239; and there is little doubt that the bishop of Ancyra bore a great part of these things, and he ought to be numbered among those Arians who conceded their communion to Eustathius in private houses at Ancyra, and having been summoned by him from Galatia with great honor, did many evils to the whole region.
Epist. 55, p. 149: ᾿Αγαμία δὲ ἐν τούτῳ ἔχει τὸ σεμνὸν, ἐν τῷ κεχωρίσθαι τῆς μετά γυναικός διαγωγῆς. "The celibate life has honor in this, in being separated from the companionship of a woman." The last words seem able to be rendered thus: that one should be separated from the companionship of a woman.
Epist. 69, p. 163: Therefore, the present circumstances demand that mention be made of him (Marcellus), as is fitting, so that those who seek an occasion may not have an occasion, while the healthy attach themselves to your holiness, and those who limp regarding the true faith become manifest to all. The sense of this passage seems to be: If Marcellus is condemned, no occasion will be left for those who seek occasion; for it will be that all the healthy, this scruple being removed, will willingly join themselves with Athanasius; but those who limp in faith will denude themselves and bare their wicked mind, if, after Marcellus is condemned, they refuse the joining, for the refusal of which they had hitherto snatched at an excuse from Marcellus.
Ibidem: Τὰ τῆς καταστάσεως τῶν Ἐκκλησιῶν, translate: the things which pertain to establishing peace in the Churches.
Epist. 76, p. 171: Επιλέλοιπε δὲ λοιπὸν καὶ ἡ τῶν ἀναγκαίων διάθεσις. The administration of necessary things has failed.
Epist. 87, p. 179: Or if not, at least against the presbyters, and as many of them as think as we do, that is, at least against the presbyters, especially if those presbyters think as we do.
Epist. 90, p. 182: Οἶκοι εὐκτήριοι, ἔρημοι τῶν ἐκκλησιαζόντων. Translate: Houses of prayer, empty of those who assemble. This interpretation is confirmed by these words of epist. 92, p. 185: The sounder people flee the houses of prayer as if they were schools of impiety, and in the solitudes, they raise their hands with groans and tears to the Lord who dwells in the heavens.
In this epistle 92, p. 184: Do not think of anything human, that is, do not fear. For that word ὑπολογίσασθαι means that, as can be perceived in epistle 97 to the senate of Tyana.
Epist. 94, p. 188: Τοὺς παραπέμποντας, conductors. One can understand conductors of pack-animals, and Combefis understood it thus.
Epist. 98, p. 191: That Hellenius, the surveyor of Nazianzus, seems to be the same person as he of whom Basil speaks at the beginning of epistle 71.
Epist. 98, p. 192: This passage seems to be written and interpreted: Προσεδοκᾶτο δὲ καὶ ἑτέρα συντυχία, τοῦ αἰδεσιμωτάτου Επισκόπου Ευσταθίου, ἡ καὶ γενομένη ἡμῖν. "Another meeting was also expected, with the most reverend bishop Eustathius, which also occurred for us," A with Eustathius, which meeting indeed we did follow. That word, "was expected," and the preceding words, "We were also about to meet with the bishops of the second Cappadocia," refer to the beginning of the epistle, "When I was carried with mind and spirit to Nicopolis." He calls this a different meeting, because he had already spoken about a meeting with the bishops.
Epist. 99, p. 193: As to what Basil says in this place, that he had spoken again with Eustathius, and that the presbyter Pœmenius had vehemently opposed his doctrine; it ought not to be accepted as if Pœmenius had openly defended the Arian sentiment. For if Eustathius had displayed impiety, Basil would have immediately sent him away. But when Basil sought from him a clear and lucid confession of faith, Eustathius, who wished to be in the middle, and to appear neither Arian to the Catholics nor Catholic to the Arians, attempted to decline and evade what was proposed by Basil: in which Pœmenius lent aid to Eustathius and opposed Basil.
Epist. 104, p. 199: Τοῖς ἀεὶ καταπονουμένοις, to those who are afflicted at any time. It could be translated: to those who are poor at any time. For this word is accepted thus in epistle 142, and in many other places. B
Epist. 117, p. 209: Such ministries, that is, offices of giving thanks.
Epist. 130, p. 222: Ἐπειδὴ δὲ καὶ εἰς Κιλικίαν ἐλθὼν, καὶ συντυχών Γελασίῳ τινὶ, πίστιν αὐτῷ ἐξέθετο, ἣν μόνου ἦν Ἀρείου συγγράψαι, καὶ εἴ τις αὐτοῦ γνήσιος μαθητής, etc. "But when he came also into Cilicia, and meeting a certain Gelasius, he set forth a faith to him, which it was for Arius alone to write, and if anyone is his genuine disciple, etc." Basil speaks near the end of epistle 124 about the same faith which he says Eustathius handed down to Gelasius. It is clear that this confession of faith was composed by Eustathius himself. For Basil judges the composing of this to be worthy only of Arius, and if anyone is a genuine disciple of Arius, such as Eustathius was. The same proves the word ἐξέθετο, he set forth. For thus Basil [speaks] concerning the various formulas which Eustathius had published upon being erected to the episcopacy: "How many faiths they set forth." But for what purpose Gelasius sought this confession of faith; whether he wished to be taught by Eustathius, or to have the formula which had been requested by Basil recanted by him, it seems uncertain. C D
Epist. 158, p. 230: Πρεσβείαν τινὰ δι᾿ ἀνδρῶν ἀξιολόγων, an embassy through men worthy of trust. Better: through men endowed with authority.
Epistolae 155, p. 244, the title has: Ἀνεπίγραφος, ἐπὶ ἀλείπτῃ. Without subscription, concerning an aliptes (a trainer/director). I believe the scribes added this title to this epistle because he to whom it is written was an exhorter and an admonitor of those who were suffering persecution for the name of Christ. In a similar sense Basil calls St. Ascholius an aliptes of the martyr St. Sabas in epistle 164, p. 255.
Epist. 189, p. 276: Nor to contradict men armed with a lie, to that evil dart, which even through
the very truth, he not infrequently drives the point. These things seem to be illustrated by these words in epistle 92, no. 2, p. 185: *Now also this other weapon of mutual war has been devised by some—that is to say, a defense of sound doctrine; and while they hide private hatreds, they pretend to hate for the sake of truth.*
In the same epistle, p. 277: This whole passage also seems to be capable of being written and rendered thus: «Ἀλλὰ καινοτομίαν ἡμῖν προφέρουσιν, οὑτωσὶ τὸ ἔγκλημα καθ' ἡμῶν συντιθέντες· τρεῖς ὑποστάσεις ὁμολογούντων (perhaps, as in one codex, ὁμολογοῦντας), μίαν ἀγαθότητα, καὶ μίαν δύναμιν, καὶ μίαν θεότητα λέγειν ἡμᾶς αἰτιῶνται.» *But they reproach us with innovation, thus composing the accusation against us: they complain that, while we confess three hypostases, we speak of one goodness, and one power, and one divinity.*
In p. 278: «Τίς οὖν ὁ ἡμέτερος λόγος;» I would prefer to render: *What then is our doctrine?*
In the same epistle, p. 280: «Οὔτε ψύχει τὸ πῦρ», translate: *Neither does fire chill.*
Epist. 190, p. 282: «Ταῖς μικροπολιτείαις, ἤτοι μικροκωμίαις», *to small states, that is, to small villages.* It seems better to interpret: *or to small towns.*
In the same epist., p. 283: *Thence expecting a rumor;* more clearly and accurately: *expecting the rumor that will come from thence.*
Ep. 205, p. 308: *That presbyter Meletius, who carried this epistle, performed the same service in carrying epistle 226.*
Ep. 212, p. 318: «Ἔμαθον δὲ ὀλίγαις ὕστερον ἡμέραις», etc. It is ambiguous, both in the Greek oration and in the Latin interpretation, A whether Basil learned a few days after his arrival that Hilary had departed from Dazimon, or whether Hilary had departed a few days after Basil’s arrival. This later sense is more pleasing, and it seems to agree better with the grief which Basil signifies, because he did not see Hilary, when he could have seen him. And so it could be rendered more clearly: *What do you think I suffered, or with what spirit was I afflicted, when I came to Dazimon and learned that your eloquence had departed a few days after my arrival?*
Epist. 214, p. 321: «Πρὸς πάντας δὲ ἔχειν εὐχόμεθα τὴν ἀγάπην, καὶ μάλιστα πρὸς τοὺς οἰκείους τῆς πίστεως.» Translate: *We pray to have charity towards all, and especially towards the household of faith.* See epist. 203, p. 300, not.
Epist. 217, which is the third canonical [epistle], can. 80, p. 329, note. What we discussed for the purpose of explaining St. Basil's opinion concerning those who have been married three times can be confirmed by this argument, that Basil imposes as many years of penance for polygamy B as were imposed upon those married three times in the fourth canon. It does not seem likely, however, that he would have inflicted an equal punishment for a dissimilar deed, and that he would not have been more severe on a fourth marriage than on a third; especially since he decrees that in these matters a proportion is to be observed, and as one acts towards those twice-married, so one must act towards the thrice-married, according to the fourth canon.
Ep. 237, p. 365: «Ἀσχοληθείς περὶ τὸ στρατόπεδον», *being occupied for a short time about military matters.* Since that word, *stratopeda*, in many other places of St. Basil designates the emperor's court, in this place also it is received with the same meaning by the most learned Du Cange. C Nevertheless, it is more probable that Basil is speaking of the army. For since in epistle 215, which was written toward the winter of the year 375, he reports to Dorotheus that everything from Constantinople to Cappadocia is filled with enemies; there is no doubt that some army was sent against those enemies, and that it brought to Demosthenes such tasks as it was fitting for the vicar of a prefect to sustain.
Epist. 244, p. 382: «Μετὰ ταῦτα τὴν ἐν Νίκῃ τῆς Θρᾴκης», must be translated: *Then that [creed] which was published at Nice in Thrace.* A little later, «τὸ ὁμοούσιον κατασιγήσαντες», must be rendered thus: *with silence enjoined upon the Consubstantial.* For that word signifies that Eustathius decreed in the Cyzicene formula, which was the last of all, that the Consubstantial should be suppressed by silence. D Whence Basil in this same epistle, no. 5, p. 380, declares the Nicene faith to have been condemned by them.
Epist. 252, p. 388, not. The title, *To the bishops of the Pontic diocese*, persuaded some that this epistle was written to the bishops of Pontus. However, by this title, the bishops of Pontus are no more designated than those of other provinces that were subject to Caesarea. For the Pontic diocese embraced many provinces, as we proved in the *Life of St. Basil*, cap. 14. The title of the Harleian codex confirms the same sense, «ἐπισκόποις τῆς διοικήσεως», *to the bishops of the diocese*. Wherefore it is probable that the scribes, when they saw that the bishops, who for some time had omitted the custom of coming to Caesarea for the feast day of St. Eupsychius, were being invited by this epistle to that feast day, understood this to be concerning the bishops subject to Caesarea and therefore attached this title to it. But since we certainly know that St. Basil lacked the communion and friendship of the bishops of Pontus, we can gather that this epistle was written to them, if not from the title, at least from the dissension which they had with St. Basil.
NOTES OF FRONTO DUCÆUS ON THE BOOK ON THE HOLY SPIRIT
(The pages are of the Garnerian edition, printed in larger type.)Des. Erasmus had prefixed to the interpretation of this book an epistle setting forth his own dark and rash conjectures, by which he judged a portion of this work as alien to the author’s style. But how unjust and tasteless the censure of that man is, the most distinguished Jacobus Billius, coenobite of St. Michael in the Desert, demonstrated most brilliantly in many words in his *Sacrarum observationum*, book I, chapter 9, where he refutes his light and utterly flimsy arguments. For first, Erasmus finds fault with the author because his oratory sometimes swells to a tragic buskin, and at other times subsides to common speech—as if it were not a familiar thing for all authors to raise their style and use a grander manner of speaking when the subject matter demands it. For, as the same Basil says in his treatise *On True Faith*, p. 251: "There is one kind of language that is refutative, and another that is exhortative. There is one kind of calm for those who confess the faith in peace, and another kind of sweat for those who stand against the controversies of the falsely named knowledge." Next, because the author seems to have a certain emptiness and acts as though showing off what he learned—which Aristotle handed down in the *Categories* and Porphyry in his booklet *On the Five Voices*—he for that reason judges the book unworthy of Basil, as if, when the pivot of the whole dispute turned on the explanation of petty prepositions, and when the adversaries of the faith were abusing the aids of external learning, it would not have become a most erudite man to slay them with the same sword by which they were attacking the Church through his very side. For regarding the dissimilarity of phraseology which he alleges in this, just as in the second *Homily on Fasting*, he is clearly mistaken, for no difference can be recognized in it. The same Billius then opposes the authority of Euthymius the Greek, who flourished in the age of Emperor Alexius, who in his *Panoplia* often cites that book of thirty chapters. The most illustrious Cardinal Perronius adds many more and much older witnesses in his golden *Examine of the book of Philippe Mornay against the sacrament of the Eucharist*, which is filled with extraordinary learning: namely, St. Jerome in *De viris illustribus*, Theodoret in *Dialogue I* and in the *Refutation of the Anathematisms of Cyril*, ch. 5, Damascenus in *Orat. 3 On the Images*, the Second Council of Nicaea, act 4, Photius in the *Nomocanon*, Burchard in the *Decretum*, Zonaras in the *Nomocanon*, Anastasius of Nicaea, quest. 84, Theodore Balsamon in the *Nomocanon*, and Nicephorus, book XII, ch. 20. Finally, among the adversaries of the Catholic Church, he who is accustomed to defend Erasmus against the censures of others testifies in this matter that he does not agree with him in his *Exercitationes* XVI, num. 33, against the most illustrious Cardinal Baronius; and in the same place, number 43, he asserts that those who hold that part of the book—in which he treats of keeping dogmas in silence and of not divulging mysteries—to be suspect and deny it to be Basil's, are most plainly mistaken. A
Page 2, num. 2: *But if to a fool*. From this, the reader may surmise how much of a stranger the Dutch translator was to the Holy Scriptures, since he translated these two places less than faithfully. The first is Proverbs XVII, 29: 'Avoήτῳ ἐρωτήσαντι σοφίαν, *To a fool asking for wisdom, wisdom shall be imputed*: the latter is Isaiah III, 1, 2: Κύριος Σαβαὼθ ἀφελεῖ ὑπὸ Ἱερουσαλὴμ θαυμαστὸν σύμβουλον, καὶ σοφὸν ἀρχιτέκτονα, καὶ συνετὸν ἀκροατήν, *The Lord of hosts shall take away from Jerusalem an admirable counselor, and a wise architect, and a prudent listener.* But Erasmus had translated: *A wise auscultator, whom the prophet compares to an admirable counselor.* He does not, therefore, equate the listener with the counselor, or compare him to him, but in his speech enumerates them *simul*—together—among those excellent men whom God will take away from Jerusalem. B
Page 9, num. 12: *The flesh of God*. While translating this significant passage, Erasmus shows his remarkable nodding off and how very thinly he was versed in the reading of the Fathers, since he had not learned that Theodoret, in his *Reprehension of the Anathematisms of Cyril*, who were so celebrated at the Council of Ephesus, had abused this place. He translates therefore: *In order to show that the flesh in Christ was created out of human liquor, united to the divine nature?* And yet *φύραμα* implies here not liquor, but a mass or mixture, as Romans IX, 21: 'Eκ τοῦ αὐτοῦ φυράματος, *of the same mass*; and Rom. XI, 16: Εἰ δὲ ἀπαρχὴ ἁγία, καὶ τὸ φύραμα: where Erasmus himself translates: *But if the firstfruits are holy, the mixture is holy.* But the flesh of Christ is called *theophoros*—God-bearing—as before in Psalm XXXIX, p. 296: ὑπόδημα δὲ τῆς θεότητος ἡ θεοφόρος σάρξ, *The God-bearing flesh is the footwear of the Divinity*; and in chapter 1 of Isaiah, p. 873: Ἀπὸ τοῦ σκοπευτηρίου γενομένην, ἀπὸ τῆς σαρκὸς θεοφόρου, *Coming from the watchtower, from the God-bearing flesh.* He calls the flesh of Christ *theophoron*, not the man Christ, as Theodoret falsely cited in the *Reprehension of the fifth anathematism*, p. 558 of the Roman edition, part II of the Council of Ephesus: *We recognize the difference of the natures, and...* C D
as a God-bearer A man, as has been said by many of the holy Fathers; of whom one is the great Basil in his discourse on the Holy Spirit to Amphilochius, having used this term, and in his interpretation of the fifty-ninth Psalm. We recognize the difference of the natures, and we do not avoid the term "God-bearing man," as it has been stated by many holy Fathers: one of whom, that great Basil, used this name in his discourse on the Holy Spirit to Amphilochius, and in the Explanation of the fifty-ninth Psalm. But there is no small distinction between a man and flesh. For, as the most illustrious Cardinal Bellarmine says, lib. III *De Christo*, cap. 8, "Man" signifies a person, as also does "God"; but "flesh" does not signify a person, but a nature, or rather a part of human nature. Why, then, is a man not rightly called "God-bearing" in reference to Christ, as if there were two persons in him, a man and a God, but "flesh" is called "God-bearing" by Basil, because there are two natures, flesh and deity. But Saint Ignatius is called THEOPHOROS, just as Saint Cyril also says that the prophets can be called THEOPHOROI, because they are temples of the Holy Spirit, and Clement of Alexandria, 1 *Strom.*, p. 318: *The Gnostic is divine, and already holy, being God-bearing and borne by God.* Therefore, the one who is gifted with knowledge, and already holy, who bears God and is borne by God, is divine. This, I would prefer to translate thus, rather than *Who is breathed upon by God and breathes upon Him*. And Gregory Nazianzen, *or.* XXXVII, p. 609: *As someone of those a little while ago philosophized about the God-bearers.* That is, *As someone recently philosophized, being inspired by the divine numen.*
[1391*B*] Pag. 21, num. 25: *To adversaries and enemies.* We have added these to the Erasmian version, because both the Royal H and the English edition added *τοὺς ἐναντίους καὶ ἐχθροὺς τῆς ὑγιαινούσης διδασκαλίας*. Shortly after, we changed that, *As are wont to be the debtors of another's money, who are indeed wise.* For the *εὐγνώμονες* are "debtors of good faith," not "those who are wise," that is, those who in good faith acknowledge that they owe payment. John Chrysostom, *homil.* 5 *De pœnitentia*, p. 686: *Observe how the good-faith debtor behaves toward the one who lent to him.* Attend to how great a good-faith debtor is to a lender; and in the tract *De Susanna* formerly published by us: *We are to you good-faith debtors of the word, not paying back as much as we owe, but as much as we have.* We come to you as good-faith debtors of the discourse, not that we might pay back as much as we owe: but that we might pay back as much as is placed in our power. Furthermore, as the most learned Billius says, these things ought to be read ironically: for those debtors are not truly of good faith, who, unless they are urged by their own bonds, do not acknowledge their debts. At the end of the chapter, the word *κρατῆσαι* was added after the word *βαπτίσματος*, for which reason it is to be written thus in the version: *In baptism they have received it*, they retain. In the same place for *τῆς δόξης ἀποπληρώσει* in the English [edition] was read *τῆς δοξολογίας ἀποπληρώσει*. But the Royal H retained the received reading.
[1391*C*] Pag. 27, num. 33: *For the mediator of God and men.* I would prefer to embrace the version of Cornarius here, so as to refer back to the Greek: *For he was prefiguring the mediator of God and men through himself in the ministry of the law.* Shortly after, we wrote: *in the hand of a mediator*, as it is in the Vulgate, Galatians III, 19, not as Erasmus had edited it: *In the hand of a sequestrator*, namely Moses, according to the provocation of the people; but in the very version of the New Testament, the word "intercessor" had pleased him more, which, however, Beza criticizes, because in Latin he is called an *intercessor* who, casting himself as a medium, stands in the way of those things which are being done. Then he adds that Castellio preferred to interpret it as *sequestrator*, a word which Tertullian used at times, but when it is a question of Christ—which he himself would not want to imitate without a convenient explanation—he preferred the word *internuntius* (messenger/mediator) to the others, not to innovate a word familiar to the ears of theologians, but to distinguish Moses from Christ. A clearly foolish reason, as if he wishes to appear wiser than the Apostle, who, when he speaks of Moses and of Christ, uses the word *μεσίτου*, *mediator*, indiscriminately; why, then, when it is a matter of Moses, will he use the word *μεσίτου*, *internuntius*, and when it is a matter of Christ, *μεσίτου*, *mediator*? Truly, Hilary, Ambrose, Jerome, and Augustine nowhere fear to express the passages of the apostles, in which they use the word *μεσίτου*, by the word *mediator*, whether mention is made of Christ or of others. And Tertullian, when he had said *sequestrator* speaking of Christ in the book *De resurrectione carnis*, *He called the Sequestrator of God and men, from the deposit of both parties committed to him*, did not seem to reserve that expression for Christ alone, since the notion of *sequestrator* is not so honorable, and among the Gentile jurists it is taken for him with whom many deposit that thing about which there is a controversy: the same Tertullian also, lib. *De patientia*, cap. 15: *So sufficiently suitable a sequestrator of patience is God*: where there is no question of the Redeemer. Finally, the Basilian edition and MS H had *πρόσκλησιν* and not *πρόκλησιν*, therefore I deleted *provocationem* (provocation). Toward the end of this chapter, we changed that clause, *Τί οὖν πρὸς τούτοις ἔτι;* *What then, in addition to these, [is it necessary] to add, in which there are abundantly many dissolutions of the objections?* Nor is Cornarius otherwise, as if Basil meant this, that nothing can be added to the previous things, which would indicate the reason for many heretical objections; but in Royal H these began chapter 45, as if the author were saying: *What other responses do the heretics bring, by which they destroy the foundations of the Catholics?* For they abound with solutions: then he submits new ones.
[1392*D*] Pag. 54, num. 66: *When it is prepared.* Erasmus had edited, *when the bread is shown*; whence the innovators seized an opportunity, so that they might object to that place, while they contend that the Eucharist, while it is shown to the people, is bread, and that the consecration is not done by the words of Christ, since the invocation is made after the pronunciation of Christ's words. But it is altogether certain that *ἀνάδειξις* here does not signify the showing which is done for the people, when those words are said while it happens, *having great power in regard to the mystery*, which
in the Greek Church is not shown, nor is the adorable body of Christ lifted up until after the consecration, when it is said, a little before the communion, Τὰ ἅγια τοῖς ἁγίοις, *Sancta sanctis* (Holy things to the holy). It signifies, therefore, the consecration and oblation of the Eucharist, as if *ἀνάδειξις* might have the same force as when the bread of the Eucharist is fashioned or consecrated B. For *ἀναδεικνύνειν* signifies the same as to bring about, as Budé confirms with many examples, citing from Gregory Nazianzen in his *Oration on the Ninth Lord’s Day*, page 699: Τελευταῖος ὁ ἄνθρωπος ἀνεδείχθη, *The last man was created*. And in his *Annotations on the Pandects*, he assigns the same to the Latin word *Designo* (I designate), so that it may denote both to show and to accomplish, just as in 2 Tim. iv, 14: Ἀλέξανδρος ὁ χαλκεὺς πολλά μοι κακὰ ἐνεδείξατο, *Alexander the coppersmith did me much evil*. Thus also the Liturgy of Basil itself; while the priest prays, he petitions God: Ἁγιάσαι καὶ ἀναδεῖξαι τὸν μὲν ἄρτον τοῦτον αὐτὸ τὸ τίμιον σῶμα τοῦ Κυρίου, *That He may sanctify and make this bread itself the precious body of the Lord*. For Andreas Masius also translates it thus from the Syriac in the same Liturgy of Basil: *And make this bread the glorious body of the Lord*. And in the Liturgy of St. James: Ἵνα ἁγιάσῃ, καὶ ποιήσῃ τὸν μὲν ἄρτον τοῦτον σῶμα τοῦ Χριστοῦ (*That He may sanctify and make this bread the body of Christ*). And in that of Chrysostom: *Make this bread the precious body of Christ*. Finally, in Clement, book vii, c. 17 of the *Apostolic Constitutions*, in the same formula of consecration: ὅπως ἀποφάνῃ τὸν ἄρτον τοῦτον σῶμα τοῦ Χριστοῦ, *That He may make this bread the body of Christ*. Also, in the old interpretation found in Burchard, in the *Decretum*, book *De universa Ecclesia*, cap. 223, this passage of Basil is translated thus: *For what Scripture taught the faithful to be signed with the sign of the life-giving cross? What has commended the prolix words of prayer and consecration, digested in many ways over the bread and the chalice?* C According to Gratian, it is read thus: *The words of invocation, when the bread of the Eucharist and the chalice of blessing are offered, who among the holy Fathers has left written for us?* These and other things of this kind we collected for the defense of the emendation of this version in the *Elenchus of the Errors of Philippe Duplessis-Mornay*, cap. 4, book v, edited by us in the vernacular language eighteen years ago; which I mention for this reason, lest anyone happen to think that these were culled by us from the new *Exercitationes* of Isaac Casaubon, *Exercit.* 16, no. 33, to whom, although the most illustrious Cardinal Perron had pointed out many such passages of the Fathers, he had often professed, both to them and to us, that he agreed with the Roman Church concerning the truth of the most holy sacrament of the Eucharist, and had given his word that he would renounce the Calvinist errors on the next feast of Pentecost; but truly, they sometimes change both their sky and their mind who run across the sea: I wish they did not often lose their sky and their souls as well. Yet here I cannot but testify my astonishment and pity for the blindness and inconstancy of the man, who, although he had collected so many testimonies of the Fathers for the illustration of this place—from which it is evident that they thought the words of Christ taken from the books of the evangelists ought to be pronounced when the Eucharist is consecrated, the Holy Spirit invoked, and other words of the sacred formula brought forth which the Greek and Latin Liturgies prescribe—nevertheless, departing from the library to the temple, he would swear to the words of Calvin and observe the order of the administration of the sacraments handed down by him, who considers all those things as magical incantations and allows no words of the evangelists to be uttered, but alongside the bread and the chalice [only] allows the promises to be offered to the faithful, nor any words to be murmured except for the living preaching which might edify the hearers, nor does he prescribe otherwise in book iv of the *Institutes*, c. 17, no. 39.
We have omitted more of Ducas's notes, because they seemed less necessary.
THE ORDER OF THE LETTERS OF SAINT BASIL THE GREAT: NEW ORDER COMPARED WITH THE PREVIOUSLY VULGATE ORDER
New Order. Old Order. I. 165. To Eustathios the philosopher. II. 1. Basil to Gregory. III. 173. To Candidianus. IV. 169. To Olympius. V. 188. Consolatory to Nectarius. VI. 189. Consolatory to the wife of Nectarius. VII. 2. To Gregory the companion. VIII. 141. Apology for his retreat to the Caesareans, and a discourse on the faith. IX. 41. To Maximus the philosopher. X. 175. To a widow. XI. 239. Without address, on friendship. XII. 171. To Olympius. XIII. 172. To Olympius. XIV. 19. To Gregory the companion. XV. 415. To the Count of Private Affairs. XVI. 168. Against the Eunomian heretics. XVII. 384. To Origen. XVIII. 211. To Macarius and John. XIX. 3. To Gregory the companion. XX. 83. To Leontius the sophist. XXI. 375. To Leontius the sophist. XXII. 411. On the perfection of the monastic life. XXIII. 283. Letter of commendation for a monk. XXIV. 54. To Athanasius, bishop of Ancyra. XXV. 53. To Athanasius, bishop of Ancyra. XXVI. 362. To Caesarius, brother of Gregory. XXVII. 6. To Eusebius, bishop of Samosata. XXVIII. 62. Consolatory to the church of Neocaesarea. XXIX. 67. Consolatory to the church of Ancyra. XXX. 7. To Eusebius, bishop of Samosata. XXXI. 267. To Eusebius, bishop of Samosata. XXXII. 84. To Sophronius the Master. XXXIII. 358. To Aburgius. XXXIV. 5. To Eusebius, bishop of Samosata. XXXV. 236. Without address, on behalf of Leontius. XXXVI. 228. Without address, on behalf of a person in need. XXXVII. 248. Without address, regarding one who had been brought up with him. XXXVIII. 43. To Gregory the brother, on essence and hypostasis. XXXIX. 206. Basil to Julianus. XL. 207. Basil to Julianus. XLI. 208 and 209. Basil to Julianus. XLII. 1. To Chilo his disciple. XLIII. 2. Admonition to young men. XLIV. 3. To a lapsed monk. XLV. 4. To a lapsed monk. XLVI. 5. To a lapsed virgin. XLVII. 4. To Gregory the companion. XLVIII. 254. To Eusebius, bishop of Samosata. XLIX. 408. To Arcadius the bishop. L. 409. To Innocentius the bishop. LI. 86. To the chorepiscopi. LII. 300. To the canonicals. LIII. 76. To the chorepiscopi. LIV. 181. To the chorepiscopi. LV. 198. To Paregorius the presbyter. LVI. 354. To Pergamins. LVII. 56. To Meletius, bishop of Antioch. LVIII. 44. To Gregory the uncle. LIX. 46. To Gregory the uncle. LX. 45. To Gregory the uncle. LXI. 47. To Athanasius, bishop of Alexandria. LXII. 185. Consolatory to the church of Parnassus. LXIII. 371. To the principals of Neocaesarea. LXIV. 350. To Hesychius. LXV. 363. To Atarbius. LXVI. 48. To Athanasius, bishop of Alexandria. LXVII. 50. To Athanasius, bishop of Alexandria. LXVIII. 57. To Meletius, bishop of Antioch. LXIX. 52. To Athanasius, bishop of Alexandria. LXX. 220. Without address, on the synod. LXXI. 33. Gregory to Basil. LXXII. 351. To Hesychius. LXXIII. 388. To Callisthenes. LXXIV. 379. To Martinianus. LXXV. 361. To Aburgius. LXXVI. 331. To Sophronius the Master. LXXVII. 226. Without address, on Therasius. LXXVIII. 213. Without address, on behalf of Elpidius. LXXIX. 308. To Eustathius, bishop of Sebaste. LXXX. 49. To Athanasius, bishop of Alexandria. LXXXI. 319. To Innocentius the bishop. LXXXII. 51. To Athanasius, bishop of Alexandria. LXXXIII. 427. To the censors. LXXXIV. 389. To Praesidius. LXXXV. 305. On caution in taking oaths. LXXXVI. 179. To the praepositus. LXXXVII. 390. On the same matters. LXXXVIII. 243. Without address, on behalf of a money-petitioner. LXXXIX. 273. To Meletius, bishop of Antioch. XC. 61. To the most holy brothers and bishops of the West. XCI. 324. To Valerianus, bishop of Illyria. XCII. 69. To the Itali and the Galli.
NEW ORDER OF THE EPISTLES OF ST. BASIL THE GREAT COMPARED WITH THE PREVIOUSLY PUBLISHED ONE
XCIII. 289. To the patrician Caesaria on Communion. XCIV. 372. To Helias, rector of the province. XCV. 261. To Eusebius, bishop of Samosata. XCVI. 332. To Sophronius the Magistrate. XCVII. 68. To the Senate of Tyana. XCVIII. 259. To Eusebius, bishop of Samosata. XCIX. 187. To Terentius the Count. C. 256. To Eusebius, bishop of Samosata. CI. 202. Consolatory. CII. 183. To the citizens of Satala. CIII. 296. To the people of Satala. CIV. 279. To the Prefect Modestus. CV. 301. To the daughters of Count Terentius. CVI. 407. To the soldiers. CVII. 287. To Julitta the widow. CVIII. 288. To the guardians of Julitta’s heirs. CIX. 422. To Helladius the Count. CX. 277. To the Prefect Modestus. CXI. 276. To the Prefect Modestus. CXII. 464. To Andronicus the Duke. CXIII. 203. To the presbyters of Tarsus. CXIV. 204. To those staying in Tarsus. CXV. 87. To Simplicius the heretic. CXVI. 174. To Firmius. CXVII. 234. Without inscription, for the sake of a pious and religious exercise. CXVIII. 318. To Jovinus, bishop of Perrha. CXIX. 307. To Eustathius, bishop of Sebaste. CXX. 58. To Meletius, bishop of Antioch. CXXI. 195. To Theodotus, bishop of Nicopolis. CXXII. 313. To Poemenius, bishop of Satala. CXXIII. 343. To Urbicius the monk. CXXIV. 328. To Theodotus. CXXV. 78. A confession of faith, dictated by most holy Basil, to which Eustathius, bishop of Sebaste, subscribed. CXXVI. 364. To Atarbius. CXXVII. 253. To Eusebius, bishop of Samosata. CXXVIII. 265. To Eusebius, bishop of Samosata. CXXIX. 59. To Meletius, bishop of Antioch. CXXX. 196. To Theodotus, bishop of Nicopolis. CXXXI. 382. To Olympius. CXXXII. 315. To Abramius, bishop of Batnae. CXXXIII. 320. To Petrus, bishop of Alexandria. CXXXIV. 341. To Paeonius the presbyter. CXXXV. 167. To Diodorus, presbyter of Antioch. CXXXVI. 257. To Eusebius, bishop of Samosata. CXXXVII. 366. To Antipater. CXXXVIII. 8. To Eusebius, bishop of Samosata. CXXXIX. 71. To the Alexandrians. CXL. 60. To the Church of Antioch. CXLI. 262. To Eusebius, bishop of Samosata. CXLII. 418. To Numerius the Praeses. CXLIII. 419. To Numerius the Praeses. CXLIV. 420. To the advocate of the Praeses. CXLV. 255. To Eusebius, bishop of Samosata. CXLVI. 268. To the people of Antioch. CXLVII. 356. To Aburgius. CXLVIII. 376. To Trajan. CXLIX. 377. To Trajan. CL. 392. To Amphilochius concerning Heraclides. CLI. 81. To Eustathius the Chief Physician. CLII. 374. To Victorius, commander of the army. CLIII. 428. To Victorius, ex-consul. CLIV. 337. To Ascholius, bishop of Thessalonica. CLV. 241. Uninscribed, for another cause. CLVI. 342. To Evagrius the presbyter. CLVII. 270. To the people of Antioch. CLVIII. 271. To the people of Antioch. CLIX. 387. To Eupaterius and his daughter. CLX. 197. To Diodorus. CLXI. 393. To Amphilochius, ordained bishop. CLXII. 238. To Eusebius, bishop of Samosata. CLXIII. 378. To Jovinus the Count. CLXIV. 338. To Ascholius, bishop of Thessalonica. CLXV. 339. To Ascholius, bishop of Thessalonica. CLXVI. 231. To Eusebius, bishop of Samosata. CLXVII. 252. To Eusebius, bishop of Samosata. CLXVIII. 269. To Antiochus the presbyter, son of Eusebius, who was staying with his uncle in exile. CLXIX. 412. To Gregorius Basilius. CLXX. 414. To Glycerius. CLXXI. 413. To Gregorius the companion. CLXXII. 333. To Sophronius the bishop. CLXXIII. 302. To Theodora the canoness. CLXXIV. 283. To the one who asked. CLXXV. 410. To Magnenianus the Count. CLXXVI. 394. To Amphilochius, bishop of Iconium. CLXXVII. 334. To Sophronius the Magistrate. CLXXVIII. 360. Aburgius. CLXXIX. 380. To Arinthaeus. CLXXX. 333. To Sophronius the Magistrate, for Eumathius. CLXXXI. 316. To Otreius. CLXXXII. 266. To the presbyters of Samosata. CLXXXIII. 294. To the people of Samosata. CLXXXIV. 306. To Eustathius, bishop of Himmeria. CLXXXV. 319. To Theodotus, bishop of Beroea. CLXXXVI. 213. To Antipater the Praeses. CLXXXVII. 214. To Antipater the brother of Basilius. CLXXXVIII. 1. To Amphilochius on the canons. CLXXXIX. 80. To Eustathius the physician. CXC. 406. To Amphilochius, bishop of Iconium. CXCI. 398. To Amphilochius, bishop of Iconium. CXCII. 329. To Sophronius the Magistrate. CXCIII. 369. To Meletius the Chief Physician. CXCIV. 368. To Zoïlus. CXCV. 312. To Euphronius, bishop of Colonia in Armenia. CXCVI. 359. Aburgius. CXCVII. 55. To Ambrosius, bishop of Mediolanum. CXCVIII. 263. To Eusebius, bishop of Samosata. CXCIX. 2. To Amphilochius on the canons. CC. 397. To Amphilochius, bishop of Iconium. CCI. 402. To Amphilochius, bishop of Iconium. CCII. 396. To Amphilochius, bishop of Iconium. CCIII. 77. To the bishops of the Maritime district.
Order of the Epistles of St. Basil the Great, the New Order Compared with the Former Common One
New Order | Old Order --- | --- CCIV | 75. To the Neocaesareans. CCV | 322. To Elpidius, Bishop. CCVI | 348. Consolatory to Elpidius, Bishop. CCVII | 63. To the Neocaesarean clergy. CCVIII | 281. To Eulancius. CCIX | 227. Without signature, a defense. CCX | 64. To the Neocaesarean Primates. CCXI | 170. To Olympius. CCXII | 370. To Hilarius. CCXIII | 242. Without signature, for a pious man. CCXIV | 349. To Terentius, Count. CCXV | 230. To Dorotheus, Presbyter. CCXVI | 272. To Meletius, Bishop of Antioch. CCXVII | 3. To Amphilochius, concerning the canons. CCXVIII | 403. To Amphilochius, Bishop of Iconium. CCXIX | 280. To the clergy of Samosata. CCXX | 299. To the Beroeans. CCXXI | 298. To the Beroeans. CCXXII | 297. To the Chalcidensians. CCXXIII | 79. Against Eustathius of Sebaste. CCXXIV | 345. To Genethlius, Presbyter. CCXXV | 383. To Demosthenes, in the name of other bishops. CCXXVI | 75. To his monks. CCXXVII | 292. Consolatory to the Colonian clergy. CCXXVIII | 290. To the Magistrates of Colonia. CCXXIX | 193. To the Nicopolitan clergy. CCXXX | 194. To the Nicopolitan clergy. CCXXXI | 395. To Amphilochius, Bishop of Iconium. CCXXXII | 404. To Amphilochius, Bishop of Iconium. CCXXXIII | 399. To Amphilochius, with consolation. CCXXXIV | 400. To the same, a reply to another question. CCXXXV | 401. To the same, a reply to another question. CCXXXVI | 391. To the same Amphilochius. CCXXXVII | 264. To Eusebius, Bishop of Samosata. CCXXXVIII | 191. To the Nicopolitan presbyters. CCXXXIX | 10. To Eusebius, Bishop of Samosata. CCXL | 192. To the Nicopolitan presbyters. CCXLI | 360. To Eusebius, Bishop of Samosata. CCXLII | 182. To the Westerners. CCXLIII | 70. To the bishops of the Italians and Gauls, concerning the perturbation and confusion of the churches. CCXLIV | 82. To Patrophilus, Bishop of Aegae. CCXLV | 309. To Theophilus, Bishop. CCXLVI | 66. To the Nicopolitans. CCXLVII | 190. To the Nicopolitans. CCXLVIII | 405. To Amphilochius, Bishop of Iconium. CCXLIX | 238. Without signature, for a man. CCL | 85. To Patrophilus, Bishop of Aegae. CCLI | 72. To the Evaesians. CCLII | 291. To the bishops of the Pontic diocese. CCLIII | 199. To the presbyters of Antioch. CCLIV | 311. To Pelagius, Bishop of Laodicea in Syria. CCLV | 314. To Vito, Bishop of Carrhhae. CCLVI | 200. To the most religious brothers and fellow-presbyters Acacius, Aetius, Paul, and Silvanus, and to Silvinus and Lucius, deacons, and the rest of the brothers and monks, Basil, bishop. CCLVII | 303. To the monks vexed by the Arians. CCLVIII | 325. To Epiphanius, Bishop. CCLIX | 184. To Palladius and Innocent, monks. CCLX | 17. To Optimus, Bishop. CCLXI | 65. To the Sozopolitans. CCLXII | 344. To Urbicius, monk. CCLXIII | 74. To the Westerners. CCLXIV | 326. To Barses, the exiled bishop of Edessa. CCLXV | 293. To Eulogius, Alexander, and Harpocration, exiled bishops of Egypt. CCLXVI | 324. To Peter, Bishop of Alexandria. CCLXVII | 327. To Barses, the exiled bishop of Edessa. CCLXVIII | 9. To the exiled Eusebius. CCLXIX | 186. Consolatory to the wife of Arintheus the Duke. CCLXX | 244. Without signature, concerning abduction. CCLXXI | 11. To his companion Eusebius, a commendation for Cyriacus the presbyter. CCLXXII | 330. To Sophronius, Magister. CCLXXIII | 216. Without signature, for Hera. CCLXXIV | 416. To Himerius, Magister. CCLXXV | 217. Without signature, for Hera. CCLXXVI | 365. To Harmatius the Great. CCLXXVII | 42. To Maximus Scholasticus. CCLXXVIII | 423. To Valerianus. CCLXXIX | 274. To Modestus, Prefect. CCLXXX | 273. To Modestus, Prefect. CCLXXXI | 278. To Modestus, Prefect. CCLXXXII | 336. To a bishop. CCLXXXIII | 281. To a widow. CCLXXXIV | 304. To a Censor, on behalf of the monks. CCLXXXV | 229. Without signature, so that he may secure the patronage of the Church. CCLXXXVI | 417. To the Commentariensis. CCLXXXVII | 213. Without signature, against exploiters. CCLXXXVIII | 216. Without signature, against exploiters. CCLXXXIX | 249. Without signature, to an afflicted woman. CCXC | 323. To Nectarius. CCXCI | 340. To Timotheus, Chorepiscopus. CCXCII | 386. To Palladius. CCXCIII | 166. To Julianus. CCXCIV | 210. To Festus and Magnus. CCXCV | 295. To monks. [index: entries preserved] CCXCVI | 285. To a widow. CCXCVII | 286. To a widow. CCXCVIII | 233. Without signature, for a pious man. CCXCIX | 352. To a Censor. CCC | 201. Consolatory to a certain Scholasticus on the fate of one deceased. CCCI | 346. To Maximus, with consolation. CCCII | 347. Consolatory to the wife of Brison. CCCIII | 423. To the Comites Privatarum. CCCIV | 357. To Aburgius. CCCV | 232. Without signature, for the sake of certain men of renowned virtue. CCCVI | 424. To Principius of Sebaste. CCCVII | 247. Without signature. CCCVIII | 233. Without signature, for the sake of patronage.
New Order | Old Order --- | --- CCCXIX | Similar for a guest. CCCXX | 221. Without inscription, for the sake of greeting. CCCXXI | 212. Thecla. CCCXXII | 223. Without inscription, that he may celebrate Easter with a friend. CCCXXIII | 335. To Philagrius the Assessor. CCCXXIV | 375. To Pasinicus the physician. CCCXXV | 381. To Magninianus. CCCXXVI | 224. Without inscription, by way of admonition. CCCXXVII | 225. Without inscription, by way of exhortation. CCCXXVIII | 367. To Hyperechius. CCCXXIX | 282. To Phalerius. CCCXXX | 176. Without inscription. CCCXXXI | 240. Without inscription. CCCXXXII | 177. Another without inscription. CCCXXXIII | 178. To a Notary. CCCXXXIV | 180. To a Librarian. CCCXXXV | 142. Basil to Libanius. CCCXXXVI | 143. Libanius to Basil. CCCXXXVII | 144. Basil to Libanius. CCCXXXVIII | 145. Libanius to Basil. CCCXXXIX | 146. Libanius to Basil. CCCXL | 147. Libanius to Basil. CCCXLI | 148. Libanius to Basil. CCCXLII | 149. Basil to Libanius. CCCXLIII | 150. Libanius to Basil. CCCXLIV | 151. Basil to Libanius. CCCXLV | 152. Libanius to Basil. CCCXLVI | 153. Libanius to Basil. CCCXLVII | 154. Libanius to Basil. CCCXLVIII | 155. Basil to Libanius. CCCXLIX | 156. Libanius to Basil. CCCL | 157. Basil to Libanius. CCCLI | 158. Basil to Libanius. CCCLII | 159. Basil to Libanius. CCCLIII | 160. Basil to Libanius. CCCLIV | 161. Basil to Libanius. CCCLV | 162. Libanius to Basil. CCCLVI | 163. Basil to Libanius. CCCLVII | Libanius to Basil. CCCLVIII | Libanius to Basil. CCCLIX | Basil to Libanius. CCCLX | 203. From an epistle to Julian the Apostate. CCCLXI | To Apollinarius. CCCLXII | Basil to Apollinarius. CCCLXIII | To Apollinarius. CCCLXIV | Basil to Apollinarius. CCCLXV | Basil to the great Emperor Theodosius. *CCCLXVI | To the monk Urbicius.
THE EPISTLES OF SAINT BASIL THE GREAT: THE PREVIOUSLY VULGATE ORDER REDUCED TO THE NEW ORDER
Old Order | New Order | | Old Order | New Order | --- | --- | --- | --- | --- | --- 1 | XLII | To Chilon, his disciple. | 19 | XIV | For friend Gregory. 2 | XLIII | Admonition to the juniors. | 33 | LXXI | Gregory to Basil. 3 | XLIV | To a fallen monk. | 41 | IX | To Maximus the Philosopher. 4 | XLV | To a fallen monk. | 42 | CLXXVII | To Maximus the Scholastic. 5 | XLVI | To a fallen virgin. | 43 | XXXVIII | To his brother Gregory on the distinction of essence and hypostasis. 1 | CLXXXVIII | To Amphilochius on the canons. | 44 | LVIII | To his brother Gregory. 2 | CXCIX | To Amphilochius on the canons. | 45 | LX | To his paternal uncle Gregory. 3 | CCXVII | To Amphilochius on the canons. | 46 | LIX | To his paternal uncle Gregory. ... | ... | The same, from another epistle to Amphilochius on the difference of foods CCXXXVI. | 47 | LXI | To Athanasius, Bishop of Alexandria. 1 | II | Basil to Gregory. | 48 | LXVI | To Athanasius, Bishop of Alexandria. 2 | VII | For friend Gregory. | 49 | LXXX | To Athanasius, Bishop of Alexandria. 3 | XIX | For friend Gregory. | 50 | LXVII | To Athanasius, Bishop of Alexandria. 4 | XLVII | For friend Gregory. | 51 | LXXXII | To Athanasius, Bishop of Alexandria. 5 | XXXIV | To Eusebius, Bishop of Samosata. | 52 | LXIX | To Athanasius, Bishop of Alexandria. 6 | XXVII | To Eusebius, Bishop of Samosata. | 53 | XXV | To Athanasius, Bishop of Ancyra. 7 | XXX | To Eusebius, Bishop of Samosata. | 54 | XXIV | To Athanasius, father of Athanasius of Ancyra. 8 | CXXXVIII | To Eusebius, Bishop of Samosata. | 55 | CXCVII | To Ambrose, Bishop of Milan. 9 | CCLXVIII | To Eusebius in exile. | 56 | LVII | To Meletius, Bishop of Antioch. 10 | CCXXXIX | To Eusebius, Bishop of Samosata. | 57 | LXVII | To Meletius, Bishop of Antioch. 11 | CLXXI | To friend Eusebius, commendatory for Cyriacus the priest. | 58 | CXX | To Meletius, Bishop of Antioch. | | | 59 | CXXIX | To Meletius, Bishop of Antioch. | | | 60 | CXL | To the Church of Antioch.