Notes of Fronton du Duc

NOTES OF FRONTO DUCÆUS OF BORDEAUX, THEOLOGIAN OF THE SOCIETY OF JESUS. ON THE HOMILIES ON FASTING AND ON VARIOUS OTHER SUBJECTS.

^A Col. 167 B 14. *Tῷ εἰδότη λέγεις*, "To one who knows, you speak." The proverb, which is not found inserted in the collections of Zenobius, or Suidas, or others. Plato in *Hippias Major*, p. 301, D: *Εἰδότι μὲν ἐρεῖς, ὦ Σώκρατες*, "To one who knows, Socrates, you will speak"; and in Cicero, *Epistolarum ad Atticum*, lib. IX, ep. 6: *Mirandum enim in modum Cneus noster Syllani regni similitudinem concupivit.* [For our Cneus has in a wonderful way coveted the image of Sulla’s reign.] *Εἰδόσι λέγω*, "I speak to those who know." For thus Erasmus reads in the proverb: *Doctum doces* [You teach the learned], not as in the edition of Lambinus and more recent ones: *Εἰδώς σοι λέγω*, "I say to you as one who knows."

Ibid. C 4. *Nηστείᾳ*. The Oliv. manuscript and the English [manuscript] have *νηστείαις ὁρῶν* [seeing in fastings], but a little later at B 13, *οὐδαμοῦ ἀπόφασις*, the interpreter had edited "nowhere is there any demand against the animation coming from an implacable belly": but *ἀπόφασις* does not signify a demand [flagitationem], but a judicial sentence, and according to Cornarius, a judicial opinion. Ibid. C 8. *Δὸς ἀργίαν τῇ τραπεζοποιῷ*, "Give leisure to the table-setter," by which means the writing appears to have offended the interpreter Erasmus. [He writes] *Da otium mensarum apparatori* [Give leisure to the preparer of tables], not *ἄδειαν* [immunity], from which Cornarius extracts: *da libertatem mensæ structori* [give liberty to the setter of the table].

Col. 178 C 7. *Non aratorem* [Not the ploughman]. The interpreter added from his own [knowledge], as Hesiod says, whose four-hundred-and-third verse this is in *Works and Days*: *Οἶκον μὲν πρώτιστα, γυναῖκά τε, βοῦν τ' ἀροτῆρα.* "First of all a house, and a wife, and an ox the ploughman." A little later, from the Gallic and English codices, we have added *τρίτον* [third], for he implies what the Apostle says in II Cor. XII, 2: *Ἕως τρίτου οὐρανοῦ* [Until the third heaven].

Col. 180 C 10. *Οὐ κρέα*. The Oliv. [manuscript has] *οὐ κρέας, οὐκ οἶνον, οὐδ᾽ ὅσα* [not meat, not wine, nor as many things], so that these may be referred to those which preceded, "there is bread, not meat." But what follows, *κόρος ὕβρεων ἀρχή* [satiety is the beginning of insolence], alludes to that saying of Solon's in Laertius: *Τὸν μὲν κόρον ὑπὸ τοῦ πλούτου γεννᾶσθαι, τὴν δὲ ὕβριν ὑπὸ τοῦ κόρου* [Satiety is born of wealth, and insolence of satiety]; "satiety is born of wealth, ferocity from satiety." The interpreter of Pindar in the *Olympians* brings forward a verse of Homer, which, however, Erasmus does not recall reading in Homer, nor indeed does he who recently compiled the index of his works find it. The verse is of Theognis, 153: *Τίκτει τοι κόρος ὕβριν, ὅταν κακῷ ὄλβος ἕπηται.* "Satiety truly brings forth insolence, whenever wealth follows the base."

Col. 214 A 3. *Illustres equorum* [Famous of horses]. The interpreter [has] *Illustres hippotrophi* [Famous horse-breeders]. Which word is not used among the Latins. There is in the Theodosian code the title *de equis curulibus*; they were called *hippotrophi* who...

^C those horses they were raising, or who desired to win in the sacred contests, as Budæus teaches in his *Commentaries*, and he brings forth a passage of Isocrates from his oration on the *Two-Horse Chariot*: *Ἱπποτροφεῖν δὲ ἐπιχειρήσας, ὃ τῶν εὐδαιμονεστάτων ἔργον ἐστί, φαῦλος δ᾽ οὐδεὶς ἂν ποιήσειεν... οὐ μόνον τοὺς ἀνταγωνιστάς, ἀλλὰ καὶ τοὺς πώποτε νικήσαντας ὑπερεβάλετο.* [But having undertaken to breed horses, which is the work of the most fortunate, and which no base man could perform... he surpassed not only his competitors, but all who had ever won before.] *Verum ubi ad alendos equos animum adjecit, quod ut opulentissimorum munus est, sic nemo vilis id præstare queat: non eos tantum, qui cum eo contendebant, sed omnes qui unquam vicerant, superavit.* [But when he set his mind to raising horses, a task which is the duty of the most opulent, so no base man could perform it: he surpassed not only those who contended with him, but all who had ever won.] Demosthenes in *Against Meidias* [i.e., *Against Meidias* / *Against Midias*] says this is *τὸ σεμνότατον καὶ κάλλιστον τῶν ἀγωνισμάτων, καὶ τούτου ἐπιβαίνειν μόνοις τοῖς πολίταις ἐξουσίαν οὖσαν, ἐφιεμένους δὲ τοὺς βελτίστους* [the most august and beautiful of contests, and that the power to engage in it belonged only to the citizens, and that the best men desired it]. *Splendidissimum et pulcherrimum genus illud esse certaminis, solisque propositum esse civibus, nec nisi ab optimatibus expeti* [That this is the most splendid and beautiful kind of contest, and is intended only for citizens, and is sought after only by the best]. And in the oration *On the Crown*: *Μέγας τις καὶ λαμπρὸς ἱπποτρόφος* [A great and brilliant horse-breeder], a *Magnus ac splendidus sive magnificus, equorum altor quidam* [a great and splendid or magnificent one, a certain breeder of horses] is called. Deservedly, therefore, he numbers horse-breeders among the rich and powerful.

Col. 220 C 7. *Ξύλον*. Scripture sometimes calls the cross [wood], as Acts X, 39: *Ὃν ἀνεῖλον κρεμάσαντες ἐπὶ ξύλου* [Whom they killed, hanging him on a tree], but it also designates by that word wooden fetters or the stocks, in which culprits were detained in chains, as Acts XVI, 24: *Καὶ τοὺς πόδας αὐτῶν ἠσφαλίσατο εἰς τὸ ξύλον* [And he secured their feet in the stocks]. But among the Greek Fathers and ecclesiastical historians, it is taken for the equuleus [rack], by which culprits bound with cords were tortured, as in Sozomen, lib. V, cap. 10: *Αἰκίζεσθαι ἠβούλετο, καὶ δημοσίᾳ προαγαγὼν πρὸς τὸ βασανιστήριον ξύλον αἰωρεῖσθαι προσέταττεν* [He wished to torture him, and having brought him publicly to the place of torment, he gave orders for him to be suspended on the rack]. *Cædereque verberibus constituit, atque publicum in locum ad equuleum deducens sublimem suspendi jubet.* [And he decided to strike him with blows, and leading him to the public place to the rack, he orders him to be suspended on high.] Eusebius of Cæsarea, *Hist.* lib. V, cap. 1: *Τὰς κατὰ τὴν εἱρκτὴν ἐν τῷ σκότει καὶ τῷ χαλεπωτάτῳ χωρίῳ συγκλείσεις, καὶ τὰς ἐν τῷ ξύλῳ διατάσεις τῶν ποδῶν ἐπὶ πέμπτον διατεινομένων τρύπημα* [The confinements in the prison in the dark and most grievous place, and the extensions of the feet in the stocks, being stretched to the fifth hole]. *Ut in carcerem conjecti interdum in locis horrida caligine obsitis et plenis molestiarum misere jacerent, nonnunquam illorum pedes in ligno extensi distinerentur, et ad quintum usque foramen distraherentur* [As cast into prison they sometimes lay wretchedly in places cloaked in horrid darkness and full of troubles, sometimes their feet were held stretched in the wood, and were drawn apart as far as the fifth hole]. By which words Sigonius, lib. III, cap. 17, *De judiciis Romanorum*, thinks the wooden *catasta* of the rack is designated, but the interpreter Christophorsonus, perhaps more correctly, [thinks it refers to] heavy fetters, by which they were not only held bound in prison, but were also tortured by being stretched apart; for he adds the historian to that extent they were bound...

^A in prison, that many were completely suffocated in it. Rufinus, the older translator, understood it in the same way, lib. v, cap. 2: "And at the seventh point, in the stocks, the feet, contrary to what is right to believe, perishing, stretched apart in the deepest place of darkness." Thus, according to Plutarch in *De Deo Socratis*, [Greek: τοὺς πόδας ἐν τῷ ξύλῳ δεδεμένοι], "bound with wooden fetters," as Stephanus translates in his *Thesaurus*; yet Basil, in his

Homily on the Martyr Gordius

Homily on Barlaam

Col. 235 A 11.

And the distinction of gold

Natural History

Col. 238 A 8.

Most happy of women

Orat. 1 on Julian

De Demonstratione Evangelica

Stromata

Against Marcion

De Praeparatione Evangelica

Col. 239 A 7.

To plead a cause

Commentaries

Demosthenes

De Republica Atheniensium

Col. 274 B 10.

Bring to public notice

Notes on the Panegyric of St. John Chrysostom on St. Julian

Moralia, Orat. 15, on Avarice

Col. 279 A 6.

Having left the Pharisees

^A and perhaps it would be read more aptly here as “a heap of scribes,” rather than “a crowd,” with the pride and arrogance of the others joined together. A little later, he does not sufficiently express the meaning of the Greeks, that is, “Because he loved riches too much,” [Greek: τῷ πάθει ἐσκοτωμένον], which means that excessive love of riches had cast shadows upon him. Cornarius said, “With the greed for riches casting shadows upon him.”

Col. 318 B. *Who necessarily.* Basil does not mean that the form of man was added to a previously constituted nature or essence, but that this very likeness was situated in the essence itself. Therefore, Volaterranus had interpreted it incorrectly: “Who persuaded one to add the account of human form to that which was already constituted, so that he might be capable of arts and disciplines?” Indeed, in that homily, which was formerly numbered as the tenth in the *Hexaemeron*, those words were explained thus: “Let us make man in our image,” p. 143; in Gregory of Nyssa: [Greek: ποιήσωμεν ἄνθρωπον κατ’ εἰκόνα ἡμετέραν], that is, “Let us give him an abundance of reason,” meaning, let us bestow upon him the excellence of reason.

Col. 326 A 10. *To the Gentiles.* By the name of "Greeks" in this place, as with the Apostle, I consider that gentiles or pagans are to be understood, so that Christians might blush all the more, when they notice that they are surpassed by the heathens. Also that phrase: [Greek: Μίαν ἑστίαν σχεδὸν, τὸν πολὺν ἄνθρωπον], was poorly expressed as: “One home, a crowded people,” for [Greek: σχεδὸν] ought to have been joined with the word [Greek: ἑστίαν], as if he were saying that the conspiracy of minds in one people was so great that they seemed to be a single family gathered under one roof. And it seems to me that Basil is alluding especially to the Spartan people, whose public meals and frugality are celebrated by Greek historians. For as Plutarch relates in his *Life of Lycurgus* and in the *Institutions of the Lacedaemonians*, the citizens gathered in such banquets, and together they contributed a *medimnus* of flour and eight *choes* of wine each month, nor did they partake of food in private homes, unless perhaps they were offering first-fruits to the gods. Greek: Τὸ τρίτον πολίτευμα καὶ κάλλιστον ἐπῆγε τὴν τῶν συσσιτίων κατασκευὴν, ὥστε δειπνεῖν μετ’ ἀλλήλων συνιόντας, ἐπὶ κοινοῖς καὶ τεταγμένοις ὄψοις καὶ σιτίοις, οἴκοι δὲ μὴ διαιτᾶσθαι. “He introduced a third and most excellent institution, the structure of common meals, so that they gathered to dine with one another, upon common and prescribed side-dishes and foods, and did not live at home.” These things are in the *Life of Lycurgus* regarding the Spartans. Moreover, this interpreter erroneously added on his own account: “except for the feast of fish from the Lord.” For there were not three thousand, as in Matt. XIV, 21, but five thousand; and in Matthew XV, 38, four thousand. But he looked toward those three thousand, of whom mention is made in Acts II, 41.

Col. 342 A 6. *For neither is it unbegotten.* In the Basilian edition, it is [Greek: ἀγένητόν ἐστι], and a little later, [Greek: οὔτε γὰρ ἀγένητος ἡ νόσος], in which way it is also read in the Oliva manuscript. But typographical errors are sometimes mixed in, among which is that [Greek: ἀγέννητον], instead of [Greek: ἀγέννητος]. Volaterranus had written: “For it is not unbegotten, as is the opinion of the impious, who posit evil as a co-condition of a good nature. For if both are prior and without principle and generation, from which they are not made.” [Greek: Ἀγένητος], not having a beginning, from [Greek: γίνεσθαι]; [Greek: ἀγέννητος], not generated, from [Greek: γεννᾶσθαι]. Stephanus, following Budaeus, noted in his *Damascenus* that these two differ: [Greek: ἀγένητος] and [Greek: ἀγέννητος]. For [Greek: ἀγένητος] is that which is uncreated and not made, and thus the Son of God is [Greek: ἀγένητος], uncreated, and yet [Greek: γεννηθείς], generated by the Father. The most learned Billius also, in *Sacred Observations*, book I, cap. 2, reads [Greek: ἀγέννητον] twice with regard to Theodoret, since one of the two must be written with a single nu. For much indeed distinguishes the two. Since, he says, as it is in Damascene, it is indeed [Greek: ἀγένητος], that is, not created, but not also [Greek: ἀγέννητος]. For this is the peculiar mark by which he is distinguished from the Father. Basil therefore contends that in this place evil is not uncreated, as the Gnostics and Cerdonians blathered, who posited two principles of things—one good, from whom good things proceed, and another evil, from whom evil things proceed, as Augustine says, *De Hæresib.* cap. 21—nor that it was created by God, as the heretic Florinus wanted, as Eusebius testifies, *Hist.* lib. V, cap. 20. Gregory Nazianzen attributes the same opinion regarding shadows to the Manichaeans, *Orat.* 35, p. 569: Greek: Οὐκ ἂν μὲν συγχωρήσαιεν εἶναι μόνου Θεοῦ τὸ ἀγέννητον οἱ τὴν ὕλην καὶ τὴν ἰδέαν συναγαγόντες ὡς ἀγέννητα. Τὸ γὰρ Μανιχαίων πορρωτέρω ρίψωμεν σκότος. “Those who bring together matter and the idea as unbegotten would not grant that this being unbegotten belongs to God alone. For we may cast the darkness of the Manichaeans further away.” Yet those who introduced matter and form as also unbegotten would certainly not have granted that *only* God is unbegotten. For we throw the darkness of the Manichaeans still further away. Justin in *Eversione dogmatum Aristotelis*, p. 96, Commelin edition: [Greek: ὡς ἡ ὕλη καὶ τὸ ὃν οὐκ ἔστι, καὶ ἀγένητος καὶ ἄφθαρτός ἐστιν.] “How can matter, and that which is, not be, and yet be uncreated and incorruptible?” However, it is noted in the Greek index to Aristotle that there is an [Greek: ἀγέννητον ὕλην] (unbegotten matter), whence it is clear that one is sometimes used for the other. Certainly in *Physics* book I, cap. 9, text 82, what he said concerning the same matter—[Greek: ἀλλ’ ἄφθαρτον καὶ ἀγέννητον ἀνάγκη αὐτὴν εἶναι]—Perionius translates: “but she must necessarily be incorruptible and unbegotten,” or “cannot necessarily perish or be born.”

Col. 351 A 3. *Satan was indeed.* The passage is cited from the book of Kings, ch. 11, v. 14, slightly changed: for it reads there thus: [Greek: Καὶ ἐξήγειρε Κύριος Σατὰν Σαλομῶντι τὸν Ἀδὲρ τὸν Ἰδουμαῖον.] “And the Lord stirred up a Satan for Solomon, Ader the Idumean.” The Latin Vulgate [reads]: “The Lord stirred up an adversary to Solomon, Adad the Idumean of the royal seed, who was in Edom,” not, as Basil says, “a king of the Syrians”: for Idumea is indeed far distant from Syria, nor is he called [Greek: βασιλεὺς Σύρων], but [Greek: ἐκ τοῦ σπέρματος τῆς βασιλείας ἐν Ἰδουμαίᾳ], “of the seed of the kingdom in Idumea,” and [Greek: καὶ ἐβασίλευσεν ἐν γῇ Ἐδώμ], “and he reigned in the land of Edom.”

》 ^A Likewise, mention is made in the same place of another adversary of Solomon, who is said to have occupied Damascus, which is in Syria, and to have reigned there, from which arose an occasion for error and a failure of memory in Basil: *And the Lord raised up for Solomon a Satan, Razron the son of Elidece Barameth, and Adradezer, king of Suba, his master, and he seized Damascus, and he reigned in Damascus.* Regarding this passage, Theodoret in *Questions on the Third Book of Kings* asks: Whom does he call Satan? The apostate, the one who stands against, the one who opposes. The author of the Latin Vulgate translated it as "adversary" in this place from the Hebrew, where the Septuagint retained the Hebrew word; but in Book III, chapter V, verse IV, it is to the contrary, and the Vulgate has, *And there is no Satan, nor any evil encounter*, where the LXX says, *There is no plotter, and there is no evil encounter.*

^B Eccles. iv, 4: “The zeal or envy of a man from his neighbor.” The Vulgate from the Hebrew said: *I have observed that the labors of men are exposed to the envy of their neighbor.* This is, indeed, that which is circulated in the common verses of Hesiod from his *Works*: And the potter is jealous of the potter, and the builder of the builder, And the beggar of the beggar, and the singer of the singer. What follows, “The man of Scythia does not envy the Egyptian,” was transcribed from Damascenus, Book III, *Parallela*, chapter 110, where Billius expressed it more faithfully: “The Scythian does not envy the Egyptian, but each one envies him who is of the same nation”; and again, those not unknown in the same nation.

^C Col. 368 B 13. *You have filled your hands.* We have written thus in place of what Volaterranus had edited, “You have today consecrated your hands to God, each being in his son, so that a blessing may be given to you,” although Cornarius translated it no differently, and it is read in the same way in the Latin Vulgate, Exodus xxxii, 29. For since the Hebrew word signifies both “to fill” [*implere*] and “to initiate” or “to consecrate” [*initiare, consecrare*], for that reason the LXX translated Exodus xxix, 29, *and you shall fill the hands of Aaron*, and the Latin Vulgate in the same place, *after you shall have initiated their hands*; and Numbers iii, 3, *whose hands they filled*. Therefore the Latin Vulgate [retains], “whose hands were filled and consecrated”: and again in this current passage they translated, *You have filled your hands.* Since, therefore, the Septuagint chose to express one of the various meanings of a word in this place, it is the duty of the Latin interpreter to represent that one, not others which they might have attributed to the same word in other places of Scripture. Thus in Exodus xxviii, 41, *and you shall fill their hands*, namely with offerings, Pagninus explains it from that rite by which it was permitted to no one to assume the office of sacrificing unless his hands had first been filled with portions of the sacrifices. Therefore, it is a Hebraism when a priest’s hands are said to be filled, that is to say, consecrated: but with the veil of the Hebraism removed, he said more clearly on page 130: *They consecrated their own hands.*

^D Col. 378 D 3. *Therefore, a wise man.* It was read previously, “A wise man, indeed, shall he be who in no way associates or converses with an envious person, nor does he even study to be at the same table with him.” Actually, it alludes to that saying of Solomon in Proverbs xxiii, 6: *Do not dine with an envious man, nor desire his food.* A little later, another passage is cited from

Col. 390 C 4. *Who, therefore, rightly and happily.* In the Olivetan manuscript we find *epitetagmenos* [ordered/appointed], in which manner the interpreter seems to have read when he translated, “Therefore, delivering theology by way of precept, he knows wisdom.” In the Basilian edition, collated with English manuscripts, [it is] *epiteteugmenos* [successfully/skillfully], from which Cornarius expressed, “Who, therefore, rightly and happily treats of theology,” as if, indeed, *epiteteugmenos* were to have the same value as *epitychos* or *epitychontos*, from the verb *epitychanein*, meaning with prosperous success and happily. But if there is room for conjecture, I conjecture that the author wrote *entameōs*, that is, intensely, vehemently, or with great tension of soul, accurately: for it follows, *among the perfect*. Thus below, page 105, *to apply oneself to the accuracy of theology.*

Col. 391 A 10. *He created me as a beginning.* In the Latin Vulgate of Proverbs viii, 22, it is written: *The Lord created me in the beginning of his ways*; therefore the translator had edited: *The Lord created me [as] the beginning of his ways*, and he speaks of that wisdom which became known to the world; and a little later: *He proclaims that he was made, and did not begin spontaneously*; such, indeed, is the wisdom that befits the things that have been made. Therefore the LXX said *archēn* [beginning], not *en archē* [in the beginning], as did Symmachus also, *The beginning of his ways before his work*, [meaning] the beginning of his ways before his creating. Ambrose, book III, chapter 4, *On the Faith*: *The Lord created me the beginning of his ways for his works*, and explaining the passage, he joins it with another in John viii, 25: *The beginning, who also speak to you*; and St. Athanasius, III, *Against the Arians*, also explaining it regarding Christ: *The Lord is the beginning of the new creation, he is created as the way, so that man may no longer live according to that first one.* The way is created as the beginning of the new creature, so that man may not continue to live according to that former way. Nor, indeed, did Basil say that wisdom became known to the world, or that it befits the things that have been made, but [that it is that] which shines and appears in the world and in created things. For as the most learned Jansenius teaches in his Commentary, Solomon here speaks of the uncreated wisdom of God which belongs to the whole Trinity, and invites men in various ways; or rather of wisdom in general, as it both befits God, and [is given] to men through the gift of God, by which men [index: entries preserved]

know and piously worship; because participation in what is first flows from That One according to human capacity.

^A The author of the Latin Vulgate noticed this, who in Psalm LXXXI, 2, wrote: *And the faces of sinners you shall take*, though elsewhere he renders *λαμβάνειν πρόσωπον* less clearly as *to accept a person*. The following, *οὔτε ποιῶν κατὰ πρόσκλησιν*, was borrowed from various English readings, and in the same way it seems to have offended the Volaterran, when he translated: *he will act by provocation or contention*. However, the Basil edition had *πρόσκλησιν*, just as the Olivar manuscript, but there was an added correction, *πρόσκλισιν*, which is the true reading, from the Apostle, 1 Tim. v, 21: *Μηδὲν ποιῶν κατὰ πρόσκλισιν*, doing nothing by inclining to one side. Rightly so; for Suidas also says: *Πρόσκλισις, ἑτερομέρεια μὴ διαπράξασθαί τι κατ' ἔχθραν ἢ κατὰ πρόσκλισιν*. To do nothing out of hatred or inclination of the will, inclining to the other side. Cornarius followed the Basil edition, and rendered it, *nor doing anything by prayers*; some translate it *by advocacy*, a corrupt reading that some New Testament codices also present. Clement of Alexandria in Book I of the Stromata quotes a similar passage from the Epistle of Clement, disciple of the apostles, to the Corinthians, p. 242: *Τὴν ἀγάπην αὐτῶν μὴ κατὰ προσκλίσεις, ἀλλὰ πᾶσι τοῖς φοβουμένοις τὸν Θεὸν ὁσίως ἴσην παρεχέτωσαν*. *Let them show their love not inclining to one side, but equal to all who fear God holily*. The interpreter there was wrong, *not by provocations*, although in the same author at the beginning of Book I of the Stromata he had correctly rendered this passage of the Apostle.

^B Col. 391 B. 3. *Whose voices are not heard*. Since these [words] are correctly contained within a parenthesis, they seem to be taken together to prove what immediately preceded: *The heavens narrate without a voice*. Therefore, it must be translated as Cornarius did, *whose voices are not heard*, or certainly word for word, so that the Hebraism and the pleonasm of the relative pronoun may appear, *whose voices of them are not heard*, as in Psalm CXLIII, 15: *Blessed the people whose Lord is their God*; as if David meant to say: There are no speeches of the heavens, nor words, since their voices are not heard, and yet their sound has gone out into all the earth. Thus we have shown that Theodotion translated, and thus Theodoret expounded, the words of Psalm XVIII in our Notes on Homily 9 to the people of Antioch. His words are transcribed from the Augustan manuscripts: *Οὐδὲ γὰρ λόγον οὐδὲ φωνὴν ἀφιεῖσαι, οὔτε ῥήματα προφέρουσαι, ἀλλὰ τὸν κανόνα καὶ τὴν ἰδίαν τάξιν ὑποδεικνῦσαι, πᾶσαν γῆν καὶ θάλασσαν εἰς τὴν θείαν καλοῦσιν ὑμνῳδίαν*. For, he says, not emitting speech nor voice, nor bringing forth words, but showing their own rule and order, they invite all the earth and sea to sing divine praises.

^C Ibid. C. *Wisdom in the exits*. He said *ὑμνεῖται*, not *ἐπαινεῖται*, as Volaterranus expressed it in Latin: *Wisdom is praised in the exits of the ways, in the streets she is proclaimed openly, in the highest walls and towers she is heralded*. Nor does *παρρησίαν ἄγειν* mean *to be proclaimed openly*, but *to proclaim*. Indeed, Flaminius Nobilius contends in his Annotations on this place of Solomon that in the Vatican edition the passive should be taken as a deponent; that is, *she sings and proclaims*, as the Latin Vulgate stated, Proverb. 1, 10: *Wisdom proclaims abroad, in the streets she gives her voice*. Certainly for *κηρύσσεται*, Aquila and Symmachus rendered *δώσει φωνὴν αὐτῆς*, *she shall give her voice*. But it is ambiguous what Basil says in this place, *πανταχοῦ αὐτῆς πολὺν εἶναι τὸν λόγον*, that her speech is great everywhere: whether it is said of her, or by her. S. Hilary on Psalm cxviii, in the octonary Daleth: *Wisdom in the exits is sung, in the streets she acts with liberty*. The same interpreter of Irenaeus, book v, c. 20: *In the exit she is sung, and in the highest walls she is proclaimed*.

^D Col. 406 A 11. *For the person*. These were missing from the interpreter, although they were not absent from the Basil edition and the manuscript codices: he alludes, however, to that mandate of the Lord in Deuteronomy 1, 17: *Οὐκ ἐπιγνώσῃ πρόσωπον ἐν κρίσει· κατὰ τὸν μικρὸν καὶ κατὰ τὸν μέγαν κρινεῖς*. *You shall not acknowledge a face in judgment; according to the small and according to the great, you shall judge*. Thus it is correctly in the Vatican edition; for *πρόσωπον* here means the face rather than the person, and the Hebrew word generally in such sentences signifies the external appearance of a man, and his countenance or habit, which he himself

Col. 423 C. *Who for us of the resurrection*. It meant the same as *τῷ προξενήσαντι*, who for us had provided, or acquired, the right of rising again, not as the interpreter had written, *who gave the firstfruits of rising*. The same, a little later, *οὔτε ψυχὴ ἐδέξασθαι θεωρίαν*, he had translated as *so neither the soul without this light [can receive] what are of God*: we have expressed the meaning of the Greeks, which is also supported by the passage of Damascenus, interpreted by the most learned Billius, book 1 of the Parallels, cap. 55: *Furthermore, without light, neither can the eye see things that fall into view, nor can the soul receive the contemplation of God*.

Col. 426 A 4. *As those whom he previously brought forth*. The interpreter says, *as those whom he has brought forth, then at last let him nourish them, the catechumens nurtured with the milk of sound erudition and with the tasting of firmer food and a perfect institution*. We have judged that the word *catechesis* should be retained, as the word *to catechize* was used by the author of the Vulgate, and it is an elegant metaphor taken from animals weaned from milk. Furthermore, in what follows, those two words, *far more clearly*, are redundant, and are not recognized in the Greek text, nor by the most learned Billius in Damascenus: *John preached the baptism of repentance, and all Judea went out to him: the Lord preaches the baptism of adoption, and who among those who hope in him will not obey? That baptism was merely rudimentary: this one has the power of perfection*.

Ibid. D 5. *As a heifer*. Here also elegantly

the interpreter had omitted the comparison: Why do you delay? The yoke, I say, is good and light, and does not in the least chafe the neck. Also, in the place of the prophet, he had not expressed that *par oistrōsa*; however, Billius found both in Damascenus, and rendered them in Latin thus: Why do you flee? Why do you fear the yoke like a calf that is free of it? It is sweet, it is light. It does not press the neck, but brings glory. For the yoke is not bound to the neck, but calls to him who draws it of his own accord and freely.

You see Ephraim being accused as a heifer maddened by a gadfly, because it wanders hither and thither rashly? In the Plantin Greek edition we read in Osee IV, 16: *hōs damalis paroistrōsa paroistrēsen Israēl*. Just as a cow struck by a gadfly maddened Israel, which is in the Latin Vulgate, *As a heifer wandering, Israel has turned aside*: but in the same prophet, ch. x, 11, it is told not of Israel, but of Ephraim: *Ephraim damalis dedidagmenē agapan neikos*; Ephraim is a heifer taught to love contention. The same thing indeed happened to Theodoret writing a commentary on this prophet, in that he says Israel here is compared to the heifer as Ephraim: for after he said the *oistros*, or gadfly, is a fly most troublesome to cows, by whose stings they are goaded and cannot be called back by the herdsman’s voice, but are sometimes driven headlong, he adds: *Tautais eoiken ho Ephraim tēs tōn eidōlōn therapeias ton oistron dexamenos. Ephraim de tas deka phylas onomazei*; Similar to these is Ephraim, who has received the gadfly of the worship of idols. But he named Ephraim for the ten tribes. Since, therefore, Ephraim is wont to be taken for the ten tribes, so too is Israel for the same. Ibid., for *Subject the untamed heart, be the beast of burden of Christ*, we have written, *Subject your untamed neck*: for it is a continuation of the same comparison.

^C Col. 430 A 3. *Upon the segments*. Not as the interpreter, *upon the wood*. For though the Hebrew word in that place, III Kings XVIII, 33, and often elsewhere in Scripture, is translated *xylon* or *xylarion*, and *xylinon*, wood and wooden, because however the LXX used the word *schidakas*, which Suidas explains as *xylon schizomenon*, a segment from cleft wood, the faithful interpreter ought also to have expressed this, so that *schidakēdon* is said of wood being broken into chips, which is divided into such fragments. Shortly after, for *trissōsate kai etrisseusan*, it is read in the Medicean manuscript *trissesate* and *etrisseusan*. In certain Basilian Greco-Latin Bibles, *trissōsate kai etrisseusan*. Budaeus in his *Commentaries* notes that this place in III Kings XVIII, 33, is read as *trissōsate*, and in certain other books as *trisseusate*, as in the Complutensian edition, *kai eipe, trisseusate, kai etrisseusan*. In the Vatican it is as in the Basilian: both are in use, but *trisseuein* sometimes sounds different, as in I Kings XX, 19, *Kai trisseuseis, kai episkepsē*; *you will remain three days, and you will be sought*. Theodoret in *Question* 49: *To de, trisseuseis, anti tou, treis hēmeras anameneis*, you will wait three days.

Ibid. D 10. *Do you think*. These are torn from the preceding: the interpreter had wished to begin another period quite conveniently: Do you think it is well-advised and useful, if one should take away your right of immunity and remission of this kind, and suffer you to be oppressed by foreign debt? Shortly after, mark the teaching of Basil, who teaches that some sins are *pros thanaton*, unto death, and lethal, others *mikra*, small and not lethal, contrary to the Stoics of our era, who wish all sins to be equal.

Col. 431 B 5. *Now think*. The most learned Billius expressed these more happily and faithfully in John of Damascus, lib. 1 *Parallel.*, cap. 55: Now think of your soul standing as in a balance, and being pulled now by angels, now by demons. To which, therefore, will you give the momentum of your heart? Item after a few words: In battle, leaders give a password to their soldiers, so that friends may call each other back, and if they have been mixed with the enemies in the fight, they may be clearly distinguished. He said *Anakalountai*, not *parakalountai*, as Volaterranus wished to express. We have finally expunged those superfluous words from the interpreter, added after *can be overcome*, "But if by chance a separation of fellow-soldiers should occur."

Col. 434 A 5. *That your soul*. The Basilian edition had it thus, *kai rhyssēn autēn ek tōn anomiōn*. The Medicean codex *kai rhysēn*, but from the English various readings the place, having been changed, is to be restored to its original state, and therefore to be interpreted from the words of the most learned Billius: But when baptism gives you its word and promises that your soul, which you have worn out with old age, and have rendered wrinkled and foul with spots through your iniquities, may return to its original flower, do you despise those who deserve well of you? *Rhyssos*, and *rhysos*, is wrinkled, and as here Basil says *rhyssēn kai espilōmenēn*, so Aristophanes in *Plutus* calls an old man *rhypōnta, athlion, rhysson*, squalid, miserable, wrinkled.

Ibid. B. *The seal which*. This, I think, is what Basil clearly means, not what Volaterranus does, "a character incomprehensible, the journey of heaven, the reconciliation of the heavenly kingdom." *Anepicheirētos* to Hesychius is *ho anepibouleutos*, he who cannot be attacked by guile. Thus he said below, page 119, *technais methodeuei tēn epicheirēsin*. Billius in Damascenus in the same place translates: a seal fearing no one’s attempt, a vehicle into heaven, a reconciler of the kingdom, a benefit of adoption. Shortly after we amended that sentence about the ship on page 118, *Phainetai hē naus*. It seems the ship carries the burdens and weight of those who are on board to some extent. Or rather he says it appears, and the ship is seen with the eyes.

Col. 435 A 13. *More bitter than gall*. Thus we restore it, as we had found it written, *it meets with the end of a more bitter sorrow*. Perhaps the interpreter had read *anadoseis*, or something else of the sort. Similar is the place in Solomon, Prov. V, 3: *Pros kairon lipainei sōn pharynga, hysteron mentoi pikroteron cholēs heurēseis*. For a time it fattens your throat; but afterwards you will find it more bitter than gall. Not far off is another restored passage from the Apostle, whose words it uses.

^A author, Romans 6:19: "As you have presented your members as slaves to uncleanness and to lawlessness, to lawlessness." Since the interpreter had not noticed this, he had written: "Far be it from me, for members to be weapons of injustice and iniquity; later I shall also assume weapons of justice."

Column 435 D 3. *Not with God.* The interpreter [translated], "Not to agree with God, not to fight with an adversary." He did not notice from the sacred formula that Christians are accustomed to renounce the devil and his angels. Basil himself elsewhere, tom. III, book *On the Holy Spirit*, chap. 27: "But as to those things concerning baptism: to renounce Satan and his angels, from what Scripture [is this]?" St. John Chrysostom, Homily 21 to the Antiochians, page 275 of the Parisian edition: "Say this word first: 'I renounce you, Satan, and your pomp, and your service, and I join myself to you, Christ.'" Speak this word first: *I renounce you, Satan, and your pomp, and your service, and I join myself to you, Christ.* See what we have annotated for that Homily from the *Apostolic Constitutions*, book VII, chap. 41, and Homily 6 of the same Chrysostom on the Epistle to the Colossians, where he says, speaking of this baptismal formula: "All these things are a pact," as this Basil [also says], *to not make a pact with God.* On this same page, after those words, "But you do not yet bring profit," there followed seven or eight periods which we found in the interpreter as a rag torn from the homily on the Canaanite woman and stitched onto this one of Basil. That text is found in volume II of the Works of St. John Chrysostom edited in Latin, number 17, among those which are on various places in Matthew; but in Origen, with a different interpretation, among those which are on various [matters], number 7. For which reason we did not think it should be given a place among the sermons on various places of the New Testament, although to some it may not seem unworthy of Chrysostom. The beginning of that text in Origen: "A wonderful thing, O Evangelist, and behold the woman, the head of sin"; in Chrysostom: "The Evangelist marvels." This fragment extended from those words: "Therefore, looking at these things, strive to imitate the Canaanite woman," etc., as far as those, "he is asleep, occupied"; but it is found neither in the Basilian edition, nor in the Gallic or English manuscripts.

Column 438 D. Aelianus, book III *On Animals*, ch. 16, explains the cunning of the partridge, which he learned from Aristotle, book IX of the *History of Animals*: "When anyone hunting falls upon the nest, the partridge rolls itself before the hunter as if it were suffering a seizure and drags itself, as if about to be caught, toward itself, until each of the chicks has escaped; but according to these things, having flown up, it itself calls [them] back again." *When anyone has approached in hunting, the partridge rolls itself before the feet of the hunter, as if it could now be caught, and thus lures the man to catch it, until the chicks escape; then it itself flies away and calls back its brood.* Pliny edited the same in Latin, in which he says that finally, in the furrow, lying on its back, it covers itself by taking hold of the clod of earth with its feet, not daring to run away. From this has been coined an Aristophanic term in *The Birds*, *ekperdixizein*, to cunningly slip away and avoid danger. Petrus Bellonius, in book V of *On Birds*, ch. 14, reports that the same is confirmed by the experience of our own times, both in Greece and in Gaul. Furthermore, what Basil subjoins concerning the registered athlete ^B confirms the observation of the most illustrious man Petrus Faber Sanjorianus, President of the Court of Toulouse, in book II of *Agonistica*, ch. 16, who teaches that the album of athletes was posted at Olympia, just as that of the gladiators designated for combat was at Rome, and he gathers from this, from the place in Dio [found] in Xiphilinus in the pseudo-Antonine commentary on Aurelius Elix: "For when the Eleans, envying him, so that it might not be—this being the saying—*the eighth from Hercules*, did not even call anyone to the stadium as a wrestler, although they had entered this contest in the album." *When the Eleans envied him, that it might not be, as the saying goes, the eighth generation from Hercules, they invited no one to the wrestling match, although they had inscribed this type of contest in the album.* Concerning the profession of the name and the enrollment in the album of those who were about to compete in the gymnastic games, he brings forward the passage of Aristides, Orat. 1, *On Rhetoric*: "I see, however, that even in the gymnastic games, not whoever first made the registration departs victorious, but whoever, for whom the registration has been made, demonstrates this most excellently in practice." *I see that in gymnastic contests, it is not those who have given their names first who carry off the victory, but those who have proven by their deeds that for which they gave their names.* So also in Lucilius, Epigram 4, book II of the *Anthology*: *Eit' apographtamenos pyktēs apōlōleke panta*. *This man, once registered in the pugilists' tables, lost everything.*

Column 442 B 11. *With doctors despairing.* It was formerly read, *you are deserted by doctors and householders. When, I say, there will be extreme anxiety, and the viscera will be burned by the heat of fever, you will grieve, miserable one, etc., saying to yourself, How despised is my folly!* With these deleted, we substitute what was printed, and what we later found confirmed by the calculation of the most learned Billius in Damascenus, book II *Parallel*, ch. 119: *With doctors despairing of your safety, and [your] relatives, when you are compressed with frequent and dry panting, with an intense fever inflaming and scorching the internal parts, you will groan, from the bottom of your chest indeed, but you will not find [anyone] who may join himself to you as a companion in your sorrow.*

Column 443 B 7. *Man or hell.* It seems the interpreter misread, *anthrōpe, ean phobēthēs*, or something similar, while he translates thus: *Man, if you fear hell, if you desire the kingdom, do not spurn the calling, do not connect vain causes, [for] there is nothing suitable for an excuse.* But the received reading is supported by both the Royal and other codices.

Column 459 B 8. *That of one cotyla.* Volaterranus had omitted the name of this measure. *Consider the size of the vessel, the measure containing how much it is.* This [you…]

by no means put into a wine vessel, but send it down into your stomach, already full. Wherefore, etc., which are clearly [ἀπροσδιήνυσα], that is, inexplicable. Furthermore, the [κοτύλη] is a type of liquid measure among the Attics, holding two quartarii, or nine Italian ounces. Stephanus, in his *Thesaurus*, teaches that some correctly interpret [κοτύλη] as *hemina* in Latin, because there is no Latin measure that approaches more closely to the [κοτύλη], although they are not the same measures, since the [κοτύλη] contains nine Italian ounces, while the Roman *hemina* contains ten. Athenaeus, however, writes (book xi, page 479) that the *cotyle* is called a *hemina* even among the Greeks: *as Pamphilus says that the cotyle is called a hemina*. It is, therefore, to be understood as the Greek *hemina*, not the Roman.

^A Col. 479 C 3. *Those things might seem obscure, "There was a time when he was not," in the way that Volaterranus also published them; but that blasphemous Arian statement is brought forth more clearly by the blessed Jerome, Epistle 58, in the Dialogue against the Luciferians: "If anyone should say, 'There was a time when the Son was not,' let him be anathema"; and in Hilary, book De Synodis against the Arians: "The holy and catholic Church knows those who say that the Son is from things non-existent, or from another substance, and not from God, and that there was a time or an age when he was not, to be aliens." And lib. xii, De Trinitate: "He did not leave it in his words that he was not, before he was born." The interpreter of Athanasius, Disput. I against the Arians, page 124: "And when all things did not exist before, but came into being later, the Word of God himself was, *there was a time when he was not*, and he was not before he was born, but has a beginning of existence." And: "Since all things previously did not exist, but thereafter existed, truly there was a time when the Word did not exist: and because he did not exist before he was made, he had a beginning of existence." Where he would have more fitly said, "And because he did not exist before he was born": for it is not [πρὶν γενηθῆναι], but [πρὶν γεννηθῆναι]. So at last the old interpreter of the Nicene Creed: "Those, however, who say: 'There was once when he was not,' and 'before he was born he was not,' and 'that he was made out of things that are not.'" The Greek words are very similar to these Basilian ones, τοὺς δὲ λέγοντας, Ἦν ποτέ, ὅτε οὐκ ἦν, καὶ πρὶν γεννηθῆναι οὐκ ἦν, καὶ ὅτι ἐξ οὐκ ὄντων ἐγένετο. Therefore, we have corrected what Volaterranus had translated here as [πρὸ τοῦ γενηθῆναι οὐκ ἦν], "Before he was made, he was not." Finally, concerning Gregory Nazianzen, we have a similar sentiment about the Father, expressed likewise by the most learned Billius, Orat. 37, p. 594: [Εἰ ἦν ὅτε οὐκ ἦν ὁ Πατήρ, ἦν ὅτε οὐκ ἦν ὁ Υἱός]: "If there was a time when the Father was not, there was also a time when the Son was not."

^A Col. 483 A. *On the martyr Barlaam.* In the Roman Martyrology for the 19th of November we read: "At Caesarea in Cappadocia, the holy martyr Barlaam, who, although rustic and uneducated, conquered the tyrant, fortified by the wisdom of Christ, and overcame the fire itself by the constancy of his faith." On his natal day St. Basil the Great delivered an illustrious oration. Writing on this passage, the most illustrious Cardinal Baronius admonishes that the Greeks treat of this martyr in the Menology on the 16th of November, which agrees with the Royal manuscript and with the published Latin text in these words: "Natalis sancti martyris Barlaam ex Antiochia, quem beatus Chrysostomus encomiis honoravit. Hic propter Christi confessionem ex carcere judici oblatus nervis cæditur, et exstirpatis unguibus ad aram ductus aperta manu carbones cum thure accepit." In the Horologion of the Greeks, however, to which the *Menologium breve* is appended, his festival and commemoration are noted not on the 16th of November, but on the 19th, as in the Roman Martyrology: [ιθ'. Τοῦ ἁγίου Βαρλαὰμ καὶ τοῦ ἁγίου προφήτου ᾿Αβδίου, ἀλληλούϊα.]

^B Col. 499 B 4. *Let him be stretched on a wheel.* Volaterranus: "Let his body be torn by wheels, let him be suspended on the rack." But surely [κατατείνεσθαι] does not mean to be torn, nor [στρεβλοῦσθαι] to be suspended. In former times, criminals were tortured spread upon a wheel. Therefore Suidas said: [τροχισθεῖσα, βασανισθεῖσα, τροχαίᾳ], in the torture of the question: [Ἀπὸ τοῦ τροχοῦ, ὅπερ ἐστὶν ὄργανον βασανιστήριον, καὶ διατεῖνον τὰ σώματα]; and Aristophanes: [Ἐπὶ τροχοῦ γ' ἕλκοιτο μαστιγούμενος]. *Ab rota*, which is an instrument for torturing: fit for stretching bodies; whence Aristophanes: "But let him be dragged on the wheel, flogged." The place is in the *Peace*, page 653, upon which the Scholiast: [Οἱ γὰρ δοῦλοι σφαλλόμενοι ἐπὶ τοῦ τροχοῦ δεσμούμενοι καὶ συρόμενοι ἐτύπτοντο]. Etenim servi, "For the slaves, when they had sinned, were shackled and dragged upon the wheel and beaten." Plutarch, *On Garrulity* (De garrulitate), page 509: [Βασάνιζε, καὶ στρέβλου τὸν ἁλάστορα, ἐκομίσθη τροχός, κατετάθη ὁ ἄνθρωπος]: "Torment and stretch the wretch, the wheel is brought, the man is stretched out." [Ἐσκεδάσθησαν οῦν πάντες καταλιπόντες ἐν τῷ τροχῷ τὸν ἄθλιον ἐνδεδεμένον]: "They were all scattered, leaving the wretched man bound on the wheel." Apuleius, book iii: "Without delay, with Greek ritual, fire and the wheel, and then every kind of whip are brought in." The wheel was also used in the punishments of the martyrs by the magistrates. Joan. Chrysost., *Sermon on St. Lucian the Martyr*, page 600: [Οὔτε βάραθρον ὀρύξας, οὔτε τροχὸν εὐτρεπίσας, οὔτε εἰς ξύλον ἀναγαγών]: "Neither digging a pit, nor preparing a wheel, nor bringing him to the rack." Nicephorus, book vii of the *History*, ch. 14, narrates that St. Panteleemon contended with the cutting iron, the lead, and a millstone tied to him floating in the sea as the wheel crushed his limbs. From these places it is apparent that that punishment which was instituted against highwaymen under Francis I—whereby they were laid supine on raised wheels with broken limbs—is far different from that wheel of the ancients, to which men were bound, tortured, and stretched, as Jac. Cujacius observes, book iii, ch. 28 of his *Observations*.

^D Col. 507 D 3. *For even things in war.* This passage is brought forward by Pope Adrian (Epistle to Constantine and Irene against the errors of the Iconoclasts, page 412 of the Roman edition of vol. III of the Councils), from which we have noted a few various readings. For it is: [ἐπεὶ καὶ πολέμων τρόπαια καὶ νίκας καὶ]

^A *the city is situated*, as it seems to be written somewhere, nor does Gregory of Nyssa, in his 2nd Oration on the Forty Martyrs, say that they were idle in the public baths, but that they ran to the lake with such eagerness as if they had arrived at the public baths. *But all of them with one accord having seized this place, as if being at leisure in the public baths at that time, and as if they themselves were about to bathe and cleanse their bodies in the bath, they readily laid aside their garments.* ^A *They stirred up the writers of tales often;* again *towards virtue.* Item, *for what the account of history has written down, these things silent writing shows through imitation.* Moreover, in the Medicean manuscript it was read differently, *and some adorning with speech, others engraving on tablets;* which reading the epistle of Adrian embraces: *Yea, even the trophies and victories of wars, both historical writers and painters demonstrate: these indeed adorning the matter with speech, those however depicting it on tablets, have incited many to virtue and manliness.* For indeed what things history expresses by speech, this, silent painting shows by imitation. This interpretation is more faithful than that of Anastasius the Librarian, which the Parisian synod follows on page 94. See another interpretation of Zosimus in Damascene; we have struck from this of Volaterranus those things which the sermon of history provides by induction. ^B Col. 510 C 13. *Among emperors.* He mentions many, not one, as Volaterranus did, that they also came into such dignity among the emperors that, on account of their experience of wars and strength of mind, they obtained the first [places] in his esteem. Furthermore, these holy ones suffered martyrdom in the city of Sebaste in Armenia, in the time of the Emperor Licinius, under Agricolaus the governor, as is read in the Roman Martyrology, on the tenth day of March, and their death is compared by the most illustrious author of ecclesiastical annals, Baronius, vol. II, to the eleventh year of Constantine the Great, but the year of Christ 516, whence it may be suspected that by these words Constantine and Licinius are designated. ^C Col. 515 B. *Then it is mutilated.* *Akrotēriazetai* (they are mutilated) was published from a various reading of the English codices added in the margin: but in both Basilian editions, and in the Medicean and Olivarius manuscripts, it was constantly read *akrotēriazetai*, just as also in the common old Lexicon, although Henry Stephanus contends in his Thesaurus that it is written wrongly so; which has the same meaning as *akrotēriazesthai*, that the extreme parts are amputated: whence it follows in Basil, *as if from fire having burned the extremities*, but the translator had expressed either reading wrongly. *Then it tends to a sharp point, so that as if from fire they are burned to the utmost. For the vapor follows from the extreme parts of the body.* A little later the same manuscripts favor the reading of the Basilian edition... ^D *he gives pains*, not as it was published from the English [codices] *to those to which pains are added*. Cornarius from the Basilian [text] translates, *but those to which it is thrust, it afflicts with pains*, of the parts of the body, of course. It follows in the same place, *per hē hē polis* (around which the city), which Cornarius renders in Latin, *the lake around which the city is inhabited*, as if it were *katoikeitai* or *katōkētai*. On the contrary, *katoikizein polin* is to found a city, to establish, to settle. *The lake around which the city was founded*; Volaterranus was content with this version, which instead of the walls of the city [was used], which the most illustrious Cardinal Baronius justly contends is faulty in his notes on the Roman Martyrology, since Basil says that the city was situated around that lake. Nor, however, is it read here, *peri hēn*.

Col. 523 A 6. *He fled to the forty martyrs.* Volaterranus had published, *he may flee to these*, who again ^A rejoice to pray for them; and thus he is cited in good faith as a defender of the Catholic religion; but nevertheless this passage still favors the intercession of the saints, or their invocation, since it is evident that such a man would by no means have brought forward as an example to be imitated what he did not approve, or what could be called the crime of idolatry; especially when he adds that those who pray so are heard; but God does not hear sinners, John IX, 31; finally, he calls them *presbeutas dynatōtatous*, legates, orators, and most powerful intercessors. The same in his Homily on Saint Mamas, p. 185: *Remember for me the martyr, as many as have enjoyed him through dreams, as many as having met with this place have had him as a worker together in prayer*, and in his Homily on Psalm XXXIII, he says they are certain spiritual virtues, which receive our prayers, *but the ears to receive our petitions*.

Col. 558 B 11. *Sophistic boasting.* Common lexicons teach that *kompon* sometimes signifies empty grandiloquence, joined with boasting, or the swelling of grand words, which is deservedly attributed to sophists. Philostratus in *Life of Apollonius* lib. VII, cap. 8, *kouphologon hoi sophistai chrēma, kai alazon hē technē*—sophists are a thing of light speech, and the art is boastful; they are full of empty sermons, and much in their art is boasting; and Apollonius concerning Euphrates, of the same book, cap. 7: *Ho men gar kompastēn ephē kai teratōdē me einai*. For he said that I was a boaster and that I spoke certain portentous things. Our Basil in Epistle 146, p. 939, of vol. II of the Paris edition of the year 1618, says that it is a property of the art of sophists *ta megala mikra poiein hopote bouletai, kai tois mikrois peritithenai megethos*. Cornarius here translated, *Lest for me boastings in sophistic sermon*; more aptly to this place than what the translator had published, *lest you use sophistic arrogance in speech, nor let the voices adjusted to pleasure in singing have superior [or lofty] things*.

Col. 567 A 2. *Who in military [matters].* The most learned Budaeus interprets *taktika* as those things which pertain to military discipline, although properly sometimes *taktikos* is one who is skilled in drawing up a battle line. Moreover, Raphael Volaterranus, who is thought to have woven together the interpretation of this homily, as of other discourses on diverse subjects, has here published...

in a concise manner how they exercise themselves in gymnasiums, and how, being instructed in hand and foot, they subsequently derive utility, etc. But he distinguishes from military exercises or those of lawful competitions, ^A *cheironomia* [gesticulation], Basil, and from dances, as Xenophon in the *Symposium*, p. 877 (1, 19): *I was not dancing, for I never learned that; but I was gesticulating; for I knew these things.* Juvenal, *Sat.* 5 [121]: *You watch him dance and gesticulate with the flying knife.* For *cheironomia* is a movement and gesticulation of the hands, or a motion of the hands according to a certain rule. And *cheironomesai* [to gesticulate], Pollux lib. 2, cap. 4, explains as *toiv cheiroin en rhythmo kinethenai*, to move the hands according to a certain rule and gracefully. Therefore, as Cicero says in the *Orator* [c. 4], a man cannot be made eloquent without philosophy; not that everything is in it, but that it assists in such a way as the *palaestra* assists the actor: so Basil says that the Christian is assisted by the profane doctrine of poets and orators, just as soldiers in their exercises are assisted by the arts of gesticulating with their hands and dancing. Quintilian, lib. 1, cap. 19, calls the rule of gesture *cheironomia*, and records that the Lacedaemonians also held a certain dance among their exercises, as being useful also for wars.

^B Col. 567 B 2. *His externis.* The interpreter: *If the glory of the beauty of this life, which we praise so much, is to remain smeared upon us, unless we first be purged, we shall not easily attain the sacred and hidden disciplines of Scripture.* It is generally known that the Fathers call the erudition of the Gentiles "external disciplines," as Chrysostom says in his *Homily 1 to the Antiochians*, p. 3: *The external education unfolds many useless trifles*; and lib. 1 *On the Priesthood*, p. 88: *Those who study eloquence are held in esteem not only among those without, but also among the members of the household of the faith.* Clement of Alexandria, *Stromata* 1, explains that warning of the Wise One, "Do not be much among the foreign," concerning the disciplines of the Gentiles: *It is possible, therefore, for one who has been pre-educated to come to the most sovereign wisdom, from which the Israelitic race is increased.* It is permitted, therefore, for him who has first been instructed in the disciplines to come to the wisdom which possesses the most sovereignty, from which the Israelitic race is increased. Jerome, *Epist.* 84 to Magnus the Roman orator: *What wonder is it, then, if I also, on account of the grace of eloquence and the beauty of its members, desire to make secular wisdom into an Israelitess out of a handmaid and captive?* See on this subject Augustine, lib. 2 *De doctrina Christiana*, cap. 40, Eusebius, *Ecclesiastical History*, lib. 6, cap. 18, and Nicephorus, *Ecclesiastical History*, lib. 10, cap. 26.

^C Col. 570 D 4. *In Dorico proverbio.* It must be noted that from Basil alone, as I think, we learn that this is a Doric proverb, and from St. Gregory Nazianzen, *Epist.* 130, *lithon poti tan spartan agein* [to lead the stone to the rope], which he expresses in the Doric dialect; and it must not be changed, nor expressed otherwise, lest by chance one should follow the erring Erasmus, who, in his *Chiliades* [4, 8, 99], having collected things by a tumultuous work, inverts the order: *tan spartan pros lithon agein*. *Funiculum,* he says, *lapidi admovere dicuntur* [they are said to move the rope to the stone], who employ all care that nothing be done otherwise than it should be. Then he adds a passage of Chrysostom from *Homily 35 on the First Epistle to the Corinthians*: *Look how again here he leads the stone to the rope, seeking everywhere the building up of the Church.* See how here again he draws the stone exactly; everywhere seeking the edification of the Church. Thus Hervetus; but Erasmus, as good an interpreter as he is an architect, inverts the proverb and says, *he moves the rope to the stone*: which error might have been tolerable in another, but not in him, who had already once brought forth this proverb from Plutarch in *Chiliade* [2, 5, 36], in the book *How one might perceive his own progress in virtue* [p. 131 ed. Steph.], *pros stathmen petron tithesthai, me ti pros petro stathmen* [to set the stone to the rule, not the rule to the stone], *Lapis amussi applicandus est, non amussis lapidi* [The stone must be applied to the rule, not the rule to the stone]. Sophocles in Athenaeus, lib. 12, p. 56 [p. 564, ed. Casaub.]: *Hos tektonos para stathmen iontos orthoutai kanon* [As of a builder going according to the rule, the line is straightened]. As a rule directing one going according to the builder's square. And in Homer, *Odyssey* E, 245: *Xesse d' epistamenos, kai epi stathmen ithyne* [He planed it skillfully, and directed it by the rule]. ^D *Polivit vero scite, et ad amussim direxit.*

Col. 571 C 4. *Tantum aberat ut.* Basil does not mean this, but that she had been struck with reverence for him by his mere appearance, or by his presence, as Ulysses [was], even though he was naked. Therefore, write here: *the queen had reverenced him when he had appeared alone, so far was it from the case that she should have felt shame because he was seen naked.* For that other word *monon* [only] after *ophthenta* [having been seen] was missing from the Olivetian manuscript, and we can easily do without it. The Homeric passage is *Odyssey* Z, 137 and 243: *Smerdaleos d' auteisi phane kekakomenos alme* [Dreadful he appeared to them, defiled with salt-brine]. *Nun de theoisin eoike, toi ouranon eurun echousi* [But now he looks like the gods who possess the wide heaven]. *Horrende autem illis apparuit afflictus salsugine. Nunc vero diis similis, qui cælum latum habitant.*

Col. 574 A. *Unde Solon.* Plutarch in the *Life of Solon* [c. 3, p. 146 ed. Steph.] attributes these verses to him, just as Basil does, and Cruserius the interpreter renders them thus: *But the wealth of virtue none but the upright possesses.* *I do not yield to these evils: the possession of which is firm: but* *The wicked and the good may be rich* Nevertheless, they are read among the *Gnomes* of Theognis, verse 316, as previously noted by the Reverend Father Andreas Schottus in his *Notes* on this homily, who also brought forward the following passage of Theognis thus expressed in verse: *He inclines the scale now here, now Jupiter there,* *He is suddenly poor who a moment ago was rich.* But *allote allo* [now one, now another] is read there, not *allote allos* [now one time, now another time].

^A We have changed what the interpreter had said, "to weigh a talent," which properly means to tilt the scales. Regarding Prodicus of Ceos [not Chios], Xenophon should be consulted in his book *Memorabilia* 2, p. 737: "Hercules, when he was proceeding from childhood to youth, the age at which the young, becoming masters of themselves, reveal," etc. Hercules, after his boyhood had passed and he was entering upon the course of puberty, in which adolescents already become masters of themselves; and Cicero is a better interpreter in *De Officiis*, lib. 1 [c. 32]. There follows the Homeric verse from the *Odyssey* 11 [495], regarding Tiresias the seer: "He alone is wise, the rest flit about like shadows."

Col. 575 A 7. *But the tongue indeed.* We have corrected a faulty interpretation which attributed to Euripides what was criticized by Plato, but which brings in a tongue consonant with virtue but a mind that is different, so that according to Euripides it says: *I desire to seem good rather than to be so.* For there is a verse of Euripides in the *Hippolytus*, which Cicero renders into Latin thus in *De Officiis* [c. 29]: "I have sworn with my tongue, but I keep my mind unsworn." Basil took that observation about Plato from Plutarch in his book *On the Distinction between a Flatterer and a Friend*, p. 50 [§ 31 ed. Krigel.]: "For as Plato says, it is of the utmost injustice to seem just without being so, and we must consider subtle flattery to be dangerous; just as Plato says that to seem just, and not to be so, is of the utmost injustice, so too this is considered a dangerous kind of flattery which lies hidden." Furthermore, the same Plutarch in *Aristides* [p. 586 ed. Steph.] offers the contrary from Aeschylus [*Sept. c. Theb.* 578] concerning Amphiaraus: "For he does not wish to seem just, but to be so." Likewise, regarding Basil, Gregory Nazianzen in his *Funeral Oration*, p. 337: "For he was not eager to seem the best, but to be so." [You have more in the *Annotations on Gregory Nazianzen’s Oration on Caesarius*, p. 23, 26 ff.]

Ibid. B 3. *A certain man.* The interpreter had written, "A certain man in the forum," but Plutarch in his *Life of Pericles*, p. 154 [p. 281 ed. Steph.] says, "being ill-spoken of by someone among the vile and licentious," when an impudent and boisterous man was assailing him with insults and curses. Moreover, that which Basil added of his own, "lest he should," the interpreter had expressed thus: "Lest he should admit anything into the study of philosophy." Near the end of the page, the apophthegm of Euclid, by which he placated his angry brother, Plutarch expressed in two places in his book *On the Control of Anger* [p. 822]: "May I perish if I do not take vengeance on you," and "I, however, may perish if I do not persuade you." And in his book *On Brotherly Love* [p. 869]: "I, however, if I do not persuade you to cease from anger, and to love us as you did before." It must be noted here that the interpreter added "patiently bearing" of his own accord, which neither the text of Basil nor that of Plutarch acknowledges.

Col. 578 C 8. *Not of those unballasted.* *Anermatistou* does not mean "a ship without art," as the interpreter had published, but, because it is not *ermatizomenon*, "ballasted for stability," as lexicons testify it is used in Basil, and in Philo, *De Vita Mosis* 1, some are said to be in no way secured in piety, "some of those unballasted regarding piety." Chrysostom, in *Psalm 6*, p. 64: "Just as an unballasted ship, abandoned to the violence of wild winds, is quickly submerged"; and in *Isaiah* ch. 5, p. 717: "Just as an unballasted ship, deprived of a pilot and sailors, is carried simply and at random."

Ibid. 10. *But just as.* The interpreter had reduced these things to a summary, not without loss to the author’s meaning: "And in gymnastic contests no one exercising himself for the wrestling school or the pancratium." Also, we have changed that phrase "a statue surrounded by lead," *syndedemenen*, in fact meaning "bound together" or "fettered"; others would have said *gomphoumenen*. Tertullian in his *Apology*: "Before lead and glue and nails, your gods are without a head." In *Agone Tyrsi*, "These idols cannot rule the world, because they are rather ruled by iron nails, and lead, and stone." Cicero in the fragments of *De Republica* recorded by Macrobius [*Somn. Scip.* 1, 4]: "Virtue does not crave statues held by lead, nor triumphs with withering laurels." Regarding Milo, Pausanias in the *Eliacs*, p. 191 [6, 14, p. 486 ed. Kuhn.]: "Standing on the greased discus, he made those who were falling and pushing away from the discus a laughingstock." Philostratus, in the *Life of Apollonius* lib. 5, cap. 9, says that because the shield [or discus] was greased, he could not be dislodged from it, even though he was standing in a common position. They record of the athlete...

from the place where he had once stood, he could be moved by no force, but remained immobile. ^B

Col. 582 B 2. And like a sieve. These have been substituted in the place of those words of Volaterranus, and "broken jars." We have already warned that *tetrēmenon* is more correctly written than *tetrimmenon*, in those things which were annotated in the homilies *On Fasting* at p. 9. Here I add that this proverb in this place is also *tattestai epi tōn diakenōs ponountōn*, spoken of those laboring in vain, as is taught in the Vatican Appendix of proverbs, just as the other proverb, "You are carding fire with a sword," which Basil also introduces here, *legetai epi tōn matēn kakopathountōn*, is cast at those who are vexed by evils in vain, as Zenobius explains, Cent. 5, proverb 27. Aristides likewise in the oration which is inscribed *Apology to the Four Rhetors*: "You did not know, then, that you were yourself involved in all the proverbs, carding fire, and boiling a stone, and sowing the rocks." You did not understand that you were open to all those proverbs, that you were beating the fire, that you were boiling a stone, that you were casting seed into the rocks. Plato himself in book VI *Of Laws* [t. VIII, p. 309 ed. Bipontin.]: "It is almost the duty of a legislator to do what those who play, dividing fire." He saw that it is used by Plato for those who attempt in vain what can be achieved by no means. Erasmus of Rotterdam, *Chiliade 1, cent. 1*, [p. 16 ed. Froben, 1546, in-folio] while explaining the Pythagorean symbol, *Pūr sidērō mē skalenein*, "Do not stir fire with a sword," and *Chiliade 1, cent. 4, proverb 55*, mistakenly confused this proverb with the precept of Pythagoras, just as he ineptly called this admonition "Epistle to Nephews"; for that precept forbids the fire to be agitated, that is, that the anger of the powerful not be irritated; this proverb indicates those who wish to dissect fire or to divide the flame as if into parts, and to undertake that which cannot happen. The interpreter of the *Moral Orations*, which Symeon Logothete collected from Basil, fell into the same error in that which is number XVI *On Gluttony*, while he translated: "For they openly dig fire, carry water in a sieve, and draw water into a perforated jar." For in Greek it is as in this place: *Atechnōs eis pūr xainontes, kai koskinō pherontes hydōr, kai eis tetrēmenon antlountes pithon*. Hence it must be corrected: "For they openly dissect fire, carry water in a sieve, and pour it into a perforated jar."

Ibid. 5. Or adverse fortune. Diogenes Laertius, p. 399 [ed. Casaubon, 1615, in-8]: "Seeing a young man adorning himself, he said: 'If indeed before men, you are unfortunate; but if before women, you do unjustly.' Seeing the adolescent composing himself, if indeed, he said, before men [it is] wretched: but if before women, unjustly." *Etairein* here is to prostitute oneself in the manner of a harlot, whence the proverb among the Greeks... ^C the mother. The interpreter had edited in this place: "For what is to be expected or suspected from such [men], unless that that lascivious man might invite passing women with his adornment, or lie in wait for the marriages of others?"

Col. 585 A 6. They might return home. Therefore they did more than the interpreter had written, surely everyone must concede. Severinus Boethius, lib. 1 *On Music*, cap. 1, tells the thing thus: Pythagoras, when he understood that a drunk adolescent from Tauromenium, who wished to set fire to the house of his rival, was incited by the sound of the Phrygian mode, ordered the mode to be changed, and thus calmed the mind of the raging adolescent to a state of the most peaceful mind. Which, namely, M. Tullius commemorates in the book which he composed concerning his own counsels: when the drunken adolescents, urged on by the singing of flutes, were breaking down the doors of a chaste woman, Pythagoras is said to have warned the flute player to play a spondee; which when she had done, by the slowness of the modes and the gravity of the singing, he had calmed their raging petulance. Neither of these reports that it was the Dorian mode, which Pythagoras prescribed; they agree, however, with this addition of Basil, which Athenaeus relates in lib. XIV [p. 624, D]: "The Dorian harmony indeed shows forth manliness and magnificence, and it is neither effused nor cheerful, but somber and vehement." The Dorian mode of harmony carries with it gravity and magnificence, not diffused or more cheerful, but austere and vehement; and Lucian in *Harmonides* [c. 1]: "To preserve the proper characteristic of each harmony, the divine element of the Phrygian, the Bacchic of the Lydian, the solemn of the Dorian," to preserve the properties of the single harmonies, in the Phrygian something *akoniton* [not quite natural/divine madness], in the Lydian Bacchic fury, in the Dorian gravity. Pliny finally in lib. II, cap. 22, writes that Saturn is moved by the Dorian tone, Jupiter by the Phrygian, according to the doctrine of Pythagoras.

Ibid. B. Or those things which are under the belly. Not as the interpreter, "to serve the belly or the thigh." A customary phrase for Basil to indicate venereal libiddes. Comment. *in Isa.*, p. 405: *tōn kata gastēra orexeōn kai tōn hypo gastēra*. Gregory Nazianzen, *Orat. 16*, pag. 250: *Mē kakoi nomizoimetha kai douloi gastros kai tōn hypo gastēra*: "Lest we be considered evil, and slaves of the belly and of those things which are under the belly." Gregory of Nyssa, *On Virginity*, pag. 361: *Kathaper pros tēn nomēn ta boskēmata monē tē gastri, kai tois meta gastros zōn*: "Just as for pasture the cattle [live] for the belly alone, and he lives for things after the belly." Thus I would prefer to translate, rather than with the interpreter, and others following the vice of the belly, and perhaps it would be read more aptly *meta gastēra*, which other authors say *hypo gastēra*.

Col. 586 B 4. Son of Execestides. Diogenes Laertius: *Solōn Exekestidou Salaminios*. The verse which is cited, expressed by Cornarius in Latin verse, is among the poems of Solon at number 71, among the Gnomic [poems] of Theognis 227, the distich which follows is truly 1451.

Col. 587 A 15. And in the same way.] These things had been truncated by the interpreter, "He reviles, in the manner of a polypus...

which renders the color of the earth it has touched." But this ^A Plutarch appears to have taught Basil, whose words are in the book *On the Distinction between a Flatterer and a Friend*, p. 52, [§ 67]: Τὰς δὲ τοῦ κόλακος ὥσπερ πολύποδος τροπὰς ῥᾷστα φωράσειεν ἄν τις, αὐτὸς ἐπὶ πολλὰ δοκῶν τρέπεσθαι· "But one will most easily detect the turns of the flatterer, like those of the polypus, for he himself seems to turn in many ways." And in the book *On the Multitude of Friends* [p. 167], he brings forward this distich of Theognis: Πουλύποδος νόον ἔσχε πολύφρονος ὃς ποτὶ πέτρῃ Τῇπερ ὁμιλήσῃ, τοῖος ἰδεῖν ἐφάνη. "Take the mind of the versatile polypus, which in whatever rock it comes into contact with, such it appears to the sight." From the beginning of this distich, Erasmus has undeservedly concocted a proverb; for it does not appear to have passed into a proverb among the authors, but it is accustomed to be expressed otherwise among the Greeks, as is clear from Diogenianus, Century 7, 73: Πολύποδος ὁμοιότης. Πρὸς τοὺς ἐξομοιοῦντας ἑαυτοὺς οἷς βούλονται. "A polypus's likeness. For those who assimilate themselves to whom they wish." And in the *Collectanea* from Suidas, cent. 2, 98.

Ibid. C. 6. *Who [are] most long-lived.* I think it should be corrected in the Greek to παρ' ἡμῖν. The interpreter had only set forth "of him who [has lived] a thousand years"; and a little later "[to choose] life, but to await the sweetness of it is to be expected from the use of the best things." But Basil means this: that one must hope that things which are harsh may, by habit, become soft. Cicero, 2 *Tusculan Disputations* [c. 16]: "Habit teaches one to bear labor, to contemn a wound." Item [c. 17]: "Great is the power of habit. Hunters pass the night in the snow; they suffer themselves to be burned on [the] mountains. Boxers, bruised with ^B casti, do not even groan." Sallust, in *Jugurtha* [c. 81]: "To do good, by habit, is turned into nature." Moreover, Plutarch revealed the author of this admonition in the book *On Exile*, p. 602 [p. 1069 ed. Steph.]: Τὸ καλὸν ἐκεῖνο παράγγελμα τῶν Πυθαγορείων· Ἑλοῦ βίον ἄριστον, ἡδὺν δὲ αὐτὸν ἡ συνήθεια ποιήσει. "That noble precept of the Pythagoreans: Choose the best way of life, and habit will make it pleasant."

Col. 590 B. *Of the martyr Mamas,* who suffered under the Emperor Aurelian in Cæsarea of Cappadocia, being honored in the *Menologium of the Greeks* on the 2nd of September (IV Nones), and in the *Roman Martyrology* on the 17th of August. St. Gregory Nazianzen also treats of him in his *Oration on the New Sunday*, and Sozomen book 5, c. 2 of his *Ecclesiastical Histories*. Fortunatus in the *Acts of St. Radegund*, book 2, testifies that some of his relics were translated into Gaul.

Col. 613 A 9. *Of demons.* It is a hexameter verse, which the proverb, "The sand surpasses," Erasmus expresses in this Latin: "The measure of the sea and the number of the sand is known to me." But when he adds that by this oracle the ineffable wisdom of God is comprehended, he does not seem to remember that this voice of the demon was uttered by the Pythia, as Herodotus writes, book 1: Ἐν δὲ Δελφοῖσιν ἡ Πυθίη ἐν ἑξαμέτρῳ τόνῳ λέγει τάδε· Οἶδα ἐγὼ ψάμμου τ' ἀριθμόν. "And in Delphi the Pythia says in hexameter tone these things: I know the number of ^C the sand." *This Apollo answered to the Lydians sent by Croesus.* However, Archimedes wrote the book *On the Sand Reckoner*, about which our Clavius [writes] in his *Commentaries on the Sphere*.

ON THE BOOKS ON BAPTISM.

Rightly, then, had someone from among those who preceded [this work] in earlier Latin editions prefixed certain admonitions to these books, by which he warned the reader, since they had not found any other interpreter than a man suspected of Zwinglian doctrine, and therefore alien to the Catholic [faith], that he should be on his guard against him; since those who are studious of his innovations elevate the power and efficacy of the sacraments to a miraculous degree, and attribute to baptism itself, as well as to other vessels of divine grace, less than is fitting. This will make us act more frequently, so that we may faithfully assert the passages found in this edition, both by collation with other passages of the author and by the consensus and agreement of other Fathers. Therefore, Wolfgang Musculus had translated [the passage] page 624, C, 8, to whom this interpretation is attributed in the Basilian edition of the year 1540, "you have sought our opinion on the latter"; also that [passage]: "Ἕτοιμοι ἔσεσθε, be ready to answer every [man] asking you, and to render a reason of the common faith," [and] we render a reason concerning the Dominical baptism according to the Gospel. Basil uses the words of the apostle Peter, 1 Peter [iii, 15], except that for "asking you for a reason," he reads "demanding of you a reason," and adds the word "you shall be." Where [the reader] is to be translated [as observing] that ^D the baptism of Christ is better than the baptism of John, according to the opinion of Basil, against the profane novelty of certain "heterodox" men.

Col. 1515 A 9. *According to the proposal.* The interpreter had written, "let us abide constantly in the divine purpose," [and] likewise had omitted the adverb "anywhere," and "the things commanded," so that "the precepts are definite": Janus Cornarius [translated it] more correctly, "the precepts are strictly [given]; for those things which are circumscribed by certain limits are less diffused"; and he opposes "to the definite" and "to the simple," "[the] clear." There is a passage of Germanus on this [in the same] Basil, tome I, *Shorter Rule* 267: Τὰ ἀμφίβολα καὶ ἐπικεκαλυμμένως εἰρῆσθαι δοκοῦντα ἔν τισι τόποις τῆς θεοπνεύστου Γραφῆς ὑπὸ τῶν ἐν ἄλλοις τόποις ὁμολογουμένων σαφηνίζεται. "Things seemingly spoken ambiguously and obscurely in some places of the divinely inspired Scripture are rendered clear by those things which are universally admitted in other places." Yet the reader ought not to infer from this that all obscure passages of Scripture can be easily explained by anyone from others that are clear: for thus it would be false to say that Scripture is obscure, which, however, Basil asserts in his *Proem to the Commentary on Isaiah*, page 382: "He devised for us the obscurity in the Scriptures as an exercise for the mind for the benefit of the intellect"; and anyone could, without any regard for the authority of the Fathers, interpret Scripture, which

^A truth Rufinus testifies he did not perform, book XI, ch. 9, writing thus concerning him and Gregory Nazianzen: "Both, having been educated at Athens, applied themselves solely to the volumes of the divine Scriptures, and followed the understanding of them not from their own presumption, but from the writings and authority of the ancients." Moreover, Augustine even in the book *De doctrina Christiana*, ch. 25, and other Fathers teach that more difficult passages ought to be explained by clearer ones; yet we assert that it is most difficult to set up a collation of such passages in such a way that the passage which you think is clearer, and therefore to be interpreted by another passage, is in reality clearer, and not rather more obscure than the other: from which it is therefore necessary, not that the one should interpret the other, but that the one should be explained by the other. More on this sentiment in Gregory of Valencia, a theologian of our Order, *Analysis fidei*, book V, ch. 2.

Col. 1518 C 10. *Gratias ago* (I give thanks). In the Latin Vulgate at Romans VII, 2 [sic], we read: *Gratia Dei per Jesum Christum* (The grace of God through Jesus Christ); but in certain Greek books: Χάρις δὲ τῷ Θεῷ (But thanks be to God): in others: Εὐχαριστῶ τῷ Θεῷ (I give thanks to God), as also here in Basil, and in Chrysostom, homil. 13 on the Epistle to the Romans, pg. 140 of the Greek-Latin edition, where it should be written, as in this place: "I give thanks to God through Christ": for the "grace of God" in my Latin edition, the extant Greek [copies] do not recognize.

Col. 1523 A 8. *Quod per baptismum* (That through baptism). Not as before, in the baptism of water. There is, namely, a triple renunciation in baptism, by which we profess that we renounce the messenger of Satan, and his angels and his pomps. Chrysostom, homil. 21 to the Antiochenes: *Διὰ τοῦτο καὶ κελευόμεθα λέγειν, Ἀποτάσσομαί σοι, Σατανᾶ* (For this reason we are also bidden to say: I renounce thee, Satan). Therefore we are bidden to say, "I renounce thee, Satan": and our author in the book *De Spiritu sancto*, ch. 27: *Ἀλλὰ δὲ ὅσα περὶ τὸ βάπτισμα ἀποτάσσεσθαι τῷ Σατανᾷ καὶ τοῖς ἀγγέλοις αὐτοῦ*. Similar to that in the same col., while we abstain from every thing pleasing to the devil: which Musculus had edited, through the fact that he [the devil] has nothing in us.

Col. 1524 C 14. Ἀμεταστρέπτου (Unswerving). The interpreter had omitted this epithet of obedience, which I think signifies the same as if he had said ἀμετάθετον or ἀμετάβλητον, which ought not to be deferred, and as he says in the *Regula fusius disputata* 41, p. 387: *Τὸ ἐν παντὶ εὐπειθὲς ἀποδοχῆς ἄξιον, καὶ ἐν σπουδῇ ἀόκνῳ καὶ ἐπιμελείᾳ προσεχεστέρᾳ ἀμέμπτως ἀποπληροῦν* (That which is obedient in all things is worthy of acceptance, and ought to be fulfilled blamelessly with untiring zeal and more diligent attention), and in the *Constitutiones monasticae*, ch. 19, p. 563: *Ἀκριβεστάτην παρὰ τῶν αὐτοῦ ἀπαιτεῖ τὴν εὐπείθειαν, εἰ ἀναμφίλεκτον τὴν ὑπακοὴν ἀπαιτεῖ* (He demands the most exact obedience from his own, if he demands unquestionable obedience), *absque ulla disceptatione vel cunctatione obedientiam requirit* (he requires obedience without any dispute or hesitation).

Col. 1527 A 7. *Summitatis auriculæ* (Of the tip of the ear). Not a mutilation of the ear, as Musculus translates; for *λοβός* signifies the tip of the ear, of which there is frequent mention in the consecration of priests; Leviticus VIII, 23, *Καὶ ἐπέθηκεν ἐπὶ τὸν λοβὸν τοῦ ὠτὸς δεξιοῦ* (And he put it upon the lobe of the right ear); and Leviticus XIV, 14, concerning him who is cleansed, *Καὶ ἐπιθήσει ἐπὶ τὸν λοβὸν τοῦ ὠτίου τοῦ καθαριζομένου* (And he shall put it upon the lobe of the ear of him who is to be cleansed). And he shall put it upon the tip of the ear ^B of him who is cleansed. Concerning the integrity of the members of the body which is required in a priest who serves the altar, it is treated in Leviticus XXI, 17: *Ἄνθρωπος τυφλὸς, ἢ χωλός, ἢ ὠτότμητος, ἢ ἄνθρωπος ᾧ ἂν ᾖ ἐν αὐτῷ σύντριμμα χειρός, οὐκ ἐγγιεῖ τοῦ προσενεγκεῖν* (A man blind, or lame, or having a mutilated ear, or a man who has a fracture of the hand, he shall not draw near to offer); and Leviticus XXII, 23: *Μόσχον ἢ πρόβατον ὠτότμητον οὐ δώσετε* (A calf or a sheep mutilated in the ears you shall not give). But I think no express mention of the mutilation of the lobe of the ear stands in Scripture. A little later, *τὴν ὑπεροχὴν δείξαντες* (having shown the superiority), the interpreter did not need to translate what excellence of justice is required by us; for it is not a question here of our justice, but of the excellence of the new law over the old. Moreover, in some old books it is read in Matthew XI, 6, as in this place and in Theophylact: *τοῦ ἱεροῦ μεῖζον ὧδε* (something greater than the temple is here); but in the printed Vulgate, *μεῖζον*, "greater" is here.

Col. 1530 A 3. *Fuerit denuo* (He shall have been born anew). We have corrected the interpreter's "born from above." For although ἄνωθεν sometimes signifies the same as "from above," as in John XIX, 11: *Εἰ μὴ ἦν σοι δεδομένον ἄνωθεν* (Unless it had been given to you from above); yet here it sounds as "born anew," as is evident from Augustine, *De peccatorum meritis et remiss.*, ch. 27, and Chrysostom, *Homilia 24 in Joannem*: *τὸ ἄνωθεν ἐνταῦθα οἱ μὲν ἐκ τοῦ οὐρανοῦ φασιν, οἱ δὲ ἐξ ἀρχῆς* (some explain "anew" here as "from heaven," others as "from the beginning"). Ἄνωθεν in this place some explain as "from heaven," others as "again." But it insists most of all upon that exposition which wishes the passage to be understood concerning the regeneration of baptism: *Ἐὰν μὴ γεννηθῇς ἄνωθεν, ἐὰν μὴ μετάσχῃς πνεύματος τοῦ διὰ τοῦ λούτρου παλιγγενεσίας, οὐ δύνασαι περὶ ἐμοῦ τὴν προσήκουσαν δόξαν λαβεῖν* (Unless you be born anew, unless you partake of the Spirit through the laver of regeneration, you cannot conceive the appropriate opinion concerning me). Another similar passage on page 629 must also be corrected: "Who are generated from on high, have the promise." In that which follows, however, "unless anyone shall have been born of water," the interpreter had not expressed that *ἐξ ὕδατος*, just as innovators of this kind are wont easily to lack the sacrament of baptism, and as if, water being missing, they rely on faith alone, for which reason they also contend that the children of the faithful are saved even if they are not saints, if they are the offspring of the faithful, and if they are predestined, they are saved without baptism: which, however, St. Augustine contends to be false, *De origine animæ*, book I, ch. 10.

Ibid. A 9. *Quæ desunt passionum* (What is wanting of the sufferings). Musculus had edited "the Apostle's afflictions, which were still failing"; we have substituted the words of the Latin Vulgate. Tertullian, *V in Marcionem* 19, "to fulfill the remaining sufferings." Ambrose in his Commentary: "I supply the remnants of the pressures of Christ." Which we have deemed worth noting for this reason, because from this the heretic grabs an opportunity to undermine the merits of works, by which we say we make satisfaction. For as Photius says, we have all become debtors, instead of those myriads of soul-saving

^A passions, and we ourselves both endure and carry the sufferings and afflictions. We have all been constituted debtors because of those innumerable afflictions which save the world. Those afflictions, therefore, are ours, not Christ's, but are the remains or the deficiencies of the passions of Christ; because after His passions, this is what remains for us to do.

Ibid. Col. 5. *according to Luke*. Not as the interpreter wished, *in the Gospel of Luke*: surely, chapter IX, 62. For it is, as is found written in the Latin codices, *The Most Holy Gospel of Jesus Christ according to Matthew*, or *Luke*, that is, as it is written by Matthew or Luke: and therefore Sebastianus Castalio is deservedly reproved by Beza himself, because he translated it *by the author Matthew*; for God is the author of the book, Matthew or Luke is the writer.

Col. 1531 D 5. *To penance* (ad pœnitentiam). Amend as in the Vulgate of Matthew III, 11, *unto penance*. Erasmus translated, *to penance*: but Beza and the other ^B *neoterics* [advocates of the new learning], *to repentance* (ad resipiscentiam), which, of course, warns men only of amending their life by the external sign of baptism: but they do not use the word *penance*, saying that from this manner of speaking, many unlearned persons have seized an opportunity for the opinion of satisfaction. Catholics, however, use it, because it signifies external grief and punishment arising from internal conversion, not merely a proposal to amend one’s life. See Cardinal Bellarmine, well-illustrious, lib. 1 *De pœnitentia*, cap. 7. In the following period, we have added the adjective *holy* from the Greek, which was omitted by the interpreter, by which the errors of the Calvinists, who do not fear to equate the baptism of John with the baptism of Christ, are more evidently refuted.

Col. 1534 B 8. *Without any* (Sine ulla prorsus). Lest anyone be led by the words of the interpreter to believe that Basil wished to say that the baptism of John conferred grace and remitted sins, we have expunged those [words] that were substituted, and he made no delay at all in *arriving at the grace of God and Christ Himself*. For there is no doubt that the baptism of John could remit sins by the devotion and faith of those approaching, or even by contrition, in the way that the same most learned cardinal deems similar words of Basil and of his brother Gregory ought to be understood, lib. 1 *De baptismo*, cap. 21.

Col. 1535 C. *That, therefore* (Illud igitur). From this place we understand that Musculus had previously mistranslated ἄνωθεν, *from above*, as noted above; and that he finally acknowledged this, which the response of Nicodemus argued, namely that Christ used a word by which a certain iteration was indicated. Furthermore, regarding the history of Job, which is noted next, the place was filled in by the corrector without cause with the added word ἢ, which was absent from the printed text, and from the common books of Scripture, and thus it must be read in the Latin text, *even if his life be of one day*. In the LXX it is thus: ἀλλ' οὐθεὶς ἐὰν καὶ μία ἡμέρα ὁ βίος αὐτοῦ ἐπὶ τῆς γῆς. Olympiodorus in the *Catena of Nicetas*, "Why," he says, "is it necessary to speak at length about man, where even his very human birth does not happen without filth and sin? Whence also infants are baptized, the type of the transgression of Adam being washed away." ^C What does it avail, he says, to say more about man, since it happens that neither is man's procreation without filth and sin? Therefore, infants are baptized, so that the stain which they contracted from the prevarication of Adam may be washed away.

Col. 1538 B 2. *Into that form* (In eam formam). The passage is in the Epistle to the Romans VI, 17, where the Vulgate [has], *into that form of doctrine, into which you have been delivered*; and it is translated no differently by Origen and Ambrose, although Musculus himself also returned to it below on page 636, D 5, although Beza, citing this very passage of Basil, wrote, *you have obeyed that form of doctrine*.

Col. 1542 C 3. *To die to sin* (Mori peccato). The interpreter omitted one of three [elements], ἑαυτῷ τε, *to himself*, and that, κατὰ τὴν ἐνανθρώπησιν βιῶν, he translated, *according to the incorporation of life, heart, speech*. As, for instance, the Apostle says to the Romans XIV, 7: *For none of us liveth to himself*: and II Cor. V, 15, *that they who live, may now not live unto themselves*.

Col. 1543 B 1. *Therefore, having laid aside* (Itaque deposita). When the author had said, ἀποθέμενοι τὴν σκληρότητα τῆς ἀπειθείας, and had subjoined the opposite εὐπείθειαν καὶ ὑπακοήν, I preferred, with Cornarius, to render it in Latin: *having laid aside of the hardness of disobedience, let us show [obedience]*. Thus also Ephesians V, 6, *the children of disobedience* (υἱοὺς ἀπειθείας), which the Vulgate translates *children of diffidence*, and with it Budæus and Tertullian, *children of incredulity*; Cyprian calls them *children of contumacy*. Again, Musculus here called the *dainties of sin*, death, when he could have used the clearer words of the Vulgate, Romans VI, 23, *For the wages of sin is death* (Stipendia enim peccati, mors). Gregory Nazianzen explains ὀψώνιον [wages] as *the royal allowance* (τὸ βασιλικόν σιτηρέσιον), *a royal subsistence*. The old glossary, *stipendium (wages)*, ὀψώνιον στρατιωτικόν.

Col. 1550 A 10. *That, If indeed* (Illud, Si enim). Faulty punctuation had conflated two periods into one, and it had been wrongly inculcated by the interpreter; *that now is fulfilled* is the passage in Romans VI, 5. Basil says, it will come to pass that in those who have kept that saying (*If planted together*), that promise shall be fulfilled, and we shall be partakers of the resurrection. Again, that [word], δι᾽ ἑρμηνεύοντος [through one interpreting], Musculus interpreted as *a dream in a second exposition*, and he rendered it more firmly: but the second exposition can be that of Joseph after the first of another. Scripture, however, says twice that the same Joseph interpreted the king's dream: for here ἐπικρίνειν has the same value as συγκρίνειν in the LXX, Genesis XLI, 15: *And there is no one who can interpret it* (καὶ ὁ συγκρίνων οὐκ ἔστιν αὐτό).

Col. 1551 B 2. *Altogether* (Omnino). In the later Basilian edition, ^D *pantas* (πάντας) was printed erroneously; the interpreter, however, seems to have read *pantōs* (πάντως) (*altogether keeping even the covenants of baptism to the very end*). It is to be corrected to *pasas* (πάσας). Shortly after, he had written, *I did not recognize the malignant one swerving*, but in Psalm C, 4, it is written *ἐκκλίνοντος ἀπ' ἐμοῦ τοῦ πονηροῦ οὐκ ἐγίνωσκον* (*swerving from me the wicked one, I knew not*). Which we have expressed in Latin as they are expressed in Augustine and in the old Latin Psalter. Athanasius in the *Greek Catena* explains it thus: *Thus in no part did I practice the wicked deeds, as also*

^A in their presence I did not know them, nor if they were present did I know them. Hence, there were no wicked men in the number of those with me, such that I would be ignorant of both their presence and absence. Wherefore, even when they departed from me, I did not recognize it, and so when they were present I did not know whether they were present.

Col. 1562 D 1. *That they may sit*. Basil truly brought forth this verse as it is found in the LXX, ^B *that they may sit together*, not *that they may sit with*, as the interpreter seems to have read or understood, writing *that I may make them dwell with me*. St. Jerome, from the Hebrew, *that they may dwell with me*. Follows from the same psalm, *he did not direct before my eyes*, which the interpreter translates, *it did not go prosperously*, as if it were *it did not go*. The Itala or the ancient Latin Vulgate from the Greek, *it did not direct in the sight of my eyes*, and so it should be written in this place by St. Jerome, *speaking lies shall not please in the sight of my eyes*. Joan. Campensis, *it did not endure with me*. Munsterus, *nor shall it remain firm before my eyes*.

Col. 1566 B 4. *Sons of God*. It should be written, *to become God's*, God, who speaks, not as the interpreter says, *God saying*; for the words are of God in the prophet, not Jeremiah LI, 26, as Cornarius noted, but Isaiah LI, 11, from which it is also cited by the Apostle, II Corinth. VI, 17.

Col. 1571 A 2. *Both place and manner*. There is a paronomasia in the Greek, *the place and the manner*; the interpreter had edited, *place and manner of life*, and *partners of former life*, so that, consenting to the father, we may deserve to be baptized. But ^C often there is a change of place, not of character, as Cicero speaks in *Orat. pro Quintio*, and Horace, lib. 1 Epist., 11, 27: *They change the sky, not their soul, who run across the sea*. Aeschines in *Ctesiphontem*, *place, not manner he changed*, as Lambinus cites; but in Aeschines we read, *for he did not change the manner, but the place only*, for he did not change his character, but only his place. Then that, *walking in the Spirit*, because the reading perhaps offended Musculus in the MS *walking in the Spirit*—as if it were *Pari*—he thought it should be read *to the father*, nor did he see that Basil took the words from the Apostle, Galat. V, 25: *If we live in the Spirit, in the Spirit let us also walk*.

Col. 1578 C 8. *Short of the constraining charity*. These things had been expressed thus by the interpreter in Latin: *While he feeds without fellow-charity? Let us judge therefore this, that we should not live to ourselves, but to him who died for us*. As if it were *so that we might judge*. The author uses the words of the Apostle from II Cor. V, 14, 15: *The charity of Christ constraineth us: judging this, that if one died for all, then all were dead*.

Col. 1579 D 7. *Of the sins of the flesh*. There was no reason why the interpreter should insert *namely* between these two words, since in Greek it is *sins of the flesh*, as is read in the Greek books of the Apostle, and in St. Augustine, epist. 59, quaest. 7. Coloss. ^D II, 11, in the Vulgate, *in the stripping of the body of the flesh*; just as also in St. John Chrysostom's interpreter, homil. 6 in Epist. ad Coloss., although wrongly, since in the Greek text it is clearly as it is in Basil.

Col. 1582 C 2. The same Musculus had written, and out of diligent study strove to render it more copious, which does not express the mind of the author, and may seem to have wanted to suppress the merit of good works, to whom those Protestant preachers are very hostile, as if Basil only wanted this, that we should apply ourselves to this alone, to strive, not to accomplish, so that we may merit the increase of grace, which, however, the Fathers assert, and Catholic doctors confirm by the authority of St. Augustine, tract. 5 in Joan., *Charity deserves to be increased, so that having been increased it deserves to be perfected*; and tract. 77, *It remains that we understand that the Holy Spirit has, who loves, and by having deserves that he may have more, and by having more, that he may love more*.

Col. 1583 A 3. *While sacrificing*. It cannot be denied that Musculus did not act as a faithful enough interpreter here, who translated it, *he dares to administer the Body of the Lord*, so that Basil may not seem to acknowledge the most holy sacrifice of the Mass: nor did Cornarius say much better, who *dares to handle the body of the Lord*. Yet in this place the verb *to perform priestly rites* sufficiently indicated some sacred administration, or rather it meant the same as *to sacrifice*, just as also in Theodoret, lib. V *De curatione Graecarum affectionum*, *Having commanded to sacrifice that which they worship, so that by offering they might learn not to think gods the things that were being sacrificed as victims*. For there for *to sacrifice* in two MSS I read *to perform priestly rites*, Sylburgius annotated, and here a little later *to perform the mystery of the Lord* [is used], *to sacrifice the mystery of the Lord*; and cap. 8: *If we perform the mysteries of the priesthood*, *if we have celebrated the mysteries of the priesthood*; and the Council of Nicaea I, canon 5, *let the lamb of God be placed unbloodily by the priests*, *that the Lamb of God be placed unbloodily by the priests immolated*.

Ibid. C 7. *And let them attend*. As in the Latin Vulgate of Leviticus XXII, 2, it is written, *That they beware of these things which are consecrated of the children of Israel, and do not contaminate the name*, so the interpreter had translated in this place, *Let them abstain from the holy things of the children of Israel, and let them not pollute my holy name*: we have expressed the words of the LXX. Cornarius thought these were cited from the book of Exodus c. IX; but wrongly; but rightly p. 656, he observes that the sacred words are presented from IV Kings X, 10, not, as Musculus thought, from II Kings X, but yet he slipped in that he translates, *know ye that the word of the Lord shall not fall*, as if it were *know ye*. Where it is to be noted that the word *appho* is omitted by Basil, which is added in some Greek copies of the Old Testament, yet it is absent from the Complutensian edition, and from Theodoret, quaest. 32, by whom elsewhere it is expounded as *hidden*, obscure.

NOTES OF FRONTO DUCÆUS ON THE BOOKS ON BAPTISM

^A Col. 1587 C 11. The passage concerning the king being rebuked, indicated by neither interpreter, is found in Job xxxiv, 18, where the Vulgate says: *Who saith to the king, Apostate; who calleth rulers, impious.*

Col. 1595 A 1. *Most grievous punishment.* It does not only express, as the interpreter wished, a curse—for it clearly expresses a most grievous punishment indeed—we have followed the interpretation of Cornarius, which Clement of Alexandria confirms in *Stromateis* VIII, p. 332, calling them τὰ αἴτια προκαταρκτικά, primordial causes, not those which express or represent, but τὰ πρώτως ἀφορμὴν παρεχόμενα εἰς τὸ γίνεσθαι, those which first provide the occasion for something to come to pass. For St. John Chrysostom concludes that some wicked men are punished both in this age and in the future age from those words of Matthew x, 31, *It will be more tolerable for the land of Sodom*, in Homily 37 on Matthew: *For this was said even as if they too would be punished; more mildly indeed, but they will be punished nonetheless. And although they paid the ultimate penalty here, yet not even this will deliver them.* For this was said so that we might understand that they will be punished, but more leniently. For even if they have suffered most grievous punishments in this life, they will not for that reason escape punishment in the other life; and in Homily 3 *On Lazarus*, p. 69, of volume V of our edition: *But that some are punished both here and there, when they have not received here the punishment worthy of the magnitude of their sins, listen:* But that some are punished both here and there, if they have not suffered the punishment for the magnitude of their sins here, listen; and in the Homily *On the Earthquake*, in the same volume.

Col. 1599 B 1. *Of this question.* The question itself is not the rule, as these words of the interpreter suggested: *We are taught by this question openly, and as it were by a certain canon, against any such case whatsoever from the Old Testament.* Furthermore, in the passage in Genesis iv, 7, ἀποστροφή is rendered not as "aversion" as the interpreter has it, but as "conversion" by the holy Fathers, who follow the Greek LXX text, just as Tertullian does in *Adversus Judæos*, ch. 5: *Since if thou offerest rightly, but dost not divide rightly, thou hast sinned; be silent. For unto thee is its conversion.* The same will be found in Ambrose, book II *De Cain*, ch. 7, and in Jerome, Epistle 155, *Hebrew Questions on Genesis*.

^B Ibid. C 2. *According to the sacrifice.* These things had been wrongly separated from what preceded, by starting a new period, with the name of sacrifice even being suppressed, which stands in violent opposition to this new Zwinglian dogma. For which reason Cornarius also wrote only *dedicate to God for the celebration of the glorious mystery*: but ἱερουργία is "sacrifice," or the performance of a divine rite, even by the testimony of Henri Estienne himself, the compiler of the *Thesaurus Græcus*, who also cites the passage of the Apostle to the Romans xv, 16, connecting these two, just as they are connected by the prophet Isaiah: λειτουργὸν καὶ ἱερουργοῦντα, *minister and sacrificer*. The interpreter had edited it thus: *And according to the prophecy of the host, he who is diligently and studiously inclined to perform the priesthood of the glorious mystery.* Basil is surely alluding to the passage in Malachi i, 11: Καὶ ἐν παντὶ τόπῳ προσάγεται τῷ ὀνόματί μου, καὶ θυσία καθαρά· *And in every place incense is offered to my name, and a pure sacrifice.* By which words, according to the common consensus of the Fathers, the sacrifice of the new law is predicted, which is accustomed to be offered to God upon the altar. Therefore our author on Psalm cxv, p. 576: *But an altar had been shown to those choosing to sacrifice*; and in the Homily on the *Martyr Gordius*, p. 144, he testifies that there were most holy altars in the church. But the passage which is then brought forward is held a little differently in Isaiah lxi, 6, for the word πάντες is not added, but only Ὑμεῖς δὲ ἱερεῖς Κυρίου κληθήσεσθε, λειτουργοὶ Θεοῦ ἡμῶν· *But you shall be called priests of the Lord, ministers of our God.*

^D Col. 1602 A 6. *Had been assigned.* The interpreter had rendered that word ἀφώριστο poorly: *So that certain things done separately and outside Jerusalem brought danger*: rather, he says that certain things had been attributed to the city of Jerusalem itself, whence the Samaritan woman in John iv, 20, said: *In Jerusalem is the place where it is necessary to worship.* Chrysostom, Homily 2 *Adversus Judæos*, p. 462: Οὕτω καὶ ὁ Θεὸς ἐποίησε, θύειν ἐπιτρέψας, ἐν οὐδενὶ ἑτέρῳ τόπῳ τῆς οἰκουμένης εἴασε τοῦτο γενέσθαι, ἀλλ' ἐν τοῖς Ἱεροσολύμοις μόνον· *In the same way God acted, by permitting sacrifices; for he did not permit this to be done in any other place in the world, except in Jerusalem alone*; and Homily 3, p. 490: *That it is not possible to sacrifice outside the city, but they transgress, performing everything on foreign soil.* Just as it would not be lawful to immolate victims outside the city, but they violate religion, whoever perform anything of this kind in a foreign region.

Col. 1513 B 2. *Lest by any thing.* We have amended these words of the interpreter, so that nothing is lacking in the legitimate study of the divine pleasure: *but in all things.* Furthermore, the passages of the Apostle that follow are easily found by those instructed with a Latin index of Scripture; not so that one from Leviticus xix, 17: Ἐλεγμῷ ἐλέγξεις τὸν πλησίον σου· καὶ οὐ λήψῃ δι' αὐτὸν ἁμαρτίαν· *Arguing thou shalt argue thy neighbor, and thou shalt not receive sin on his account.* It should be written thus here, not "receive." Psalm xlix, 21: *Thou didst imagine iniquity*, Vulgate: *iniquitously*: the interpreter poorly rendered, *Thou didst suspect iniquity, and I will stand against thy face.*

Col. 1619 A 15. *Not that for himself.* In the Greek it is read κατὰ τὴν ἑαυτῶν, for which reason Cornarius translated it into Latin thus: *not according to their own contrariety to him*, but it would be written more correctly, as the interpreter seems to have read it, οὐ κατὰ τὴν ἑαυτοῦ, or αὐτοῦ πρὸς ἑαυτόν; as if to say, not that he is contrary to himself, while he is the cause of both ruin and resurrection to men, but that the opinion of those who use him is contrary: for if they had been affected in the same way, they would have carried away an equal fruit from his arrival.

Ibid. C 5. *So it is read in its entirety in the prophet*, as in Basil: ἐφόνευσαν Σίκιμα, *they killed Sicima*, not ἐν Σικίμοις, or as the interpreter edited it.