a banquet; when the Grand Duke refuses to send his son, Mehemetes orders him to be put to death. The Grand Duke encourages his sons to undergo death with a calm and brave spirit, and he himself is finally beheaded. All the nobles are ransomed by Mehemetes, and killed.

^A All that has been related thus far was accomplished from the first hour of the day until the eighth hour. Then the tyrant, having put aside all suspicion and fear, entered within the city with his viziers and other satraps, having before and behind him his own slaves breathing fire, all of them archers superior to Apollo, young Heracleidae, each one ready to engage ten men. Having descended to the Great Church and dismounted from his horse, he entered and stood there speechless, looking hither and thither in wonder and astonishment. But when he noticed a certain Turk breaking one of the marbles, he asked why he was destroying the floor. He replied, "For the sake of the faith." He, stretching out his hand, struck the Turk with his sword, saying this too: "The treasures and the captives are enough for you; the buildings of the city, however, belong to me." ^B For the tyrant had repented of the agreement that had been made, seeing the treasury being drained and the limitless number of captives. Having dragged the Turk out of the doors, they threw him out half-dead. He himself then, having ordered one of his impure priests, summoned him to ascend the ambo, and he proclaimed his profane prayer. The son of iniquity, the forerunner of Antichrist, having climbed upon the holy table, performed his prayer. Alas for the calamity! ^C Woe to the dreadful monster! Woe is me, to what pass have our affairs come! Alas! Alas! What have we seen! A Turk trampling the holy altar with his feet, and standing upon the relics of the apostles and martyrs deposited therein. Let the sun shudder. Where now is the Lamb of God, and where is the Son and Word of the Father, who is sacrificed and eaten upon that altar and yet is never consumed? In truth, we were deemed as bastard and adulterate. The nations have treated our religion and ceremonies with contempt because of our sins. The temple which was built and consecrated in the name of the Wisdom of God the Word, and called the temple of the Holy Trinity, ^D

^A and New Sion, has today been renamed and become a temple of the Barbarians and the house of Mohamed. Righteous is your judgment, O Lord. The tyrant then went out from the temple and ordered the Grand Duke to be brought before him, and he was once again presented. Having come and bowed, he said to the tyrant, "You have done well not to surrender the city. ^B Look how much loss there has been, how much ruin, how much captivity." But the Duke replied, "My lord, we did not have the authority to surrender the city to you, nor did the Emperor himself; especially since some of your own people were encouraging the Emperor with words, writing to him: 'Do not fear, for he will not prevail against us.'" The tyrant suspected this was on account of Halil Pasha, for he was already nursing a grudge against him. Then, upon hearing the name of the Emperor, he asked if the Emperor had run away with the ships. The Duke replied that he did not know, for he himself was at the Royal Gate at the time when the Turks encountered the Emperor as they entered the city through the Charsi Gate. ^C Then, two young men were pulled out from the midst of the camp, and one of them said to the tyrant, "My lord, I killed him. For as I was being forced to enter and plunder along with those who were with me in the rear, I left him there dead." The other claimed that he had been the first to inflict a wound. The tyrant then sent both of them immediately and ordered them to bring his head. They ran quickly, found it, cut off the head, and presented it to the ruler. The tyrant said to the Grand Duke, "Tell me the truth: is this really the head of your Emperor?" Then, having examined it, he said, "It is his, my lord." Others also saw it and recognized it. Then they fastened it to the pillar of the Augusteion ^D and it remained there until evening. After this, he had the skin flayed and stuffed with straw, and he sent it everywhere as a trophy of victory to show to the leader of the Persians, and to the Arabs, and to the other Turks.

Others, however, say that the Duke was found together with Orchan in the tower of the Frankish castle, and that they surrendered there, seeing that it was no longer possible to resist the Turks. There were many noble lords there with the Duke, and Orchan asked a certain monk for his vestments; having put them on, he gave his own to the monk, and through a certain arrow-slit, he threw himself down to the ground outside the city walls. But those from the ships took him, bound him, and cast him inside with the rest of the captives. Those who had surrendered in the tower were also taken on board that ship.

^A Then one of the Roman captives, having negotiated his own freedom, said to the naval commander, "If you will free me today, I can deliver Orchan and the Grand Duke to you." When the naval commander heard this, he swore to set him free. Then, pointing out Orchan, who was dark-clad, and having confirmed that it was truly him, he cut off his head. He brought the Grand Duke alive—along with the head of Orchan—to the ruler, who was then at Cosmidion. He thanked the naval commander and, having bestowed many gifts upon him, released him. He ordered the Grand Duke to sit down, comforted him, and directed that his children and wife be sought out by a trumpeter throughout the camp and fleet and brought to him. The prince distributed a thousand aspers to each of them and finally, having encouraged the Grand Duke to have hope, with a long and humane speech he eased his grief, saying: "I wish to entrust this vast city to your faith to be governed and cared for, and I shall honor you with higher honors than those you held in the time of the emperor; do not be downcast." Having expressed his thanks and kissed his hand, the Grand Duke went to his house. ^B Having learned from him the names of the nobles and of the distinguished officials of the palace and court, he wrote down all their names. And having gathered them all from the fleet and the camps, he ransomed them by giving a thousand aspers to the Turks for each one. When morning came, after the passage of that first and gloomy day in which the total destruction of our race occurred, the tyrant entered the city and came to the houses of the Grand Duke; the latter went out to meet him, bowed to him, and he entered. His wife was ill and bedridden. Then that wolf in sheep’s clothing approached her bed and, greeting her, said: "Greetings, O mother, do not grieve for what has happened. Let the will of the Lord be done. I have more than what you have lost to give you; only be well." His children came and bowed to him, and after they thanked him, he left, going around the city. ^C For the whole city was deserted; neither a human, nor a beast, nor a bird was heard crying out or making a sound inside; only some of those who were unable to seize anything—because of their own weakness—were searching the houses. For many were killed by one another in this cause, while they grabbed spoils from each other, which fell to the stronger and more robust, with the weaker ones being overcome by lethal wounds. On the second day, the thirtieth of May, they entered again and collected the remains of the booty. Then the tyrant, having traversed most of the city, held a banquet and made merry near the parts of the palace; and indeed, having been baptized by ^D the wine and having become intoxicated, he ordered his chief eunuch—and giving the command he said, "Go…

^A “Go to the house of the great Duke, and say to him, ‘The commander orders that you send your younger son to the banquet.’” For the youth was fair of face, being fourteen years of age. Having heard this, the father of the child was struck dead [with shock], and his countenance was changed, and he said to the chief eunuch, “It is not in our custom to hand over my child with my own hands to be defiled by him; it would be better for me that you send an executioner to take my head from me.” The chief eunuch advised him to give the child, so that he might not inflame the tyrant to anger. But he, not being persuaded, said, “If it is intended for you to take him and depart, take him and depart. But that I should give him to you by my own will, this shall never happen.” Then the chief eunuch, having turned back, told the commander all the things spoken by the great Duke, and how he was not willing to give the child. ^B Then the tyrant, having become enraged, said to the chief eunuch, “Take the executioner with you, and turning back, bring the child to me.” And let the executioner bring the Duke, and his sons. Then having come, and having learned the message, the Duke embraced his children and his wife, and went with the executioner, he himself and his son, and his son-in-law, Cantacuzene. The chief eunuch took the child with him. ^C Having entered then, and having shown the child to the commander—the others remaining at the gate of the palace—he ordered the executioner to cut off their heads with a sword. Then, having taken them a little below the palace, the executioner told them the sentence. But his son, having heard of the slaughter, wept. But his father, having stood nobly, strengthened the young men, supporting them and saying: “My children, you saw yesterday, in one moment of time, all our things become as nothing. Our inexhaustible wealth, the ^D marvelous glory which we had in this great city, and through it in all the earth where Christians dwell. But now, at this hour, nothing else remained for us except this present life. And this shall not be for us unending; for late or soon, we shall die. And how? Being deprived of the goods which we possessed, of the glory, of the honor, of the authority, being insulted by all, held in contempt, and oppressed by hardships, until death comes upon us, having taken us hence in disgrace. Where is our Emperor? Was he not killed yesterday? Where is my fellow father-in-law, and your father, the Great Domestic? Where is Palaiologos, and the Protostrator with his two sons? Were they not slaughtered yesterday in the war? Would that we had died with them! But even this hour is sufficient; we shall not sin any more. For who knows the weapons of the devil, if by delaying death, we might be wounded by his poisonous arrows? Now the arena is prepared, in the name of Him who was crucified for

us and who died and rose again, let us also die, that we may enjoy His good things together with Him." Having said this and having strengthened the young men, they became eager to die. And he said to the executioner, "Do what you have been ordered, beginning with the young men." And the executioner obeyed and cut off the heads of the young men, while the Grand Duke stood by and said, "I thank Thee, O Lord," and "Just art Thou, O Lord." Then he said to the executioner, "Brother, grant me a short delay to step inside and pray," for there was a small shrine there. He granted it, and the duke went in and prayed. Then, coming out from the door of the shrine—for the bodies of his children were still twitching there—and again sending forth a doxology to God, he had his head cut off. The executioner, having taken the heads, went to the banquet and showed them to the bloodthirsty beast; he left the bodies there naked and unburied. Likewise, he slaughtered all the nobles and palace officials and dignitaries whom he had ransomed, having sent the executioner to them. He selected the beautiful virgins and handsome boys from their wives and children and set them aside for himself, and handed them over to the chief eunuch to be looked after by him. The rest of the throng of slaves he gave to others to look after until he should be washed clean at the Babylon of Hadrian—I mean Adrianople. And it was possible to see the entire city in the tents of the camp, while the city itself lay deserted, lifeless, prostrate, naked, silent, stripped of its form and beauty. ^B

CHAPTER XLI. On the captured city, and the destruction of the Christian empire in the East.

O city, city, head of all cities! O city, city, center of the four quarters of the world! O city, city, boast of Christians and ruin of Barbarians! O city, city, another paradise planted toward the west, containing within it all kinds of plants, abounding in spiritual fruits! Where is your beauty, O paradise? Where is the flow of the spirit's graces that used to irrigate body and soul? Where are the bodies of the apostles of my Lord, deposited long ago in that ever-flourishing paradise, surrounding the purple robe, the spear, the sponge, and the reed—things which, while we venerated them, made us imagine Him who was lifted up on the cross? Where are the relics of the saints, where are the martyrs? Where are the ashes of the great Constantine and the other emperors? The streets, the porticoes, the crossroads, the fields, the fences of the vineyards, were once scattered everywhere with the relics of the saints, noble and chaste bodies of ascetics and nuns, but oh, what a loss! They have been laid low. "They have set, O Lord, the dead bodies of Thy servants to be food for the birds of the sky, the flesh of Thy saints for the wild beasts of the earth around the new Sion, and there was no one to bury them." [Ps. LXXVIII, 2, 3.] O temple! O earthly heaven! O celestial altar! O divine and sacred shrines! O beauty of the churches! O sacred books and divine utterances! O laws old and new! O tablets inscribed by the finger of God! O Gospels proclaimed by the mouth of God! O theology of men clad in angelic bodies! O doctrines of men inspired by the divine Spirit, institutions of heroes and demigods! O republic, O people, O army, once exceedingly glorious,

^A but now vanished like a ship engulfed at sea while sailing! O dwellings and palaces of every kind, and sacred walls! Today I summon everything together, and as if they were living beings, I lament with them, taking Jeremiah as the leader of this pitiable tragedy. "How does the city sit solitary, that was full of people? She has become as a widow that was great among the nations! She that was princess among the provinces is become a tributary." Weeping, she has wept in the night, and her tears are upon her cheeks, and there is none to comfort her among all her lovers. All who loved her have dealt treacherously with her, they have become her enemies. ^B Asia has been moved from her humiliation, and from the multitude of her bondage. She has sat among the nations, she has found no rest. All her persecutors have overtaken her in the midst of straits. The ways of the city mourn, because none come to the solemn feast; all her gates are desolate; her priests sigh, her virgins are afflicted, and she is bitter within herself. The oppressors have become her head, and her enemies are at ease, because the Lord has humbled her for the multitude of her transgressions. Her little ones have gone into captivity before the oppressor. And all her beauty has departed from the daughter of Zion. Her princes have become as rams not finding pasture, and they have gone without strength before the pursuer. The enemies saw her, and laughed at her Sabbaths. Jerusalem has sinned, therefore she is removed. The oppressor has stretched out his hand upon all her pleasant things, for she saw nations entering into her sanctuary, concerning whom thou didst command that they should not enter into thy Church. All her people sigh, seeking bread; they have given their pleasant things for meat to relieve the soul. ^C "See, O Lord, and consider." All you who pass by the way, attend and see if there be any sorrow like unto my sorrow! He has sent fire from on high into my bones, and has brought it down against me. He has spread a net for my feet, he has turned me back. He has made me desolate and faint all the day. The Lord has taken away all my mighty men from the midst of me; he has called a set time against me to dash my young men in pieces. The Lord has trodden the winepress for the virgin daughter of Judah; for these things I weep. My sons have become desolate, because the enemy has prevailed. The Lord is just, for I have rebelled against his commandment. Hear, I pray you, all people, and behold my sorrow! My virgins and my young men have gone into my captivity. I called for my lovers, but they deceived me. My priests and my elders expired in the city. Hear, I pray, that I sigh. The Lord was as an enemy, and he has pulled down as a hedge his tabernacle, he has destroyed his feast. He has caused to be forgotten

the feast and the Sabbath in the city, and in his fierce anger he has provoked the king and the priest. The Lord has cast off his altar; he has spurned his sanctuary. He has broken down in his hand the wall of her foundations. He has given forth a sound of war in the house of the Lord, like that of the psalmody chanted by the Levites on feast days. ^A Look, O Lord, and observe, to whom have you shown this? Infants clinging to the breast have been slaughtered. Shall they kill the priest and prophet in the sanctuary of the Lord? Child and old man lie on the ground in the lands of their exile. My virgins and my young men have gone into captivity, the Lord has finished his wrath. He has poured out the fury of his anger, and has kindled a fire in the city, and it has devoured its foundations. Remember, O Lord, what has happened to us; look and see our reproach. Our inheritance has been turned over to strangers, our houses to aliens. ^B We have become orphans, as those not having a father; our mothers are as widows. We have been pursued, we have labored, we have had no rest. Our fathers sinned and are no more, and we have borne their iniquities. Slaves have ruled over us, and there is no one to deliver us from their hand. Our skin has withered like an oven-blackened thing, it has shriveled from the face of the famine. Chosen men have ground at the mill, and young men have been hanged on wood. Elders have fallen from the gate, and the chosen have ceased from their psalms. The joy of our heart has been destroyed, our dancing has been turned into mourning; the crown of our head has fallen. Woe to us, because we have sinned in this. ^C Our heart has become painful, for this our eyes have darkened over the new Zion, because it has been laid waste; foxes have walked through it. But you, O Lord, dwell forever, your throne is from generation to generation. Why do you forget us to the end, and forsake us for a length of days? Turn us, O Lord, to you, and we shall return, and let our days be renewed as before, because you have utterly rejected us; your anger has been kindled against us exceedingly.

These are the lamentations and wailing of Jeremiah, which he brought forth because of the conquest and destruction of the ancient Jerusalem; yet, it seems likely to me that the Spirit also suggested them to the prophet because of the new disaster. ^D For what tongue is so eloquent and fluent that it could tell of the calamity with which the city has been afflicted? Who can relate the miseries of the captivity and the bitterness of the transplantation by which it has been tossed about? The inhabitants were not carried away from Jerusalem to Babylon or to the Assyrians, but from Constantinople to Syria, to Egypt, to Armenia, to the Persians, to Arabia, to Africa, to Italy, scattered about in Asia Minor, and in the remaining provinces. And how, indeed? The husband in Paphlagonia, the wife in Egypt, and the children in other regions, everywhere torn apart, being changed from language to language, and from piety to impious—

and from divine books to absurd writings. Shudder, O sun, and do thou, O earth, groan at the total abandonment that has occurred in our generation by the just Judge, God, because of our sins. We are not worthy to lift our eyes to heaven, but only looking down, and placing our faces to the ground, we cry: Righteous art thou, O Lord, and just is thy judgment. We have sinned, we have acted lawlessly, we have acted more unrighteously than all the nations. And all the things which thou hast brought upon us, thou hast brought in true and just judgment. Nevertheless, spare us, O Lord, we beseech thee. ^B

CHAPTER XLII.

Three days after the capture, he gave the order for the fleet to sail, so that each might return to its own province and city, bearing a cargo so heavy that they almost sank. And what was the cargo? Expensive clothing, vessels of silver, gold, bronze, and tin; books beyond number; captives—both priests and laypeople, nuns and monks. Every ship was full of heavy plunder. In the tents of the camp, too, there were countless captives and every kind of plunder resembling what was previously mentioned. And it was possible to see in the midst of the Barbarians one man wearing a priestly sakkos [(8)], and another bound by an epitrachelion [(9)] of gold, leading dogs on leashes, using as blankets embroidered lambs of gold thread! ^C Others were sitting at banquets, eating from the sacred plates before them along with various fruits, and drinking undiluted wine from the sacred chalices. As for all the books, which exceeded number, having loaded them onto wagons, they scattered and dispersed them everywhere in the East and West. For one coin, ten books were sold—Aristotelian, Platonic, theological, and every other kind of book. They would rip off the gold and silver from the Gospels that were adorned beyond measure, and then some they would sell, and some they would throw away. They delivered all the icons to the fire; and with the flame that had been kindled, they cooked meat and ate it.

Then, after the fifth day, he entered Galata, and having ordered a census to be taken of all those dwelling therein, he found many houses locked. For the Latins, having boarded their ships, had fled. Therefore, he decreed that their houses be opened, and that a census be made of all their wealth, that if they returned within the term of three months, they might receive their properties; but if they should not return... ^D

^B they would belong to the Sovereign. Then he ordered the whole army to dismantle the surrounding villages and to cast down to the ground the walls of Galata, and to release them, which was also done. Having therefore dismantled the walls that abutted the mainland, they left those that faced the harbor. He further commanded the lime-burners, for the whole month of August, to have lime ready to rebuild the walls of the city that had collapsed. He himself, having registered five thousand families from the provinces of the East and West, commanded them to be in the city by the month of September, on pain of capital punishment; and he appointed as prefect one of his servants named Suleiman. And having consecrated the great temple as an altar of his own God and of Mahomet, leaving the others deserted and abandoned, he himself, as victor, set out for Adrianople, drawing behind him an infinite multitude of captives, a number beyond counting. He left the city, therefore, on the eighteenth day of the month of June, taking all the noble women and their daughters in carriages and on horses. Now the wife of the Great Duke had died on the journey, near a village called Mesene, and they buried her there; she was a woman renowned for her almsgiving and compassion for the poor, modest and temperate, free from all passions of the soul. When Mahomet had come into Adrianople with a most magnificent triumphal procession, one could see all the surrounding ^C and remote Christian princes and leaders flocking from all sides to pay him homage. Anyone could conjecture the sentiment of their hearts and the expression on their faces; for, unwilling and constrained, and anxious to avert the same calamity, they flattered him with gifts and did him homage. The tyrant, therefore, proud and insolent, elated in spirit by the overthrow of the city, sat upon his throne, while the Christian leaders stood trembling, awaiting what he might show himself to be towards them in the future. He signified first to the envoy of Serbia that he should impose upon their treasury the annual tribute of twelve thousand coins to be paid to the Turks; and that the despots of the Peloponnese should bring a gift of ten thousand coins and come to do him homage each year. To the prince of the island of Chios, he ordered an annual sum of six thousand coins to be paid as tribute. He ordered the Mitylenian likewise to pay three thousand coins annually; and the Trebizondians, and all those who dwell in the Euxine sea, to come every ^D year, paying the taxes and bringing gifts to do him homage. In the first year, therefore, in the month of August, those from the despot of Serbia arrived, and…

After the city was first captured, in the month of August, envoys came from the despot of Serbia, who paid the tributes due and distributed generous alms to the captives in Adrianople. For by the mandate of the despot George, an hundred young women and old, once ransomed, were restored to liberty. Furthermore, the illustrious captives, and those who traced their lineage to the palace, having set out for Serbia, received from him and his wife the queen the money by which they might redeem themselves, under the name of alms. ^A Autumn then set in, and with it the year 6962 from the foundation of the world, and Mehmed having passed the following winter at home, was agitating in his mind to invade the despot upon the coming of spring, and to annex the whole of Serbia to his own empire. The despot, indeed, after the capture of the city, had been expecting this bitter news and this unjust treatment from the greedy tyrant every day. For the despot was a practical old man, and one who had suffered much from the injustices of the tyrant, as we have often said. What, then, was the source of this injustice? [The tyrant] sent a message saying: "The land which you rule [(14)] is not yours, nor is it [yours] by paternal right, namely Serbia; but it belongs to Lazar, the son of Stephen, and therefore it pertains to me. Withdraw, therefore, quickly from its borders. I am able to grant you a portion of the land of your father Vuk, and the city of Sofia. If not, I am coming against you." Having sent these things through one of his most trusted servants, he ordered him to be found before him in twenty-five days, in order to learn the reply; and if [the despot] did not [reply], he threatened to cut off the servant’s head and cast his body to the beasts for food.

^B The tyrant's envoy, having come into Serbia and finding the despot passing time beyond the Ister, was detained by the princes of Serbia, who claimed that the despot was coming today, and would arrive tomorrow. By these means they busied themselves with their small towns, and heaped everything needful into storehouses. The envoy, therefore, seeing that he was being deceived, and fearing the penalty of the time limit—for he had passed the thirty days—was afraid. The tyrant, then, filled with anger, went out from Adrianople with his whole army and occupied Philippopolis. But the servant, having come and reported the flight of the despot into Hungary, and [how] the princes had detained him, and would not release him—for the tyrant intended to execute him—nevertheless, the servant had sent before the deadline to the ruler, declaring his own delay, and the preparations of the Serbs, and ^D the tyrant, incited by anger, moved and came to Philippopolis. Meanwhile, the herald whom he had sent met him and reported that the despot had fled into Hungary:

[index: entries preserved]

Notes of Ismaël Bullialdus

^A And [the tyrant] exposed to himself the ambushes and deceits of the nobles who had estranged him. Indeed, the tyrant would have condemned him to death, had he not earlier, before the appointed day, informed him by letters regarding the causes of such a long delay, the military preparations of the Serbs, and the flight of the despot. The Hungarians, having crossed the river and already ravaged and plundered the fields surrounding Trnovo, and having joined battle with the Turkish army and won a victory, had crossed the river again, heavy with spoils.

Having moved his camp from Philippopolis, the tyrant approached Sophia, and leaving there his entire army with the Mesazontes and his whole senate, and having taken with him twenty thousand infantry, he broke into Serbia; he did not encounter anyone who would fight against him: for the despot and his nobles with their entire families had long since crossed over; after he had placed garrisons in the citadels, he had ordered the entire population to take refuge within them, and exhorted them to be of good heart and not surrender to the enemy, promising that he would soon arrive with a powerful army. But the tyrant proceeded as far as Smederevo, which fortress, situated on the bank of the river and providing a convenient crossing into Hungary, he greedily desired to capture: and, having attempted it in vain, he withdrew from it. Then, having besieged—but not taken—a certain sufficiently firm and strong castle, the town subject to it, which was less firm, within whose walls the peasants from the surrounding villages and fields were protecting themselves, came into his power by surrender, upon conditions pledged and ratified by oath: then, having violated the oath, he led away as captives all who were in the town.

Having returned to Sophia, and having moved his camp from there, he returned to Adrianople laden with booty; which he shared with his nobles and those who had rendered him service. ^B A portion of the captives, which he kept for himself, four thousand men and women, he led away as new colonists to the villages near Constantinople. Setting out from Adrianople, he went to Constantinople, whose walls, which he had ordered to be repaired while he was at Philippopolis, he found upon his arrival to have been completed. ^C After he came into the city, having measured a space of eight stadia or more in its center, he ordered the area to be enclosed with walls, and palaces to be built within it. ^D He covered the domes and roofs of the constructed buildings with leaden sheets, which he took from deserted monasteries. Fullers had occupied the monastery of Pantokrator, and shoemakers were sewing shoes in the middle of the temple. Turkish monks (Turcocalogeri) had their seats in the monastery of the Manganon; in the rest, the Turks were lodging with their wives and children.

These things, which were done after the capture of the city, it is not permitted for me to write. For it is surely not fitting for me to weave a history of the victories and the prosperous deeds of the tyrant, the destroyer of our race and our mortal enemy: but what is [...]

fitting, I will here relate. When I was still a young man, I understood from certain excellent old men that the tyranny of the Othmans and the empire of the Palaiologoi would fall together, because Othman and Michael Palaiologos had seized tyranny and empire at the same time. Indeed, Michael took up the rods of rule a little before, and immediately afterward, while Andronikos, the son of Michael, was reigning, Othman began to rule. ^A While Michael was still alive, Othman was only known for brigandage and plundering. Therefore, the order of nature demanded that the ruin and conquest of the emperors and the city should come first, and the ruin and overthrow of the Othmans should follow. Michael had formerly inquired of soothsayers and augurs whether he would have an heir in the empire after he had succumbed to fate; for he was burdened by the conscience of the crime by which he had nefariously seized the empire, after blinding the legitimate heir. ^{B C} Therefore, the oracle uttered a voice...

Ismael Bullialdi’s Notes

As you know, most ingenious Timothy, since we were holding our discussion in the school’s portico, the most reverend Epiphanius, the Arabian merchant, stood by us, having recently arrived from Arabia, and after he greeted us, we also welcomed him gladly and kindly. We said to him: "You have arrived, friend, and you find us at our fine studies." He replied to us very graciously: "And what special thing," I said, "have you brought to us philosophers?" The merchant said: "If there is anything else I do not know, I am ready to recount, especially what I have seen abroad, which makes us foreigners wonder and marvel." "How is it?" I said. And he said to me: "Tell one of your students to take down the astrolabe, and know the horoscope degree, noting also the movement of the stars and the clear confirmation of the centers, because of the new story and strange undertaking." I immediately ordered my Sophronios to take down the astrolabe; and while he was taking it down and inquiring minutely about the hour, the merchant opened his mouth and told us that in the desert of Ethribon (4) a certain man appeared from the tribe called the Korrasianoi, of the lineage of Ishmael, and his name was Mohammed; and he says that he himself is a prophet. He appeared in the month of Pharmouthi, which in Roman [style] is April, of the year [1174] from the beginning of the era of Philip. He introduces new utterances and a changed doctrine, and promises to those who accept his teaching victories in wars, dominion over enemies, and the delights of paradise. I, having pondered these things, and having been struck with fear at the prosperity of the man, and how he uses favorable fortune, and is strengthened in manliness, I made it my goal to entrust these things to you, the philosopher, so that through your given wisdom you might find knowledge regarding this very man. Having inquired of these things from the man, I immediately became thoughtful; and after dismissing, as you know, that school at that time, and sending the man on his way, I carefully examined the matter suggested by the astrolabe...

^A MAMAIMI. The seer, explaining it, said: “As many letters as are contained in the word *asema* [meaningless/unmarked], so many kings will reign from your race; and then the kingdom will be taken away both from the city and from your race.” This, therefore, we, who have arrived at the end of the age and have seen the unspeakable and terrible threat that has come to pass upon ^B my horoscopic degree. And having duly fixed the centers, and having recognized the positions of the five planets, and of the sun and moon, I occupied myself for many days with the books of prognostications, and with much toil and labor I was able to gain an understanding of the clarity of future events concerning both the aforementioned man and his fellow tribesmen—namely, the number of the years of their dominion, and the times of those who will reign among them, along with their succession, and other things that will happen in order at their proper times. Moreover, that you might know the procedure and the method we applied to this matter, I have hypothesized the centering of the zodiac, and the positions of the stars, and the subsequent prognostic skill, as is set down below.

Notes of Ismaël Bullialdus

^A And, having seen the fearful and formidable threats directed against our race, we look forward to its liberty and restoration as if in a dream. And, with a most fervent spirit, we hope that the things foretold by wise and prudent men—that God, who punishes and again heals those who entreat Him, will grant an outcome to the things that have happened since the terror inflicted upon us by the tyrant—will come to pass. But let us return to the history.

CHAPTER XLIII

^B The tyrant, in the second year from that in which he became lord of Constantinople, the year 6963 from the creation of the world (1455 A.D.), while he was sojourning at Adrianople, was visited by the brothers, the knights of the military Order of Jerusalem, who paid him homage with very many gifts, and requested that sworn treaties be entered into, so that they might conduct commerce in the parts of Caria and Lycia, which border on their own domain; and that, in turn, the Turks might be allowed to cross over safely and securely into Rhodes, so that they might procure necessities for themselves in the island itself and its dependencies, and behave peacefully and as friends toward one another. The tyrant demanded a tribute from them; the legates replied that they possessed no instructions regarding this matter. The ministers warned them with these words: "Unless you are willing to pay tribute, peace and friendship with the prince will not be established; for from now on he shall be lord of all the islands that lie in the Aegean Sea. Just as the Chians, the Lesbians, the Lemnians, and the Imbrians, and the other islands, have obeyed, so you too must do. ^C If, however, you refuse to obey, a grave war will arise from this, and the great prince will devastate and topple your island and the surrounding ones." The envoys answered: "Let some one of the prince's servants come with us, and let him speak about this to the Grand Master; and if it is acceptable to him, let a tribute be paid, and anything else that might contribute to the advantage of the island. For we have no power to give an answer to these things." The plan pleased him, and he sent one of his celebrated servants with them, having dismissed them as was fitting. When they had arrived in Rhodes, and the Grand Master had heard well what the prince had prompted, he answered the servant, saying: "This island is not mine; I am subject to the Pope, ^D just as you are to your lord. The Pope therefore forbids me to pay tribute to anyone, not only to your prince, who is of another nation, and alien and differing from our faith, but also to any of the kings of our own race and religion. I say therefore thus..."

note: Ismaelis Bullialdi notæ. (19) “They come also from Rhodes...” Jacobus Bosius, lib. vii, Histor. militia Hierosolymit., agrees entirely with Ducas, and that the Grand Master responded with a bold and brave spirit, and refused to pay a tax to Mehemet altogether.

if he desires to be a friend, and every year sends me ambassadors at my own expense to greet his neighbor and great ruler, behold, it is good; but if not, let him do what he can." He dismissed the subordinate then with these mocking words. ^A

When the tyrant heard these words, and, filled with anger, having become thoroughly enraged, he proclaimed a fierce war, and granted leave to anyone who wished to depart, to take captives, and to ravage and destroy as much as he could. Then the Turks inhabiting the province of Caria, boarding biremes and other vessels up to the number of thirty, crossed over to the mainland and, landing like pirates on one part of the island, took forty souls captive, and in the island of Cos they did the same. ^B

When spring arrived, he prepared a great fleet: twenty-five triremes, fifty biremes, and one hundred or more moneres, so that the whole fleet amounted to one hundred and eighty ships. In the month of June, they set out from Callipolis and arrived in Mitylene, commanded by an admiral, Hamza, whom Mehemet had once appointed—having previously held the office of cupbearer to his father—as governor of the whole Chersonese and commander of the fleet. The prince of Lesbos received him honorably, and designated me to provide the services and courtesies that were appropriate. For the admiral did not enter the harbor, but turning his prow toward the opposite shore—where there is a harbor capable of sheltering a fleet—he moored there, so that the city might not be disturbed in any way, as the prudent and experienced man, Hamza, deemed it necessary to do. Accordingly, being sent by the prince of Lesbos to greet him, I cultivated his goodwill with many gifts and other things customarily provided, and I joined him in fraternal friendship with the prince. ^C

The gifts offered were as follows: silk garments and woven wools, six thousand silver coins, twenty cattle, fifty sheep, over eight hundred measures of wine, two modii of leavened bread, one modius of soft bread, over a thousand pounds of cheese, and countless vegetables besides. Gifts were also given to his councilors, in proportion. And having spent two days in that place—which is called Agiasmaten—he spread his sails and went to Chios. He followed the same course that he had in Lesbos, mooring his fleet against the mainland opposite the island; and the Chians, having no honor for him in his station there, did not emulate the generosity which the ruler of Lesbos had shown them. ^D For the Chians had but recently been slighted and harshly treated by the tyrant on account of a matter of forty thousand coins, which Franciscus Draperius, one of the leading men of Galata, had claimed as the price of alum that had been sold and demanded to be paid to him. This Franciscus had come with the fleet and with Hamza; and the tyrant had given orders to Hamza that if the debt was not paid to that Franciscus, he should attack Chios itself and raze it as much as he could. On the following day, the fleet set sail from the opposite shore and, having dropped anchor, stood near the church of the martyr Isidore. The Chians sent some men to greet him, and he gave them the tyrant’s orders; and having read them, they replied that "The debt we..."

owe to Francis we neither acknowledge nor pay; let him do as he pleases." ^A Then Hamzas, having landed the Turks and made a partial raid into the surrounding villages, caused damage to the vineyards and gardens, for there was nothing else he could do in the city. For the multitude of men was outside the city, while the interior was host to weaponry, as well as to hot-tempered Italians, ready for slaughter. The city was surrounded by double ditches extending to a great width and a depth of over three fathoms. The harbor itself was guarded by more than twenty ships from Genoa, all full of men and weapons. Then, when Hamzas saw that he could achieve nothing, he sent word to the leaders to have one or two of them come to have a talk with Francis on one of the triremes, having given them protections. Two of them, trusting him, went off—one of the elders named Cyricus Justinias, and the other a young man.

As they were proceeding on their way to the fleet, they were troubled and pressed by their own reasoning, saying to themselves: "If the Turk, having repented the promises he gave us, should wish to seize us while we are on the triremes, who will be there to oppose him or to say that he acted wickedly?" None of the Turks, but rather they will consider the deed a display of manly spirit and a clever maneuver. Amid these deliberations, the fleet was already close. ^B The closer they approached the fleet, the more fear took root in their souls. They turned the reins back and compelled their horses to run in the opposite direction. A multitude of Turks, therefore, having been found in the vineyards and gardens, leaped out and blocked their passage. Having caught them—the Franks who were following them not preventing it in any way, but on the contrary pelting them with missiles—they drove them back, and presented the two lords to the captain. Having taken them on board the trireme and raised the anchors and hoisted the sails, he sailed toward Rhodes.

When they arrived and viewed the city from afar, and saw the harbor full of large ships, all drawn up for battle, and the city of immense size, and realized the preparations were double those at Chios, they split the sea toward the island of Kos. Having disembarked there, ^C and finding the general town deserted, they plundered what was found, and having encountered a portion of old men and women, they asked them about the citizens. They said they had moved to another town, which is called Rachia ^D (20), as it was most fortified. Therefore, having taken them, the fleet crossed over to Rachia; having disembarked, they pitched their tents, and on the following day, having sought out the town and [having received] oaths that they would not be taken prisoner—the one who carried out the discourse was Francis—the people of the castle, the Frerii, through...

[index: entries preserved]

^A their skirmishes, drove them away without even giving a reply. Then Hamza, with those under him, having attacked the small town through breastworks, ladders, and siege engines, and by every other method, for twenty-two days, and having gained nothing, withdrew, having left behind many Turks, some slaughtered by the town and others by a stomach ailment. On the way, Hamza having spoken in words with Cyricus and having come to an agreement, both parties agreed to dispatch two of the nobles of Chios to the governor in Adrianople, one of whom was to be Cyricus, so that they might report the entire conduct to him, and they would remain steadfast in what was decreed by him. Having arrived in Chios, he released them to their homes. And they, as might be expected, honored both him and those with him.

But Fortune, looking askance with harsh eyes at the Chians, what snares she weaves! The Turks, having exited from the triremes and become drunk, began ^B to cause riots, to insult, and to commit other shameful acts. One Turk, having approached a certain church, began to throw tiles from the roof down and to break them. An Italian, having seen the Turk boldly breaking the tiles, strikes the Turk; other Turks ran up to his aid. Seeing this, the Christians, both Latins and Romans, all set upon the Turks, beating some with swords and others with clubs. The Turks, having been turned to flight, ran quickly to the bireme. For that bireme belonged to Hamza. Now Hamza had forbidden anyone to leave the triremes, threatening him who went out with the gallows; but those fleeing from the bireme, some into the sea, others into the bireme. The Christians ran behind them, beating them until they reached the bireme. And indeed all the Christians and Turks, having pressed upon one side of the bireme, caused the keel to turn upward and the roof deck to be immersed in the waters, and the Turks thrust the ship into the deep: all were drowned and perished—the guilty and the innocent—among whom was the head servant of Hamza, very dear to him and placed in charge of the management of his whole household. ^C Hamza was deeply grieved at this event, as were the nobles of the island. Nevertheless, the good sense of the man and the zeal of the nobles assuaged his anger; they gave him the price of the bireme, and of the servant, and of the things that had perished, doubled, and having made peace, they sent him away in peace.

When the fleet had reached Mitylene, the governor summoned him, and he entered the harbor. Having been sent by the governor, and having prepared a sumptuous dinner, I myself went aboard the trireme, and we dined together. In the morning, having left the harbor, he sailed toward Gallipoli—having been away for two whole months—and from Gallipoli, he arrived at Adrianople. The tyrant, having become angry at the ill-success of the voyage, both insulted and disparaged him, saying, "If I did not know the love [which he bore towards me, I would have flayed the skin from your flesh," thus speaking he drove him away ^D

^A After a few days, having learned from others what had happened in the bireme, and about the death by drowning, and how the Chians had raised a hand against the Turks and slaughtered them, he summoned Hamza ^B and asked in anger, saying: "Where is the bireme which was sunk by the Chians, O Hamza?" And he replied, "It was swallowed and overwhelmed by the deep," he said. The tyrant asked, "Was it while sailing?" Hamza answered, "No, master, but while it was standing in the harbor." "By whom?" said the prince. "By the Latins," said Hamza. "For the Turks, even though I did not wish it, went out, and having become heated with wine, they began to tear down the doors and roofs of the churches, and when the Latins saw them they restrained them, but they attacked them all the more. The base rabble, then, having pursued them in a disorderly fashion and entering the bireme, and leaning to one side of the ship, the sea poured inside, and being unable by reason of their drunkenness to balance it, it sank, and drowned them all completely." Then the tyrant said to Hamza, "And why did you not tell me of this occurrence?" He replied, ^C "I did not wish to burden you with grief, for the loss was measured against me; the ship was mine, the slaves who were drowned were mine, and everything in the ship was mine. What did I have to report to you, master? A number of Turks were drowned, and all were guilty of death and perished justly." Then Hamza ceased his defense, and the tyrant proclaimed implacable war against Chios. The aforementioned Franciscus, who was standing before the tribunal of the tyrant, was asked by the same: "Where are the forty thousand gold pieces, O Franciscus?" For he was owing this amount to the tyrant. He replied, "Go, be free from the debt from this moment. For I am such that I will demand double the amount from the Chians to cover what is mine, and the price of the blood of the Turks." Franciscus, having kissed the hand of the tyrant and received a written release, departed. Hamza was expelled from Gallipoli and sent to Attalia in Pamphylia ^D to govern there. Against Chios, however, he proclaimed enmity and implacable war.

In this same year, on the 30th of June, the prince of the island of Lesbos, Dorinus Gateluzus, died. And on the first of August, I was sent by the new prince, his son Dominicus Gateluzus, to Adrianople, to pay the annual taxes which were given, three thousand gold pieces for the island of Lesbos, and two thousand three hundred and twenty-five for the island of Lemnos. For it was near [this island that the island was given by the tyrant to the prince of Lesbos, to provide annually ...]

the prescribed tribute; and to the governor of Ainos ^A he gave the island of Imbros, that he too might provide for the same island one thousand two hundred gold coins. Having arrived therefore according to custom, I did obeisance to the governor, kissed his hand, and sat before him until he had eaten his midday meal, after which I paid my respects and departed. On the following day, having received the gold pieces, I came and surrendered them into the hands of the viziers. When they had received the tribute, they asked me, saying: "How is the prince of Mitylene? Is he in good health?" I replied, "He is in good health and sends his greetings to you." They continued, "We are asking about the elder, the lord of the whole island." I replied again, "He passed away forty days ago. He who now rules is his son, who was proclaimed prince six years ago. For as the father was bedridden and lying infirm, he voluntarily ceded the principality to his son, who indeed came to the city once and twice to do obeisance to the Great Prince and to offer him congratulations." They said, "Dismiss what you say. Today it happens ^B that he cannot be called Prince of Lesbos unless he has approached the most high Prince and received the principality from him. Go, therefore, and take care to bring him here. If he does not obey, he knows what will happen." Therefore, having returned to Mitylene, I brought the Prince of Lesbos with several prominent Latin and Roman men. Placing our hope in God, we set sail from the island and, having crossed the Chersonese, we arrived at Adrianople. But the prince kept changing his residence on account of the sweeping plague; for the contagion of this pestilential disease was so ruinous to the Chersonese and the whole of Thrace that unburied corpses were lying in the crossroads. When we discovered that the prince was staying in Philippopolis, we hastened there; but after we arrived, we learned that he had departed two days earlier on account of the violence of the raging disease and had moved toward the parts of Sofia. Leaving Philippopolis, therefore, and having crossed the steep and rugged mountains, on the third day we arrived at a certain Bulgarian village called Izlati. ^C There the camp with the tyrant was situated. Having arrived and appeared before the high officials, the Pasha Mahmoud and the Pasha Seit Achmet, with the many gifts, on the following day we appeared before the Prince. And after the Prince of Mitylene had kissed the hand of the tyrant, we departed. On the next day, a message came through the high officials to our prince from the tyrant, to the effect that he desired the island of Thasos as a gift, and he requested that it be donated by him. The Prince of Lesbos, having nothing with which to contradict or speak, bestowed the island. On the following day, another message came, that he wished to have the tribute, which he received annually, doubled. The Mitylenean, taking this painfully, replied: "He can take all of Lesbos too, if he wishes to have it: but what he asks of me is far beyond my strength and resources; nevertheless, I ask you, lords, to assist me in this matter." The *mesazones*, regarding this matter with the tyrant...

added another thousand gold pieces, and no more; for whereas he had been receiving three thousand gold pieces annually, it became four thousand. Then they clothed him in a gold-woven garment, and us in silk, and having drawn up written oaths, we departed, and after thirteen days we arrived at the island of Lesbos, all of us praising God, who had delivered us from the hands of the avenging demon.

The tyrant, as we have mentioned, having fitted out a small fleet, ten triremes and ten other biremes—while we were still ^B in Philippopolis—gave command of it to a young and handsome Genoese, whom he had also appointed governor of Gallipolis and *grand conostaulus* of the fleet; and having departed from the Hellespont, he sailed against Chios. When he had come to the Troad, and as he began to unfurl his sails from the Troad, behold, a heavy storm and a great sound of winds. As a heavy wind blew, churning the sea, and the violence compelled the passengers to direct their course elsewhere with their ships, five of the twenty were sunk, and two went aground on the shores ^C and were wrecked. But the Genoese *conostaulus*'s navigator, skilled in such squalls and agitations of the sea (for he was a Latin, a Spaniard by birth), by turning the stern and skillfully and gently cutting the troughs of the waves with the rudders, sailed upon the open sea. Having passed Chios from the west, and having traversed the Cyclades islands that entire day, and the weather having quieted during the night, they presented themselves in the morning at the eastern side of Chios; and having recognized it to be that island, they sent up hymns of thanksgiving ^D to God and to their prophet Mohammed. O the abyss of the judgments of God! In such a swell and violent disturbance of the sea, how was the ship not submerged? But because of our sins, the disciple of the tyrant was saved. For it was the only trireme, the one separated from the Genoese's course. The remaining ones, having been saved, found refuge in the harbor of Mitylene. They questioned the inhabitants about their leader, and when they learned that he had not been seen in those parts, they remained in distress. Then, as evening was already falling, a sail appeared from the side of Chios, like a bireme sailing. This was the Mitylenean bireme sent by the brother of the ruler to Chios, to learn whether any piratical ships of the Catalans had arrived from the west, so that they might give notice to their neighbors, the Turks, to be on their guard. For from the beginning this was the charge of the Lesbians, in their ignoble slavery: to avoid being late in giving report of the arrival of pirates, so that if any damage should occur to the Turks, the Lesbians themselves would be obliged to make restitution to the Turks for what was lost. Ismaelis Bullialdi notæ.

notæ.

^A ...and the limits of his authority [extended] from the mouth of the river Pergamon [(24)] as far as the city of Assos, which is now called Machramion. After the bireme entered the port, another sail was seen from afar, and from the breadth of the canvas and the variety of its colors, those watching conjectured that the commander of the fleet was approaching, and they were filled with joy. He finally arrived in the port and, having disembarked onto land, he rested from the great tossing and swelling of the sea beneath tents erected by his servants. Sir [that is, lord] Nicolaus Gateluzus, the brother of the prince of Lesbos, having made a great banquet to receive him, descended from the fortress to the tent and, after sitting for a little while, returned. Then the disciple of the wicked Alastor [the devil], being angered, fabricated a scheme against him, saying: "The bireme which I have pursued up to this point belongs to me, both it and everything that is in it" (there was, in fact, inside it one of the women from the leading families of Chios, the most noble, having with her much finery of gold and silver). "If, therefore, you are friends of my master, surrender it to me; if not, at this very hour I shall write of these things to the Great Amiras." They replied: "We do not know of what you speak; for the bireme was sent by us on other necessary business of ours to Chios. The noble lady, moreover, of whom you speak, has been here for a long time." She was indeed the mother-in-law of the prince [(25)], and when he was about to depart, he had called her to stay with his lady and her daughter; and in truth this is how it really stands. But the commander, having heard these things and not believing them, wrote to the Amiras ^B what he wished; and having departed from there for Phocaea, he came to what is called the New [City], and sent a message to the magistrates and the podestà of the region to come out and meet with him. They, however, had come out even before the message arrived, and met him. Then the commander showed them and read the orders of the tyrant, for it was written that if they did not willingly surrender the little town, they would all be utterly taken captive and the city razed to the ground. ^C The people of the city, without a word or reply, betraying the land, let them inside. They seized the goods and property of the Genoese merchants who were trading there, and threw the merchants themselves into the triremes. After they had listed all the townspeople, they carried off about a hundred boys and girls, and having installed one of the Turks as guardian of the little town and having spent fifteen days there, the triremes departed on the fifteenth day of the month of November of the year [1455]. When the triremes arrived at Callipolis and the commander learned that the prince ^D was staying in Constantinople, he himself rode on horseback, and taking the captives along with the boys, he departed. The prince, having seen the merchants and learned that they were Genoese, [ordered them to come]. But the prince of Lesbos, having set out for Mitylene, and having been informed by his brother of what had happened: that...

Ismaelis Bullialdi notæ. (24) Of the river Pergamon. This river so called, formerly the Caicus; which flows past Pergamon, the homeland of Galen; it received its name from that city in these later centuries. (25) For she was the mother-in-law of the prince. She was, therefore, the wife of Paris Justiniani of Chios. See below at the following chapter. Final note.

^A he ordered to be sold, and this was done. The prince of Lesbos, having come to Mytilene and learned from his own brother what had occurred, and how the [Genoese] commander was seeking his mother-in-law, as she was one of the noble ladies there on Chios, and the rest, sent me to make a defense concerning this matter. Having arrived in Constantinople and spoken before the viziers together with the Genoese commander, and having stated on oath the whole truth—while the Genoese swore to the whole lie—he was acquitted, and I was condemned. The prince therefore ordered me to choose one of two things: either to pay ten thousand gold coins, or for a battle to be fought. I, resisting such a great injustice, he himself, by an order of which some were unaware, sent one of his servants and seized the so-called "Old Phocaea," which belonged to the prince of Lesbos, on the 24th day of December of the year 6964 [1455]. Then, when the tyrant learned of the capture of Phocaea, he released me and put an end to the lawsuit. Having departed from Constantinople on the 24th of January, he went down to Aenos and took it; and having taken boys and girls, he turned back to Adrianople. The prince of Aenos was staying at that time on the island of Samothrace.

CHAPTER XLV

^D Summer was now beginning when the tyrant ordered a great fleet to be prepared against Chios. The Chians, having learned of this, sent envoys, and after much struggle they agreed to give—on account of the bireme and the Turks who had perished with it—thirty thousand gold coins, and an annual tribute of ten thousand. Having thus made peace, they went away. But the Lemnians, having ill-will against their leader Nicholas, secretly sent some of their lords to ask the tyrant for one of his servants to govern the island. He, having heard the proposal eagerly, informed the eunuch Ismael, who was at that time governor of Gallipoli (for he had expelled the Genoese and was overseeing the province of Caria). This Ismael was brought in as *constabularius* and governor in the Chersonese. He therefore ordered him to go to Lemnos with triremes and to hand over the island to the servant Hamza, to govern and administer as is right. While these things were being done, the prince of Lesbos, having sent one of his biremes and a ship with a hundred men or more, having as commanders a certain John Fontana and Spineta Columbotus, entrusted them [with instructions] that if they saw the Lemnians had repented of what they had done, they should look upon them kindly, and through gentle words and agreements, [bring] the island back to him.

If not, they were to take his brother ^A Nicholas and return. He was dwelling in the old fortress. But they did not act in this way; instead, they emerged in arms and fought. The Lemnians, however, having sallied forth on horseback, some five hundred in number, routed them—cutting some down and pursuing others into the sea, where they drowned. They captured forty men by hand. The rest, who had remained in the bireme and ship, took Nicholas and sailed back to Lesbos. Three days later, Ismael also arrived in Lemnos, bringing Hamza, the new governor. Upon learning what had happened, he praised the Lemnians. Taking the Lesbians as prisoners, he returned to Gallipoli in the month of May of the year [1456]. ^B Having informed the tyrant of the events in Lemnos, it kindled his wrath against Lesbos and its ruler. Being presently turned toward Belgrade with a huge army and vast siege equipment, he undertook the expedition with the intention of taking it. After the city was encircled by a blockade, the wall demolished by stone-throwing engines, and sixty vessels intercepted in their navigation of the river, the assault reached such a point that the Turks entered and began to plunder. Then the aforementioned Jancus (as my account has already mentioned), having crossed the river—for he had arrived that very day—entered, ^C pursued them, and, striking and cutting some down, drove them out of the city. Having gone forth from the gate himself with a great force of soldiers, he captured all the war materiel. And having slaughtered many of the Turks, and even wounded the tyrant himself in the thigh, he finally returned into the city and set fire to the Turkish ships. The tyrant, having suffered humiliation and a repulse, returned to Adrianople, threatening to campaign against Belgrade in the new year. These events took place in the month of July of that same year. In the month of August, I was sent to pay the annual tribute that the prince of Lesbos owes. ^D Having paid it, I asked for those whom the Lemnians had handed over as faithless, but he did not wish to give them up; rather, he ordered that their heads be cut off, for they were imprisoned in Adrianople. As they were being led to the place of execution, the tyrant, moved by regret, ordered that they be sold, and they were sold for one thousand gold coins. In the year 6965 [1457], eleven triremes arrived from Rome, having as their commander the patriarch of Aquileia, sent by Pope Callistus to provide aid to the islands adjacent to the Turks, such as Rhodes, Chios, Lesbos, Lemnos, Imbros, Samothrace, and Thasos.

They arrived at Rhodes, ^A which was under the Pope and had refused to pay tribute to the Turks. Setting sail from Rhodes, they arrived in Chios, requesting that they not pay tribute to the Turks, but rather choose to fight; but they did not consent. Likewise, the inhabitants of Lesbos did the same. And then, from Lesbos, having gathered the Pope’s ships, along with those of the Catalans and other pirate ships—numbering up to forty—they departed for Lemnos, and after taking that island, they arrived in Samothrace (28), and having taken it as well, they came to Thasos. And having placed guards on the islands and secured them well, they returned to Rhodes.

Then the tyrant, learning of what had happened, wrote the entire case to the governor of Lesbos and, having stirred up a fierce war against him, prepared a heavy fleet and sent it in the month of August to Lesbos, having as its commander Ishmael. And when he had arrived at Methymna, and had attempted many methods and mechanical operations through stone-throwing engines and scaling ladders and mining, he gained nothing; on the contrary, he lost many of his own men, and thus returned unsuccessful.

In the ^B year six thousand—he sends to the despots of the Peloponnese a servant with a fearful command, arguing: "How is it that you willingly promised to pay me as tribute ten thousand coins per year, but now I see you despising me and neglecting the treaties? Choose, therefore, the better of two options: either pay what is owed, and there will be friendship between us, or quickly depart, leaving the territory to my dominion." For they were in arrears for three years of payment.

In this same year, envoys were sent by the Comani (29), from the one who was lord over the parts of Armenia and neighbor to the Colchians, Uzun Hasan (30), who was demanding from him certain matters of contempt, saying that he owed him ^C tribute for sixty years, to be given every year with a thousand horse-caparisons for his horses, and a thousand harnesses, and a thousand head-dresses, which his grandfather had ordered to be paid annually to the grandfather of that one. And he replied: "Go in peace, and in the coming year I will bring these things with me and I will pay the debt."

That winter, the tyrant began to build at the edge of the city, at the place called the Golden Gate (31), a small fortress which John the elder, the emperor, had wished ^D to build, but Baiazid, the tyrant’s great-grandfather, had forbidden him. But when spring had already begun, having assembled his forces, he moved into the Peloponnese, and Corinth was received by him through surrender without the crisis of war. Being made informed of those things which were being done, the despots—the one, Thomas, namely, headed for Italy with his wife and children; the other, Demetrios, submitted himself to the tyrant of his own will and paid him homage. Thus, with the whole of the Peloponnese subdued and governors imposed upon it, he returned to Adrianople, taking Demetrios with his whole house and the other palace officials along with him.

He ^B massacred the chieftains of the Albanians, leaving no other stronghold intact except Monemvasia, and that against his will and reluctantly. As for the naval expedition, he sent about one hundred and eighty biremes and triremes into the Aegean Sea and among the Cyclades islands against the enemy; having achieved nothing, he transported two thousand families and as many boys from the Peloponnese. These youths were enrolled as military recruits, and for the families, a part of the city of Constantinople was granted as a dwelling place.

He spent the winter partly in Adrianople and partly in Constantinople, where he had a vessel of enormous size constructed. In the city he also built a theatre, which is called the clothing market, and in Persian, *Bezestan* [(53)]. In the following year, he prepared a fleet of about two hundred triremes and biremes, and ten ships. As the year turned, having crossed the straits, he came to Prusa in Bithynia, with no one knowing or sensing his plan, and I shall relate something miraculous regarding this. His doctor of law, who was also judge of judges at that time, relying on the familiarity he had with the prince and the respect shown to him by the prince, when he was alone with him, audaciously inquired: "My lord, where do you command this army, prepared by land and sea, to be moved?" The tyrant looked at him with somewhat of a scowl and said: "Heus, you, learn this from me: if I knew that one single hair of my beard was conscious of my secret, I would pull it out and burn it in the fire." So dissimulating and irascible was he by nature. ^C The fame of this expedition terrified not only the Wallachians who inhabit Lycostomium [(54)], but also the Caphatini, the Trapezuntines, and the Sinopians, as well as the islands of the Aegean Sea, Rhodes and its surrounding small islands. Even Chios and Lesbos, although they were tributary, dreaded his inconstant and fickle spirit.

Departing from Bithynia, the prince reached Ancyra in Galatia, where, after he had pitched his camp, the son of the prince of Sinope was sent to him by his father with very many gifts; he approached in a servile habit and manner, showing reverence. Having been received humanely and kindly by the prince, he listened to whatever matters were to be conveyed to his father, with the intention of fulfilling the messenger's duty himself before his parent. These were of this kind: "You shall announce to your father that I greatly desire that he hand over Sinope to me; if he should depart of his own accord, and not compelled by force, I will grant him the prefecture of Philippopolis as a gift. But if he refuses to obey, I will arrive shortly." Meanwhile, the fleet arrived at Sinope by the Pontic sea. The son of Ishmael, the prince of Sinope, having also traveled to his father, reported all the words of the tyrant. Moreover, the report that the fleet had arrived at Sinope ^D [caused fear].

The ruler, having departed from Bithynia, came to Ancyra of Galatia, and having pitched his tents there, the ruler of Sinope sent his son with a great many gifts, and having met him, he did obeisance in a servile manner. ^A He received him gladly, and announced to him what was to be made known to his own father, and through him—as a messenger of the things to be said—he declared everything, saying: "Announce to your father that I desire Sinope; and if he should freely yield it, I for my part will graciously return to him the province of Philippopolis; but if not, I am coming quickly." The fleet arrived at Sinope by way of the Pontic sea. The son of Ismael, the ruler of Sinope, went to his father and announced to him all the things spoken by the tyrant.

But the tyrant, having learned ^B that the ascent of the fleet had taken place at Sinope, was himself journeying thither by land. And Ismael, being at a loss, went out of Sinope, and having met him, did obeisance in a servile manner. The tyrant received him pleasantly, commanding all his treasures to be taken, and horses, and mules, and camels, and whatever else he possessed in his treasuries, and that no one should touch anything belonging to him. Having then set Sinope in good order, and having appointed one of his own slaves as ruler, he himself proceeded further into the interior of Armenia. ^C The aforementioned ruler, Uzun Hasan, was spending his time in the mountainous borders of Persia with his men, not having the strength to confront the tyrant face to face. Having crossed Armenia, and having passed the river Phasis, he captured some territories, while others he bypassed, not being able to conquer them; and having ascended the Caucasian mountains with much toil and lack of necessities, he descended into Colchis. And truly, having arrived at Trebizond, he sent to the Emperor of Trebizond to choose the better of two options: either to hand over the empire to the tyrant without any loss of any of his existing treasures—silver, ^D gold, copper, and any other kind of property, of male and female slaves, and every other movable possession—or, along with the empire, to lose these things as well, and his life besides. Having heard these things, the emperor went out with his whole household and did obeisance. For the fleet had departed from Sinope for Trebizond many days before, but it was accomplishing nothing by fighting every day, until the tyrant arrived by land. When the emperor went out with his wife and children, he did obeisance. This was David Komnenos, the son of Alexios Komnenos, and broth-

- ^A er of John Komnenos, the former emperor, whom he sent to Constantinople together with the triremes, with his whole family and others [Koryroi?], his uncles and cousins, and with the nobles and aristocrats of the palace; each of them carrying his personal property, apart from his immovable assets. He himself, having governed the affairs of Trebizond well, returned after having completed a full year in that exile. In the year 6930 [1422], he sent an envoy to the Vaivode of Walachia (38) notifying him to come quickly to pay homage, being accompanied by 40 children and the annual tribute prescribed, which was ten thousand gold pieces. He replied that while he was ready to pay the gold, he could not provide the children; and as for his own coming to pay homage, this was even more impossible.

Having heard this, the tyrant became enraged, and having dispatched one of his prominent men accompanied by one of his secretaries, he said: "Bring the tribute to me, and I will consider the rest." They arrived and declared the contents of the message to the Walachian, who first placed them on stakes—a death inhumane, painful, and disgraceful; then, having crossed over with his army, he fell upon parts of Dystra (39), and having taken a large rabble of people in Walachia and having brought them across, he meted out the same death of the stake to all of them, ending their lives. And one of the leading commanders of the tyrant from those borders, wishing to show some prowess, passed into Walachia with ten thousand Turks. The Walachian engaged them in battle; those whom he killed in the conflict he slew, and those whom he had captured alive he condemned—all of them, as well as their commander Hamza—to the cruel death of the stake.

When the tyrant learned this, he was filled with dizziness and confusion, and having gathered power from everywhere exceeding 150 thousand, in the spring he set out from Adrianopolis and arrived at the Danube. Having pitched his tents there, he waited until his entire force was gathered into one body. The Walachian, for his part, moved everyone under his command into gorges and wooded places, and having left the plains deserted, and having driven all manner of animals into the inner borders toward the Alans and Huns (40), he himself spent the days in the thick forests and in secure places with the army under him. ^C The tyrant, having crossed the Danube and traversed a distance of seven days, found neither man nor animal, nor any food or drink. Upon finally arriving at a grassy and well-situated place, he saw stakes planted by the myriads, heavy with dead bodies instead of fruits; and in their midst, the aforementioned Hamza wearing the purple and scarlet robes he had worn, being pierced upon the stake. Seeing this threat, the tyrant was struck with horror, ^D and on that very night in which he had pitched his camp, he kept himself confined within, having dug trenches around it. At the crack of dawn, the Walachian led his troops, drawn up in battle array, and having chanced upon the right wing of the camp, he suddenly broke into it; and until daybreak arrived, he caused a great slaughter of the Turks, with countless numbers being slain. The Turks, trembling in the darkness and unable to recognize the enemy, wounded one another. When it was light, the Walachians retreated into their own camp and remained there. The tyrant then broke camp, retreated in disgrace, crossed the Danube, and returned to Adrianopolis. In the year [of Christ 1462], having equipped a fleet of sixty triremes and seven ships, in the month of September he set sail for the island of Lesbos; but he approached by land, having taken his forces with him. He approached the island from Nicosia…

his tents, he raised fortifications and lay in an entrenchment of ditches. The Vlach, having waited for dawn and having drawn up those under him well, descended while it was still dark, and having chanced upon the right side of the trench, he entered suddenly, and until morning he slaughtered more than can be numbered. Many of the Turks killed one another until the day shone forth. When morning had come, the Vlachs went into their sheepfolds to sleep, but the tyrant, having risen ashamed, crossed the Danube and came to Adrianople. ^B In the first year, having made ready a fleet of sixty triremes and biremes and seven ships, he came down to the island of Lesbos in the month of September, and he himself came by land along with an army. Having arrived, therefore, he demanded the island (41) from the ruler, Nicholas Gateluzo, who was the brother of Dominic (42), who had ruled before, whom the aforementioned Nicholas had deposed from the lordship and strangled. He himself had been established as ruler of Lesbos for four years in his lordship. Now Nicholas had securely prepared Mytilene with war-making equipment, a multitude of weapons, and the digging of ditches and casting up of earthworks, and he sat in the middle with a great number of combatants, more than five thousand, and a rabble of people along with women and children, more than twenty thousand. The tyrant having crossed from Hagiasmation and requested the city along with the island, Nicholas answered: "It is not possible to surrender the city and the island, unless first they themselves shall have been killed by the law of war." Then the tyrant, having crossed the strait again, left his own vizier, Mahmut, to besiege Mytilene. And indeed, having placed stone-throwing engines directly opposite, and throwing stones at the one part of the city called Melanoudion, he razed it to the ground; similarly also from other sides the fortifications and the towers. Being aware, then, those inside...

BRIEF CHRONICLE

196-198 BRIEF CHRONICLE

From a manuscript book of the Royal Library.

Argos became a metropolis in the year 6597. John was the one promoted to be metropolitan in the 88th throne. It was later reduced to the 107th. In the year 6695 the Saracens captured the holy sepulcher of the Lord Christ. In the year 6711 the Franks captured Constantinople. In the year 6768 Lord Andronicus Palaiologos took Constantinople from the Franks. In the year 6856 the great pestilence occurred. In the year 6857 the Despot Cantacuzenus came to the Morea. In the year 6880 occurred the second pestilence. In the year 6882 occurred the third pestilence. In the year 6888 occurred the feast of Pascha, and the Despot Cantacuzenus died. In the year 6896 occurred the fourth pestilence. The Despot Palaiologos the Porphyrogenitus came to the Morea. Branezis came by the will of the despot, and traveled throughout the Morea.

^A A. M. A. C. 6597 1089 Argos became a metropolis. John, who at that time presided over that church, was promoted to the dignity of metropolitan and obtained the 88th throne, which was later reduced to the 107th. 6695 1187 The Saracens occupied the holy sepulcher of the Lord. 6711 1203 The Franks occupied Constantinople. 6768 1260 Lord Andronicus Palaiologos took Constantinople, having expelled the Franks. 6856 1348 A great pestilence raged. 6857 1349 Despot Cantacuzenus set out for the Morea. 6880 1372 Second pestilence. 6882 1374 Third pestilence. 6888 1380 On the feast of Pascha, Despot Cantacuzenus departed this life. 6896 1388 Fourth pestilence. Despot Palaiologos the Porphyrogenitus came into the Morea. Branezis came into the Morea and traversed it by the will of the Lord.

^B Notes of Ismael Bullialdus.

(43) "Argos." This was done by the Emperor Alexios Komnenos, who began to reign in the year 1081. Codinus in his *Exposition of Thrones*, written by the Emperor Andronikos the Elder, says that the metropolitan of Argos, while he was in the 88th [throne], was reduced to the 105th seat.

(44) "They took." It happened in October about the surrender of Jerusalem, after the besieged had endured a siege of 14 days. Saladin, after the recovery of Jerusalem, on the 3rd day of July had captured Guy the king, having conquered him.

(45) "The Franks." This error is admitted; for it happened in the year of Christ 1204, of the world 6712.

(46) "Palaiologos took." It is impossible that Constantinople was taken from the Latins by Palaiologos when he was only two years old, as Gregoras noted, lib. IV, who also teaches that Caesar Alexios Strategopoulos captured the city by ruse and through the treachery of certain others. An error is also detected in the numbers: it is indeed true that the Latins were expelled from the city in [the year of] Christ 1261; in the year 1260, however, Michael Palaiologos the First took it.

(47) "Great pestilence." [The term] *thanatikon* commonly refers to plague and contagious diseases.

(48) "He came to the Morea." This Cantacuzenus was called Manuel, and he was the son of the Emperor John Cantacuzenus. Phrantzes, lib. I, cap. 13.

(49) "Feast of Pascha." [It happened] in that year on March 25, cycle of the moon 13, sun 17, indiction 3.

(50) "The Despot Palaiologos." He was Theodore the Porphyrogenitus, son of the Emperor John, and brother of Manuel. Phrantzes, lib. I, cap. 15.

(51) "Branezis." Regarding him, see Phrantzes, lib. I, cap. 20.

Chronicon Breve

^A In the year 6923, the lord Emperor Manuel Palæologus came to the Morea, and he built the Hexamilion in the month of May; and on the 30th day of March, on Great Saturday, he subdued the princes of the Morea. In the year 6926, the eighth pestilence occurred. In the same year, the Anavarezi came to Tabia. On the 17th day of December, 6929, there was a terrible storm, with a multitude of rain, and a clashing of thunder and lightning in Nauplia, and the Narthex of Saint Andrew was destroyed, and the doors of the church were opened, and tombs were opened, and the bell fell, and signs appeared on the walls and on the doors as if from sword-blows.

^B In the year 6929, in the 14th indiction, on the 21st day of January, on Tuesday, Siguntonanis, the bishop of the Latins, transferred the precious relics of the most holy Peter, bishop of Nauplia and Argos, from Argos to the episcopal see of Nauplia. And those who were present there say that when they opened that holy tomb, there was an earthquake in the place, and a very great fragrance went forth, and filled the space and the air. And the tomb appeared filled with light. And the precious relics were lying there in a holy manner, from which some of the faithful took parts and many healings occurred.

In the year 6930, on the second day of the week of Diacænesimus, that is, on the day after Easter, a great earthquake occurred, and immediately the pestilence began to ravage the Morea indiscriminately.

^C In the year 6931, on the 22nd day of May, the Turk Turachanes came with an army to the Hexamilion, and he took it and destroyed it. Then he came to Lacedæmonia, then to Leontopolis, then to Gardikon, then to Tabia. And there, on the 5th day of June, they slaughtered the Albanite forces.

Notes by Ismael Bullialdus on Ducas, Chapter 20

In the year 6938, the Muslims ^A seized Thessalonica. In the year 6939, occurred the ninth plague. In the year 6947, occurred the so-called eighth synod ^B at Florence. In the year 6952, in the 7th indiction, on the 20th of December, the lord Constantine Despot Palaiologos came from Constantinople to the Morea, and took possession of the lordship of the Morea. But his brother, the lord Theodore Porphyrogenitos, the Despot of the Morea, went to Constantinople so that he might be named emperor. But he failed in his purpose, for his brother, the lord John, reigned. In the year 6952, in the month of March, the lord Constantine Palaiologos, Despot of the Morea, rebuilt the Hexamilion ^C; and the same man took Thebes of the seven gates, and raided as far as Livadeia, and Zeitounion, and the region of the Agrapha. In the year 6955, in the 10th indiction, the most holy metropolitan lord Malachias came to Corinth after the passing of the most holy Mark. In the year 6955 of the world, and in the year 1446 of the divine incarnation, on Saturday, the 3rd of December, the Turk Amiras Ahmetes Amorates came with an army of 60,000 to the Corinthian Hexamilion. And on the following day, towards evening, the war began; and the battle having been intense throughout the whole night, in the morning the wall was seen by those who were plotting against it, and the Romans turned to flight, and the Turks entered, and pursued them, and some they slew, some they took captive, and seized infinite multitudes, and armor, and animals, and wealth. Then they went to the Basilica, then to Vostitsa, and burned it, and took it captive likewise. And also to Patras, except for ^D the Koulan, and it is also the places around these. And the captivity became very severe, and thus it turned back. In the year 6959, the Amiras Amorates died, and his son, the Celebis, took the command; and he...

taking up the rule, built Neokastron and began to seek the city of Constantine. Having broken the peace, he gathered an infinite multitude and assembled an army by both land and sea. He besieged the city, encircling it; he began to make war upon it. Having constructed many engines and having organized the formation of infantry and cavalry, and having filled the harbor with ships, he pressed the war from both sides. And he captured it in the month of May, on the 29th, at the third hour, in the year 6961, of the first indiction.

In the year 6961, in the 4th indiction, on the 29th of May, a star ^A appeared in the sky, rising and pouring forth what looked like smoke for many days. In the year 6964, in the 4th indiction, in the month of June, the city of Athens was delivered into the hands of the Muslims. In the year 6964, in the 4th indiction, there occurred a failure and lack of all crops, and the people, due to famine, ate herbs, grasses, roots, grape seeds, and wild fruits. Five pounds of grain cost more than thirty, and even then, it could not be found. In the year 6966, in the month of May, the Amiras Mehmed Chelebi came with an army of sixty thousand into the Morea and took Patras [and] Mouchli, and on the 6th of August, he took Corinth. In the year 6968, the same Amiras came a second time into the Morea and took Mesithra, and captured Lord Demetrios the Despot, together with the Queen his wife and his daughter, whom they took to the Sarai in the month of May, on the 30th, in the 7th indiction. In the year 6971, in the month of April, on the 3rd, the day of the Sunday of Palms, the Argives surrendered the region of Argos into the hands of the Turks; and on the 25th of the month of July, on the second day of the week, the Turks drove them out of Argos and exiled them with their wives and children to Constantinople. And on the 5th of August, the Venetians took the same Argos. In the year 6972, the Venetian authorities gathered an army by land and sea, of cavalry and infantry and very many ships at Nauplion, and on the 1st of September, it went to the Hexamilion, and they began to build and wall it off as a fortress; and they also made war upon Corinth. And, a quarrel having arisen in their midst, the assembly was dissolved.

^A In the year 6975, in the month of March, Abar-begus came with a great multitude of people and craftsmen, and he built the tower of Argos, and took a guard, and held it.

In the year 6978, in the 8th indiction, the Amiras came with a great army of cavalry and infantry, and with three hundred and sixty ships, large and small, by sea to Euripus. And he warred against it by day and by night with many siege engines from the 12th of June until the 12th of July. And on the 12th of July, a Thursday, the same Amiras, Mehemet Tzalapes, took it after much bloodshed and a powerful battle. An immense multitude perished on both sides. And in this way he took the entire island.

In the year 6985, on the 17th of June, our most high authority, the Venetians, made peace with the Turk. ^{B C}

In the year 7007, our authority made war with the Turk, and in the same year the Turk took Naupactus.

In the year 7008, he took Mothocorone.

In the year 7011, he made peace with the Turk.

In the year 7020, the Amiras Bajazites died, and his son and successor (Selimes I) took up the rule of the empire. And in the same year, he waged war against his brother Ahmetes, and, having been betrayed by his own magnates, he was captured by guile, and he ordered him to be strangled with a bowstring.

In the year 7021, he seized the two children of Ahmetes and had them put to death. And in the same year, he seized his other brother, Corcutes, and put him to death.

In the year 7022, on the 16th of April, there was a great earthquake in Zacynthus, so that most houses collapsed in the upper fortress, and a portion of the lower part collapsed, and many people were crushed and perished.

In the year 7022, Selimes gathered a great army of cavalry and infantry, amounting to over two hundred thousand, and went into Persia against the Sophin. And on the 21st of the month of August, at the second hour of the night, they gave battle in the territory of the Sophin, and the Sophin broke him, and he slaughtered from the army of Salemes more than forty thousand, and Salemes turned... ^D

back, broken. And the Sophin again took Tabriz, and their Scamnion, and all the territory that Salemes had taken from him.

In the year 7025, Sultan Salemes took Cairo 85, and the entire dominion of the Sultan, and he seized the Sultan and put him to a bitter death; he was named Sultan Barak. This is interpreted in the Greek tongue as "blessed king."

In the year 7029, on the 26th of September, the impious emir, Sultan Selimes 86, having reigned for nine years, died. He was a brave man, temperate, and a just judge. He loved the Christians greatly, and especially the Church of Christ. In his time, many churches of the Christians were raised up; he gave simple authority in his time for the old churches simply to be rebuilt. This man said, "Let all the houses of God be adorned," and alongside the old churches, very many new ones were built from their foundations. In the same year, his son Suleiman, aged twenty-three, took the kingdom and sat upon the throne of the empire in the same month of September, on the 26th day, in Adrianople.

In the year 7029, in the month of June, Sultan Suleiman prepared an army of forty thousand horsemen and footmen, which went into Hungary, and he warred against Belgrade 87, and on the 2nd of August he took it, and returned again to Adrianople.

In the year 7022 [sic, read 7030], in June, Sultan Suleiman prepared an army by land of two hundred thousand, and a fleet of two hundred and seventy vessels—galleys, caravelas, and fustas—and he went to Rhodes, and he warred against it with many siege engines from the month of June until December. And on the 25th of that same month, that wretched city was delivered into his hands 88. He granted permission, and whoever wished went out.

Before this Suleiman reigned, a certain Hebrew magician went to him and said: "Hear me, my Sultan, and know for certain that you are to reign." Sultan Suleiman received such words by asking, "After how much time is this to happen?" The Hebrew replied, "By the three letters of the alphabet it is known to me; but whether by those, years, months, or other intervals of time are to be understood, I do not know." With these and other things, which... [index: entries preserved]

were necessary, having been spoken, Sultan Suleiman said that, "If I reign, I will give you as much salary as you wish." And he made for him a written agreement; and according to the word of the Hebrew, he reigned, and the letters being ^A numbered, the Hebrew was found to be true. The Hebrew came, and having asked for the salary according to the written document of the lord, he received it, and many other honors. He asked him about his reign, what was to happen. The Hebrew, carried along by malice, or truly as he was taught by his divinations, said that the Christians who are in the city are intending to create a sedition, and to crown a king today in the city; and they, together with him, will revolt against your power, and for this reason, your kingdom should foresee a way to cut them down, so that they might not complete the deed. He held a council with his protosymbuloi, that he might cut down the Christians. And one of his grandees, ^B by name Piri Bassa, dissuaded him from that illegal and unjust impulse, saying to him: "My Sultan, such great matters are from God; and if they are from God, we cannot oppose them, so that we might not be found fighting against God; but if they are from men, allow us, your servants, that we might take vengeance."

In this same year, God showed a sign of such a kind in Constantinople, on the great Sunday of Easter. At midnight the Dervishes rose, and went to Saint Sophia, to perform their rituals according to their custom. And having come into the courtyards of the temple, they heard psalmody, and saw a great light in the temple; and drawing near, they found the doors open, and heard voices of psalmody, the "Christ is risen." Having heard it, ^C they quickly gave notice to the lord. He came in person, and heard, and saw with his eyes, ordering that they should go up to the gallery to observe whether it was from men, or some such operation. And immediately both the light and the psalmody vanished. And again he rushed to cut down the Christians, if the same Piri Bassa had not again turned him from his impulse.

In the year 1522, in July, the King of Spain took Genoa by the sword, and slaughtered thirty-five thousand souls therein.

In the year 1523, Ahmet Bassa was sent by the Emir Sultan Suleiman to Cairo, to govern it. Because of envy, since the said Emir loved the Ibrahim Bassa—unsubmissive—and ^D

became a rebel 90. And he cut down all those he found who wished to be in subjection to the said Emir; and the relatives of that same place raised up the said Bassa and made him sultan, whose brother was Flambouriaris 91 in the Morea. The said Emir sent, and they beheaded him in Methone; they flayed the skin from the head, and carried it to Constantinople.

The said Ahmet, the newly-made sultan, gathered all the Jews who were under him, and slaughtered them, and confiscated their property, from which he gathered an infinite amount of wealth.

In the same year, through the agency of the aforementioned great lord, Suleiman, they killed the said Ahmet Bassa inside the bath, and all the territory of Syria returned again to the subjection of the great lord.

In the same year, the said Emir cast out many families from the castles of Romania, and sent them into Egypt and among the Turks.

In the same year, and for the year past, a worldwide plague occurred, especially in Crete; in Rhodes, in Corfu, in Zakynthos, in Arta, in Ioannina, it became severe, and in the Morea sporadically, and in Athens.

In the same year, on the 8th of August, Curtogles crossed over with galleys and ships, and went to the part of Apulia, and took one castle.

A. M. A. C. 6930 1522 7651 1523 204 They proclaimed that Bassa sultan: his brother was in the Morea, Flaburiaris—that is, Sangiacus—whom the Amiras caused to be beheaded at Methone by deputies sent thither; they flayed the head once cut off, and brought it to Constantinople. Ahmetes, indeed, having been newly proclaimed sultan of Cairo, slaughtered all the Jews of his dominion whom he had brought together, and confiscated their goods, from which he amassed a great quantity of money. In the same year, by the authority of the great sultan Suleiman, Ahmetes Bassa was set upon and killed in the baths: and again all of Syria was returned to the sultan’s empire. In the same year, the aforementioned Amiras caused many families from the towns of Romania, that is, Thrace, to migrate into Egypt and among the Turks. In the same year, and the preceding one, a contagious disease raged throughout the whole world, but it spread especially throughout the entire island of Crete, and it invaded Rhodes, Corfu, Zacynthos, Arta, Ioannina, and Peria; it spread throughout the Morea and Athens. In the same year, on the 8th of August, Curtugles crossed into Apulia with triremes and dromons, and devastated a part of that province, and occupied one castle.

Notes of Ismael Bullialdus