Basil the Least

ADMONITION TO THE FOLLOWING SCHOLIA OF BASIL THE MINIM.

Basilius, ^A Bishop of Caesarea in Cappadocia in the tenth century, who, so as not to be confused with St. Basil the Great, wished to be called "the Least" out of his own modesty, wrote very extensive Commentaries on the Orations of Gregory Nazianzen that have remained unpublished until now. Fabricius and Ruhnkenius held these in high regard, and Hase, in his work on Leo the Deacon (p. 227), pronounced them worthy of the light of day. Ruhnkenius had obtained the scholia of Basil from the Vossian manuscript which is preserved in the library at Leiden, and used them in the most learned notes with which he illustrated the Platonic Lexicon of Timaeus. The most learned Bast, a man who was, if anyone, well-versed in ancient grammarians, had excerpted some things from the work of Basil for his own use according to the Royal manuscript, which the library of the University of Oxford now keeps along with the rest of his notebooks. I myself have used these same scholia more than once in the things I have noted regarding Diogenes, Nicetas Eugenianus, and the *Epimerismi* of Herodian.

Since such is the case, I thought it would be an illustration of sacred literature if, in this collection of excerpts and notices which appears through the munificence of the Government, I were to transcribe sufficiently ample passages from the work of Basil. I chose the *Steliteutic* against Julian, which contains many things worthy of note compared to the other orations of Gregory (b). I have added the dedicatory epistle which Basil prefixed to his commentaries. It is not unworthy of the light. Bandinius had already published it in his *Catalogus*, but not without errors and omissions.

The Royal codex which I follow is marked no. 573. It is parchment, in quarto, of the eleventh century as it seems, written by a hand that is by no means unskilled; it consists of 279 folios. Among the Coislinian manuscripts, four contain the scholia of Basil; according to the *Catalogus*, they are to be attributed to the tenth century. I have collated the one marked no. 236 with the manuscript 573 and added the various readings.

(a) That most missed man died a few months ago in the village of Passy near Paris, on the Ides of September, 1857, at the age of eighty-five. (b) The same most learned man later added scholia to the oration of Gregory in honor of the philosopher Heron. See below.

BASIL'S DEDICATORY LETTER TO EMPEROR CONSTANTINE

Basilius the Least, Bishop of Caesarea in Cappadocia, to the Christ-loving master, Emperor Constantine.

In public celebrations, most great Emperor, not only those who fulfill public offices ^B or who are puffed up with immense wealth and glory, or who possess higher powers—for those of us who possess such things, even if we are not among these, do still offer what we can—but indeed I myself, who am the one writing these things, the fellow-participant of Basil the Great both in name and in throne—

[Regarding the text of the Revelation, as John teaches me, that some, because of the fact that the attributes of the evangelist, apostle, and theologian John are not ascribed to the Father, have attempted to reject the Apocalypse as not being by the evangelist but by some other John; and it is not to be wondered at, since not a few of the ancients have suffered this, banishing it from the canon of the sacred Scriptures. Dionysius of Alexandria, however, says: "I would not dare to reject the book, as many possess it with such diligence; yet I derive a deeper opinion than my own judgment concerning it, assuming that there is some hidden and more wondrous interpretation in each part." By these things he admires it, and said he does not reject the writing, but from the character of the style, he says it is of someone else and not of the apostle. He provides proof for the argument...]

Thus, from the mysteries and the divine thoughts within it, in that it is praised, it is not worthy that such a work should be dismissed based on the mere style of its language and its character, since also from orators and writers, and of the Father himself...

^B even to the great Basil—who is a partner with the one writing these words in both name and throne—we find in his second book of the Refutation against Eunomius, where he approves of the usage, it is said: "The Evangelist himself (that is to say John, for he had previously said: 'In the beginning was the Word'), he himself then," he says, "in another place showed by saying: 'Who is, and who was, and who is to come, the Almighty'" (Apoc. 1, 8). Since Basil himself has clearly judged this to be from the Apocalypse of the Evangelist, who then is so rash as to speak against it? Likewise Origen also: "Why," he says, "did he not say, 'In the beginning was the Word of God'?" (a), and yet the same John in the Apocalypse says: "And his name is called the Word of God."

^A ...swollen with heavy wealth and glory, but now even those who have chosen to live in self-sufficiency, and have obtained a moderate livelihood, strive according to their ability to honor you. But some distinguish themselves with gold and silver, and pearls or translucent stones, or with certain precious vessels, or even with garments variegated with many flowers, displaying their desire to please; others with this or that gift, according to each one’s means or willingness and inclination, all of them desiring to succeed as much as possible in the eyes of the one who receives, and preparing what they think will—as though it were a love-charm—most delight the one to whom it is offered. Since many, therefore, are contributing and making for you a varied and costly offering, especially in this feast of Christ’s Nativity, and in these thanksgivings for the defeated enemies—it seemed right that we should not sit idle, or perform a useless journey and fruitless labor, like the insanity of that Cynic who fretted and mocked the Athenian people, but rather that we should generously bring with our own hands, and offer to you, great Emperor, most humane and beneficial, whatever of our own means is precious and becoming. And to a lover of letters, nothing is offered so worthy as a discourse; yet it will not appear such that it could refresh a royal and wise mind, for you see how it is unrefined and inelegant, and, to put it plainly, altogether devoid of charm. Nevertheless, since it stands thus, it is the most precious gift we have, for even the ape and the Ethiopian consider their own offspring to hold the highest place and deem their deformity the most beautiful. But if even to you...

^A, the most honored, such a thing were judged, it would be deemed more pleasing and acceptable not for any other reason, but for the very subject matter itself. For what is more desirable or more precious to you of all things than to gaze upon and listen to Gregory and the works of Gregory? Whose discourses and mind is it more pleasing to investigate than that of the Vigilant one (for that is a more proper way to call him)? What an abyss of wisdom! What a height of theology, whether in the grace and magnitude of eloquence, or in varied art, speculation, and charm!

We have therefore decided, although it is bold, to set forth in a shorter and clearer manner the things that the Fathers have painstakingly published for the explanation and clarification of certain passages of these most wise discourses, and furthermore to add some of our own ^B to elucidate the thoughts and bring the hidden meaning more into the light. And finally, in many places that were perhaps neglected as seemingly obvious to those people, but which required some interpretation regarding the meaning, or regarding the connection or syntactical sequence, or regarding the theoretical understanding, or regarding the signification of certain technical methods of periods, figures, and varied ideas—on these, therefore, this labor of ours has been spent.

Moreover, we also reveal the proper positions of certain punctuation marks and the places suitable for each of them, not from some irrational experience, such as belongs only to those who look at small matters ^C and merely seek to charm the senses. In these, one can see that some are led astray, pronouncing the same periods and the same connective particles of speech differently at different times, corrupting the delivery, ruining the entire character, and, as it were, illuminating the cold members of a body, sometimes contracting what is relaxed and dissolving what is tense ^D; but we have set them forth according to the laws of art and the sequence of periods and the ordered marking of the connective particles. Such, therefore, O Most Serene, is our task, which is offered to you, a most ardent lover of letters. With these we congratulate you, joined with all praise and hymns of victory.

...marked with the connecting parts. Such is our gift, most serene one; such is what is offered to you, the lover of learning; with these we greet you, with things better than all praise and triumphal songs; things which, as we have been supplied according to the measure of grace from above, we have brought to you, and we have received them, not unpleasantly, I think, insofar as one can conjecture the nobility and the studiousness of your mind. For one must trust him who is adorned with the beauty and wealth of the soul rather than him who is adorned with the beauty of the face and of riches; for envy and disease take away the latter, while the former are fixed even unto death. My thesis stands thus.

BASILII SCHOLIA ON THE ORATION OF GREGORY AGAINST EMPEROR JULIAN

^AIn the first steliteutic oration against Julian. ^B The end of the discourse is not obscure, reproaching the wickedness of the Apostate, and provoking him with many arguments; nay, even piercing him with his own feathers—those with which he, as if wandering through the air, was exalted—and with fables, histories, deceitful sophisms, prestidigitations, sacrifices, and the frauds of demons, and [with] oracles he inveighed with ignominy against us and Christ. Since, therefore, the greatest material has been supplied, there is a great deal of artful structure in the Father’s discourse. Now he proceeds panegyrically, now in a judicial manner, and now deliberatively, unfolding and varying his discourse according to every kind of art. He also abounded in mythical inventions and histories, and in refutations—as was necessary for the purpose—at the same time clearly stating, and conjoining by the force of the arguments of the discourses and the connection of their proofs. ^C Hear this, all ye nations, and what follows. The protasis of the proem is taken from the prophetic words, highly suitable to the subject, in which the Emperor is depicted, who presided over many nations and cities, and had shaken almost the entire world, and had spoken wickedness against the Most High, ^D and myths and fabrications, mythical fabrications, I have illustrated. See also what was more recently observed by Wittenbach in book II of his *Philomathea*. The panegyrist of Saint Theodore uses this way of speaking twice: “For I see the thing itself as a fabrication of a myth...” and “The sowers of your myths and fabrications.” [Regarding "a connection of proofs,"] this is missing in the Thesaurus of Henricus Stephanus; here, I think, he implies the series and connection of the proofs. See Ernesti’s *Lexicon Technologicum*.

SCHOLIA ON THE FIRST ORATION AGAINST JULIAN

^A and to the Lord and artificer of the entire world himself. Not undeservedly, therefore, does he call not only those inhabiting the orb of the earth, but also all the heavenly powers, by an invocation raised higher, as if from a certain watchtower. For this is what *apopton* [visible from afar] implies: that from which it is possible to see many things, with nothing obstructing sight or voice. Since, then, the discourse is directed both to the whole earth and the whole world, he said that it was from a watchtower not only elevated, but also most central. For it is possible for someone to be in a place that is high and in view, yet not in the most central place or at the center, and not at all able to be heard equally by all to whom he speaks.

^B *This makes one difference.* By these words he distinguishes the intent, and sets it apart from that of Isaiah; for the latter testifies these things because of Israel, which had rejected the law of God, but ours [testifies] because of the tyrant who both rejected it and perished miserably.

*Hear these things also, soul of the Great Constantius, if there be any sense for the dead.* He praises the Great [Constantine], and calls him so frequently, especially in the discourses against the Apostate, by way of a parallel to the tyrant and enemy of Christ, as if adorning him with praises as a lover of Christ. In some places, defending him, he says that he had inclined toward Arianism out of simplicity, not however out of impiety or infamy; but for the rest, he says and declares that he was of great utility to the Christians. *If there be any sense*, he says, "hear," because it is not altogether evident nor perceived by all of those who have departed that they have a sense of things here; for he says elsewhere that this is granted only to the souls of the blessed.

^C *And not by the Word alone.* By the divine Word, that is; for so he is named.

*Along with other things.* Which other things? Those by which he is named: Son, Wisdom, Power, and the rest. For he rejoices, he says, in this appellation as well, and in its power. In what power? That of this name; for nothing else can interpret the mind as well as "Word," bearing the whole mind in itself: just as the Son and Word [bears] the Father and Begetter. *For he who has seen me*, he says, *has seen the Father* (John XIV, 9).

^D *But if you wish to compare signs.* By an apostrophe he addresses that man himself: "By these things you declared yourself defeated, having feared to compare signs with us and to come to blows, even if you thought you were defeating him against whom you struggled—not to struggle against him [that is, us]!" In which he shows that he was also a tyrant of words, showing supreme stupidity, not merely applying violence to him.

^A For my speech now leaps forth and rushes toward the panegyrical mode. Note that he also signifies it through the panegyrical genre. *Those who fast.* He means those who entreat the Divine night and day, and those living the monastic life, and those whose lives are similar to theirs, and those who have endured confiscations, and those still struggling in various trials, and those living in mountains and caves and the fissures of the earth, of whom truly the world was not worthy. *Or their own country, as it is said.* He alludes to the fugitives and those separated from their own kin. The phrase "it is said" is added because of their kin, regarding small and bodily kinship; for the true and greatest kinship is that of the fatherland above and its kinship. He calls riches the material of vice.

^B *Another part he terms those who,* while confessing God, are scandalized by such events as the wicked being exalted; they are scandalized because of poverty, as he himself said, their souls being inflamed by their thoughts, not enduring the peace and prosperity of sinners, being slaves to present things, and being confirmed in the truth only by such paradoxical miracles.

*And oh that that group might add itself to our choir.* From this it is evident that the union of the monks had not yet occurred, to whom the prayers for peace were ascribed, and whose faith he does not reproach, calling their opinion not an adulterated song, nor ignoble and discordant, but peculiar and not tending toward the same thing.

*But what and what kind.* Incited therefore here to some harsh words and to vituperation, he is held back by the shame of hope, as he himself says, and by the hope of procuring unity.

*One class and one race of souls I cast off.* He designates the men of little faith, and those scandalized in a time of temptation, and those led astray by error, of whom he says those are even worse who did not resist the time even a little, but voluntarily showed themselves to be wicked.

*For I change this. What indeed? This, "cast into the sea": for he did not cast it into the sea.* I change, he says, and I transpose this; for he cast the Apostate and second Pharaoh where it was pleasing to him who cast him, and as, he says, he deemed it just.

*And as if by some circle.* How is it possible to guide and moderate as if by some circle? ^D

For a circle is neither straight, nor does it guide; therefore, the word "some" ^A is added. It is as if, our affairs having been moved in a circle from that starting point of piety, and having journeyed cyclically through impiety, we have passed back to the same point of piety. For our affairs, though in some way shaken and yet not shaken, and carried along by the revolutions and refluxes of life, remain stable as if in an unmoved order and providence, paradoxically walking the same path through opposites.

Col. 544 ^A 9. *When we might be able to pass by their impiety with the speed of our feet.* He alludes to these prophetic words (Ps. xxxvii, 35): *I have seen the impious one being highly exalted and lifted up,* and the rest until *He passed by,* and *lo, he was not.* And when, he says, is it possible to see this? Or is it clear that it is when we might be able to pass by their impiety more quickly with the safe speed of the foot—that is, by escape?

Ibid. ^B 6. *To the peoples to whom He delivered it.* That is, to the Persians. For this was thus adapted—having been taken instead of the Ethiopians ^B; for to them He had delivered the violent man.

Ibid. 9. *Having been puffed up not for long.* For the thrice-cursed one reigned for two years, since he had been Caesar for five years, being set forth by the Divine and the Emperor.

Ibid. 13. *Splitting the head.* This is a paraphrase, ^C and this is from what was said in the curses against the serpent: *He shall keep your head, and you shall keep his heel* (Gen. iii, 15). For the Gentiles, just like creeping things, secretly kept watch on our heel and our extremities, not being able to lift their head or to speak boldly to do evil; for they were commanded to be trodden underfoot by us, even if they seemed to hold sway for a small bit and openly ^D.

Col. 545 ^D 9. *He groans and travails together.* The apostolic text explains more clearly for whom he travails and groans; that is, for men and for the corruption of those coming into being and passing away. He groans, therefore, he says, and suffers pain because of death from disobedience and because of corruption. Yet he awaits the revelation of the sons of God, that is, the resurrection and

immortality, and the liberty that is hoped for. For it groans and laments, refusing to serve corruptible things, having been created for incorruptibility; yet it awaits it, not willingly, but because of Him who subjected it in hope.

^A And those, indeed, as if on dry land, he brings across. He brings the Israelites across on a narrow isthmus and dry land, while those, the Egyptians, according to their own nature, he inundates and overwhelms.

🍞 Bread poured out like rain. He points to the manna; for this he gave in abundance each day according to necessity. For if anyone stored up any of it for the morrow, it became stale and useless by the next day. But what is beyond necessity and what is superfluous, he indicates by the quail. For it is said that he rained flesh like dust, and winged birds like the sand of the seas; by which it is shown ^B to be beyond necessity and in abundance.

Walls shaken by a number having power: that is to say, the septenary number. For seven priests, he says, with seven trumpets, having gone around the walls of Jericho seven times, shook them and cast them down to the ground, purely by the power of the number. This number is spoken of more amply in the Oration on Pentecost.

^B By this same number God is praised. For if all existing things, he says, have come into being by his eternal purposes, it is clear that there is also number in every species of existing things. And the first number is there; for from there is also the number here. Then, he says, from the One the limited interval of the decade has come to be; for he who wishes to count further returns again to the One and the things that follow, up to the same decade again, and thus counting the second and third [decade] up to the decades, having arrived at the decade of decades in the hundreds, he returns again to the first. The power of this decade is the tetraktys; in this a certain unity of perfection is contemplated. For by composition from the monad to the tetrad, the decade is formed; for one and two and three and four make ten.

And the tetrad is also the arithmetic mean of the monad and the heptad; for it exceeds and is exceeded by the same number, being less than the heptad by a triad, and exceeding the monad by a triad. The best and most beautiful of numbers are the monad and the heptad. The monad alone, among those within the decade, as the beginning of every number, contains the powers of all things within itself; but the heptad, as motherless and virgin, holds the value of the monad secondarily. Between the unbegotten monad and the motherless heptad, the tetrad, lying in the middle, has encompassed the powers of the progenitors and the generated, being generated from the duad and generating the number eight. And the first manifestation of the solid is found in the tetrad; for the point is analogous to the monad, the line to the duad, the surface to the triad, and the solid to the tetrad. Again, the critical powers are four: intellect, knowledge, opinion, sensation. And simply, the tetrad has bound all existing things together, the elements of numbers, the seasons of the year, the collection of ages. And there is nothing one can name that is not suspended from the tetraktys as its root and principle; for it is, as we have said, the cause of the creator of all things, God who is understood, the cause of the heaven and the sensible world. The scholiast discourses at length regarding the properties of the number seven. From these things which he has poured forth...

^A *Morum istius pravitatem*. Regarding Julian, namely, when the soldiers were incited against those who held power. Note that through fear of revolution following the death of Constantine the Great, the army rebelled against those who held power and dignities. Among these, he and his brother Gallus were apprehended, and were saved by Constantius. And in one of the royal estates, he was honored with his brother with royal attendance for three reasons. Yet he gave thanks neither to God nor to the emperor who saved him, but appeared wicked toward both: from God, conceiving an apostasy, and against Constantius, preparing a rebellion by gathering an army from the western provinces against the emperor, although the premature death of Constantius thwarted his plot.

^B *Quod autem necessario mihi prius exponendum est*. Resuming from an earlier time, he says this.

^C *Quin etiam in clerum seipsos ascripserunt*. Note that he says both brothers were ordained into the clergy.

^B *Alter quidem vere et serio pietatem profitens*. He says that Gallus was possessed of sincere piety, although he was by nature more ardent, while Julian was merely biding his time and concealing his innate depravity under the appearance of mildness.

^C *O sapientem animam ad malefaciendum!* Being wise for the purpose of malice, he nonetheless did not escape his own torture and eternal evil, although God proclaimed future things through those that had come to pass, showing his foreknowledge in order to restrain his impiety.

^C *Verum consilia sua patere intelligeret*. But, he says, that Julian might understand that he was known by God, and might not be puffed up in his mind, feeling that his fraud was perceived.

^C *Plus quam æquum*. Namely, more than was fitting, that is, most wickedly, even contending for the Greeks, as if maintaining an inferior doctrine for the sake of practice, yet by the power of his discourse and by sophistries—not, in truth,

^A by the truth—he demonstrates the discourse of the Greeks to be more powerful than that of piety and of what is better.

^B Ibid. 6. Asia was his school of impiety, namely, of that impiety which looks to the knowledge of the stars, and what follows. For since they direct our affairs by the movement of the heavenly bodies, and deify the creation instead of the Creator, he fittingly calls this a school of impiety. For these men in Asia, having at that time played the charlatan with prognostications by means of astronomy and nativities, were training them in such impiety, imagining it to be so.

Seeking the contrary change. The sons of physicians say that states of health brought to the ultimate point of fitness are dangerous, ^B for since all things in generation, whether for the better or for the worse, are necessarily moved and changed—both mobile bodies and affairs—from this source they say that satiety slides into insolence. For it teaches apostasy, according to that word: "Jacob ate, and was filled, and the beloved kicked" (Deut. xxxii, 15). Therefore, when the health of the Christians had been brought to the ultimate point—since it was not possible to advance further toward what is better—it was moved toward the worse and shifted to the opposite.

^C 2. Pride goes before destruction, a Proverbial saying, obscurely spoken, which he now clarifies: he says that destruction and humiliation are the followers of pride—which is to say, of arrogance—but glory is the follower of humiliation. "God resists the proud, but gives grace to the humble" (Prov. iii, 34), introducing opposites to opposites: crushing and dejecting pride, but glorifying and exalting humiliation.

Dejection, of course, is between the transgression and the repentance. How? He sinned first, then, being humbled, he was corrected, "observing thy word" (Ps. cxviii, 67), as if the dejection were born from the sin, and from this, in turn, the correction of morals and repentance had followed.

^C 1. To Caesar, indeed, both the empire and life reach their end. [alt-version omitted]

^A For the Emperor Constantius appointed Gallus Caesar of Antioch, bestowing upon him the title of the ancient dignity. But since, having plotted tyranny and being caught, he was put to death, he received a limit—that is, an end and a restriction—both to his life and his reign. For he had put to death, without informing the Emperor Constantius, Magnentius, the prefect of the East, and Magnus the quaestor. Constantius, having been moved by this, summoned him and ordered him to be put to death near the island of Flanona. But he says that he is silent about the things in between, respecting the piety of those involved, as they were Christians; for Gallus rebelled rashly, and Constantius killed him. Since, then, when one accuses the other, it is necessary to release the other from the charge—the rashness belonging to both—he said that he was silent about the things in between.

Col. 561 C 4. And by those things which I have censured. He defends himself on behalf of Constantius, saying that even in the things I censured—or rather, brought charges against—I have sufficiently defended him. For by speaking of his benevolence, I made clear the forgiveness of the charge; for out of kindness, he unknowingly placed the beast over the sheep of Christ.

Col. 564 B 4. Who indeed, even if he caused any grief. For he grieved the orthodox, by adding himself with simplicity to the Arians, attracting and compelling them toward unity, so that they would not be divided in their opinions, but that all might be one as Christians. However, he says, two benevolent acts did not come together: ^C the one that he had toward piety and the Christians, and the one that he showed—in ignorance of the future—by acting benevolently toward the most impious man.

Ibid. C 7. Difficult to move by argument. Strong, obdurate, and unable to be moved or overturned by the argument of truth.

Ibid. 9. He vied with the one who appointed him. With Constantius, who had appointed him king. How did he vie? In a newer way; for not being strong in virtue and piety, he strove to win by impiety and wickedness.

Col. 565 B 5. And who would not from the faith? Who, he says, would not have hoped that Julian, from the faith which was entrusted to him by Constantius, would have become a better man, which indeed was beyond what was fair and immoderate.

^A He considers that both outcomes resulted from a just and imperial judgment—Gallus being punished, while Julian was elevated; and he judges and reflects within himself that the honor shown to the latter, being so exceedingly great, was a just penalty for the former, which he had suffered on account of his rashness. In another way, he attempts to demonstrate that the election of Julian was not entirely thoughtless. For Constantius did not rely on a trusting spirit because of Julian's faith, as much as he relied on his own power, intending to crush him at the first opportunity if he were to attempt any innovation. Just as Alexander the Great, when he had conquered Porus, king of the Indians, who had fought brilliantly, not only allowed him to live but also commanded him to reign again; for it was within his own power, if he discovered anything evil, to overcome him again and punish him.

^B Ibid. D 6. How is it possible to be superior and yet defeated? How could one who is superior be defeated? And who is the one to conquer, and whom? As those who contradict and attempt to prove Constantius to be somehow wicked and defeated — since he who praises him seems himself to be defeated — the divine orator, taking up the weaker argument, says: "This man, if he is not good," said he, "who entrusted the empire to Julian, he to whom the empire was entrusted, and who was raised to such an honor, and who subsequently showed himself a wretch, what must he be considered to be? Where shall we place such wickedness? And if not to have known in advance his monstrous character is considered a fault, in what place is it right to set the fountain of wickedness itself?" He says that the "inconceivable," or "wholly incomprehensible," is either difficult to understand and not easily grasped, or that wickedness itself is something irrational and thoughtless, not calculating what is good and fitting.

^C These are the Platos, and what follows. These, therefore, are the most excellent among the Greek philosophers, and were held in the highest esteem by Julian; they honor virtue with speech alone, and though they philosophize and teach that it is better to suffer injury than to inflict it, they honor the geometric equity—that which is demonstrated through geometric methods as an unerring justice and truth. And the noble teachers, who were of his own time, he calls Porphyry and Libanius the sophists.

^D (66) Excellent points are made in Plato’s Crito (§ 10): "By no means, therefore, must one do injustice, nor when one is treated unjustly, should one return the injustice, as the many think. But if it should be necessary either to do injustice or to suffer it, I would choose to suffer injustice rather than to do it." (67) In this passage where he speaks of "geometric equity," the author clearly alludes to these words of Socrates in

^A *Ibid.* ^B

Who even fashion cities with words.

For did no one perceive these things?

Must philosophy and empire coincide.

And let them not wonder, and the rest.

^A For the cause of evils is in no way the divine nature, but rather the person who chooses the things of wickedness; and for this reason, he was not restrained against his will, nor was he incited to wickedness by God.

On the campaign

^B Ibid. 15. *But [as to] a more secret [fated time].* Clearly, a set time; he was present, having been raised up by demons who promised him the future—or rather, not according to demoniacal foreknowledge, but according to knowledge, meditating death for Constantius by a plot; of which he himself was the architect, concealing one of his domestics because of the attempt at wickedness he was meditating to commit. That this did not come about through demons, Persia showed, [proving] how sharp-sighted the demons [were] for his benefit—unless we should add that even the fact that Julian was wicked and depraved is something worth attributing to them.

^C *Nor was the war obscure.* By this, he implies that he slew Constantius through treachery. For, he says, if that polluted and impious man had understood and discovered by the result that he had used such haste against himself, he would have paid the penalty for his madness before his own slaughter in Persia.

And *having tangled the wisest man in snares*

*And the vexation that befell them.* Saying "that befell them," he adds, "either brought by the devil," and so on. For from such a phrase it seemed that he was speaking of things occurring by chance and fortune; therefore, clarifying and correcting himself, he distinguished them: [they were] either moved and occurred through the devil, or permitted by the judgments of God, which He alone knows.

^D *For some lament only their latest wounds.* Those that are ultimate, great, and deadly, they lament, and the punishments from this point on, which they suffered and were penalized for having been defeated. But to me, he says, it occurs to lament [with them] both because of the torments of this life and the torments of the life to come. *And not yet, he adds, do I speak of the greatest [thing]. What is it? To be cast out from God, which is more grievous than all else.*

*How shall I not weep?* He speaks of the differences in the ruin of those who were driven, then captured, and defeated, and those who ran forward and [those who] of their own accord...

^A into impiety, and of whom he says it is fitting to weep for him who dragged them along by force and compelled them. Or rather, for those who suffered nothing terrible in the name of Christ, their suffering is a foretoken of the punishments that await them; for those who suffered and were defeated, it is better—he says—if they were punished even more severely; in which it is shown that not even they bore these blows without recompense, but by far it was better for them not to be reserved for the divine tribunals. These things, then. What things? To weep and to have compassion for those who have fallen, and for those who stand not to rejoice over those who have fallen.

^B Ibid. 10. *And his first of his daring deeds.* Which first? With unholy blood he cleanses and purifies the washing of baptism: thus are the following. But [the phrase] "Into what sort of speeches I am compelled to fall!" is inserted by way of complaint. And he profanes and makes impure his hands, which had received the bloodless sacrifice, through which we communicate in the divinity and the sufferings of Christ.

*By incisions*, that is, the viscera of the victims.

But since I have mentioned incisions. By certain sacrificed animals and the disemboweled viscera, it was said that certain things were indicated for him, as he consulted oracles in certain inner shrines and dark places, under the master of such misdeeds. And so he says that for him who is sacrificing, the entrails of the victims show a crowned cross. But the pontiff and master of such impiety was confirmed in his confidence, as if we were circumscribed by a circle, interpreting perversely and sinisterly at the moment what was shown, ^C for his own intended purpose. Regarding this, the great Gregory himself says that he is of a doubtful and uncertain mind, and that his intellect is, as it were, hanging in a balance; yet he concludes that in great innovations many things of this kind occur and are accustomed to happen, and that things worthy of wonder are purely declared to the consciousness of our sovereignty. Yet, "If it is false," he says, "let it pass into thin air; but if true, [then let it be] this and that."

^D Ibid. 7. *And [he] ascends also in soul and in his actions [possessed by] demons.* From that day on he was filled with demons, from which he was also so eager, and planned his apostasy from God. But this is more clearly and obviously [stated]. He was filled with demons at that time, pointing out...

^A clearly through the eyes [of those] whom he was treating, and who in no way differed from those who were barking.

Ibid. 9. "And if he saw the wickedness of a wise man." In one of the copies, "you saw" (ms. 573 "you saw") is written instead of "he saw," which is proper for one who censures wickedness. But here, "he saw" is better, in relation to "whether he was taught," that is, he perceived it for himself, and was not taught by those who were urging him toward impiety. You will find this reading also in the discourse *To Heron the philosopher*.

Col. 581 B 3. "And to cover the truth with sophistries." Those skilled in these matters properly call sophistries the deceptive falsehoods framed with arguments, and they say that those who use them are "sophisticating."

Ibid. 9. "Let these things be played at among the Empedocleans." This arrogant philosopher, in order to be considered a god, threw himself into the fires of the Sicilian craters and vanished, but he was revealed—and his arrogance censured—only by the sandal that was cast back out. And those who concealed themselves in certain secret places and by various stratagems were, by the very same vainglory, exposed and disgraced.

Ibid. C 12. "Of the honor from God, or rather also under this." But what could be higher than the honor from God? What, then, does he say? He assigns three classes of those who do praiseworthy deeds: either for the sake of the honor they receive from God, or for the sake of the good and honorable thing itself, and not for the sake of the honor and recompense for it—which is the first class of those who are praiseworthy; the second, however, is the one mentioned earlier, for the sake of the honor of God; and the third is the one that avoids wickedness and does what is praiseworthy through fear of punishment.

Col. 585 A 5. "For I pass over Proteus." The myths say that he could change into whatever form he wished. Homer relates that he was unwillingly overcome by Menelaus, [saying]:

"First he became a lion with a beautiful mane, And then a dragon, and a panther, and a great boar."

And the lion is a symbol of vanity, the dragon of pleasure, the third of ferocity with anger, and the fourth of the impudence of impurity.

Ibid. 9. "And an apology for ferocity is kindness." The appearance of being philanthropic was, toward him, very inhuman; for when he attempted to persuade and used flatteries, and then failing, he grew savage; and kindness was for him an excuse for his ferocity, so that he might seem to apply force reasonably, his flattery and his pretended kindness having been scorned.

Ibid. C 2. "Not as one well-disposed to the great emperor." He drove the Christians out of the palaces under the pretext of being well-disposed to the great emperor Constantius, but in truth, with the

intent of first bringing some to their deaths.

^A Col. 588 A 14. "He dares even now against the great standard." He refers to the precious Cross, which acts as an advance guard and precedes and leads the army, being raised aloft, possessing the power to release men from their labors, and being so-called according to the Romans (signum). It seems that the Latin word indicates this: the *signum* or *bandum*, or something else holding the leading position among the remaining imperial standards, which are enumerated hereafter.

^B Col. 589 C 1. "O most foolish and most impious of men." Addressing him with vehemence and asperity through apostrophe, he shows that he calls him not only unlearned, but also foolish. He called the preaching "old and new": old, because it existed even before the ages and before the foundation of the world, and was subsequently proclaimed by the prophets of the Old Testament; but new, because it was manifested at the consummation of the ages; old, because it was adumbrated in shadows and figures to the few in former generations, but more clearly revealed in grace to the many. And by the phrase, "As you always conjure up some new god of yours," he hints at Apollo, since they record that he was beardless.

Col. 589 A 2. "As God created it." What inheritance he both made and obtained: as God, He made it; as man, He inherited it. You, however, act against the blood of Christ, which cleansed the world, with your own impure pollutions that you offer to the demons.

Col. 589 C 10. "He who admires the pyre of Hercules." This man had put on a tunic soaked in the flowing blood of the giant Nessus, who was pierced by an arrow from Hercules because of the violence offered by Deianira; which tunic was infected with the blood of the hydra. She sends this tunic to Hercules as a love-charm, steeped in poison. When he had put it on, he approached the altar to offer sacrifice. But when the tunic was ignited by the heat of the fire, the wretched man could not endure the burning; instead, crying out and lamenting loudly, he piled up a pyre of wood, cast himself into it, and was immediately consumed by the heat of the flame. And from this misfortune, he has been deemed a god, having been unjust and licentious toward women as well. ^C You will find the remaining histories more fully set forth elsewhere, and it is superfluous to prattle about the same things too often.

Col. 593 A 8. "Do you see these destitute men?" After having enumerated up to this point those who were admired among the Greeks, he now reviews with them those also who were renowned among the Romans in wars and military commands, such as the Scipios and their peers; to these he adds those things in which Julian gloried, namely that he walked with the army, fed on simple and unrefined food, and in war

^A he adds a strategy, setting against these the lives of the holy Fathers and ascetics, who in truth have practiced the high philosophy in Christ. And he describes the virtues of the Greeks, but he elevates—as in the first of the *Peace* orations—the life of the monks, showing that it is not possible for Greek trifles to reach the standards of such a philosophy; even if one should be quite puffed up, boasting of the vanity of his own reasoning.

10. "How many and for how long?" And these things, he says, if they are held to be any sort of philosophy, are few and easily counted compared to the thousands and myriads among us who have practiced this philosophy, and even greater and more admirable things, in every place and of every race, station, and age. ^B And further refuting what might be objected, he says that even if our philosophy seems irrational, this is no great matter, since piety is not determined by speech or the wisdom of the mouth, but by action and the fruit of contemplation, gathered through a brilliant life; as it seemed to one of you, he says, when you asserted that action is to be preferred to speech. For there is greater wisdom [in works and in matters] than in words alone, and in the instruction and wisdom that is in deeds, and not simply in words.

7. And to that golden generation.

^C

And our ears had to be dinned with these.

"What, in my judgment, another might have noted. What? Namely, that he attempted to stir up persecution against both small and great in times of such growth of the Christians, as if by this he were demonstrating the greatest madness with ignominy in those actions of his, attempting to persecute and overturn almost the entire empire of the Romans, in which his frivolity and childishness are indeed quite [evident]." ^D

Every word is vain that is not finished in deed, and every action has its word as its deed.

He shows that by the change of the designation of the Galilaeans, he thought that their disposition would also follow; yet it has been shown by deed that the name of "Christian" is of the greatest importance for glory, and for this reason he schemed to deprive us of it, fearing this appellation just as the demons did.

*Ibid.* C 2. "We shall not disturb their names." For we have nothing more ridiculous, he says, into which we might change our own names, than your honorable phalluses and the other things that follow.

*Ibid.* 8. "For it is necessary to be unfortunate" (95) among them. How unfortunate? To live in intemperance with many women, one, that is to say, the most powerful Hercules.

*Ibid.* 9. "Or to be born from many, one." Whom? He speaks of Pan, who they say was born one from many suitors who had congress with Penelope, the most shameful being, horned and goat-footed.

Col. 604 A 3. *Buthoenam and Trivesperum.* He calls the same person Hercules. For he, when traveling, having found a yoked pair of oxen plowing, killed one of the oxen and made it his feast and food; from which he is so named. This same one (ibid. 7) also destroyed the fifty daughters of Thespius in one night; and in three nights he was born to Alcmene, the great Zeus having introduced an innovation, as they say, for the sake of his intemperate passion, even for the days, and having commanded the sun not to rise for three days, as if one night was not enough ^B to satisfy such a hot and relentless passion.

*Ibid.* 14. *Idolianum and Pisæum.* Because of the change of name of the Galilaeans, mocking them in return, they called him Idolianum and Pisæum—those who were not led astray by his superstitious error—the one from idols, the other from Pisa. For thus it is found in some of the manuscripts; or from "persuasion," because, they say, even this, although slighter than force, was nevertheless present in him. Therefore they called him Idolianum, and Adonæum (ibid. 15) from Adonis, and ^C Tauricremum, because he frequently burned bulls as burnt offerings; but he also imprinted a bull on his coins; wherefore the Antiochenes, mocking his face, said: "Your coin has a bull and overturns the world," metaphorically taken from the plow which is drawn by bulls and turns over the earth.

Col. 605 A 10. *Hiding the fox's skin inside the lion's skin.* It is said proverbially from the hide of a lion and of a fox, that is, a vixen. It is taken from the animals. The lion, the most powerful and most kingly of animals, trusting in untiring strength, is free from all deceit; but the fox, weak in strength, prevails by craft even over the stronger. The discourse wishes to say that the Apostate hid his craftiness and deceit under a tyrannical and kingly character, but not, as a king, did he perform in a noble and guileless manner those things which are becoming to a king.

U ^A that there might be no way at all to avoid evil. This means that they could not escape from one evil or the other; namely, that either those who did not worship were punished as contemners of the emperor, or those who did worship appeared to be at the same time honoring and adoring idols, as if all evils were artfully contained within the act of worship.

For he endeavors to season cruelty with a certain kindness. He calls the liberality of an unusual imperial bounty "kindness"; and "cruelty," the impiety which was introduced under the pretense of this humanity, alluring and baiting the simplicity of the soldiers with money.

You might suspect a certain Melampus or Proteus. ^B Mention has already been made of Proteus. Melampus himself is also celebrated for his cunning, magic tricks, and incantations.

He was sold for a single trick and fraud. Namely, he was sold by means of one deceitful device and a wicked, crafty plan.

At the accustomed cold drinking. After much drinking of wine mixed with water, they drank pure, cold wine according to custom; then some, lifting their eyes to heaven, auspiciously invoked the name of Christ; and one of those drinking together said: "After your abjuration, do you still invoke Christ?" It is worth the effort to attend carefully to what follows, as it is noteworthy.

The Etnean fire. Etna is a mountain in Sicily, in the summit of which ^C there is a certain chasm with great heat and noise, which vomits fire upward—first rising through the peaks—which is then carried into the underlying places, and like a horrible and baleful river, devastates the neighboring fields. The myth says that when the Giants had risen up against Jupiter, he struck down their mightiest and afflicted him with torture, having struck him with a thunderbolt; and that his breath, being fiery, sets ablaze those things through which it flows, and burns up the entire neighboring and underlying region.

And columns full of gore. ^D For upon columns, they extended the hands of those who did not obey them all around, and as if binding them to the columns, they lacerated the flesh of the saints with clubs.

Stripping chaste virgins of their garments, and afterwards rending and dismembering them. Truly, that is a horrible thing, and it displayed not only all impiety, but also ferocity.

For what beast would ever prey upon the flesh of its own kind?

^{B A} [620 C 2] "How one might praise that symbol." What is holier or more sublime than this soul? For having placed all bodily and earthly things beneath itself, and having neglected and held in contempt its own body, it became elevated and suspended on high, and, raised above the very arch of heaven, it took pleasure in its straits as if they were delights, and ridiculed its tormentors as base, lowly, and groveling.

[621 C 6] "For which, perhaps, he alone was justly suffering." For which? Because, when his entire kin was in danger of perishing, he was one of those who saved and hid him. For as for other things, he says, he was suffering them unjustly; but because he had unknowingly saved and hidden so great an evil for the world as Julian, for this reason he deserved to suffer even more, he says.

[624 A 8] "So that the inhumanity of Echetus and Phalaris is small." Both were notorious for their cruelty and inhumanity. Of these, the one, Echetus, was a tyrant of Sicily, who would cut off the extremities of the body and the private parts, and deliver victims to a most pitiful death. But Phalaris, having fashioned for the tyrant Dionysius a brazen bull, into which he advised Dionysius to cast men to be roasted by a fire placed beneath it, so that by their wailing a terrible sound might be echoed, as if it were the bull bellowing; but he himself was deservedly the first to be cast into it, and taught the lesson.

[Ibid. B 1] "Who would grant me the leisure and tongue of Herodotus and Thucydides?" These were historical men, admired among the Greeks, who wrote the Greek histories. But, O Father, higher in wisdom than them, we have no need of their tongue. For it suffices, no less—or rather, all the more—for your tongue’s thunder and lightning to proclaim, to blind the keenness of [our] eyes with its brilliance, to inscribe [the truth] as if upon a great column, and to cast down and sear such fearsome wickedness, and to scatter this impious and most wicked man like ash, together with his idols, myths, initiations, and sorceries.

[Ibid. 5] "The Orontes." This is a river of Antioch, into which he cast those whom he was secretly killing, and by the multitude of whom, even when dead, it was weighed down.

^A Drawing an allusion from Homer (Iliad 4.219), he says: "Dissected," ^B truly, of children and virgins, and of those who for the sake of piety had exposed themselves to dangers, whose bodies he hid in wells, and ditches, and walls, and in certain hollow places.

"Afflicted by misfortune in a time of better fortune." In this great Caesarea of ours, there was a temple and a statue of Fortune, which, in the time of his empire and good fortune, a certain man endowed with sharper piety had set on fire and reduced to ashes; from which the Caesareans, having been treated with insults by him, were punished with long-lasting exiles.

"And they fashion for us that new god." He calls him the godless Idolian. For thus did those who worshipped his works fashion and proclaim him.

"And yet no one has ever called the hydra gentle and mild." The hydra was a kind of many-headed serpent, whose heads Hercules, as the myth tells, was unable to cut off, for, if the story is to be believed, instead of one, many others would grow, unless Iolaus, who was there helping him, had burned the severed heads.

"The Patarean Chimera." It had, according to Homer (Iliad 6.181), three heads. "In front," he says, "a lion, at the back a dragon, in the middle a chimera"; which Bellerophon killed in Patara of Cilicia. They also pretend that Cerberus, the dog of the underworld, had three heads in the same way. "The helmet of Hades," they say, is a black cap; the "helmet" ^C is that which is fashioned from a dog's skin. Concerning other stories, it has been said often.

"Some are already shuddering as they are being awakened."

"Some are shuddering all the more." They are awakened after they have already been awakened. "Some are still quiet," the whole length of the dragon, of course, not yet having been moved.

"Just as with a thunderbolt." Some parts, he says, are occupied, while others are first blackened. For when a dry vapor is thickened, and collected in places, and clings to something, first the cloud blackens, then, swelling, it is agitated, and bursting it hangs, and flashing it is carried downwards, which they call a thunderbolt.

"For what neither Diocletian." This man first insulted the Christians, then Maximian after him and above him, then Maximus even more vehemently, whose body, as he says, struck by God, was foully mutilated, and images note this foulness.

"Moreover, how wise and sharp the reasoning of that executioner and deserter of God." For when ^D scourging and in every way tormenting...

and committing murder, and despoiling of goods, he decreed that it was not permitted for Christians to take legal satisfaction for these things, supposedly condemning us by our own laws—that we should neither defend ourselves, nor go to law when under tyranny, nor indeed demand our own property back from those carrying it away, nor possess anything at all [11]—and he added the rest of the divine commandments. The Father says these things were accurately conversed with, but that he did not read that (Matt. xxi, 41): *He will miserably destroy the wicked* who has denied the Divine, as he himself does. Just as, therefore, he legislates that we should be such, and urges us on to the ultimate peak of virtue—for such are our Lord’s precepts of supreme philosophy—so he shows himself, by comparison, to be the worst; and at the same time, by accusing his own gods, he reproaches them for having been the worst. For in these things, indeed, the better portion is ours, but the worse part is theirs. But if they themselves also claim for themselves some measure of integrity and gentleness—if not in deeds, then by discourse—how is it just that we, when we are afflicted by evils, should show patience and not return the injury, but should spare even those who do not spare us? The impious man does not perceive that of our legislation, some things have the force of necessity, and danger follows those who do not observe them, while others are a matter of choice and not necessity; for those who observe these there is honor and reward, but for those who do not observe them there is no danger. And he reveals the examples of these things. ^B

A 14. "The first after the First I embraced." The first: he means, clearly, the power of words. "I embraced"; for after the First and the Divine (which he goes on to clarify, saying "the divine [things] and the hopes of the intelligible"), after these first things, God and the divine, I embraced, he says, the power of words before all other things. ^C

A 5. "To which 'He said it' is the first and greatest of doctrines." To the Pythagoreans. After the first silence of that philosophy, by which he taught the measure of words, it was a custom among them, when they were asked about doctrines, to answer for the sake of proof: "He said it." It was enough that it had seemed so to Pythagoras. Which indeed has power equal to our "Believe." Furthermore, this discourse means that it is not permitted for us to abrogate our faith in those things which have been said by prophets and apostles and men worthy of faith. Elsewhere, instead of "not to pursue by faith," it is written "not to be curious and meddlesome." He makes mention of the Golden Verses, which Pythagoras composed, ^D and...

^A of some of the Pythagoreans in hexameter tone, or rather in heroic meter, which also playing with [the term] ‘leaden’ this great master, as truly the architect of golden lines, will say.

^B “But if yours [as well], how do we have no part in these?” If you will show that they are your speeches—meaning, if you show that they are indeed your discourses—how do we have no part in these too? For “having a part in” signifies being a participant, just as “being permitted” signifies it is allowed. How then will you show this? Rather than, “You will not show that the speeches are yours.” But whose are they, O you who pride yourself on having precise knowledge of homonyms and what is signified by them? For by one designation and homonym, different things are signified, such as “dog”; or [they are signified] by different designations, such as *aor*, *xiphos*, *machaira* [a sword]; or, by others, different things are denoted heteronymously. For it was necessary that these pertain either to the religion of the demons or to the practices of the Gentiles; and if they belong to religion, the same sacrifices are not performed by all, such that “to Greccize” is a homonym for all who practice the religion. In this way, by the term “to Greccize,” all the forms of the ethnic religion are gathered together, as it seems to the hierophants who reveal the mysteries of the rites to the initiates; for others offer honors to the demons in other ways; and the rest of what the inspired one adds follows. And for this reason we might summon him to court ^C and be rid of this accusation.

“How and what kind of victims and for which demons?” It is understood: “to sacrifice these and those.” For the same things were not sacrificed to all demons, but oxen, sheep, and swine to some, and other things to others. “And for which,” he says, “demons.” For neither to all were the same things [sacrificed], nor were all things to one, nor were they done similarly, but in different ways. Therefore, it is not the case that “to Greccize” is separately attributed and assigned to the honor of one specific god. For if it happens that they are both of the same language and religion in “Greccizing,” it does not immediately follow that the speeches themselves and the Greek language pertain to [that] religion. And for this reason we would again have to summon him to court regarding the speeches.

For if two things are concerned with the same subject, both are not immediately the same thing as each other. Two names are predicated of one subject—for example, goldsmith and painter, if it should happen, regarding Peter—but it is no longer the case that “to goldsmith” is “to paint.” ^D For if it is of the religion, show where and among which of the priests “to Greccize” is lawful—just as “to sacrifice” is—and for which of the demons. “To sacrifice,” it is to some; it is what is, and for which.

Ibid. B 15. For if the two are not about the same thing, both are not the same as each other. Two notions are predicated of one subject, as goldsmith and painter, if it should happen, for Peter; but to goldsmith is no longer to paint.

^A

Ibid. C. 9. *The terrible* (τὸ μὲν σμερδαλέον). This signifies what strikes terror; and *to clang* (κοναβίζειν) means to ring or to strike. *Mōn* (μῶν) is "is it not then?" *Dēpou-then* (δήπουθεν) is a conjunctive particle of affirmation; *atta* (ἅττα), when unaspirated, signifies "certain things," but when aspirated, it denotes "what things." *Amōs-ge-pōs* (ἀμωσγέπως) is partial and in some part. He says, therefore, that these things are not the only ones; but that the pomposity of the phrasing, as well as the pedestrian and cheap character, belongs to the Greek dialect currently in use; and in vain, he says, you prate, keeping us away from some things, and ignoring the use of others, while abusively claiming them from us as though they were not Greek. O the vanity! O the derangement of mind! ^B

Col. 641 A. 13. *If indeed they are divine voices.* For if they are divine voices, whether of God or even of the angels, who converse with one another through naked thoughts and impressions, others might say, he says, that even those, being naked—as they are—of these, have much that is precious. But as for the *moly* of your gods, and the *Xanthus*, and the *chalcis*, I laugh, he says, at the vain tales of the poets, who devised these things to strike a childish terror. Of these, the *chalcis* is a species of bird; the *Xanthus* is a river; and the *moly* is the root of a certain herb, which, as Homer says, men call by one name, but the gods by another. ^C

What say you? Is it your claim to "Hellenize"? And the things that follow. With these he assails the corrupt wretch, and by the frequency of his arguments and examples he refutes him, and lays bare the excess of his folly and wickedness, and strips him of his purple robe, so that he possesses nothing to shield him against the madness of his own edicts. He called this *garment*—mournful to the wicked and arrogant—because in evils and calamities, people wallowing in grief and mourning wear sombre clothing; and such also is the flower and color of purple; Homer, too, indicates the arrogant, having described a purple death by blood. ^D

Col. 645 B 14. *But if these things seem to you to be knavery, clothed in smoothness.* He speaks these things, turning to the listener. "More wily," that is, more crafty, as one might say, and more deceitful (the word is taken from the fox, which is called *kerdō*), are the ways in which the Apostate would have meditated and prepared to conquer us in every way, at the same time as those things which are among us.

^A For he was also eagerly preparing to leave these things not unassailed, had not Justice, prevailing beforehand, destroyed the impious man together with his counsels and deceits in Persia. For it was shown, he says, what kind of people they are who, surpassing the trenches, perform leaps of virtue, and what kind are the imitations of apes, ^B joined with impiety and, along with weakness, the ridiculous, [the] remaining.

On what Plato says

What does he say, and about what? Concerning the city which had been fashioned and outlined by him in his discourses. What then does he say? That we might see it, moved into the works themselves, and the thought of these men concerning evil. But just as the Platonic city has never been shown to be flourishing in deeds, so neither has his. Nevertheless, this divine man observes and tests our philosophy's dogmas and foundations, established in deeds and still appearing and speaking even today, whereas he refutes the unsubstantial and senseless babble of those others, which never existed, nor could it even be indicated in shadows and empty talk, having much that is shameful and, in terms of morals, truly perverse and corrupt.

It will be excellent to sing the Theogony of Hesiod

Besides the *Works and Days* and the so-called *Shield*, another poem of his is this *Theogony* mentioned here, enumerating the generation of the gods and the naming of their names, in which all the theology and the practical and moral [actions] of these fabled gods are reported; and likewise in the Rhapsodies of Homer, which are clear even to children and to those still understanding childish things. ^C Having compared our theologian with these, therefore, he shows that not only our contemplative and theological philosophy, but also our practical and moral [theology], by this comparison, refutes all Greek vanity and demonstrates that the hallucinations of the Greeks not only do not approach ours, but are far removed from them. And indeed, saying, "How do these things approach our own, among whom [there is] the law and rule of friendship, and those things which follow?"—which, enumerating as if in one glance all the way to the end, he shows our doctrine to be beyond all comparison, and far more excellent than their doctrine.

^D (20) Alludes to the sentiment of Socrates in the *Timaeus*, near the beginning: "I would fain hear the things about the city which we have discussed, what it is that I happen to feel toward it. The experience seems to me something like this: as if someone having beheld beautiful animals, whether fashioned by painting or even truly living, and while they remain quiet, comes into a desire to behold them in motion..." The same I also feel toward the city which we have discussed.

(21) The shift is clear. I do not doubt that it is to be understood as Platonic, and thus I have written.

ON THE SECOND STELITEUTIC ORATION AGAINST JULIAN.

^A And the first of my contests of words is finished and complete. The proem is taken from Homer's *Odyssey* (22). For Ulysses, the son of Laertes, after the expedition to Ilium, returning home and having encountered many other dangers, and finally having lost both his ship and his possessions in a shipwreck, arrived at his palace begging and unrecognized. He found many suitors of his wife devouring his own property; nay, they even held him in derision as a beggar and treated him with insults. When Penelope had set out a bow and axes—in which once, while practicing his skill at archery, Ulysses used to shoot arrows at the target—beguiling their minds with a pretext and raising their hopes, she appeared in seemly fashion from above and said, "Whoever of you shall draw this bow and direct the arrow through the hole in the axes, to him will I be joined in marriage." Those who made the attempt grew weary and failed. Then Ulysses—although many prevented him—takes it, draws it swiftly, shoots, and hits the mark perfectly. Then, saying the verse we have mentioned, he shoots and strikes down Antinous, the first of the suitors, a most tyrannical and violent man; and in this way he proceeds against the insolent suitors one by one, and having freed his own house and his wife, he has recovered them. The great Gregory, adapting this verse—and in some places parodying it—uses it appropriately. He said that he had finished the first contest against the man-slayer and the impious, and had proceeded to this, the second, showing the divine arrows of vengeance, by which the memory of these men perished with a sound (Ps. IX).

^C *The just balances of God, and those by which wickedness is weighed against.* That is to say, "To those things already spoken by me," he says, "against the tyrant and the impious, regarding the deeds they dared against the pious, I add, enumerating also God's talents and balances (23), by which—these very talents—wickedness is counter-balanced and weighed against." And what are these things measured out and repaid to the impious? He says they are the just diseases (24), and what follows; for by them the whole band of the impious was shot down, and with a sound their memory perished.

^A "This contest is finished. Now, I will aim for another target, Which no man yet has hit, if I might succeed."

It is clear that he means the diseases and the rendings—not hidden ones—of the Arians, intending to cut off their calamity with pity. For remember that apostolic prayer which destroyed the leader of the impiety in a place worthy of his tongue's offences.

Having joined a crowd to the most pious Emperor Constantine, he urged him through this same man to receive Arius into communion, feigning piety. But he [the Bishop], having become deeply grieved at the Emperor's demand, entrusts the judgment to God through prayer. The "Lady's Day" had been appointed, and the impious man was prepared; he was already holding to the road and nearing the sacred place. The Chief Priest was clinging more fervently to his prayer. What then follows? He [Arius] was inside, but his bowels flowed out, being voided together with his excrement; and his wretched—or rather, most wretched—soul was washed away, cast out from this, while he was in a privy and in profane places, his life having been torn away, which was altogether profane and foul with his dogmas and blasphemies. Of this madness Arius, the man named for his own madness, began; and he paid the penalty for his licentious tongue, ending in profane places, if one…

^A considers the terrible things that have befallen those who dared such things, the misfortunes and punishments, the examinations through dreams, and the corrections and scourges; for they endured such torments not only in sleep but also while they were awake.

Ibid. ^B C 1. *Not by any automatic movement.* For some of the Greeks held such an opinion, dishonoring Providence and dogmatizing about the "automatic," attributing everything to irrational fortune. It does not follow, he says, that these things happened to those who raged in such a way against the Christians by chance, but that these are signs of God’s anger and indignation; for it was not to any Greeks in particular, nor even to the more moderate among them, but to those who had insulted [the faith] to the greatest degree, and had become so maddened as to even consume human flesh.

Col. 668 B 2. *Making a pretense of divinity, purportedly from their own books.* For he devised this also, as if he had discovered from the Hebrew, apocryphal, and divine books that their recall to Jerusalem and the rebuilding of the temple would take place at this time. He did this in appearance, but not in truth, pretending benevolence toward them, when in reality it was a scheme ^C directed against us. He sought to show that what we and Christ had predicted about this was false, and at the same time to stir up their madness against us, sowing discord and preparing a double war from all sides, so that we might be attacked from every direction.

Ibid. C 5. *As if by a fierce whirlwind.* It should be noted that this was a truly marvelous and fearful portent of divine wrath and power at the same time, for the terror of the impious, but for the safety of the pious.

Col. 669 A 1. *Everyone both says and believes this.* And this is to be noted, which he stated was even more fearful than the preceding, and more certain for the sake of belief, insofar as it was held and believed by all.

Ibid. 12. *What is still more paradoxical and clearer than these, a light stood in the heavens.* This has been reported by many others ^D as well, [a sign] that condemns the blasphemy of the impious Jews and Greeks. For the light stood, circumscribing the cross in a circle, that is, outlining the cross and shaping it, or rather crowning and encircling with a luminous ring the hallowed and star-filled cross. That which beforehand had been treated with contempt by the godless on earth...

^A as a sign: the four-part figure—its name? What is it? The Cross. Since, therefore, it is the custom for those who conquer against defeated enemies to set up a trophy as a symbol of victory, and this becomes, for Christ our God against those who act impiously, something more divine and more conspicuous than any trophy, the highest trophy and light-bearing one.

*Ibid. B 14.* ^A And speaking falsely of heavenly things. He casts out births, and denies them as false, as vain, attributing the things that happen to the course and movement of the stars and weaving them together, and he mocks the error of the man himself and of the astrologers and diviners honored by him. *Ibid. C 2.* Tell me also, you, your stars. Ariadne ^B and Berenice, mortal women, of whom the one, through the license of error, is said to have been placed among the stars as a crown, and the other as a lock of hair; and they create false stars in heaven, pointing them out, and from that point they shape them, and from elsewhere the ones who had their station in heaven before they were born. *Ibid. 4.* And the lewd Swan. In whose form, they say, Zeus, having coupled with Leda, in the manner of a bird, produced an egg, from which Helen is fabled to have been born, sister of Castor and Pollux. But the same Zeus he calls a wanton Bull, in which form he ravished and deflowered Europa. Ophiuchus ^C also, as the name signifies, is a man holding a serpent, likewise toward the south. And the Lion, bordering on the crab and the summer solstice. These, he says, by composing them with deceptive words and naming them, some they fashioned into gods, others into a number of stars. [alt-version omitted] Nevertheless, he says, I myself have something to say about heavenly things: but I call them stars, not gods, the same thing that they are, nor do I change the name, because I do not change their essence. I have, therefore, significant stars: one of the presence of Christ, the other of his crown of victory and triumph, sympathizing ^D with our own affairs according to the great harmony and kinship of the whole. For the whole has been linked in some way to the whole, and it is kindred and suitable; therefore also light shines before light—Christ—and the crown of the trophy shines together for the victor.

*Col. 672 B 3.* Let them display even now their garments. Note that even on the garments and the Ariadne’s crown and Berenice’s lock, etc. They speak of a certain crown of Ariadne and a lock of Berenice, raving about such things. Ariadne, as they say, was the daughter of Minos, king of the Cretans; she fell in love with Theseus, king of the Athenians, who had come for the destruction of the Minotaur. From Theseus, then, Dionysus took her, and led her up in Naxos and coupled with her, and in honor of her he depicted a crown in the heavens by means of stars. And this is the history of the lock of Berenice. She became the wife of the Ptolemy in Alexandria. Her husband being in the wars, she prayed that, if he should return unharmed, she would shear her own locks and dedicate them in the temple. Conon, therefore, was an astronomer at that time, and for her favor, he said they were depicted by the gods in the heavens by means of stars in a cluster. [index: entries preserved]

^A And that the punctuated sign of the cross was imprinted upon their garments, and that this supernatural miracle was not a small thing, such that it might remain obscure, nor was it only upon our own people, such that it might be dismissed as a fiction; but rather, the sign was evident even among the adversaries. For no sooner did one tell another of this, than he saw himself sprinkled with stars and covered on all sides with crosses, the cloak being adorned more variably than any weaving, pebble-mosaic, or intricate painting. ^B And this miracle overcame every ambiguity of a doubting mind; nor did the passage of time bring it under suspicion, since it was seen while still recent, and almost from the time when the event occurred, the same generation of men was still surviving, who had clearly witnessed that miracle with their own sight and hearing.

"Having been profited through the fearsome things." What profit? That they should not be afraid; for having been driven by such fearsome things to run to the churches, and having been purified by holy baptism, they were profited in that they did not fear, having been made free from all dread.

"Being goaded by a gadfly." As if driven by a gadfly. For a gadfly is a certain small winged animal that flies upon cattle and strikes them with a terrible sting, so that, being driven, they cast themselves headlong towards mountains, marshes, and rivers. Thus, then, he also, being driven, seemed to hold the affairs of the Christians according to his own mind and judgment, as he had already wrought them, and he believed that he was able to storm everything for himself alone if he wished. ^C And not even perceiving that which is to follow. What? Namely, that there is a great difference between confidence and audacity, even if they might seem to be joined by the affinity of their names, just as between courage and cowardice. For courage is the setting of one's heart to be bold in matters that are achievable and possible, while cowardice is the shrinking back. But to move against things that are contrary and impossible is audacity, while to shrink back from them is caution and safety. And to guard what one has and to obtain some of the things one does not have are not one and the same. Therefore, if a thing can be acquired by wise men with no great trouble, it must be accepted; but if it turns out to the contrary, it must be disregarded. For it is foolish, in order to obtain something hoped for, to put at risk the sum of all one's possessions.

"And a certain Salmoneus thundering from a hide." They fable that this was an impious man who, ^D

^A in order to mimic Jove, contrived to thunder himself by striking a dry hide, mocking him.

Ibid. C 1. He says "Trajans" and "Adrians" in the plural. These were Roman emperors who had added prudence to their bravery; and for this reason they excelled in military affairs and subjected many cities, entire provinces, and countless nations to the Roman empire. On the contrary, it is said of Carus and Valerian that, through a disorderly impulse and madness, they paid the penalty and perished within the borders of the Persians. Yet, he says, "I do not reproach their fortunes," recounting more extensively the things that happened to them. This is taken from the play *Orestes* by Euripides.

Ibid. C 14. "And the whole was carried away." Carried away to what? To that expedition. So that if he were to defeat the Persians, he might ^B put the whole race of Christians under the power of the demons, having gathered into one all the trickery—both spoken and unspoken—of every divination and sorcery and sacrifice, by a divine dispensation, so that everything might be destroyed in a short time, together with him who was the sacrificer and initiator of such things.

Col. 676 B 9. "Like sand where the foot has been pulled away." Since sand is fine like dust, and not coherent, as it is composed of very small distinct grains, and because it does not have a solid foundation, nor does it yield a firm footing to one pressing upon it, it is pulled away, and because it cannot support them it is scattered by the movement, and it pushes the traveler backward more than forward.

Ibid. C 8. "From higher ground." As one might say, from positions that are advantageous and suitable and well-fitted for defense; such are the superior heights, and they are easy for those shooting and fighting. For with two cities rising above, from which it was necessary for those in the lower places who were attempting to cross the river to be shot at from both sides, ^C the ends and the completion of their destruction were already before their eyes.

Ibid. 12. "Having broken off and led around." By cutting off a part of the river and breaking it off, and leading it around as in a circle, and bending it; for the preposition *peri-* indicates a surrounding and not a straight direction.

Col. 677 A 3. "And to stand and face danger in a frontal battle." The Persian force did not think it necessary to stand and fight face-to-face, except by great necessity, as it was in its power to reign ^D and win without danger.

Ibid. 5. "And from the hills and the narrows, where the opportunity was given." That is to say, by shooting and hurling arrows, wherever it seemed it could conquer without danger.

Ibid. 2. "Imitating the one of Zopyrus against Cyrus at Babylon." This Zopyrus was an armor-bearer of Cyrus.

^A Being unable to take the city, he approached Cyrus, promising its capture. And indeed, having foully lacerated himself, he defected to the Babylonians, as though he had suffered some injury from Cyrus. Cyrus had—it is said—mutilated him with these unbearable wounds, showing them the disfigurement of his body. They, placing faith in such things and deceived by the fraud, unwittingly surrendered both themselves and Babylon to Zopyrus and Cyrus.

And laughter was added to this besides. To whom was it added? To the enemies, perhaps? Or to the one who had persuaded, and to his army? To the enemies, I suppose, there was mockery, since their slaughter was not far off from those who had been persuaded. For having seen them become the self-slayers of their own destruction, and having committed their own salvation to the fire, how was it not natural to laugh? It is possible to understand that the event was held in jest and mockery—namely, that the Apostate and those with him were struck by God with madness, as though casting off a superfluous burden, and succeeding more quickly than according to the opinions previously expressed.

Some say that he was pierced by a Persian javelin. For some say he suffered the same thing in his reckless and furious charge, rushing here and there, as happened to Cyrus, the son of Parysatis and brother of Artaxerxes. ^B For this Cyrus—not the Great one—having gathered ten thousand Greeks, among whom was Xenophon, son of Gryllus, as he himself narrates in his history concerning the expedition of Cyrus, encountered his brother in battle, and having joined combat and already being the victor, he fell through his own impetuosity and perished with his brother. Thus, they say that he too was killed, having been struck by a Persian javelin. But in whatever way the thing stands, and by whomsoever he was killed, he certainly received a lethal wound, one salutary to the whole world, and through a single incision he paid the penalty for the many incisions of intestines he had wrongly trusted. This, too, is worthy of wonder: how he who thought he knew all things through the sectioning of viscera could remain ignorant of the wound and incision to be inflicted upon his own.

^C "Truly worthy of tyranny." He calls Jovian a pious man and one very worthy of empire. For the ancients used to call kings "tyrants" and kingship "tyranny." But later the term received a distinction, so that one who administered affairs by force and not according to the prescription of the laws was called a "tyrant," while a king was one who governed the empire lawfully, took counsel, and acted prudently and advisedly.

"Or fearing some other things that were rumored." What things? For they feared, perhaps, that if they entered into the necessity and ignited their spirit through desperation, they might rush upon them without turning back.

^A *Ignifer* (Fire-bearer). This is from a proverb. For in wars they used to spare the prophets who went before, wearing crowns and carrying torches ready for sacrifices; and the victors therefore spared such men as being sacred. It is said hyperbolically of those who were utterly defeated, that not even a "fire-bearer" escaped. He seemed, therefore, to have gained enough success, and in view of the expectation he feared7 future events.

^B *And that of Herodotus regarding the tyranny of the Samians.* Artaphernes, the Persian satrap, was accusing Histiaeus regarding the revolt of the Ionians; but the latter shifted the blame onto Aristagoras. The satrap, therefore, perceiving the deceit and the manner of it, cast back at him this "necessity" (chria) by way of reproach; and the apophthegm had taken on the order of a proverb, exposing the craftiness and the deceitful scheming of Histiaeus.

*Since we also have a corpse.* ^C Comparing the funeral of Constantius and the godless Julian, adding these things also about Constantius, that a certain voice was heard of those chanting and escorting—of the angelic Powers, I suppose. "But we," he says, "thinking of the more common view, of the great Constantine, by whom the foundation of imperial power and of the Christian faith was first laid," and the rest of the syntax joined in a series.

^D *With the shameful expedition.* The opposition of the comparison. "It was agitated by the peoples," and what follows: he is insulted on account of the renunciation and the defeat, and suffering and hearing every evil, with those things which these mimes are accustomed to say of ridiculous matters, and he was paraded with the shames of the stage; with those whom these sorts of people boast, having insolence as their art. The city of Tarsus, he says, receives him—by what fault, he says, I do not know, it was judged worthy to receive this indignity—where there is the temple, and the rest.

*Not otherwise ignorant as to two or three.* To such men among the flatterers, and to those equal to him in impiety, power was given.

^A a reward for the like, to plunder the land and sea under the Romans, and the rest; for having enumerated the greater crimes, he perhaps spoke of these as small matters to reproach, and by these to insult the greatest. Yet it is shown even through these, he says, not by the greater ones alone, that he is in no way worthy of the Elysian Fields, nor of the most righteous judgment of Rhadamanthus. For the sons of the Greeks imagine the Elysian Plain to be a certain pleasant region, most fertile in the sweetest and all sorts of fruits, bearing them three times a year, and Rhadamanthus as the incorruptible judge of those in Hades.

This is clearly that trickery of counters. But this is transferred from jugglers, who cast a veil over the eyes and deceive with counters, ^B effectively using sleight of hand so that, according to the proverb, two would appear to be three. He implies the fraud by which he held all the most fickle of them in suspense; he would steal away their minds, and not only theirs, but also by singing that "comrade, comrade" to those who wore the mask of philosophy, he would dismiss them, deceived by his infected matters, while they had not sufficiently determined with whom they should be more angry: whether with him, he says, because of the fraud, or with themselves because they had betaken themselves to him.

Striking openly with a fist, and attacking with kicks. This is leaping upon and kicking like an Antronian ass. But to strike with a fist is to beat and strike someone with the fingers bent inward and clenched: from which pugilism takes its name. These are the noble goods of the best and most wise emperor, which the wise praiser of this man, Libanius, foolishly preached that the world should enjoy.

Insinuations and exsufflations. Dragging our rites and the exsufflations used in holy baptism into laughter and calumny, this impious man ^C displayed them before old women, while he himself blew upon the fire of the altar, his cheeks indecorously swelling. Yet that most wise emperor did not think of his own goddess, Minerva, who had taken up the pipes to play. But she, when she had caught sight of her own reflection on the bank of the water and noticed her cheeks puffed up indecorously, immediately threw the pipes away with a curse.

Veiling petulant lust under the pretext of mystery. For in the sacred rites and mysteries of the demons, descending ^D into the shrines together with harlots, he would celebrate mystical obscenities.

^A And being at once corrupted and a corrupter, he would conceal the petulance of his lust, as if he were performing something divine, drinking with harlots, who in turn would drink with him, under the appearance and pretext of nefarious initiation rites; such were the deeds of this "grave" emperor, who was praised as being superior to bodily pleasures.

^B Ibid. B 1. "Then, therefore, I am not evil regarding this man." We must note the character of the Apostate, as it is most wicked, restless, and possessed by demons. And a prophet—or surely a reliable physiognomist—would have hunted it out, declaring the man to be full of demons and an inn filled with every wickedness. These things have been expressed very aptly, and have been spoken prophetically by the Father [Gregory]. For by these words he shows us, and clearly sets forth in his discourse, the kind of monster that experience recognized through his deeds; a kind that nature had not brought forth before, a beast compounded of various kinds, appearing like those Scyllas and Chimeras.

^B 2. "As if no one were looking upon our affairs." For this is what our adversaries imagined—that there was neither any cause for governance, nor any God overseeing things here, but that all things were carried along automatically, and that there would be no retribution for those who lived well or wickedly.

"From some ignorant person among us." "From one of the prophets," he says, "who are considered ignorant by you, I take this triumphal song"; to which he adds the sacrifices and ceremonies and the mysteries of impiety, and other things of this sort.

^C "Where is Babylon?" For these things, and the whole world, were dreamed of by the impious man as being his own possession, through the aforesaid [acts], both the entrails and the sacrifices, and the rest.

"Him who swears by the pride of Jacob, God." That is, whom is he who swears by Jacob swearing by? By God, who is preeminent and appears above all. Or by the God who is sworn by according to the faith and magnanimity of Jacob, just as Jacob says: he did not swear by demons, but by God. For in swearing, he says, he did not take them to be demons, but he made his oath religiously to God, who is and appears above all things.

^D Ibid. 7. "These things to Christians from you." These things you pay back as rewards to Christians, for those [things] by which, or through which, you were beautifully saved, being snatched away by them and delivered from just slaughter.

Ibid. 3. "Then bearing it with difficulty." This is referred back to the "previous" [point]; for he resumes the fact that [these things ... ]

[The English translation starts here]

when [God's] anger against the impious was being delayed and He was holding back, we, being indignant, were uttering those cries. Then after much he adds: "These things, indeed, were before... now, however, [and the rest]."

^A "Bel has fallen, Dagon has been crushed, Saron has become a desert." Bel, Dagon, and Saron are temples, pillars, and names of demons. These things are taken from Scripture (Isa. XLVI, 1; XXXIII, 9), in the likeness of the events of that time; for these things were pulled down and crushed by the pious, and delivered to total ruin. Then he brings in our own [circumstances] and prophesies the future, which even now are still seen, whether as things happening, or as those already fulfilled, or certainly as those to come, as I well know; for I am confirmed in the faith of future things by those which have been confirmed by their outcome.

^B "They will no longer observe festive days against us." The impious enemies, rejoicing against us, will celebrate solemnities and feasts, having excluded us by the decree of an iniquitous law from their spurious and disqualified teaching. For they forbade Christians from participating in Greek literature and learning, thinking that by this means they would succeed in also suppressing our tongues.

^C "May your torchbearer extinguish the fire." He who held the torch was carrying fire, simultaneously burning the sacrifices and illuminating the rites for a certain time; then, extinguishing it, he gave opportunity for shameful and obscene mysteries to be celebrated in the darkness. And then the priest of the sacred rites, clad in a harlot's garment, would speak shamefully about sacred matters. Therefore he adds: "Stop thy nights filled with foulness and darkness."

"He scattered the air." He expresses each thing properly: "He produced, He made firm, He rounded, He scattered, He set limits, He drew, He gifted with soul, He fashioned to His own form." By "fashioned" he also hints at the image of God. By "gifted with soul," he means that He bestowed a soul upon irrational, brute animals, and those endowed with the faculty of sensation. By the word "drew" (eilkysen), he signified the draw and course of the rivers. "Set a limit," that is, He set a boundary for the sea. For He says, "Thou hast set a bound which he shall not pass" (Ps. CIII, 9). He very properly said that the air also was scattered; for it is poured out and scattered throughout the whole void, as it is called. But aptly also does he say "He rounded the heaven," as if it were turned around in a circle and compass, it was fashioned in a spherical form. But the firm and solid is proper to the earth. To the light, however, moving loosely and as it were incorporeally, He gave a place, subjecting it to be carried by the thin and slight air.

^D "Cast away your Triptolemi." It has been spoken of regarding these in the discourse *On the Theophany*, and about Orpheus.

^A And it has been demonstrated to me in other places, and you will find it more extensively in the histories that are circulated.

Ibid. ^C 11. *No longer does the oak speak.* He speaks of the oak in Dodona, which was vocal and babbling, and prating the divinations of error. And he calls the kettle in Delphi ^D a tripod, and the Pythian woman in Delos. He said "filled," because, as they fable, from some chasm a spirit was carried up, and a certain priestess, passing over from below through the myriad of those things blowing, was filled, and fulfilled with prophetic babblings, and from thence the so-called oracles were uttered. Concerning the things that follow, it has been spoken of in other places. But he says that he has kept silence even on all these things.

Col. 705 ^A 5. *And to the beautiful Proshymnus, the god... inflamed.* That is to say, suffering, and corrupted by the fair Proshymnus; and Proshymnus is a proper name; having been a minister and lover of the lewdness and incontinence of such a god. ^B And by the Olympian Thersites he hints at Hephaestus, likening him to the ridiculous and most shameful Homeric Thersites.

Ibid. 3. *Your Lucrium and Logium.* He speaks of Hermes, calling him *Logium* from *logos* (speech/word), and *Lucrium* from *kerdos* (gain/profit) and thefts; but since he was also caught as an adulterer, according to Homer, bound in inescapable chains by Ares with Aphrodite, he himself was *Enagonios* (the contestant), and the gods, seeing it, were overcome with inextinguishable laughter. But I, he says, cover my eyes, ^C ashamed of this most shameful spectacle.

Ibid. 6. *And do you for me worship the tension of speech and the sacculus.* These things also refer to Hermes; and as if indeed he speaks of venerable things, and of the gravity of speech...

^A and the treasure-bag [the sacculus], as if even he—perhaps being worshipped—were referred to. 8. And the Isises and Attises and Mendesians. These too are Egyptian gods, of whom it has been spoken. Yet Priapus indeed was considered a god, even he, being depicted in a shameful way, having his groin or private part erect of huge size. But Hermaphroditus, as they themselves say, obtained a dual nature, that is, male and female, acting out both lusts, just as they also relate of Tiresias. But Attis and Osiris, the one was mutilated in his male parts, and having been deprived of men’s organs, was honored by suffering those of women; but Osiris was torn asunder, and having been snatched away, he was considered a god. ^B

9. Hear the discourse of a man not moderately learned in such matters. He speaks about himself, not simply praising himself, but rather in a persuasive and not unpleasing kind of speaking. For rhetoricians in a persuasive discourse are accustomed to speak highly of themselves, so that their counsel may be the more willingly accepted. For one who is exhorting, if he speaks humbly, does not easily have his exhortation accepted by anyone. Whence, then, has such great learning come to me? From these things, he says, and from those.

Illud vero magnum ne omnino quidem peccasse, aut certe non gravissime. After he senses that he has spoken above the measure of nature, immediately, as if correcting himself, he added: "or at least not most grievously." For no one is entirely free from sin. For he says that God established ^C what is above human nature to be without sin. One might perhaps suspect that to be a way of naming that which is free from sin as belonging to human nature, and even if this is immune from guilt—so to speak—as if sin were the property of human nature. What then shall we say? We must consider this from the things that have happened. For nature is not evil, nor was it created for sin, but for incorruption. If even in some way virtue and that were present to nature, that which therefore had the power to receive, had in some way also that other thing—not by God’s ordinance, but by the trespass having crept in to destruction, and striving with all power and aid, by the serpent’s craftiness ^D and by the speech of the one who spoke through it, the sin. For the gods who are dismembered by madness...

^A, the thing that has happened is said to have been ordained by God with a graphic character, who thus fashioned man and made him capable of this.

^B “Next, however, as it seems to me.” Since the first position is not to sin, or at least not to sin gravely, the second follows: that those who have sinned and been chastised, then having obtained relief, should always abide in the perception and memory of the discipline, and not sin again, but flee from a second scourge—that is, from a second vice and sin, if one may say so.

^C “Let us not make too much of the present time.” That is, let us not rejoice in our victories and feasts mentioned here to such an extent that we exalt and magnify them more than is proper with certain Greek customs and adornments; nor let us exalt the time with applause and drunkenness. For it is not worthy to honor divine things and our own things with these sorts of festivals; for what is conducted in such a way is a disgrace, and not an honor.

“Even if it is necessary to dance.” He reproaches the dancing of Herodias, which, he says, brought about the death of the Baptist; but he approves of the movement of David, as not being indecorous, for the sake of the resting of the Ark, which he considers to be a mystical figure of the swift and manifold movement of the walk according to God. And he gives these people to understand that the outpouring of a pious soul in feasts and joys and divine festivals, with God being glorified and the economy of Christ and the memories of the saints being illuminated, is not to be rejected. Hence, I think, the singing of hymns is not rejected, but has even been granted a place in a way, and is considered pious, with the singing varying with pleasure as it moves to the rhythms of the ode, so that the hands and feet might be moved in time, and the whole body might somehow be composed to the melody in a blameless way.

“Let us not condemn.” That is, let us not commit the same acts as those which we condemned in them as being violent and tyrannical.

^D “Let us not, therefore, desire to measure out wrath.” That is, to requite and measure back wrath and punishments; let us not, therefore, desire to return evil for evil, and do to them what we have suffered from the Greeks; for we will not be able to punish them in a worthy manner. Since, therefore, it is not possible to exact the full penalty, let us forgive it all.

^A Who indeed is Christ our God, having the approved and praiseworthy thing for a victory in that which He suffered; for He has conquered far more, in that, being a powerful God, able to show forth His wrath many times over against them, He did not do this, but even prays to the Father that this sin may not be laid to their charge, an excess of philanthropy.

^B “I omit divine things and our own.” I omit, he says, and pass over what we have learned from God and the holy Scriptures concerning the punishments in the hereafter. But come to your own Greek discourses, in which poets and philosophers delight; who indeed have handed down certain rivers of fire for the torture of the wicked—Pyriphlegethons, Cocytuses, and Acherons (called so in the plural number, as it were): through which rivers, indeed, the poets and philosophers among you torture wickedness. And they say that Tantalus, laboring under a double penalty, stands in water up to his mouth and beard. But when the old man, as Homer says, bows down, most desirous of drinking, a demon straightway dries up the marsh in which he stood submerged. And the tale narrates that Tityus lies stretched over many plethra (for his body was of such magnitude), and that his liver is torn by birds and is forever eaten, though it is always renewed. And Ixion is bound to a wheel whirled with great force and rotated in a circle with it. These are those who are consigned to the punishments of the underworld. But what await this most impious Julian? Much graver things than these, he says, he will suffer, and he will lament all the more, in that he excels in wickedness: since indeed, punishments and retributions are dealt out according to the measure of what each person has done wickedly.

^D “This be your gift for the foot.” It is told how Ulysses, returning from Ilium, was beset by many dangers, and in the twentieth year arrived at his own home, like unto a pauper, and known by no one. And under pretext of a trial, he takes the bow with which Penelope, eluding her suitors, commanded them to shoot, for the holes of the axes. But when they made little progress, he himself stretches the bow, and having sent the missile to the mark, he transfixes Antinous, the first of the suitors, having struck him opportunely: to whom, fallen, he spoke these words: This be your gift for the foot. He meant the foot of an ox, which, having snatched it from the table, someone had cast and badly mangled the suppliant Ulysses. He also used these words against that homicide Idolian (for thus he calls him).

on account of the fact that he used cruelty against the Christians in a way that was savage and inhuman, even though he hid the Arabian wolf of his fury under the fleece of a feigned gentleness. And ^B "most excellent" (lōste) he says, instead of "best" and "noble," mocking to address him in his own terms, since these "ornamental" words are recognized from Hellenic poems and writings.

*Catadupi of the Nile [cataracta].* These are high ^C and sheer rocks above Ethiopia, from which the Nile rushes forth and flows down; and it strikes the rocks with a great sound and roar, whence it gave the name "Catadupi" (or "Down-roarers") to the place. Just as it is impossible, he says, to restrain the flow of those waters, so it is impossible to impose bonds upon the tongues of Christians that would prevent them from examining and branding your actions.

*These things are Basil’s and Gregory’s.* He joins his own here with the works of the great Basil, whom, he says, when you knew to be ^D of one mind and opposed to you, you honored with a "Cyclopean" honor, and kept for the very end for danger, and devised as a sort of huge and magnificent triumphal gift for the demons, had they received you upon your return from Persia. But what does he call a "Cyclopean" honor? Ulysses, as Homer has recorded, with his ship still saved and some of his companions, lands on the island of the Cyclopes. And having disembarked from the ship, he goes up toward the island to see if he might find any men living there. Happening upon an empty cave, and having found some signs of inhabitants, he waited for the dwellers; and there came a man of more than human stature, for he did not resemble, says Homer, a man who eats bread. This Cyclops, by name Polyphemus, was pasturing his herds and driving them into the cave; and when he saw him and his companions, he asked who they were. Ulysses, along with other things, declares his name as well, calling himself "No-man" (Outis). After that, having seized two of the companions and crushed them, he makes them, he says, his dinner. Frightened, therefore, Ulysses honors him with wine, which he had brought in a skin, and soothing him with words, asks for a gift of hospitality. But he said that "No-man" would be eaten last: "This," he said, "is your gift of hospitality (thus this is called the Cyclopean favor)." But Ulysses, when he had finally shaken the mind of the man with wine, blinded his eyes and thus took vengeance.

*For we are not more cowardly than those youths.* He speaks of the three children, and Daniel the prophet, and the seven Maccabees with their mother and the priest who per-

-^Asecuted the defense along with them, and those who *at your command* ^B risked their lives, of whom one, having in some way insulted the mother of your gods and broken and scattered the altar, was summoned as one condemned; he entered into the interrogation and examination victorious, and came out with even greater boldness; for trial renders the one who has not been conquered more courageous. *But he who is torn over his whole body with whips,* that is, with the sinews of a gazelle or thongs. They say these were Marcus of Arethusa and the blessed Eusebius of Samosata. And the rest is worthy of note: how the madness of the impious is mocked and ridiculed by the endurance of the pious, and how all terrible things are small, and you might call them the greatest, compared to the sublime and great stature that the soul possesses.

On the falsehoods of Porphyry.

Or also upon the Misopogon.

^A magnificently of himself, adding it as if it were some noble achievement that he had never suffered from indigestion, meaning that he was not in the habit of eating food to the point of satiety.

Col. 720. A 3. Herculean columns.

Ibid. 7. Being set in motion.

Finis.

I have not ceased to chew and soften the solid and manly food, and to prepare it, lest the explanation of the words be neglected. And of the long-drawn-out periods, I have, by connecting and gathering them together, set forth the goal as briefly and clearly as possible, so that nothing manly and sublime for contemplation would be harmed, and that they ^A might be helped by the common, delicate, and familiar interpretation of the meaning. I have also technically marked some things with punctuation.

BASIL OF SELEUCIA, SURNAMED THE MINIM SCHOLIA ON GREGORY'S ENCOMIUM OF HERO THE PHILOSOPHER * (Boissonade, *Notices des ms.* XI, ii, 131. — See the *Monitum* to the Scholia of the same Basil on the *Steleutic* against Julian.)

Jerome, in his book *De scriptoribus ecclesiasticis*, contends that this concerns Maximus the Cynic, whose conversion and feigned virtues had first deceived Gregory; and that the name of Hero was falsely placed by the scribe. Billius and Clemencet have embraced Jerome’s opinion. It is enough to observe that it can hardly be conceived how Elias of Crete and Basil could have remained entirely silent about this permutation of names, which nevertheless could not have escaped them. Furthermore, all the manuscripts agree on the name of Hero. Here are the words of Basil concerning the beginning of Gregory’s oration *Against Maximus the Philosopher* (orat. formerly 28, now 26) cod. p. 198: Maximus, a Cynic philosopher, having attached himself to the Father, and being honored by him as an equal and a brother, and most gladly received, having abandoned the Greek superstition and also Cynic shamelessness, is catechized and washed of the stains of error. And having become a Christian, he thereafter lived at the same table with the Great one. Then, having changed, he rises up and barks against his benefactor, and snatches the throne, having been ordained by those who were divided not so much by faith as by the throne. Wherefore, having withdrawn a little from the throne, and having kept silence in a certain country place, he was afterwards summoned by the orthodox and those who knew how to honor virtue, who could not bear his alienation; he arrived, and he addresses this oration to him. * And this man, being a Cynic philosopher, was an Alexandrian by race, noble and born of noble parents, and indeed from martyrs; having loathed Cynicism, he chose our way, and preferred the most holy and beneficial of our paths. And at the time of the Arian heresy, after the falling asleep of the holy and great Athanasius, when Peter, the most blessed, who had succeeded him, had been expelled, and Lucius had snatched the throne and had stirred up a great persecution against the orthodox, this philosopher, because he asserted the truth with an intrepid mind, both in private and in public, to magistrates and in private, ^B this philosopher (1) [cynic, Alexandrian by race, noble and born of noble parents, and indeed very noble, from those who are of the best], having loathed Cynicism, chooses our things, and prefers the more pious and beneficial of our ways to our own. And at the time of the Arian heresy, after the falling asleep of the holy and great Athanasius, when Peter the most blessed, who had been appointed after him, had been driven out, and Lucius had snatched the throne (3), and had stirred up a great persecution against the orthodox, this philosopher, moved by zeal, speaks his mind, admonishing the truth, teaching ... ________________________________ * Oration formerly XXIII, now XXV. (1) The voice distinguishes Basil from Hero the philosopher. (3) The manuscripts record these things (Theodoret, *Hist. eccl.* IV, 21 and Socrates, *Hist. eccl.* IV, 21).

^A admonishing, teaching, and refuting private citizens and rulers, he is seized by the godless power, flayed on his back with many lashes, and condemned to exile. Therefore, this oration has been pronounced for him, being present and hearing his own praises.

*I will praise the philosopher.* Although I am infirm in body, he says, yet I will pursue the philosopher with my praises; for it is philosophical and pleasing to God to praise a philosopher.

*I will praise, however.* This is a confirmation of the proposition derived from the cause. For I am a servant and slave of Wisdom, that is, of God, but he is a philosopher, that is, one who loves God. Therefore, in praising him, I love God, I perform something most pleasing to God, and I philosophize.

*So that the praise for me is also "according to reason"*—that is, reasonable and occurring according to reason, so that, if nothing else, in admiring the philosopher, I philosophize. For as my discourse and purpose hold, it is reasonable to philosophize, or to honor philosophy, so that we may not be condemned for irrationality, being rational; and through such a discourse upon philosophy, we hasten to ascend to the divine Word.

^B *For now philosophy will no longer despise this.* This—what? That it benefits us. Who? She, whose work and study it is to improve our life.

*And by fluency of speech.* This is the work of adulterous wisdom, which lies only in discourse and fluency of speech, bewitching and charming and as it were drugging, and being unable, or even unwilling, to be lifted above this, he says.

*Skilled with both hands in virtue.* Those who are ambidextrous are accustomed to be called this, that is, able to use both hands, and to work with the left just as with the right.

*In a foreign habit, in the bright garment*, he says. For it is ours to wear black clothing, and to be humble in attire, and not to be puffed up with ostentation, nor to strut in the embellishment of clothes, but to philosophize truly even in these matters. But he, to the extent of such laudatory praise, thus invests himself with the angelic [habit] and adds dignity to the habit.

^D *Come to me, philosopher.* By these words he establishes an ordinance for the difference between wisdom and philosophy. For one thing is the object loved, such as wisdom as a subject; another is the person loving, such-and-such a man, who also occupies the form of what is predicated. For if there were not some wisdom, to what end would it be said "to love wisdom"? How far shall "to love" be defined, if there is not something that is loved, such as wisdom?

*And to me, who through these things am initiated into the mysteries...*

^A ductus. He speaks either of the election, or of the sacred doctrine and baptism, which is more probable. For it was not yet permitted for a catechumen and one not yet initiated into baptism to understand and cultivate the doctrine of the Christians. But when the time duly appointed for them arrived, they administered baptism better. Thus he speaks through the priests, or the mysteries, or the mystical table; to these the word of wisdom and pious instruction brings you, as well as the life full of practice and action. "By me," he says, "who through these things profess deification." For by putting on Christ through the illumination, we become children of God and gods ourselves.

And I shall proclaim, not in the midst of Olympia. Olympia was a place in Arcadia of the Peloponnese, and a high mountain; in which they celebrated annual games, and proclaimed the victors, and crowned them. He says that the pancratium, the boxing match, and the footrace were types of contests, concerning which it has been spoken more fully elsewhere, celebrated in honor of heroes or certain demons, and honored by a certain calamity and myth. For they tell the myth that someone, having been violently put to death there, was buried there, concerning whom the contest also was held. He called it a "legitimate custom" because these things were celebrated first by custom, and afterward were confirmed by law.

And of those who, for the sake of inflicting injury, were pursuing him. You should connect the sentence thus: "and the persecutor of the persecutions of those persecuting." How? Namely, by bravely suffering the injuries inflicted by the persecutors. For nothing, he says, so overcomes a persecutor and evildoer as the alacrity of the one who suffers.

Nor is it philosophical. For it is surely not ours to admire such nobility, which is from blood and bodily coitus: for nights grant this. But what is from letters, the hands of kings and written decrees. But the ascension to that primary Good, which happens through exercise and virtue, is into that divine [state], and according to the image of Him from whom we also have drawn our origin.

But also from martyrs. Because that martyr was also born of martyr parents.

For a citizen, if the account of wisdom is held. Here "has been made" is understood. A citizen has been made, he says, by wisdom, of the whole world. For such wisdom is not circumscribed by small boundaries. But if we look at the body, he admits to being a citizen of the city of Alexandria.

^A or at least immediately after yours, which is of equal glory with you, or secondary, he says, and after you, inferior and second to no other city.

Ibid. 11. *Since the time of choosing a way of life.* Since, he says, it seemed good to him to choose one of the ways of life, which choice and selection I define as the foundation and, as it were, the basis of acting well.

Ibid. 13. *He saw something great and noble.* That is, he perceived, he deliberated, and having thought upon it, he preferred it. He says he prefers philosophy—for no one prefers something without having deliberated; he prefers philosophy, therefore, of which he also takes the lead. And since it seemed to him in a way twofold, ^B not even deeming this worthy of deliberation, he left aside external things and preferred our own with all votes. For in olden times, judgments were decided by white and black pebbles, in which it happened regarding certain matters that not all cast their vote for the vindication, when indeed the issues were disputed. But when all the white ones concurred, he who encountered the white ones or who had the most white ones or all of them would defeat the adversary, which provided a bright and indisputable victory.

Col. 1204 B 1. *For in every way [join it] to what concerns himself.* ^C *Toward the way of life more eligible and more profitable for all Christians*, this one must join to "the philosophizing." And with his own, each one is to embrace also the common good; for this is characteristic of a soul most perfect and most philosophic. For no one of us is born for himself, that is, not for his own sake only, but also for all, that is, for all of us who are of the same nature.

Ibid. 12. *Seeing indeed the solitary life.* From a comparison of lives, he exalts the solitary life as great and sublime and beyond human capacity. The common and mixed life, however, he praises for the time being as a custom, and asserts it is close to the divine economy. By "habit and mask" ^D he designates the pride and dissimulation of the Greeks; it is taken from the metaphor of stage masks, regarding which it has already been spoken.

Col. 1205 A 1. *Therefore the Peripatetics, and so forth.* He speaks of the kinds of philosophers, named from places, functions, and leaders. And from the function, the "Peripatetic," from its leader who taught his own associates while walking about; from the Academy, "Academic"; and "Stoic" from the Stoa. But the spontaneity of Epicurus he mentions, thus babbling or philosophizing, casting Providence aside and introducing atoms.

^A And he defines pleasure as the end of happiness. But Plato, in his *Republic* (III, c. 9, Ast.), said that Homer, crowned with wool by comic poets, ought to be expelled from his state, just as swallows are wont to be chased away by women, he says, on account of their chatter.

Ibid. 9. *And overcoming their arrogance.* In the similarity of the habit, nothing is diminished or damaged, but one overcomes the boastfulness and audacity, or rather, the impudence, of those fellows all the more. For from the etymology of *authadeia*—pleasing oneself—we say that someone has a "habit."

Ibid. 10. *Not created by speech.* Such as the city fashioned by Plato, which never existed. And so he adds: certain *scindapsi*, and *blituri*, and tragelaphs (21), empty affairs, which are composed by the arrangement of letters and diction, and are uttered only by tongue and mouth. ^B But the Categories of Aristotle are propositions consisting of a subject and a predicate, from which syllogisms are woven, and into which they are again resolved: just as, of course, they themselves are composed of terms, and are again resolved into them. But the "mixtures" (as they are called) are certain conjunctions of necessary matters and things, of contingent and accidental ones. For of that which is called "impossible," the contrary is "necessary": for one is necessary to be, the other not. These "symbamata" and "parasymbamata" are diverse kinds of the aforementioned categories, about which, if one were to speak more fully, time would fail.

^C *Nor certain lines.* It is not sufficiently understood how lines can exist that are nowhere situated, as geometers do regarding these sensible lines—such as this straight one, and this recurved one, and the sinuous ones—which are written here, and are situated, and are seen; yet, by reasoning, they separate them from matter and bodies and sensible things, abstracting them and conceiving of them apart, whereby they have constructed various geometric schemas (22). Hence also those who are studious of astronomy fashion the figures of the stars, and construct astrological tables, and circumscribe the stars, by which they think they can know and predict future events, mocking Providence, he says, and usurping the secrets of Providence. These were secondary and, as it were, a game to this philosopher, as he did not use them, but held it sufficient to know them, so that he might not be circumvented and deceived by those who arrogated to themselves the knowledge of such things. ^D Si all bring their study and labor to bear, to what do they bring it? To the conclusion of syllogisms. For that which is demonstrated through a syllogism is called a conclusion. For example, the essence being demonstrated and revealed regarding every animal, and that of the animal likewise.

^B Hæc de Antisthenis vanitate. This philosopher was also vain and arrogant. When a certain insolent man struck his face, he inscribed the name of him by whom he had been struck upon his own forehead, as if on a statue, so as to inflict a greater mark of infamy upon the one from whom he had received the insult. Diogenes was so addicted to his belly that they say he died from gluttony after eating a raw octopus. And Crates, of the same Cynic family, wanted women to be held in common. But he says that one should spare them for the sake of the name of the Cynic philosophy, fearing, as he says, that they might not derive any profit from the philosophy of the man now being praised.

^C *Cum tranquilla omnia haberemus.* A time, he says, when we had peace and everything was tranquil, free from those impending heresies—that of Simon Magus, and Marcion, and the rest who lived alongside them. Of these, the one called himself the father of Christ, but he also brought along a certain abominable woman, astonishing many with magic and wicked arts. Marcion was a disciple of Cerdo, who introduced two principles, the good and the bad; he held that Christ was born a man only in appearance, and that the soul is a part of the divine essence. Hence they are called Artotyritae, because they mingle leaven with milk and distribute it among the disciples. This Marcion, then, when he met Polycarp, is said to have said to him: "Do you recognize us, Polycarp?" And he replied to him: "I recognize you, the firstborn of Satan." ^D Valentinus and Basilides: the former spun tales that Christ appeared incorporeal and was immune to suffering, and he used witchcraft and incantations and sacrificed to idols. Valentinus, however, introduced Deep (Bythos) and Silence (Sige), claimed that Christ seemed to be incorporeal, and finally slipped into the lowest abyss of licentiousness; he was a bishop in Egypt. Cerinthus and Carpocrates blasphemed that Christ was begotten from the intercourse of a man and a woman, whence they were also called "Poor Men" (Ptochi), for that is how the word "Ebionite" is translated among the Hebrews. And they waged war for the sake of the Good against the Creator.

^A For, as God is Himself Good and endures by His natural goodness to be fought against, they fell into myriad errors and opinions; and they waged war—against what? Against the Good, he says. ^B And towards Marcion the impious one this is directed, who, having posited two opposing principles—the Good and the Creator—as he spun his myths by the autonomy of his error, named one just and the other evil; and he said the world was the handiwork of the Evil one, and that matter was most base. He even dared to say that the serpent was better than the Creator, because the latter, he says, out of envy forbade the tasting of the tree of life, whereas the former counseled that one partake of its fruits without restriction. For these reasons, the Father has said that an implacable war is to be waged against them.

^B And the evil spirit of Montanus. This Montanus called himself the Paraclete and, bringing forward two harlots, named them prophetesses, and he united the three hypostases into one person; and tempering flour with blood, he distributed it to his followers for communion. These are also called Pepuzeni, from Pepuza, an insignificant little village (30) which they also called Jerusalem. And the "darkness of Manes," he says; another species of monstrosity and a destructive blight upon piety.

^B A 5. The whirlwind of injustice. He speaks of Arius; for he likens him to a whirlwind on account of his turbulent disposition. For a violent and headlong spirit of wind, which, having become inflamed and lightning-streaked through the bursting of a cloud, and being carried with great force toward the earth, is called a lightning bolt; but that which is half-fire and sudden is called a prester, and that which is utterly devoid of fire is called a whirlwind (31). ^C B 5. A wicked empire again. He speaks of Constantius; for he, favoring the doctrines of Arius, gave place to the impious against the pious. But not long ago, a glorious persecution—namely, that under Julian the Apostate; ^D for Persia has destroyed him, having exacted justice for the blood of many Christians through this one man's blood. ^C A 3. But now a shameful persecution begins—the persecution under Constantius, clearly, which, he says, has the pretext of defending and aiding Christians, while it in fact attaches itself to and torments those who are truly Christians. ^D B 1. A ship carrying a burden. A presbyter, he says, one or two—as some say Urbasius and Menedemus, others Heliodorus and Theodulus—who were burned during the voyage. And not even so much do the priesthood [have power].

but he has been deemed worthy of a modesty that he did not even obtain a more decent death: but if indeed one had to die, he certainly should have died a more decent death; and if not this, he should by no means have lacked a burial, which is owed even to the impious and to sacrilegious men.

^A *The leader of your confession.* He says this regarding the struggles for piety which he undertook; he says that he became the leader of your confession, implying the great Athanasius.

*After the famous hand and the living dead.* Concerning whom it has been spoken of in the Epitaph dedicated to him (32).

*The traitor of the truth.* He calls the Arian Lucius this, whom he also calls a river more abundant than an impious spring, inasmuch as he, even more than Arius, was sweeping away and, like a river, flooding piety; whose lawless deeds and murders—for he went even to such lengths—he said he was loath to speak of.

*He acted as a general.* This man was a Greek (33), progressing from idols and impure blood to the most loathsome things. And what are these? Either the dogmas of Arius, or the things dared by him, of murder and of our outrage, which he also said was a sacrificial rite to demons, at the time of the expulsion of the blessed Peter who succeeded Athanasius. And through Tabeel (Isa. VII, 6) he indicated Lucius, whom he also showed to have reigned and to have become master of the Church with arms, and who had extended the persecution even as far as the monks in the desert.

^B *But as I hear, what is this?* What is this, I hear, he says, truly terrible? Yet nevertheless, what I hear my bold tongue utters; for it is not so timid or cowardly as to recoil from speaking because of the excess of the wickedness. And what are these things? Chanted psalms suppressed, while blasphemous tongues declaim upon the holy thrones, and our divine mysteries are mocked with dances and posturings.

*And upon the ways of Sion he imposes mourning.* Jeremiah, he says, laments, and he not only calls men to mourning from the walls, but also imposes mourning upon the ways of Sion, because they do not bring those who celebrate the feasts (Lam. 1, 4).

*And he lamented.* For the high priest Peter, having escaped and having reached Rome, after displaying the bloodstained garments of those who had been killed in Alexandria in the church, he triumphed, and having stirred up public tears, he represented the suffering, and received help for the terrible things.

*And you.* The discourse returns to the philosopher Heron.

^D *If anyone of you knows the hand which the Saint was falsely accused of and the living dead, he knows what I say.* These men spoke against him, slandering him as if he had killed a certain Arsenius. The hand he had cut off they displayed—having cut it off from some dead person; this, therefore, he says, he set before them: Arsenius, whose hand he was falsely accused of having cut off as if from a dead man, showing the hand of both, mocking their hand, and demonstrating this living dead man, Arsenius. Arsenius, as you see, has been found having his two hands; but let the accusers indicate the place of the third, from where it was removed.

(32) In the place which Basil indicates (Greg. or. 21): If anyone of you knows the hand which the Saint was falsely accused of and the living dead, he knows what I say. Basil explains this quite clearly: They spoke against him, slandering him, as if a certain Arsenius had been killed by him. The hand he cut off—that they displayed—having cut it off from some dead person; this, therefore, he says, Arsenius, whose hand he was falsely accused of having cut off as if from a dead man, he presented, showing the hand of both, mocking their hand, and this living dead man, Arsenius. Arsenius, as you see, has been found having both hands; but let the accusers indicate the place of the third, from where it was removed. (33) See the scholia at the beginning of the oration.

^{A B} Impious authority. Whether of an emperor or of someone set in a position of power. ^{A A} Old gods and new. Old, those twelve counted around Saturn; new, those who have sprung from them and from then on down to the last sons, grandsons, and heroes, and even to serpents and beasts; unseemly monstrosities, Pans, and goats, and Apises, and dragons, and certain phalluses and ithyphalluses of the Aphrogenian one. If, he says, they define the divine by these, oh, the misery and ruin of men! For the very designations and words for them ought to be venerable, and the signs of honorable things should be free from squalor. But if they contend that there is some other mystery, let them teach us what this is.

^{B B} When he is called God, when the discourse is about him separately. As the Son, the begotten God and Lord, when the discourse is about him separately. But when he is named with the Father, he is Lord by a common name; the latter, for the sake of nature—for the divinity is also one in common; the former, that is, Lord, for the sake of the monarchy, which is not a nature but a lordship, and is one and the same in the three. And finally, the one holy Spirit, proceeding and always ^C proceeding from the Father; for he did not go forth once to depart and be separated. Let those who understand well what is proposed recognize that these three are one God; [he says] that he is assailed, and conceived in the mind, and preached. Each of these differs. He is assailed by the impious; but by the pious, he is only conceived in the mind by some, and not freely preached; while by others, who are more spiritual, he is both conceived in the mind and proclaimed or preached.

^{D D} So that we might not attribute a beginning to the Father. That is, lest we place him under another beginning. For thus a beginning would be attributed to another. They are indeed not entirely without a beginning, and in a way they are. First, as regards the cause; for they are not without a beginning as regards the cause. For they are from the Father. But [they are] without a beginning as regards time; for he is not under time; for how is he Who flows...

^A time, and that which was not, before those things which are stable and have always existed, and more ancient [than them]

Scholia on the Oration on Heron the Philosopher

^A 1. "Neither one Jewish [person]." He says "narrow," as being of one person; and "envious" and "impotent," as either being unable, or as envying, lest some good, overflowing into the generation of the Son or the procession of the Spirit, should be poured forth; wherefore also some of them, he says, bring forth the Son from the Father, but resolve the Father back into Himself; while others cast down the natures, alienating them from the Divinity, just as if the divine nature were afraid lest they should rise up against one another and wage war among themselves. But "above created things"—you shall construe it thus: as if it had no power to generate or bring forth above created things. For the divine generation is more divine and above created things, and not animal or bodily.

^B "And this they have [as] divine." The singular, evidently; just as there is one and a singular nature in the three: one Father alone and no other, one Son alone and no other, and one Holy Spirit and no other: and much more truly, he says, than those which among us obtain this name. A father, because in a proper and singular mode; for neither was he the son of someone before, and later a father, and not by conjunction and bodily as we are, but [is] Father in total from the beginning. For our [fatherhood], he says, is uncertain; in what way? That someone is called the father of one only and total son, it being possible that there are others.

^C "Nor more and less." For being total Self-Holiness, it would not receive the "more" and "less." And that the Divinity has not been created by anyone, he says, is common to the holy Trinity, but to the Son and the Holy Spirit [it belongs] that [they are] from the Father as from a cause.

"But if you seek the mode." He brushes this aside as something arcane, adding this: "Be something prior to the things mentioned," that is, God, "and having been deemed worthy of that illumination, then at last you will know how much is known and will be known from them."

^D "Having a wonderful [division]." For it is truly wonderful that something should be divided without division, and united [while] divided; which is observed only in the holy Trinity of persons and in the unity of the Divinity.

"But not in a human manner." For whose existence and being is not human, his generation also is not human; for it is impassible. But in saying "to fear time and creation," he forbids us to say or believe that anything in the holy Trinity is created and begotten. And do not, thinking you are pleading for God, "destroy," he says, "God," that is, do not do away [with Him]; for the taking away of the divinity of the Son and of the Holy Spirit is the same as to take away God.

^A 4. "Do not fear the procession."

He says, for the Wealthy and Powerful in all things has no necessity not to produce; for He has each in like manner, without separation, and He has already produced the Holy Spirit timelessly and without separation.

^A Neither let the charge of tritheism [trouble you]. And yet, the dogma of tritheism has been attacked, according to the nonsense of the so-called Philoponus, who divided the Divine nature into partial substances in an Aristotelian manner. But it is not to be understood in this way; for one and the same [divinity] remains indivisibly in the three, even if each is called “God, and God, and God”; for the deity is common and one. Do not then be ashamed, he says, so long as another also is in danger of falling into the hazard of ditheism. For it is better to say this, acknowledging the divinity in the three, rather than running the risk of incurring the ditheism of saying [that the Father is God, but] the Son and Holy Spirit [are not]; which is the error that Arius and Macedonius suffered concerning the divinity. For you must either clear away the charge by cutting off and removing the divinity of the two, or else, having fallen into an impasse, you are caught. How, then, is tritheism not dangerous? But do not fear this. For the man who curtailed and cut away [the divinity] has suffered shipwreck, having lost the divinity along with his reasoning; but for you, the divinity remains whole; even though your argument may have faltered while trying to solve the manner of the existence of the Trinity.

^B 7. “The new piety.” He calls impiety by this name to sound elegant, but it was that kind of impiety which was proclaimed by those of contrary opinion in a technical, rather than an apostolic, way, which he also called “meager wisdom.” He says it is not a terrible thing to be defeated by an argument and to be deluded and deceived by false logic, but it is much more terrible to have suffered the loss of the divinity.

“The Trinity inhabiting.” The sequence of words is to be taken as follows: “Remember for me the Trinity, which is in the tabernacles of the angels, and which inhabits them,” that is to say, the Trinity. That is: remember for me—when? When you depart [from life]; where? In the tabernacles; in which ones? Of the one inhabiting in them, the Holy Trinity, in which the Holy Trinity dwells. And of this “meager harvest,” also remember this as held in common: the fruit of my instruction and catechism to you; or because up until now there were few who had received the seed of the right dogmas, and for this reason he said the harvest was meager.

^C 4. “Our calling and the unbelievable journey.” Perhaps he, too, was called by him while in exile; for this is implied by what follows, as he said that we have participated in the hardships, but not that we have been partakers in luxury. And, he says, “I return to you again,” by which it is clearly shown through such words that this philosopher had traveled elsewhere, and that at that time, he had not yet departed from this life.

SCHOLIA ON THE FUNERAL ORATION FOR HIS BROTHER CAESARIUS. SCHOLIA OF THE SAME BASIL On St. Gregory Nazianzen's funeral oration for his brother Caesarius

^A 3. "Do you perhaps think, O friends, and brothers, and fathers?" These are the names closest to true kinship; for nothing is more intimate than a father, nor more genuine than a brother, nor more precious than a faithful friend. He gathers together and refers both thing and name to those persons designated by the aforementioned titles of love. For what is sweet if not a friend, and sweeter still a brother, who in truth guards the duty of brotherhood toward his brother, and is not carried away by the rage of Cain? And sweetest of all is a father, who, like David, preserves the paternal instincts befitting a father, and so warmly calls out to his parricidal son. With these titles of love, therefore, he also honors those whom the funeral oration for his brother addresses, saying, "Do you think that I have undertaken this speech as one that would offer groans and lamentations for my brother?" By no means, he says; for this is not the case; nor is it for any display or refinement to entice the auditors, or to create pleasure and grace, in order to feast your hearing.

40. And to "sophistricate" grief. How is it possible to "sophistricate" grief? Or rather, clearly, it means to frame oneself as though one were grieving, while not actually grieving; but to be moved by friendly affections—that is, by our own—while we ourselves have suffered no grief, but are sympathizing with friends.

12. "For we ought." As if, he says, we ought to explain our calamity with display and pomp in our speech, just as we did when we were younger, and were ambitious and excessive in all things, both in material matters and in speeches themselves.

^B 3. "Do not assume this about us." If you wish to assume anything noble and capable about us, do not, he says, by any means assume such a thing: either that I have mourned more than is right, or that I have spoken softly and elegantly, and have adorned the speech for the sake of display.

12. "But only as much as to fulfill the duty of a speech." To fit and render what is holy and proper to both, and to admire without excess, and to weep moderately; for it is the mark of our supreme and divine philosophy to remember both: both to remember the just with praises, and to undertake to grieve for the dead, yet not in groans.

^A To begin, yet not to proceed too far into wailing; for the former I call lack of measure, and the latter, lack of feeling—that is, not to weep.

"The time after this already." From here, he sets forth the headers of the subject matter; and thus, after the introductions, he proceeds to the first part of the encomium, that is, the lineage.

"To Caesarius, parents indeed." While now celebrating the lineage, he thus praises his brother.

"And having shared so much of that fatness." How much, and of what kind of fatness? Of the good olive, that is, of piety, from which he drew so much of that fatness that he was able both to graft others into the pious faith, and to teach, and to share of the benefits, for the healing and recovery of souls suffering from the disease of unbelief. ^B

"Great is that which is manifest." In these words, he demonstrates many signs of external virtue in the father, but says that there are very many virtues that are hidden and unknown to many, which, he says, it is better to leave to your opinions and thoughts, rather than to attempt to expose them in speech, to diminish them, and to deprive them of what they possess of the miraculous.

"So that already to some." The construction is: so that it might be believed and said by some, not that the perfection of the man, etc.: for the parenthesis that has been inserted has separated the members of the phrase; however, the sense is: that the perfection of the husband is to be attributed to no other than to [that holy] mother, as being her work (for this, he says, some believe and proclaim), and that to this piety of the mother had been added as a prize and crown the greater and more perfect piety of the father.

"From the sojourning into the dwelling." From things here and transitory; for in these is a sojourning, but the eternal and unfailing habitation is happiness and heavenly blessedness. ^C

"Full of days." By the common name of days, he includes the days of both lives, which he declares to be most full: [full, he says, of days,] both of those that are transitory and failing, and also of those that are permanent and eternal; their days are therefore full, not imperfect. For to them, neither does the length of this life nor the splendor of the heavenly life fall short.

"And they filled the measure of all happiness." In all things and through all things, they fulfilled the measure of happiness and blessedness, as much as was possible, excepting, he says, that last [event]—he did not say calamity, but distribution and testing, as one might, he says, suppose. And see how he draws even that into their happiness, and sets it forth: that they sent on their son first (whom, because of the slipperiness of youth, was more to be feared), and themselves ended their life with a secure mind, and with their whole house migrated to the heavenly things; which is in reality of perfect happiness. ^D

^A *Ibid. 7. But on the contrary.* What is this? If he neglected such parents, and despised the examples close at hand, do not marvel, he says, if he did not look to others, but to these; but rather marvel at the opposite, that if he saw unpraiseworthy examples among others, he despised them.

*Ibid. 12. And the grace in all things of the man.* He speaks of bodily grace and beauty; for *euarmoistia* (harmony) denotes this, and the man’s being fine and consonant in all things, as in a musical sound or concord.

*Col. 761 ^A 5. O how shall I pass by without tears.* Above, even in the very beginning of the discourse, having deprecated lamentation and those who lament, now, as if sensing that he has arrived at such things and has complained, he quickly recovers himself contrary to what he had proposed, and apologizes so that the grief might not be judged lacking in philosophy; although to weep over the dead, he said, is not outside our law; but to begin a wail, and not ^B to do so beyond measure, is permitted, provided it is done well. Having complained, therefore, and having said "O how," he does not lament entirely; for the beginning of a lamentation is not already a lamentation itself, just as the beginning of a road is not the road itself, according to the great Basil.

*Ibid. 5. And who joined him to that of the best.* Who, he says, beyond these, that is, the best men, both with others and with those from his own country, preferred, or joined himself, in more assiduous intimacy? Who held them in greater value?

*Ibid. 8. Although ^C by reason of the magnitude.* Of the city of Alexandria, that is, as it was in reality very great. Since, therefore, because of the size of the city, almost everyone remained hidden, and hardly anyone was noticed, no one was more famous or more illustrious than he in temperance and sagacity.

*Ibid. 32. And of all things as one having exercised.* The Father loves to use this concise and elegant opposition of words. All things, he says, as one, that is, he had cultivated all sciences as one, and no one among those older in birth, let alone among his equals, ran this path with such an easy and certain stride; again, he knew each thing as all, all sciences clearly as one, ^D and each one as all; for he had the knowledge of all as of one science, and again, of each one as of all.

*Ibid. 7. And of the training dangerous to others.* He speaks of astronomy and astrology, the useful part of which he brings forward—that is, to admire the Creator from the movement of the heavenly bodies—and he points out the harmful and useless part, regarding the course of the stars, and the things that follow.

*Ibid. 4. Of numbers and calculations.* That is, of arithmetic, which is concerned with the quantities of numbers, varied after the manner of lines in triangular, quadrangular, and polygonal figures. By calculations, he means ratios and analogies, as they relate to one another; concerning

which ^A we have spoken more fully in our commentaries on the sermon on Pentecost.

*And of the wonderful art of medicine.* He does not call the medical art wonderful ironically, but says what is true. For that art truly seems worthy of admiration which, having explored natures and temperaments, sets forth the rules of therapy. For he does not speak of that empiric and insipid art which, more than once, due to ignorance of primary causes, can do harm; which causes, when considered according to the rules of science, investigated, and furthermore compared with one another according to the laws of nature and reason, reveal as it were the roots and fountains of diseases, from which the various species of affections spring and germinate: but this malignant offshoot of malignant roots is cut away and withers through the appropriate application of medicines.

*After him... should be ranked.* No one, therefore, he says, was so inept as to begrudge him the first place; nay, if any man were to covet the first place, he held it of the highest honor to concede them to Caesarius, and to occupy the first place among the second.

*The which now unhappily... dissolved.* It seemed to the mother worthy of contemplation, because now, he says, it has been dissolved by death through envy. He attributes a body and [a] person to envy, a thing which cannot subsist by itself. He does not, therefore, explain this evil dissolution as if it were a punishment inflicted upon human nature, which he could have plausibly done. But speaking thus, I know not what he intended, unless perhaps ^B he alluded to the father of envy. For from him, he says, [come] envy and death, namely from Satan, the father of envy.

*And that an embassy be sent to the emperor.* I think he refers to Constantius, to whom, though absent, this man was sent as a legate by the common decree of the senate, to ask that the prince’s city might be adorned with a man who was the prince of the learned, if indeed it were to be truly a primary city and worthy of its name.

*A chance [occurrence]... seemed unreasonable.* That which happens without any counsel and deliberation, this he calls a chance event (an occurrence lacking in reason and cause). To this genus belong whatever things we do without any counsel being initiated regarding them, without any previous meditation, as if, for example, we went out thinking nothing of buying a book, and having met with it, we bought it: these things are fortuitous, this is blind chance. But spontaneous things (αὐτόματα) rarely happen, and unexpectedly and without any art causing them: Thus, for example, if an earthquake occurs, a stone is torn up having the shape of a seat, and other things of that kind, which it is given to see only once or twice. But fortuitous events occur more often, and it is possible that they sometimes answer to our expectation in such a way that they seem to have a certain art as their cause.

*I, the one honored by Caesarius in everything, am great.* In all things, he says, I am honored and great (πολύς), that is, [I am] important, since he held me in higher ^C esteem than all others, and valued me greatly.

^A *But rather the desire is older.* That is to say, I did not know to practice philosophy at that time, but long before. For the desire for philosophy was in me even before that time, although my life was later in pursuing such things, and it did not come at the same time as the desire.

*The firstfruits of learning.* The precious and more valuable things, that is, the discourses; and the choice parts of learning—as though he had dedicated [them] like a votive offering in the temple of his fatherland—the praise and the encomia, and having been admired for these. And the desire for glory, he says, and for presiding over the fatherland, gives himself to the imperial court, and so forth.

*It is better to be ranked last before God.* It is better to be ranked last and after many before God, than to hold primacy before an earthly king. He judge that Caesarius is not deserving of blame for having given himself to the imperial court; for to practice philosophy, he says, is not for many, because it is difficult and laborious; for just as it is the greatest and most beneficial thing, so too is it difficult. For this belongs to those called by divine providence, which also stretches out a helping hand to them; and this is the greatest thing, yet that of the second life, to devote oneself to moral perfection and to have more regard for God and one’s own salvation than for earthly things, is not small.

^A *Gratuitous philanthropy of his art.* Note how he says the gratuitous philanthropy of his art applies to those in authority and rank only, and not to all indiscriminately.

*And having need of nothing of the swearing of Hippocrates.* Hippocrates left his oath in writing, that one should neither adulterate nor corrupt this philanthropic art, nor even practice it for hire; for those who work for hire, he says, force their skills into servitude.

*Greater than the piety toward common affairs.* While the piety toward the visible and the common is great, the piety according to the inner man, which one presents and makes known to God, is greater.

^D *Not only logically.* For one can also [contend] piously. How, then, and what is the difference between the two? For there is indeed the [way of] demonstrating according to the syllogisms of logical philosophy, destroying and constructing [arguments]; but there is also the way of using the divine Scriptures piously and spiritually—and not, he says, faintly and languidly and weakly, but with burning zeal and inward disposition.

*He raged against us, the king of ill-name.* He refers to Julian, whose very name is, as it were, unholy, shameful, and most wicked; who, he says, from his rejection of Christ, instead of—for the sake of the rejection of Christ—

^A having reached such a pitch of madness, was already burdensome and intolerable to others, putting the mask of humanity upon his persecution. For he did not, in the manner of other enemies and persecutors of Christ, profess his impiety with high-mindedness and openly, nor did he clearly and manifesty show all the impiety within himself.

^B He devised this as his first scheme: that those suffering for the sake of Christ (for that was a more honorable thing) should be tortured as if they were malefactors, attaching to them the stigma of wickedness. The second device, clearly, was that he would not compel anyone to apostasy through tyranny or violence, but would employ persuasion and a manifold and deceitful apparatus of speech; the wily serpent compelled the athletes of Christ to yield to the various allurements of his hissings. ^C For Julian thought it would better serve his interests if the Christians would embrace impiety of their own accord—thereby bringing ignominy upon themselves—than if they did so out of fear of danger.

The athlete was ready and prepared, fortified in both deed and word against an enemy powerful in both. For it had already been said that the tyrant was great in arms and great in the faculty of oratory, against which Christ had armed His athlete with speech and heavenly power. ^D "To fawn" upon him with a familiarity of speech (that is, to flatter him), as if he were joined to him by a community of eloquence and was not inexperienced in knowledge, exulting and glorying in this.

^A "And indeed, the logical [matters]." What was just set forth concerning logical matters pertains to demonstrations and syllogisms. But here, he used the word "logical" for dialectical or sophistical, as it signifies certain subtleties and elegant words.

^B "This renowned [statement]." What is it? That: "O happy father!" he says, admiring the happiness and the goodly children of the father; but "unhappy children!" he added, clearly looking to the piety which that impious man considered to be the equivalent of unhappiness. Yet, for this reason, he claimed Caesarius had been honored, by having been made a participant in the ignominy and blessed unhappiness of his brother. For Julian ennobled him more with such disgrace than if he had shared his own fortune with him. ^C Therefore, he says, the blessed man returns to us, adorned with a trophy, and in this ignominy, he is more illustrious than through the splendor of the rest of his life.

"And as though bestowing a favor." For when affairs had returned to the Christians with the greatest honor and glory, he says, with how many and what great testimonies he was received back into the palace, as if he himself were bestowing a favor rather than receiving any gift from them.

^A The non-negligible authority from the king. That is, illustrious, and inferior to not many.

Ibid. 4. Collect the money for the king. That is, to gather and keep the money collected in the treasury. This duty seems to have been the collection of tribute.

Ibid. 5. Seizing the occasion for admonition. He refers to the pretext and the occasion of the earthquake, the greatest to have occurred in Nicaea, by which he was shielded in the collapse and was saved. And thenceforth he was considering, having determined to change his military service because of the danger, to exchange the court as well, just as he had long before indicated to me in writing: "For me," he says, "who seized this occasion of the danger to give admonition, I did not cease to exhort this very philosophical soul not to wallow always ^B in baser things."

Ibid. 9. But he was stronger than the earthquake itself. But indeed, he was stronger than the earthquake, but not also than the disease. For the former property he had by reason of his piety—to be saved miraculously—but the latter was in common with other men; for he was a man, and not by nature immortal.

Ibid. 13. And consolation anticipated the affliction. The consolation of the salvation from the earthquake anticipated the affliction of his death, so that although later, when shaken and cast down by grief at his death, we might boast, he says, in the wondrous nature of that former salvation.

Ibid. C 3. Escorted to the platforms of the martyrs. That is, conducted, and as in a triumphal procession, ^C accompanied, and honored at the platforms of the martyrs, as if his sarcophagus were deposited among the platforms, like a martyr of martyrs. And by the "shining mantle" of the mother, one must understand the putting on of a splendid garment, having shaken off the mourning attire, because of the glorious martyrdom of her son and his piety; for the mother herself was rejoicing, not surrendering herself to slack-witted mourning. And "newly created" he calls the soul of his brother, since it was regenerated in the last moments of life and transformed by Spirit and water in baptism.

Col. 676 A 4. The bitter stone. He calls this stone bitter, which had caused no misfortune, because it was to cover the body and beauty, which were not fitting to be covered. ^D It is the custom of holy men, when they are pressed by great and violent grief, to inveigh with harsh words against none but inanimate things, upon which they cast curses and reproaches, as David did, saying: "Mountains of Gilboa," etc.

Ibid. 11. And foolishness rather. For it is truly madness and darkening of the mind to honor the departed with such things as these.

Ibid. 12. My gift, he says, is speech, and what follows.

Ibid. C 2. The false honors. Those which do not really exist and do not subsist; for such is a falsehood—even when uttered it does not subsist, such as also the [notion of] perceptible...

^A phantasms by which the senses are deceived; after they have mocked us for a little while, they vanish immediately like the dream of one who is awakening.

As through mirrors andenigmas we have some image, and as it were a flowing and a drop of the highest beauty; if only we might arrive at the very fountain of perfection, and with a pure mind at last beholding the pure truth, might find here this reward for our labor exhausted in the pursuit of virtue, so that there we may attain a more perfect virtue, which is the end of our sacred discipline.

The technical division of funeral orations.

He excuses himself lest it seem strange to the elders, if I, he says, a young man, take upon myself the task of admonishing, and seem to say something more upright than you yourselves: for this too is yours, who exist as the authors of our life and knowledge.

The whole life of man is not long. If it be compared with the divine and everlasting nature, he says, not even the whole life or conversation of man on earth is long; for the whole duration of human life, even if by chance it reaches the one hundred and twentieth year, is not long, to say nothing of these, the relics of life which remain to us; for he anticipates what he is about to say soon, namely, "How far has Cæsarius forestalled us?" And he calls death the sunset of human life. ^C

Measures of a span. He calls it a measurable number; for the span is a kind of measure: "Thou hast made my days as spans," says David, that is, measurable. Now a span is a measure that is represented by four fingers placed together, or even by a fist, namely, four fingers bent inward; and it is called by another name among the Greeks. Hesiod says: *Cut a trispithameam [three-span] piece for the curvature of a ten-span wagon.*

Vanity of vanities. It is said that vanity is that which is done or said rashly, and that which is as it were labor and useless affliction; for useless labor is in a way affliction. But in Ecclesiastes, vanity is not something lacking in subsistence; for it has the presumption of spirit and breeze, that is, of the soul. Following the mind of the Master, Basil says: This is, he says, a certain inconsiderate impulse of the soul and a vain distraction of man. ^D

Hear the end of the matter, fear God. Observe this, he says, that the only profit from this life is to be led, through the disturbance and instability of visible things, to things that are fixed and abiding. He indicates the Holy Spirit.

^A Or to the holy, or to the intellectual part of the soul. For it is always reaching out for the good and for things above and heavenly; and it draws the body with it, provided that we genuinely obey our congenital [zeal for heavenly things].

^B Ibid. 13. *He will not philosophize on the matters of Hippocrates.* These have become the best of physicians, and are admired by those who write; though against them some have arisen who have both written and studied contrary things. How doctors reap grief from the calamities of others has been explained: for they suffer along with those who are sick and in distress, especially with those in misfortune.

Ibid. D 2. *He will not demonstrate the matters of Euclid.* These are the best of geometers; but Ptolemy surpasses many astronomers also, or rather all of them.

^C Col. 781 A 2. *He will not pride himself on the things of Plato.* These too are the most esteemed of philosophers; but Plato and Aristotle excel all others.

B 3. *And the mother’s passion is emptied.* How? By a noble and holy promise, that she will give everything belonging to that child [as a funeral offering] to the poor, and by means of those to whom the mother’s passion of grief has been emptied, it has been changed by her generosity into cheerfulness.

Ibid. 11. *The mind, released from the body conjoined to it, immediately perceives the good.* “Or,” it says again, “having laid aside.” Laid aside what? Not the body simply—for it is better to distinguish in this way—but the obstructing bodily density and the mist which formerly produced darkness. For the body, having now been purified by the resurrection, has become light and most transparent; for he does not say that the soul has laid aside the body completely after the resurrection, but that it was laid aside by the dissolution and by death, and that by the resurrection and the change and the transformation it is perfected, and the soul, having been freed from the obstructing things, immediately tastes a certain wonderful pleasure and rejoices.

*Or I do not know, he says, what I should even say.* Which he hints at by his dilemma of introducing both simultaneously, both the dissolution of the body and the laying aside of the darkness, as if it were both dissolved and again taken up, and by the change transformed, and the body purified, and made entirely spiritual, but not by this a total laying aside of it; this which he so hesitantly hints at, he now confirms.

^D *And having shaken off the bonds that lay about him.* And from this it is not unclear that he refers to the laying aside of the obstructing body immediately after the dissolution, to perceive the good, and not after the resurrection; for he would not have said shortly afterwards: “And he receives back his kindred flesh.”

^A For it will have changed, having become entirely spiritual, and there will not be many things. And spirit, and mind, and God. Whatever the soul is, this it will also itself become in this commixture; for this is what the deification of human nature desires: that by life, as he says, every mortal and flowing thing should be swallowed up.

^B

Transformed of heaven

Whether of the truth... of the will

Leaving the lamentations

Because we delay in the tombs

The glory from thence

^A Ibid. 5. "That I do not fear." What? That this body of mine, once it has flowed away and been corrupted, will perish utterly. For this, he says, is what I do not fear; for if it has flowed away and been dissolved, it will not, because it is the handiwork of God, perish utterly. For it is not possible that it should be condemned to the same dishonor as brute animals, and have nothing more than they after death, but pass into total non-existence. And would that, he says, this were the case for the wicked, and those worthy of eternal fire. For it is a worse evil for someone to be liable to fire, than not to exist at all.

Ibid. B 4. "How glorious are the things that follow." The words, "Would that I might mortify the members, would that I might consume everything for the spirit," and so on. For all the things that follow, he says, are glorious, and the hope is far beyond our merit, leading us to the life and kingdom of heaven.

Ibid. 5. "What is man, that [64] Thou art mindful of him?" It must be noted that the words "What is man" and what follows, refer to man in general, or to all human beings, and to human nature, and apply to every man.

Ibid. 9. "Those things which belong to the lower world." Small and humble, mortal and earthly; these are matters of the lower world. Great and lofty, immortal and heavenly; these things belong to the realm above and to God; for such is the nature of man.

Ibid. C 5. "That we may all be one in Christ." How? By Christ becoming "all in all" for those of us who are perfect; for Christ has taken upon Himself all the characteristics of our flesh. For He has become in all respects as we are [65], except for sin. We shall be, he says, all of us "one in Christ," and we shall no longer be male and female, and the other marks of flesh and nature.

Col. 788 A 2. "Giving thanks, with the right hand and the left." What are these? Pleasurable things, he says, and painful things. But how is it possible to give thanks in the midst of "left" things, that is, painful ones? Because the Apostle knows that even these are weapons of salvation. Therefore, giving thanks to God even in these things, we entrust the souls of those who pass away before us to God; just as, speaking metaphorically, he referred to those who have arrived at the hostelry more quickly as having already ^D passed away. And we, he says, in the same way, having ceased our discourse, shall pass away, while you have made an end of weeping. He calls it "your" tomb, as being prepared for the sake of the elders. And he says that it was a sorrowful gift given to Caesarius, being deceased—unexpected, indeed, because of his youth, but not unreasonable, because of human nature and the divine wisdom which governs these things.

Ibid. B. 8. "We concede to your words [66]." That is,

and we submit to your administration, to the height of your wisdom, and to the reasons by which all things are moved and governed.

^A Note what he says concerning those who, being about to die, are dragged out of this life as if with a struggling and troubled spirit; for he says it is proper for souls addicted to the world and the flesh to be affected in this way; but that it belongs to those who are prompt for departure, and are always prepared on account of the fear of God, and hasten toward this blessed and long-lived life which is in Christ Jesus our Lord: to whom be glory forever and ever. Amen.

SCHOLIUM OF THE SAME BASIL

On "logoi" and proportion.

Relatio is one thing, and proportio is another. There are eleven relations of numbers, and ten proportions. Proverbially, a proportion is a collection of relations, such that two relations make one proportion, e.g., four relative to two, as to the double, and ten relative to five. Therefore, when I have proposed these two relations, I will say: ^B the relation that four have to two, the same they have to the one and the other, ten to five. For it is submultiplex. Therefore proportion is a likeness of relations; as this is to that, so the other relates to the other. Now a relation is the disposition of two terms toward one another. For whatever is encompassed by limits has a double mark: that of equality or inequality. Equality, however, is indivisible: for it is not now this, now that. But in inequality there is "greater" and "less." Furthermore, in the "greater" there is the multiplex, for instance, double, triple; ^C just as two constitutes the double of one, and three the triple. But the "whole with a part," e.g., three, are relative to two. For they contain the two and a particle. Furthermore, the "whole with a part" are five relative to three, for they contain three and two parts. A number is called superparticular when the greater contains the less several times, just as five relative to two. Multipliciter superparticulare, however, is such as eight relative to three, because eight includes two threes, and two-thirds of a part besides. Similarly, the lesser has five conveniences opposite to those of which we have spoken. Submultiplex is where a number is contained twice in the greater, ^D just as two is relative to one. Subduplex and the rest follow according to "twice" and "thrice." Superparticularis, subsuperparticularis; multipliciter superparticularis, multipliciter subsuperparticularis. Therefore, there are eleven relations in all, and just as many conveniences; but the proportions of numbers are ten. A proportion is a comparison of relations. Just as the relation of one to two is the relation of five

quadrate. ^A And the ratios are the same: for the double is also that which is strictly a proportion. Ratio is a relation, as has been said: two to four; six to eight; [alt-version omitted] thus, the composition of two ratios. Arithmetic proportion, which does not preserve the ratios but the excess, is as two to one, so is three to two. The same excess is the ratio: two to one is double, three to two is sesquialter. There is, then, geometric proportion, which is the identity of ratios; and arithmetic, which is the identity of excesses: for by as much as sixteen exceeds eight, by that same amount is six exceeded by eight; for it is the third. The fourth mean is contrary to the musical: as the greater is to the lesser, so is the difference of the lesser quantities to the difference of the greater, four, five, three. The fifth mean is contrary to the geometric: as the greater is to the lesser, ^B so is the difference of the lesser quantities to the difference of the greater; five, four, two. The sixth is contrary to the geometric: as the greater is to the mean, so is the difference of the lesser to the difference of the greater; six, four, one. The seventh: as the greatest is to the least, so also is the difference to the difference of the lesser quantities; nine, eight, six; for it is sesquialter. The eighth: as the greatest is to the lesser, so is the difference of the extremes to the difference of the greater quantities; six, seven, nine; for it possesses two sesquialter ratios. The ninth: when there are three terms, the ratio which the greater has to the lesser is the same as that which the difference of the highest terms has to the lesser. The tenth in three terms: as the greater is to the least, so also is the difference of the highest terms to the difference of the greater quantities; for example, three, five, eight; for the ratio in each is superparticular. ^C And these are perhaps too great for scholastic brevity, although many things have been omitted; they are not, however, useless for the more diligent, for the knowledge, I think, of ratio and proportion and the difference between them.

SCHOLIA OF AN ANONYMOUS AUTHOR

ON THE FIRST ORATION OF GREGORY AGAINST JULIAN THE EMPEROR

Col. 552 A 3. Invective (Στηλιτευτικός). This present invective oration is a censure of the deeds of Julian. Now, an invective differs from a vituperative oration in that, in a vituperation, the oration proceeds through the heads of the demonstrative genus—such as lineage, education, deeds, and comparison—whereas in an invective it proceeds only through the deeds, or also, if the matter so requires, through comparison. ^D It is called an invective (steliteutikos) from a metaphor taken from a stele. A stele is a stone or bronze in a long, square shape, in which the hubris of the one being attacked (steliteuomenou) is inscribed. It should be known that often benefits were inscribed on stelae. It is worth knowing that sometimes benefits are inscribed on stelae.

^A *Enōtisasthe* (Give ear). Lay it in your ears.

*Periōpēs* (From the lookout). A *periōpē* is a high place; it is so called from looking around from above. For *ōps* is used poetically for eye; and *apopton* (visible from afar) is derived from *aphoran* (to look from). Therefore, he says, I call all men from a certain high and central place, which provides me with a broad view of those being called.

*Genēsesthe* (Ye shall be). Not that those who will exist later are hearing now (for how could they?), but that they too will hear the words when they encounter them later, just as we who are now living in this world do.

*Dynamis* (Power). Hear, you also.

*Drakonta* (The dragon). Supply *kathelousi* (they will cast down), as before.

*Tauta* (These things). Heaven and earth, that is.

*Kōnstantios* (Of Constantius). ^B Observe how, in the whole of this invective, he speaks well of the Emperor Constantius. He does not testify that there was wickedness in him, but rather simplicity and levity, and here he even praises him clearly. Do not be surprised. For his zeal against the idolater changed him completely and made him a genuine friend of those who had offended him, not out of malice, as he himself says somewhere, but out of simplicity. Since the Father's [Gregory’s] own character is similar, in that he tends to forgive those who were ignorant of lesser things (Reg. B, "those who were ignorant of things lesser than he was, that which is peaceful"). Read his *On Peace*, and again [Reg. B, in the work] *Against the Eunomians*, where he says: "Philosophize for me about the cosmos and matter, then about Christ’s sufferings," and the rest.

*Aisthēsis* (Sensation). In the manner of Isocrates, surely, "If there is any sensation for the dead regarding what happens on earth."

*Tou de* (But his). Let the soul of Constantius, evidently, hear more than all other emperors.

*Bebaiōsamenos* (Having confirmed). For *bebaiōsas* (having confirmed), when he had strengthened and established.

*O gravem offensam* (O grave injury). This is to be understood as an interpolation before the apodosis (the main clause). "Injury," that is, which Constantius himself suffered, having been ignorant of such an evil.

*Aluit* (He nurtured). For he was his uncle.

*Basileusai* (To reign). For *Poiēsai basileusai* (to cause to reign), he brought it about that he was constituted king.

*Voluptatem capturum* (About to take delight). About to rejoice greatly.

*Sanctiorem* (More holy). The discourse, that is.

*Nefarias* (Wicked). Defiled, impure.

*Praestantia* (Excellence). Surely that which is superfluous, redundant, and overly abundant.

*Omnis hujus saeculi* (Of all this age). A fine definition. For learning and the mystery according to us is not of this age, nor of its rulers, but that which comes from above, from the Father of lights.

*Diaporeuomenē* (Passing through). Supply *esti* (it is).

*Atque illa* (And that). Unwise wisdom.

*Et apud tales* (And among such). More excellent and renowned.

*Exhibebit* (It will present). It will encompass.

*Assistet gratia* (Grace will attend). Instead of, it will stand in a circle.

*Quis theatrum exhibebit*—"Who will give me such," he says, "auditors, such that they may be worthy of the grace?" What grace? That ^D which God granted to us when he cast down the tyrant. ^C *Bebaiōsamenos*. Instead of *bebaiōsas* (having confirmed) and having ratified.

*O tēs epēreias* (O the insult). Understand this as an interpolation before the resolution of the sentence. By "insult," that which Constantius himself suffered, being ignorant of such an evil.

*Epitrephōn* (Turning to). For he was his uncle.

*Basileusai* (To reign). Instead of, to cause to reign.

*Hstheie* (To rejoice). To be glad.

*Hierōteron* (More holy). The discourse.

*Enageis* (Accursed). Polluted, unclean.

*Periousia* (Superfluity). Instead of, superabundant and excessive and very wealthy.

*Hē tou aiōnos* (That of the age). A good definition. For instruction and the mystery according to us is not of this age, nor of its rulers, but from above from the Father of lights.

*Diaporeuomenē* (Passing through). It is, evidently.

*Ekeinē* (That). The unwise wisdom.

*Toioutois* (To such). More notable and famous.

*Peristēsei tē chariti* (Will set around by grace). Instead of, will set in a circle. [Reg. D: Who will set a theater around?] "Who will give me such auditors," he says, "so that they may also be worthy of the grace?" What grace? That which God granted to us, having cast down the tyrant.

^A *Ibid. Adæquatam*, with grace conferred. *Verbo*. Not only, he says, is the grace which is rendered through words to God the Word most suitable and most appropriate of all the graces which we offer to Him from our own respective resources—inasmuch as He greatly rejoices in this name of "Word," besides the other names by which He is called, namely, Door, Life, Truth, Light—but also, he says, the punishment suited to the tyrant is to be punished by the word, with this invective, for the crime committed against words. And that crime was that he forbade Christians to be taught this common instruction. The passage can also be explained in another sense, if we understand "word" here as the common speech of all mankind, which stands midway between the rational and the irrational: of which the rational is its habit and state, and the irrational is its privation. Not only, then, does that grace which is effected through the word most fittingly belong to this word—which rejoices first and foremost in the name and power of "word" alongside the other rational things by which it is called, namely, instruction, wisdom, virtue—but to it also belongs an appropriate penalty, and so forth.—This is the opinion of Aristides.

^C *Primum quidem*. He cites two causes of that stupidity of his, which he conceived against words: first, because he maliciously and craftily transferred the name of "word" to what seemed good to him, no longer calling them "words," ^D but "the instruction of the Greeks" or "wisdom," stupidly unaware that it is not according to what the Greeks, but according to what rational animals have philosophized; and if this is so, it is the instruction of all men, and not of the Greeks. Secondly, because he thought it would escape our notice, depriving us of such words, [he who is] worthless, when we, disregarding the elegance of language, have hold of the truth. *Aliter*. By breaking up the phrasing in this way, you will understand it more clearly and better: "He supposed that he would escape our notice, not intending to deprive us of any good, but fearing the refutations of impiety; since we again despise these words, which have their strength not in the knowledge of the truth but in the bombast and the solemnity of the expression." He did not, therefore, escape our notice, fearing the refutations more than he was eager to deprive us of words.

*Phra*. For "thieves," whence also *in manifestation*, for "in manifest theft."

*A quibus*. By which, he says, arguments of truth we are less able to be restrained and repressed. For it is impossible for us to be restrained from words and the knowledge of them: and not only so, but also to be inhibited from confessing God, having [as we do] tongues. Thus, therefore, you will understand: to restrain us from arguments and the knowledge of truth and the confession of God is more impossible for this tyrant of words.

*Sermonem*. The true one, evidently. *Confdertis*. Believing.

^A *Quippe adversus*. "Quippe adversus pugnantes" [for the] crown, that is, for the combatants (Demosth.). Which is your greatest praise.

*Panegyrismum*. The present sermon, since it is a vituperation of Julian’s wickedness and an immortal stele of [his] impiety, is of the panegyrical genre. For the panegyrical genre in rhetoric encompasses vituperation and laudation, just as the judicial [genre encompasses] accusation and defense, and the deliberative [encompasses] any exhortation and counsel whatever—whence the name ^B *symbouleutikon* was given to this genre in Greek.

*Ad choream*. He calls four classes of men to the solemnity, the second of which is divided into two. The first he calls those who, devoted to fasts and prayers, entreated God to grant liberation from the then-pressing hardships. The second he calls that which is divided into two parts, namely, those who have suffered in their bodies, and those who have suffered in external affairs, who have sustained the loss of their wealth, authority, and possessions, who have been ejected from their country, and who have been separated from their relatives and dearest ones. The third, all those who, while they confess God and are religious, are ignorant of the reasons of Providence, which often provides things unexpectedly from their contraries; not bearing the happy and opportune outcome of contradictory things, they are always slaves to the present, and are confirmed in the truth by these more recent miracles. The fourth condition he calls all those whose ^C souls are struck with amazement at the scene of this world; he exhorts them with these words of Isaiah, so that with the spiritual eye of the soul, having been led away from the error and deception of visible things, they might henceforth know God who truly is. The fifth class he calls to celebrate the solemnity with him, namely, those who up to now have defected from the master’s gathering, whom he hopes will soon, with a converted mind, return to the same.

*Kal*. Either the connective *kai* is redundant, or connecting these to the above, you will structure the phrase thus: The sermon also calls into the gathering those who, having endured great struggles and having been struck by many insults of the time, and though broken and weakened in ^D their bodies, yet remained unconquered in their souls, and strongly enduring all things in Christ, became a spectacle to the world. Thus you will structure the order of words.

*Ut quidem dicitur*. By the many, namely, and by the pusillanimous. To the few, however, and to those exalted in mind, one true fatherland and mother is the supernal Jerusalem. For it is believed—but it is not true—that we have a fatherland on earth, or anything at all of those things enumerated by the Father.

*Hujusmodi*. Namely, the tyrant having been slain, religion having returned to its former state, he was trusting more.

*Mirantes extimescentesque*. For he who is greatly attached to any thing, fears greatly lest it be snatched away from him.

*Adulterinam*. Not fictitious, but pure and sincere. *Chios*—said from history. The Athenians, detesting the adulterated coins of the Chians—

they called them *chibdēla* (adulterated); then, for the sake of better euphony, they changed the X into K.

Ibid. 16. *Periēpō*. *Periēpō* is said from *perix eipein* (to speak about something around), which has the force of accompanying.

Col. 541 ^A *Mian* (One). Having rightly summoned four classes to the festival, he now discards two from this number, casting them out and driving them away, namely those who, when a slight assault of the time occurred, immediately departed from the truth and abjured religion; and those even worse than these, who, not even resisting for a little while against the time, of their own accord transitioned and crossed over to the enemies.

Ibid. 8. *Epipolaiōs* (Superficially). Lightly, easily, without root.

Ibid. D 5. *Anyponoēton* (Unsuspected). With Jovian reigning, this discourse and the one that follows are both spoken: for after the most impious Julian, Jovian reigns.

Col. 544 ^B *Kymata* (Waves). The wickedness of Julian. For the thrice-cursed one reigned for two years; and for five years he was Caesar, having been put forward by Constantius.

Col. 545 ^A *Apokaradokousa* (Earnestly expecting). Diligently watching for and awaiting.

Col. 549 ^B *En telei* (In the end). *Telos* is used in many senses. For *telos* is the beginning, as it is used here; *telos* is also the tribute given to kings; *telos* is an expenditure, whence *polyteles* (costly), that which is expensive; *telos* is also a limit and a boundary; *telos* is a rank in the army: "In the ranks" (*En teleessin*). (Homer.)

Ibid. 14. *Pro toutōn* (Before these things). Before the defection and the rebellion.

Col. 553 ^C 9. *Problēmatos*. For the appearance of Julian’s status before his reign seemed pious and gentle.

Col. 556 ^D 1. *Sērangges* (Caverns). The long fissures beneath the earth, being like certain veins of the earth (69), into which water running underneath seeks an outlet. Hence also a place is called *sēranggōdēs* (cavernous) when it is perforated.

Col. 557 ^A 1. *Kratountos*. As if he were saying: As long as his elder brother remained with him, he prevented him from his manifest and most consummate madness.

*Synesin* (Prudence). Either someone like him was judging him from what was said, or a prudent Christian perceived that it did not savor of our saving philosophy.

Ibid. 5. *Tō onti* (In truth). "That which," he says, "is easy, wickedness makes difficult. For by nature it is easy to preserve goods already acquired, and difficult to acquire them; but we, being arrogant in our prosperity, do the opposite: we find it easy to acquire, but difficult to preserve." This is a Demosthenic sentiment.

Col. 560 ^A 7. *Enantia enantiois* (Conversely to the contrary). There is someone who is contrary to wickedness, and he introduces in turn against it that which is contrary to wickedness, virtue as a reward, and on the side of the contrary, the contrary.

Ibid. 13. *Mesēn*. First is sin, then—

humiliation, and third, the correction of the Lord’s word for one who keeps it. Humiliation, therefore, as you see, is the midpoint of both.

*Vita accipit*. Life receives an end, both of him who had made the brother of Julian Caesar, and of the Caesar himself, who underwent the slaughter. The life of both, he says, had a bound and an end; but not for both, but for the Caesar alone, did the kingdom and life have an end. ^A

*Reprehenderit*. By the same causes, he says, by which we shall accuse one emperor, by these same we shall absolve the other from the crime and reproach. Thus, if we attribute a certain fault to one as a crime, by that same fault we shall absolve the other from the crime, and vice versa. ^B

*Minime circumspectus*. Inconsiderate, not at all doubting.

*Exiguo temporis puncto*. Point of time, felicity. Thus also Isocrates: that the best time of felicity is the opportune moment; and he calls the felicity of the emperor Julian the present [time].

*Sanguinario dæmoni*. By this term they used to call the most savage and most prompt to vengeance among the demons.

*Adventu*. For before the advent of the Savior, there was a council among the Romans, or assembly; which council indeed elected two consuls every year, who presided over the wars, while others administered public affairs. But when, under the consuls, matters of war went badly, they appointed a dictator, the monarch, who alone held power for six months. ^C

*Fratris cædem*. Constantius put to death the brother of Julian, who was rising up against him.

*Ipsum Platones*. Plato’s philosophy was divided into Stoics and Peripatetics. Chrysippus was the master of the Porch (which was called "Varia" — the Painted Porch — because of the things inscribed upon it, such as the naval battle at Salamis, or the fight at Marathon), but Aristotle was the master of the Peripatos, that is, the Lyceum; and Plato, of the Academy.

*Kompsa laryngizontes*. *Kompson* is that which is elegant and graceful; *kompon*, that which is great. *Laryngizein*, however, is to adjust the throat for better sound, either through practice or through certain gargles. ^D

*Ex triviis*. They used to say that contemptible and worthless men were from the street-corners.

*Obolum*. The *obolus* among the Athenians is a copper coin, as Diodorus Siculus says.

*Ad voluptatem*. The disciples of Epicurus and Pyrrho define pleasure as God. They institute this argument: If all things, both good and base, are done for the sake of pleasure, then pleasure is God; not understanding that some things [tend] toward base and destructive pleasure, others indeed toward divine and salutary pleasure, and others, finally, are in a way "middle" things, such as eating moderately, bathing, speaking about public affairs, and the like.

*Non intellexit*. The doctrines that were prohibited, no one

of them understood, that they were full of much folly and error.

Ibid. 11. *Propinquitatem magis*. Namely, of the truth. For probability, being near to the truth, deceives many.

Ibid. 11. *Philosophiam et imperium*. The discourse was among those who seemed to profess philosophy, that it would be best for cities when either kings philosophize or philosophers reign. This opinion of theirs, therefore, the divine Gregory now ridicules.

Ibid. C 2. *Magno nomine*. Having said that it is not a seizure that grants the kingdom, he adds, saying that there are three things through which one reigns justly and lawfully: either having received the honor as a reward for virtue, or when time grants this (for time grants this, by showing that man to be approved and distinguished by all kinds of virtues and great ones), or the choice and judgment of a king (the vote of... the vote, the common judgment of the senate). He who has attained to power according to none of these is a tyrant rather than a king. ^A

Ibid. 7. *Deinde*. For he did not wait for his uncle and emperor to deem him worthy of the honor, but crowned himself.

Col. 572 B 1. *Non excitatus est*. He was not incited to evil by the providence of God. That is to say, the providence of God did not incite him to evil, but neither was he restrained by it when he preferred impiety to piety once and for all.

Ibid. 6. *Fallendo*. Namely, by deceiving the barbarians. ^B

Ibid. 14. *Per domesticorum quemdam*. That is, through a certain courtier, a traitor, also indicating to him the time when the deed should be attempted, and thus thinking he should save himself.

Ibid. C 3. *Sciti ac solertes*. A greatest and manifest sign is the slaughter of Julian in Persia, that he did not reign according to the foreknowledge of those men. For if this were so, they would have shown him the defeat while he was setting out on the campaign, and, when he was in Persia and struck, they would have predicted the trick of the deserter.

Col. 575 A 4. *Præstantissimus*. For even when Julian was already reigning, to overcome the army and those forces which did not allow him flight became a great struggle and difficulty. ^C

Col. 576 C 1. *Impuras efficit*. For to make impure is the opposite of to purify.

Col. 577 A 4. *Signum accesserit*. Namely, a divine one. For in the greatest changes, great signs are also wont to happen.

Ibid. 12. *Tales mediæ forma*. Such middle forms have their reference to the lord or owner; for example, the architect builds a house for me, but I "build for myself." ^D

Ibid. B 5. *Ex tempore interpretatus est*. That is, he took it contrary to what is true and right, and, interpreting it extemporaneously for those present, he lied.

Ibid. 8. *Trahitur*. These things refer to the inwards, in which

the cross appeared with the circle. For it showed that the cross ought to reign. For the crown is a sign of royalty, even if that impious and demented man says otherwise, namely that the circle indicates the circumscription and end of the cross and of the kingdom of the Christians.

Ibid. 12. *Id agebat* (He was managing). He was providing for it.

Col. 580 C 11. *Authadiazesthai* (To be headstrong). In a bad sense, as is usually the case, "to be headstrong" is used, such as to be bold, and to behave rashly, and to be moved with arrogance; but now it is used in a good sense by the Father, meaning "to contend against."

Col. 581 A 6. *Technes* (Of art). An apodosis. As, if one were to undertake war openly, this and that would happen; but if one were to wage war with art, and so on.

Ibid. D 4. *Pasa ephesis* (Every aspiration). The first class of those worthy of praise is to love the good for the sake of the good itself, and not for the sake of something else; which is better, and belongs to those who have advanced the most in virtue. The second class is to love the good for the expectation and hope of a reward. The third class is to do good for fear of punishment.

Col. 584 B 2. *Megaloprepes* (Magnificent). He condemns the pusillanimity and at the same time the servility of the tyrant Julian, because he did not openly, but artfully and craftily, persecute the saving doctrine.

Ibid. 11. *Aleptos* (Hard to seize). Of which crowds and cities the stubbornness was difficult or impossible to capture and control.

Ibid. 14. *Agraphon* (Unwritten). This resembles that scriptural saying. For he who is able to stop it, but looks the other way, does this more truly.

Ibid. C 1. *Emeroteron* (More humane). As he thought, it is clear that for this reason he immediately adds the word *dēthen*, "forsooth." Thus therefore you will understand, so that you may escape the appearance of contradiction. What is this? Above, it was considered kingly and noble to use force openly and publicly, while trying to persuade by art was considered both servile and ignoble. How then here does attempting to persuade by art seem "more humane and more kingly"? It is not a contradiction, but an apparent contradiction, except as he thought so; because he also adds that he brings the business of persuasion upon himself, forsooth. For the persuasion was not in truth his, but the sophisms of the author of evil, using the tyrant as an instrument.

Ibid. 5. *Diesosato* (He kept through). He did not keep the supposed persuasion to the end, but afterwards turned also to using force openly.

Col. 585 A 8. *Lian anthropon* (Very inhuman). How can humaneness be very inhuman? As he himself said, he used force against us out of humaneness; but as truth is, it was inhuman for him to seem humane.

Ibid. 9. *Pithanon* (Persuasive). For earlier he tried to persuade by using certain sophisms and fallacies; but when he failed, having exhausted his strength in persuading, he used force, biting and raging like some untamed beast. And those who apologized for this ferocity said that because of his great goodness and

benevolence, while he wished to convert the Christians to something better, he raged and used force.

Ibid. 11. *Failing.* What does this mean? That Julian wished to appear to be using force with good reason.

Ibid. B 2. *Snares.* Both *pagis* and *page* are used in Greek.

Ibid. 3. *In one of two ways.* In one of the two: either by snare or by persecution. Hence, for him, the snares were his words, and the persecution was the force applied.

Ibid. 7. *To all persecutors.* Thus, in wars, the Athenians would attack the stronger ones first, having left the weaker ones for the time being neglected. For once the stronger have been conquered, the weaker are easily captured.

Ibid. 14. *The palace.* Because he entrusted power to those who were similar to him in impiety.

Ibid. C 2. *The great emperor.* By "great emperor" I believe he means Constantius [added in Colb. 5: "who was murdered by him"], but by the "greater one," he means Christ.

Ibid. 6. *Credulous.* Easily persuaded.

Ibid. D 4. *He hoped.* For such are the wicked, serving those who are always present, and truly loyal to none.

Ibid. 3. *The persecutor.* Clearly, the devil. Not that he gave way willingly, but unwillingly, as God did not permit all to be snatched away on account of the bowels of His mercy 13.

Ibid. 5. *Of [the] serpents.* For the serpent that was hung up indicated sin and hinted that it was to be destroyed on the cross.

Col. 588 A 5. *Of the lower [order].* Of those who were ruled, and who were not in the splendor and renown of this visible age.

Ibid. 14. *Of the sign.* A *synthēma* is the sign and symbol of the army, which they call a *bandon*. He refers here to that which has the saving cross on its tip, which stands as an unbreakable trophy against the enemy. Again, what were called *signa* and *banda* among the Romans, the author—using Attic Greek—calls *synthēmata* and *sēmeia*. And if something is a *synthēma*, it is also a *sēmeion*, but not every *sēmeion* is also a *synthēma*. For a *synthēma* is the symbol given by the commander to the soldiers, so that they might recognize one another; for example: "Archangel," "Theotokos," "Christ is King."

Ibid. B 2. *Of toils.* Meaning: the army that releases one from labors.

Ibid. 8. *On the tips.* Meaning: on the tips of poles and reeds. For the very spear that carries the cross, or the emperor’s image, or the gaping jaw of a dragon, he thinks of as a pole, as if it were a kind of reed.

Ibid. 9. *With snake-skins.* *Pholis* instead of *lebyris*; it is the skin of the serpent, or the scales of the skin.

Ibid. C 1. *Most uneducated.* He was educated in these trifling matters which consist of letters and sounds that dissolve into the air; but he was most uneducated in saving matters that remain for those who have acquired them.

^A *Paucis*. Our mystery is for the few—that is, for those who are pure and most keen in contemplation; it is old to the many who walk upon the ground, but new and recent to the few who are on higher ground.

*Martyres*. Nor did you ensure that martyrs were made through you. For he had previously said that he also begrudged us the glory of martyrdom.

*Apparitiones*. These are the holy ones who appeared to those laboring at sea or otherwise in danger, and those who, because of foresight, announced and proclaimed future events.

*Scedia*. Those things which are brought about extemporaneously.

*Autourgon strategeian*. A strategy carried out by himself, in which the king reigns and acts as general through his own person.

*Vitiosa affectione vacuus*. We have within ourselves both anger and love, and whatever else of this kind has been implanted in our nature by God for human beings; which, according to our free will, we turn toward the worse, rejecting the love of better things and miserably coveting things that are corporeal and unstable. Likewise, we neglect the path of anger against our passions and unjustly rage against our own fellow countrymen.

^B *Persa*. Among whom he also paid a penalty—not one in proportion to his impiety, yet a penalty sufficient for the present time.

*Quod licet*. His zeal and contention against us. There was no middle ground for Julian between the open manifestation of his plans and their concealment. But he had reached such a height of fury and insanity that he did not cease to stir up hatred against us up and down. If he had been even moderately sensible, he would have rarely spoken and given an inkling of his opinion, while for the most part remaining silent and hidden. For this is the middle ground between speaking out and not revealing everything to everyone.

*Ab hac nova*. For those who held the same views as Julian were saying that philosophy and kingship had now come together into one.

*Admiranda*. These things are said ironically.

*Hé dromos*. In other texts, it is written with the rough breathing; that is, through which philosophy and kingship [come] these results—these goods that exist only in word. But the people who are in discord [experience] these evils, which are not [merely] in words, as the good things are, but are present to be seen in the very act itself. He says this to mock the Platonists.

*Perithrylleisthai*. To be echoed in vain.

*Hé pros eudoxian*. He wishes, as I suppose, that these [things] which were evils for Julian, should turn out to his glory, just as he himself intended, so that they might [contribute] either to the safety of the Roman commonwealth (as the text has it) or to his own glory—*pro* being used here where I have already interpreted it.

*Hostis an*. What are these [things]? The claim of the Greeks that now kingship and philosophy have come together into one. And thence, he says, the people are happy, having returned to that golden age.

^D *Diathesin*. Here he says *diathesin* (disposition) instead of *hexis* (habit). For disposition is something in progress, eventually becoming a habit, while a habit constitutes something firm and perfect as a good in the soul. And we Christians have...

^A the great mystery of our faith, to be manifested not according to disposition, but with God, and according to what is greater and better, namely, the habit. Therefore, the Father has used the term "disposition" to mean "habit."

Col. 604 C 6. *By word*. This is a correction. What do I mean by the hosts of angels? It was easy for him to avenge himself upon the wicked enemies by word alone.

Col. 605 A 1. *We dismiss them*. Why do we dismiss such ridiculous things to the theater? Because we shall never defeat those who play there with these kinds of ridiculous things. He signifies by "Karrhen" [bald head] the head which the mimes, while acting, were accustomed to strike.

Ibid. 11. *Of Minos*. Minos, being the son of Zeus, was considered a just man. Therefore, what the divine Gregory says is this: that Julian was concealing his own wickedness by means of a feigned character, being unjust while under the mask of a just man. ^B

Ibid. 13. *Leniter (Gently)*. That is, in the guise and form of moderation. That adverb signifies both "very much" and "wonderfully," and "contrary to expectation," and "with moderation and kindness," as it signifies here; and it also means "moderately," or "congruently."

Ibid. C 1. *Emperors*. It is of one who is openly censuring kings.

Ibid. 4. *To assemble*. In other places, *sunkrotein* has the force of [teaching]; but here it signifies to gather, to connect, and to constitute. Therefore, *sunkrotei* means: he binds together and connects appropriately. And *dei* (it is necessary), is said for "[one] ought." The word *dei* has four meanings. For *dei* is used for "[one] ought"; and *dei* is used for "there is need." As, for instance, "There is need of money, and without these, nothing can be done of the things that ought to be done" (Demosthenes). And *dei* is used for "he binds," and *dee* (in dissolution) is used for "he keeps away."

Ibid. 8. *In images*. In statues and painted images.

Ibid. 15. *Signs*. What they call *codicilli* (titles/rescripts). With the signs of the rulers, or their symbols.

Col. 608 A 7. *Deadly things*. Derived from *delēsasthai*, to harm.

Ibid. 10. *By the images*. Through this machine and the deceit which he devised against us.

Ibid. B 5. *Pretext*. That is: a cause, and a fabrication, and a veil for deceit.

*More base*. The positive is *aischron* (base), the comparative is *aischion* (more base).

Ibid. 12. *Of one approaching*. Of one overtaking. For it is not of one ^C coming before.

Ibid. 15. *Devised*. Found out suddenly and immediately.

Ibid. D 2. *Again*. That is, again the screen and covering for sophistry is presented, and the deceit is cloaked.

Ibid. 3. *To be treated with drugs*. To be mixed, compounded, and put together.

Ibid. 5. *With which*. Of madness and greed.

Col. 609 A 12. *Figure*. What figure? That of giving law to an older imperial gift. ^D

^A *Which it is a sin to infringe.* One ought not to act in this manner, but immediately to recover and reclaim what is religious through conversion and repentance.

*Poculum* (Cup). A certain kind of drinking vessel or goblet; as: "There is many a slip between the cup and the lip."

*Zelo et iracundia* (With zeal and anger). Zeal is, as I have said many times already, a desire for some good, arising in the soul without envying its possessor. These men were also desiring to imitate the holy martyrs, to suffer death for Christ, having rejected their former errors through repentance; and by a more recent consciousness and knowledge of the evil, they were blotting out the sin of their previous ignorance and of their false and deceitful denial through confession.

*Indicem* (An index). A manifest indication of the evil ^B is when, having suddenly arisen, a fire is vomited forth, usually like a river.

*Decretum* (A decree). According to which the tyrant had not hitherto openly inflicted violence.

*Ut enim præteream* (For to pass over). The figure of preterition, by which one speaking abruptly appears not to be speaking.

*Explebantur* (They were filled). By the populace, of course.

*Pro his rebus* (For these things). For the sacred houses, for the laity or the deacons, or rather, simply for all who were subject to the priests.

*Heliopolitarum* (Of the Heliopolitans). Where Christians were daily beaten and killed.

*Conspectum* (A sight). The nature of the mixture had nothing similar to it. For what is more horrible than to have mixed human flesh with barley ^C and thrown it as feed to pigs?

*Cujuslibet conditionis* (Of any condition). That is, from the rich and the needy, from the ruler and the ruled, from the slave and the free.

*Atque huic quidem carnes* (And to this, indeed, flesh). For the wasps and bees. We know, however, that when the masculine gender is joined with the feminine, even if there are many feminine [nouns], and only one masculine [noun], the masculine prevails.

*Symbolum* (A symbol). Someone might perhaps say: "Behold, even the saints know how to study symbols." We say, therefore, that since they were pure and holy, and always keeping their eyes fixed upon the lucid mirrors of truth, they saw all things purely. Hence there is nothing among these blessed men ^D that was not said or done with truth. But we, being for the most part, or rather entirely, destitute of this measure and height of virtue, ought by no means to strive for such things or to give any attention at all to them, since for us there are only a few enigmas of truth, but the greatest ignorance of it.

*Aureum* (The golden [vessel]). For they were demanding of him that he should either restore and rebuild the temple for them which he had torn down, or pay no small sum of gold for the restoration of the temple; finally, they did not find him granting even the smallest amount. By which it was manifest that he had stood firm for the sake of piety rather than from inability. For as long as they were demanding from him only...

^A a little, it might have been suspected that he was compelled to endure such great tortures by the necessity of poverty. But after they descended ^B to the money, then it was clearly made known (for he did not yield even then), that the old man did not endure the tortures through lack of money, but in order that the hero might not surrender a great or small amount to the tormentors.

Col. 624 B 11. *In conduits.* It is the passage itself: a conduit is the act of digging, so that a conduit may be a passage. It is said that there is also this difference between a conduit and to dig, which liberation has to liberty; for even there, liberation is a way to liberty. ^C *Evocation of souls.* Namely, to evoke souls from the underworld for divination. *Legitimate.* For they belong more to magi than to pagans.

Col. 625 B 1. *Walking the middle way.* That is to say, neither inclined too much toward the pagans nor toward the Christians, but holding a middle position between the two. Otherwise: *Apodosis.* Who does not know that when a promiscuous mob had raged against us, the prefect of the nation, walking the middle way, stood judgment with ignominy? For Julian considered his moderation, and his following a middle way toward us, to be a great crime.

*Edict.* When the Athenians wished the senate to deliberate, or the people to be assembled, they would proclaim by edict that the people would gather or the senate come to the assembly on that day, and they called this an *edict*.

*New God.* Namely, Julian.

Col. 629 B 1. *First to insult.* Not the first of all the persecutors, but the first in that persecution, that is, the last one. For there has not been one uninterrupted persecution from the beginning until the end, but many according to the times, each of which had as its boundary the providence of the Lord.

*To use.* He demanded a fee from the Christians for using the courts, namely, to burn incense upon the altars set before the courts, for so small and trivial a matter.

*Common.* As if he were saying: Behold what cruelty and inhumanity toward us this most filthy man devised.

Col. 632 A 7. *Of the executioner.* Truly an executioner and transgressor of the laws, a patron and legislator according to his own worshippers.

*By the law.* Therefore, these things are all truly sanctioned by the law of the Christians, and we do not deny it, even if you rage with greater madness and howl more loudly with your demons. For it is not for everyone, O most wretched one, to ascend to the peak of good and virtue, nor to this violence and tyranny (for it would not be so beautiful), but for those who do so by authority and by our own free will. Then, since you force us to do these things, who are you and whence do you come, and by what example of the emperors who existed before you? We have one King, O you tyrant and enemy of the heavenly kingdom, who will demand from us an accounting for these things, whether to punish ^B them in the end—

^A or if, in another way, out of pity he shall lead us to supreme philosophy, or if, not having the ability, or, to speak more truly, not having pondered it much, we have been defeated by the mud and the world and the confusion within them. These things he will indeed require of us at the appropriate time; but what does it matter or concern you, O most impious tyrant?

^B *Sekois*. These words *sekos* (shrine) and *temenos* (sacred enclosure) signify the entire holy place. *Templum* (temple) signifies the altar, upon which the divine table of the mysteries is set before us, while for the Greeks an abominable idol stands in it. Hence, the meat smeared with red lead and eaten in Alexandria was called *apo sekou*, as if from the temple. For it was there, in the temple, that it was first sold. For Ptolemy Philadelphus, one of the twelve Ptolemies, provides for this meat for two reasons: or, which is the truth, because the Alexandrian bread, being unsalted, produces what is called the tapeworm, and nothing kills this as much as red lead from Sinope (which they also call *Sinopidion* from the city); or because the astrologers were telling Ptolemy that Mars, in accordance with the horoscope of the city, desired that these things be perpetually reddened. Therefore, they say, the red lead, placed with the meat, will fulfill the pleasure for Mars.

*Thaumazo* (I marvel). Instead of *kataginosko* (I blame).

*Exagitet* (Let him harass). It must be noted that to harass and persecute those who persist in confession is a greater thing than to deny.

*Habitus* (Habit). The rational habit's essence. It is worth noting that "habit" is also used concerning wickedness. For some supposed it should be said of virtue alone, and of wickedness only in terms of privation.

*Assignatam* (Assigned). Allocated separately.

*Causam obtinebimus* (We shall hold the cause). That we, indeed, having the better part, while those men have the worse—which the Gentiles will not grant.

*Parcentibus* (To those sparing). To the Christians. For we, in the times of our power, spared the Gentiles and every other nation.

*Libertatem* (Freedom). The Gentiles publicly recite, plead cases, and do other things that citizens do, with no Christian forbidding it, unless they are forbidden from showing their impiety openly and publicly. For it would not be right, where the true religion prevails everywhere, for impiety to be displayed openly.

*Crimini vertentes* (Turning it to a crime). Quite rightly. For they acted so unjustly toward the Christians when they were flourishing, as to turn against them as a crime the humanity and gentleness they had shown toward the Gentiles during their own prosperous times.

*Nobis Christianis videlicet* (To us Christians, clearly).

*Periculo* (Danger). Pay attention here: everyone who is pushed toward the abyss of despair—insofar as we are all Christians, whoever of us have been baptized into Christ. But if anyone is unable to arrive at the summit of virtue, but walks some middle path, for such a person there is no danger, though the honor and the reward for the middle path is lesser.

^A "Added." Subaudendum [implied] is "happens."

Ibid. 15. "Divine I say." That is, I speak the discourses [pertaining] to divine mandates and dogmas, and the hopes conceived therefrom.

Ibid. 2. Pindar. Pindar is one of those who sing to the lyre. This lyric poet, therefore, writes four odes of victory that are achieved. In the first of the victory odes, he says this: that each one's own trouble presses upon him; that is, every man is pained by his own evil.

Telchines. Among the Greeks, certain envious demons.

Ibid. C 9. "Even if you seem to say something just." He did not say, "even if you say something just," but "to seem to say." It is for you to seem to say something just. We also shall seem to be defeated, and on account of this opinion we shall indeed be pained, but we shall not blame you. ^B

Ibid. 14. "And to Hellenize." Thucydides the Athenian historian is our witness that the Hellenizing dialect did not belong to idolatry, but to Hellen and his children. For thus he says in the proem of his history: "It seems to me that this name did not yet apply to the whole, but before Hellen, son of Deucalion, this appellation did not exist at all; rather, other nations—the Pelasgic one for the most part—provided the name from themselves. But when Hellen and his children became powerful in Phthiotis and were invited for their advantage into other cities, each one was already called 'Hellenes' more by their language; yet it was not possible for this to prevail over everyone for a long time." Homer bears witness to this most of all. For being born ^C much later even than the Trojan events, he nowhere named them as a whole, nor others than the companions of Achilles from Phthiotis, who were also the first to be Hellenes. But in the poems he calls them Danaans, and Argives, and Achaeans. Nor indeed did he call them barbarians, because not even as Hellenes yet, as it seems to me, had they been separated into one rival name.

Col. 637 C 2. "And the things signified." Of the things signified, some are different in the meaning given by one naming and the same word—such as the word "lord" [kyrios], and "element" [stoicheion]. For at one time it signifies letters, at another time the elements, that is, the qualities from which bodies [consist]. Other things are these same things by different names, for example: "greater" [kreitton], "better" [ameinon], "better" [beltion], "more beautiful" [kallion]; and "banquet" [hestiasis] and "feast" [euochia]. ^D

Col. 640 A 3. "Hierophants." From the fact that they manifest sacred things. For they are the ministers of sacred rites [hierourgoi].

Ibid. 9. "To practice boy-love" [paiderastein]. To practice boy-love, whether basely or wisely, was lawful for all Greeks, and especially for the Athenians. And Persians too, according to Herodotus, had intercourse with boys, having learned this from the Greeks.

Ibid. "Or to practice fornication." That men practice fornication, and women be fornicators, was a custom especially among the Corinthians; among whom have been those notorious harlots, of whom Lais, and Cycna, and Salabaccho were [examples]. For Phryne was an Athenian.

^A *Select*. That is, excellent, and most known. *Common*. As sheep, ox. *Two concerning the same thing*. Regarding Hellenism, language and the cult of the gods. For if both are said to be "Hellenizing" equally, "Hellenizing" according to language and "Hellenizing" according to the cult of the gods differ greatly from one another. *A posteriori*. From dissimulated speech. *Partition*. That is, what is the property, the possession of a thing. ^B *Apostrophe* [derived] from lot, or inheritance, has been said, or from the measure of the land. For in both there is possession and property for the possessor. *Hellenic voices*. Hellas is a woman and a voice, just as Persia is both a voice, a woman, and a region. Thus also Caesarea is a woman, and Antioch, and a voice by the same name as the city; and Armenia is a woman and a voice by a name similar to the region. *Otherwise*. Searching, I find that these gentile names can frequently deviate from the norm in their derivation. For example, the city of Pagasa, whose citizen is called in three ways: Pagaseus, Pagasaeus, Pagasites; and again, Agaeus and Agaeotes. But for those in Cilicia, at Aegae, the citizen is called Aegaeus; for those in Macedonia, at Aegae, Aegaeotes; but in Attica, Aegaeus. Now the Pagasae in Thessaly had their name from the fact that [the ship] Argo took its beginning there, according to the place. And not only is Alexandria a woman, but also Alexandris; thus also Cappadocis. ^C *Nor any art*. An institution is mostly of art. For it is instituted concerning things with art and without art: for example, to fast, to be wise, simply and not to live exquisitely; for if there is any art, this is also an institution; but if it is an institution, it is not therefore an art. *Yet all things into the midst*. To discuss and to enumerate such things pertains to your sacred and religious soul, but not to that demoniacal one of the impious [man] and of his like. *Phoenician letters*. [Some] say that the Egyptians first of all formed letters, then the Phoenicians collected them, and afterwards Cadmus, the son of Agenor, when he had betaken himself from Phoenicia into Greece, transported them thence into that region. Now there were formerly only sixteen letters, but afterwards they say eight more were discovered: four indeed by Palamedes, the remaining four by the poet Simonides. ^D *A depraved and wicked host*. He calls it a host of rebellion, against the laws and regulations which he set forth, so that Christians might be deprived of the learning that had been composed out of many things, and subsequently he might divide the host and the system of arguments upon it. But would that, he says, that host itself against religion were most quickly dissolved; for thus we would have been freed from very many evils. *Of initiations*. They were prayers which are made among us concerning those who are sick, and those who are absent, and concerning the fruits, and such things.

SCHOLIA ON THE FIRST ORATION OF SAINT GREGORY AGAINST JULIAN

Ultra cogitationis somnium. Whether it resulted in greater profit for the miserable Julian that he did not reign beyond the vision in his dreams. For if, to us who toil more and yield to none of our adversaries, there are more crowns, to him there was a greater punishment, in proportion as he persecuted the saints more—so, at least, I judge. For the holy Father has posed this as a doubtful point. It was of greater profit to Julian to depart more quickly, and by this to incur less punishment from heaven. For to us who have struggled and conquered, the honor and glory are greater, and the praise from God, both together and as a crown, is higher and more blessed than all glory, as we do not sustain this contest and struggle much longer: for with no one now persecuting, there was no danger. ^A He calls "the dream" the fantasy through dreams, the sight in sleep. "To dream" is the verb, meaning "I see through dreams." And "to dream" [as a waking fantasy] is the dream of one who is awake. For what is imagined by many, this signifies "to dream" among the learned. "To be imagined" is properly "to be seen."

Simiorum imitationes. It is clear that apes are not men. So therefore it is also evident that Julian imitated Christian customs, inasmuch as he meditated establishing schools and similar things.

Ibid. 4. [Nec vero quidquam.] That is, nothing so convenient, nothing so easy.

Ibid. 8. Conventuum finis. Of the Gentiles, naturally; for what else was the end of their assemblies but vanity, having much impiety, but more infirmity?

Col. 652 ^B 6. Beatam. Namely the Church, the administration of affairs. "Blessed" is here used ironically.

Ibid. 11. Risum in lacrymis. This Callimachus reports: "Nor without weeping Has the Omnipotent given to humans to pour forth laughter."

Ibid. 10. Describant. Instead of, "let them write down" those who are about to occupy the front seats according to the order.

Tæniæ. It is a diadem of the head, made of fabric, placed on the forehead instead of a crown; with this women are crowned, and especially Roman women, and often by historians is the verb "to gird with bands" used.

^D Hæc quidem. That is, these things stand in this way.

Col. 653 ^A 1. Interpretes. An interpreter is the minister who reads the reading to the presiding priests, just as we call them readers or deacons.

Ibid. 9. In eos injectæ. Against the gods, naturally, by the most powerful giants. For Enceladus, as the senseless say, cast Sicily upon Jupiter; then Jupiter, having turned it upon him, buried him, and Enceladus lies beneath Sicily.

Acerbi eorum. Of the giants, naturally.

Ibid. 11. Chimæra. Chimæra is called the she-goat in winter-

born. Now, however, he speaks concerning that of Patara.

Ibid. 12. "Ambition of every evil." Instead of abundance, lavishness, luxury. But as I have often said, there are three meanings of the word: contentiousness, vainglory or pride, and thirdly, that which is bountiful and generous.

Ibid. B 10. "To spare others." Spare, you Greeks. Because of the irony, he said "grandiloquence."

Col. 656 A 15. "Of an adulteress." The word *moichas* or *moichalis* (adulteress) is not used. Instead of the noun, the writers use the participle, as in *the one being ravaged by adultery*. But the holy Fathers did not concern themselves with the total precision of these cheap little words, being men of God; rather, there are instances where they intentionally overlooked them, preferring the truth of the facts, which is of a nature neither to be exalted nor humbled by names. And Lacon (Lacedaemonian) implies *Lacaena*, just as *dracon* (dragon) implies *dracaena* (she-dragon). And these are the parts of the Peloponnese: Laconica, Heliaca, Messeniaca, Argolica, Arcadica.

Ibid. C 2. "Of the customary." Concerning nature, clearly.

Ibid. 4. "By counsel." It is a massive and most shameful folly that the things among the Greeks are considered divine and venerable; and not only that, but there is not even any ancient learning among them, as they themselves say, neither human nor divine. "You Greeks are always children," says Plato somewhere in his dialogues; for among the Greeks there is no ancient learning. It is stated in the *Critias* to Solon, who was acting haughtily before a certain one of the hierophants in Heliopolis in Egypt, who knew and testified at the same time that those who inhabited the land of Greece were much younger than the others. For both those who inhabited it from the beginning, and those who increased it after them, came and stayed—some from Egypt, others from Asia. As Danaus, the father of fifty daughters; as Pelops, as Cadmus, as Phoenix.

Ibid. 7. "And let them be ambitious." Instead of: but also let them be proud.

Ibid. 12. "Naked theologians." Those who philosophized about divine things without any veil.

Ibid. D 2. "In images." Instead of: in sculpture and painting.

Col. 657 A 3. "Being able to be pious." How is it not foolish, when it is possible to be pious without harm, to prefer to be impious with harm?

Ibid. 14. "They praise." The poets.

Ibid. B 1. "To whom." To the poets, clearly.

Ibid. 4. "Of the laws." Of the Greek laws, clearly.

Ibid. 5. "Together and publicly." For the poets do nothing else but represent the gods in their comedies. And there are times when they also represent them in tragedies, making their misfortunes public.

Ibid. 9. "Of the double." Instead of: of the twofold. For most of the words of divine Scripture are twofold. For by showing one thing in the apparent sense, they grant another to be understood in the hidden sense. And the name "duplicity" is found among the holy Fathers.

Ibid. 12. "Just like some beautiful body." May it take a body...

^A you will receive the hidden sense, but the written letter as a garment.

Ibid. C 3. "May they be vexed." The Attics construct the verb "to be vexed" with an accusative; but here the Father has constructed it with a dative, as if to say, "I am vexed on account of this." He speaks regarding those things which are made manifest and which are understood, and of the meanings of these same things. "What is the understanding?" Through rocks concealed by the surf, to hasten toward the harbor. Proboloi are cliffs and underwater shoals, invisible rocks; such as exist under the *halas*, that is, the sea.

Col. 660 ^A 1. "Contemplative passage." Instead of, dogmatic. And in other places, "way" is found.

Ibid. 2. "From the hypotheses." Instead of, from the foundations, and bases, and groundworks; for that which is made manifest among the Greeks is more beautiful than that which is allegorized and understood. ^B

Ibid. 5. "Of the same." These things among the Greeks do not agree with one another, as often what is said to one man seems to have been said to another and yet another, and not to him.

Ibid. 12. "To fashion them." Will they, by using the counsels of Isocrates, be able to make themselves better? Let them not honor the gods, then. For those gods also quarrel with one another, and are more unjust and debauched than just and sensible, so that it is worthy for a man who wishes to be sensible and just to hate the gods; and it is reasonable to hate Isocrates himself, and if any other is nearly similar to them, because when having praised and taught many good things, they introduced the worship of wicked gods.

Ibid. 14. "Concord is best." It must be read with negation. ^C

Ibid. B 4. "By what will they teach this?" Concord, clearly.

Ibid. 14. "Toward the better." It is clear that he speaks toward virtue.

Ibid. C 2. "Where there is the evil." Where, he says, in the usage of evil things. It is clear that being evil as a man is not only not disgraceful, but is honorable, inasmuch as some god is the leader of that evil, or the passion of which is the evil, or the passion itself is honored with altars and sacrifices. Thus you will rightly understand it by taking the accusative instead of the genitive. Just as we take *exon* ["being allowed"] and *paron* ["being present"] instead of *exontos* and *parontos* ["of that which is allowed/present"]; so here, instead of "of some god being the leader," the accusative must be taken. ^D

Ibid. 12. "Second to them." He said "second," since he had previously appointed... which... they are unable to have, namely, concord.

Ibid. 13. "The first cause." Instead of, parents after the divine.

Col. 661 ^A 8. "Sacellium." *Sacellium* is a Roman word, signifying the custody of money, whence they also call the treasurer and guardian of money a *sacellarius*.

Ibid. B 2. "To Phrygian youths." A *meirakiskos*...

[adolescentulus] is so called from *meion* [less], because it is permitted to say *meion* and *hetton* [less] of a young man, in the way that we also speak of the youth among men.

Libamina. This is said from *leibein*, that is, to drip, to pour a libation. ^A

An vero hæc [But as for these things]. After he has enumerated the customs of the Greeks, and shown that they are all full of no mediocre and ordinary folly and filth, he now sets forth our own customs, as it were in summary and in brief speech, demonstrating that they are all lofty and divine in every respect.

Malum exstitisse [For evil to have existed]. Not only is the existence of evil a crime for us, but also to have been little removed from evil, and to have committed it merely in thought.

Perjurium [Perjury]. What do I say, he asks, that it is a most grave impiety for Christians to swear an oath, since for us alone even the act of swearing truthfully is forbidden? For the Word desires to root out not only the results, but also the very beginnings of base things. ^B

Immortale [Immortal]. That is, through that which is rational.

Ne levissimis quidem [Not even at the slightest]. Just as to turn one's eyes and mind toward a woman solely for the sake of concupiscence.

Juxta leges [According to laws]. According to political laws, that is, and according to that ancient and divine law itself, since it was a shadow and type of the perfection in Christ. For Moses did not say: Do not be impelled, nor will you meditate on desiring or killing at the beginning; but: "You shall not covet, you shall not commit adultery, you shall not kill" (Exod. xx, 17, 14, 13); so that here one is deterred not from the entering upon the act, but from the concluding intention.

Obsecrent [Let them beseech]. That is, let them exhort one another to virtue.

Non in virtute proficere [Not to progress in virtue]. It does not befit Christians, says the Father, not to progress in virtue and to become more distinguished by increments. For those who always and entirely cling to one good thing are like the children who are accustomed to play this game: ^C indeed, they place a top on a smooth spot, and by striking it with a cord, they make it spin, from which it happens that it is always moved by one and the same motion, and therefore they do not progress at all, but stand in the same place.

Alias pro στρομβῶν [Elsewhere for *strombōn*] it is read with a circumflex accent. Regarding these, the rule is that if they are appellative nouns, they are long; but if they are adjectives, they are short: one must therefore observe how the word is accepted. *Strophai* [turns], therefore, are called *strombos* [tops]; but the thing that is turned is an *akropinion* [a top].

In vitio ponimus [We place it in vice]. Observe how he said that it is a vice to seem to remain in the same state, and not to advance toward some *greater* good. For in truth we, the Christians of the present day, are indeed thus according to the moral life; the majority of us, even according to the contemplative life itself, are like a man painted in a picture, who bears the habit and form of a man, but has neither motion nor any power; who is indeed deemed worthy of the name, but is removed from the action. Such are the majority of Christians now, which is something to be wept over, since I myself am the first among them. ^D

ANONYMOUS SCHOLIA ON GREGORY’S SECOND ORATION AGAINST JULIAN THE EMPEROR

Col. 663 ^A 5. *Scope*. "To what scope," he says, "I do not know if anyone else has attempted to speak." That is: I do not know if anyone else before me has set forth in discourse a fitting end for the tyrant.

*To add to what has been said*. What is this? To add to the prior discourses the just decree of the Master regarding the tyrant.

8. *Is counterbalanced* (ἀντιταλαντεύεται). That is: is weighed and examined.

11. *Calamity*. Of the Arians, clearly.

12. *To bring to one's senses* (σωφρονίζειν). To restrain.

13. *He understands the measures*. The prologue concludes at this point.

B 5. *Pointless regrets* (ἀνοήτους μεταμελείας). Reasonably so. In the act of suffering, there is necessity, and one does not have knowledge of the way, or repentance.

10. *Might recount in tragic style* (ἐκτραγωδήσειεν). If one were to recount how many things he committed against divine houses, or this and that atrocity, who could recount and amplify them as they deserve? For this must be taken in a general sense.

15. *Those who have acted youthfully* (νεανιευσαμένοις). The term "to act youthfully" (νεανιεύεσθαι) is derived from this: because youths, being strong in their vigor, pride themselves in it and are very much given to ambition. Thus, "to act youthfully" is when someone, having power, is ambitious in his authority and prides himself.

17. *I shall pass over* (ὑπερβήσομαι). This is the figure of speech called preterition, in which, by being completely silent about the matters, we provide only an impression of them.

Col. 668 ^A 1. *Having insulted the Spirit*. I insult the thing and I insult *with* the thing (ἐνυβρίζω τῷ πράγματι).

B 2. *Divining* (ἐπιθειάζων). That is: declaring the divine oracles to be attested among the Jews, for instance, by inciting and exhorting the most fickle Jews, supposedly, toward their return and the building of the temple. He supposedly calls to witness their God, and His predictions, that He might not hinder the time of their return which was at hand, but rather that He would be ready to assist in this. In this sense, and in the historian, the term *epitheiazein* (divining) is found.

C 5. *Considering them lower*. Whatever they were doing, they considered each thing of less importance than that to which they were applying such great zeal.

6. *Storm-wind* (λαίλαπος). *Lailaps* is a wind with a vortex; but the swelling of the earth is clearly an earthquake.

9. *Help*. They rushed, that is, thinking that the miracle had occurred on their behalf. Others held different opinions and had different impulses.

15. *Terror* (κατάπληξιν). The Divine manifests its power in such times for two reasons: that both the impious, having been struck with terror, might stop their impiety, and that those who...

have been pious might become more religious, being confirmed in the faith by what has occurred.

^A *Nadab and Abiud*. When *pros* occurs with the dative, the element that precedes it must also take the dative, so that it should be "the prodigy concerning Nadab and Abiud," instead of "prodigies concerning them," with the preposition used here for another. The Atticists also know how to use the word *peri* with the dative instead of *peri* with the genitive.

*Truncated in the extremities of the body*. Whether by hands, or feet, or nose, or ears. Notice this structure of words: "He curtailed him of this member." To curtail (*akroteriázein*) is to cut off the extremities.

^B *Compson* (elegant). The word *compson* is used in four ways: of a woman or youth who is beautifully adorned, or of one who is splendid, or of one who is easygoing and healthy, or of one who is witty and charming. It is derived from the word *kompos* (boasting/pride).

*Concerning the celestial things*. Things above and things below are the servants of one Lord, the Creator. It is not surprising, therefore, that the things above know how to sympathize with our own miseries.

*That also the cities*. What cities of the inhabited world does he mean here, which have been overwhelmed by seas and leveled by earthquakes?

*En geitónōn* (in the neighborhoods). It must be written *en geitónōn* with the nu; for they are two parts of speech—instead of "in those of the neighbors."

*Of much time*. That is, there is need of much time to restore them.

^C *All the elegance of the weaver’s calculation*. That is, of the art of weaving. *Calculi* (pebbles/tesserae), as I suppose, of the Musonian style, or which the art has skillfully adorned in garments.

*Signo* (By the signal). *Sýnthēma* (signal) is strictly the sign given by the general to the soldiers, so that they may recognize one another during the battle. It is also used improperly (*katachrēstikōs*) for what someone says or does by agreement. For it is said on account of "putting together."

*And to be initiated*. The verb "to be initiated" (*myēthēnai*) is construed with the accusative and the genitive.

*To the very head*. That is, the chief and supreme.

*Most humane*. This is said by irony.

^D *Hypiestai* (to yield). *Hypiestai* means to submit and to fear. This involves betraying something that we have the power to do, in which case it is indeed possible to retreat, but to betray—with the baseness of one who is yielding and afraid—something of that which does not exceed our powers. Thus, to retreat with such baseness is a matter of cowardice; to retreat with reason and counsel, however, in an honorable way, is a matter of caution and prudence, not of cowardice. In both, then—in cowardice and in caution—one can retreat, but it is of cowardice if we retreat with the baseness we have described; it is of caution if we retreat with prudent counsel, which we find...

^A *Obtrudere*. To thrust upon. The word is *obtrudere*; the noun, however, is *obtrusio*, a tumult.

*Inconsulte*. Inconsiderately, imprudently.

*Pœnas*. Those who paid the penalty for an unreasoning impulse, being cut down in the borders of the Persians in the midst of their success, so that, as the tragic poet says, I might not reproach Fortune. You must understand these things as being transposed in this way.

^B *Votiva victima*. Namely, when those who are sacrificing or those being sacrificed obtain favorable and propitious signs from the liver. This foolish man, therefore, having obtained what he thought were favorable signs—which *kallieresei* signifies—said that if affairs confirmed the omens, he would subject all Christians and sacrifice them to the demons. Otherwise: *kallierein* signifies obtaining propitious signs in sacrificing from the liver. For in the liver there appeared the things that were to come to pass, whether good or, on the contrary, painful, as those simpletons used to think. Therefore, they used to say *kallierein* when they obtained good and favorable omens from the victims.

*Assyriæ*. That is, flowing through the middle of the region of the Assyrians. Just as *diaplein* is to sail through the middle; *periplein* to sail in a circle; *paraplein* to sail alongside the land; so now also *diarrhein* is to flow through the middle; *pararrhein* and *parameibesthai* is to flow along one side of the place; and *perirrhein* is to flow from every side.

*Cepisset*. Namely, having captured and devastated the region of the Assyrians. No wonder. For it was necessary to gain possession of this first, before attacking the Persians, who are situated more toward the east than the Assyrians.

^C *Utrum enim dicitur*. Namely, because he came swiftly, and the Persians, retreating by design, lured him on to proceed further.

*Arena pedibus subtracta*. He who walks upon sand, if one suddenly removes it—escaping notice—he necessarily falls and does not walk; and otherwise, when the shore is wet, the sand is withdrawn from under the feet.

*Tενάγεσιν* (In the shallows). A *tenagos* is mud with a little standing water and herbage appearing on the water. But a *helos* (marsh) is mud with much water poured together, and deep vegetation, or papyrus, or reeds growing up from the mud, and standing above the water.

^D *Oχυρωτέραν* (More fortified). *Ochyroutai* and *echyroutai*. *Echyrotēra* (is written) with an omega; for the second syllable is shortened. We are not ignorant of the rule of comparatives and superlatives, according to which such words are shortened or lengthened.

*Natura*. He calls the marsh a natural defense, but the walls and the trench, man-made.

*Διεξελάσαι* (To drive through/lead through). So that the naval forces should not be endangered by passing through the middle of the cities in the river, he broke through the river and, having cut it off, diverted it.

*Ἐξ ὑπερδεξιῶν* (From the superior positions). That is, from the higher places. For the higher places, they say, are *hyperdexia* (superior to the right). The two towns, Ctesiphon and Coche, were situated higher than the Euphrates.

A tergo*. He leaves Ctesiphon and Coche behind: it was impossible to conquer them. He passed them by, leaving them in his rear.

^A *Perfossam* (The dug-out). It was a former canal, he says, which Julian restored and dug out once again.

*A fronte* (In the front). The Persian forces were deciding that it was by no means convenient to take a stand in the front and in an opposing battle line, and to fight with him.

*Pareikoi*, where opportunity might be given. *Pareikon* stands for that which gives way to a man or any other living thing, and receives him, perhaps in a precipice or in a difficulty; thus it is also among the writers. Otherwise, it stands for: where the hills and the narrow places might receive them.

*Via transilibus* (Throughways). A *diodos* is a way through the middle of some hills, having an exit to the opposite side; but that which has no exit is called an *eisodos* (entry).

*Erga Romanos optime affectus* (Well disposed toward the Romans). Namely, because he had come into an offense. Thus, indeed, as I just said, Babylon in the times of Darius was captured through the audacious trickery of Zopyrus. Likewise also in the times of Cyrus: when Cyrus had made a great trench near the Euphrates and had diverted the river there, and thus had dried up the passage between them into the city (for the Euphrates flows through Babylon), having entered through that same way, thus he took the city.

^B *Ut sunt epimachon* (So liable to attack). *Epimachon*, that is, exposed to battle. The belly, therefore, which has food in abundance and safety prepared from provisions, makes an army easy to defeat and obstinate. For having food at hand, it is not in control of itself, but is intent on eating.

*Risus insuper accedebat* (Laughter was also added). Why was laughter added? Because Julian had almost destroyed himself by burning the grain.

*Osai*, to have driven. *Othesai* is the verb, and having removed the middle syllable, they say *osai*. Here, as is clearly evident, you must supply "the sword."

*Viscerum exsolvit* (He loosened the entrails). Of human entrails, of course. For, many Christians having been sacrificed by him before the war, and liver-divination having taken place there, the seers predicted from this that he would win the war; and the empty-headed man believed it. Therefore, since there was trust in, ^C of course, the ill-omened human viscera by Julian.

*Qui post illum renunciatus fuerat* (Who had been proclaimed after him). Jovian received the empire after the most impious Julian; the Persians imposing conditions of peace after the victory, he of necessity, for the safety of the army, handed over the city of Nisibis, which belonged to the Romans, to the Persians.

*Milites fracti* (The soldiers broken). How, he says, was he not powerful? Because the soldiers were broken and weakened in hands and in hope.

*Hoc in more positum* (This is placed in usage). Isocrates says in his *Evagoras* regarding them, that they were primarily concerned that they should become masters of their own bodies.

SCHOLIA ON THE SECOND ORATION OF ST. GREGORY AGAINST JULIAN

^A Ibid. 9. *Fearing something else.* Fearing some other thing, he says. What? That the Romans, lest they should despair of their own safety, might act more manfully and overcome their enemies. For there is one safety for the defeated: to expect no safety— *Una salus victis nullam sperare salutem.* —and thus rush upon the victors like men doomed to die. This is indeed a maxim of the ancient Romans.

Ibid. 12. *Fire-bearer.* He calls those priests "fire-bearers" who kindle the altar. For in wars, victors are accustomed to spare the priests. But concerning those who are utterly defeated and trampled in war, it is the custom to say hyperbolically: they were so destroyed that not even a fire-bearer—that is to say, a priest—remained for the army.

Ibid. 15. *To anticipate success.* Even a very slight success in war is enough to be a basis for the greatest hope for the future.

Col. 684 A 7. *Of the treaties.* Of the conditions, that is. Ibid. *That one.* Julian. Ibid. *This one.* The one who succeeded him, that is. Ibid. C 4. *Homonymous to those.* He calls the city of Constantine homonymous to those—to Constantine, that is, and to Constantius. Ibid. 7. *Prize.* He means the voice being heard.

Col. 685 B 3. *Armed array.* A man is *éΝοπλος* (armed); a thing is *ἐΝόπλιος* (armed), as in "armed dance" or "armed array."

Ibid. 6. *And the audacious one.* What is the point of saying "and" this and that? But Julian himself, having lately played the tyrant rather than reigned, occurred and proceeded [with his own funeral rites].

Ibid. 10. *Favor.* By granting royal honor to the deceased, he received royal honor in return, as he escorted the body wrapped in the purple.

Col. 688 A 4. *Publicly.* With curses assailing him and devoting him to disaster. And the Antiochenes in particular cast many reproaches upon him.

Ibid. 5. *Buffoons (βωμολόχοις).* We call "buffoons" the lowly and the poor—that is, those lying in wait at the altars and sitting near them, so that someone might do them a kindness, bestowing something for necessary food. "Buffoons" is also a term for birds that fly around the altar and snatch some meat from the victims, such as ravens, kites, and birds of that kind. The term, therefore, is applied to the lowly.

Ibid. *Mimics of ridiculous things.* The flute players and dancers from the theater went before the remains of the impious Julian, as was fitting. He was escorted, therefore, with pipe-playing and dancing, both because of his renunciation of the faith and because of the defeat of the war.

Ibid. 15. *Most defiled tomb.* "Defilement" (ἄγος) is always taken in reference to an evil, to pollution; but *ἁγιστεία* and *ἁγιστεύειν* refer to what is pure and holy. *Ἁγιστεύει* is used instead of "he purifies."

Ibid. B 6. *By two or three.* Not ignorant that greater...

^A mischiefs had been wrought in the state, had not God quickly cut it off. For he had around him such impious and godless men, who would have quickly devastated the state, had not matters quickly been relieved of these scourges.

*Ampotes* (ebb). *Ampotes*, as has already been said, is the opposite of tide. These are affections of the sea, narrowly confined by islands and by corners. *Ampotes* is when there occurs a reciprocation and absorption of water into some subterranean abysses, with it appearing again a little later. Therefore, being sucked back is called *ampotes*, and flowing back out is called *rhachia*. This happens many times in the day, especially when the wind blows. The Euripus in Greece suffers this, which is so called from *eutrepesthai* (to be easily turned), since it is easily turned and changed. ^B

*Elysian Fields.* Just as Christian teaching affirms that there is a certain Paradise, so also do the Greeks describe a certain place, which they call the Islands of the Blessed; and they name it the Elysian Field, to which those who have lived righteously go—from *eleusesthai* (to go thither). And Rhadamanthus, the son of Zeus, the judge in Hades, sends those who have sinned to the Cocytus and the Phlegethon, but the good to the Islands of the Blessed.

*Sodalis* (Comrade). Plato and all other philosophers call those who devote themselves to philosophy with a sincere mind "comrades," as if friends. But Julian, as he is called a philosopher, is not puffed up with the kingdom, but imitates, of course, Plato and the philosophers, calling everyone "comrades" and "good," and this word is very ^C common in his conversations. — *Propino* (to drink or pledge) means this: all ancient kings, when celebrating solemn sacred rites, would receive gold or silver goblets full of drink from the cupbearer, and after them draining a little from the cup, they would then hand it to whomsoever they wished, bestowing the cup. This was a symbol of much friendship, and to pledge is called *propinare*. That day is *philotesia*. Finally, *larygizein* (to babble/gurgle) is an imitation of sound, when someone delights in what he says with his voice, and lets it—so to speak—press upon the voice.

*Defluere* (to flow down), for to fall, to wither: a metaphor taken from flowers.

*Comessationibus* (Revellings). *Comessari* is when one behaves shamefully in drunkenness. The noun is *kōmos*, a revel. ^D

*Cingamus* (Let us crown). With roses, to be sure, or lilies, or myrtles, or lotus, or laurel.

*Tibicinum cantu* (With the song of the flute). *Synaulia* is when two or more flute-players play together, either the same or different things: one on the reed, another on the horn, another on the metal. We also call it *synaulia* if someone sings while the lyre and the flute sound together.

*Novae lunae festum* (Feast of the new moon). The Greeks properly call the new moons *hieromenias*, and improperly, a feast.

INDEX OF ORATIONS.

New Order. Old Order. XLII. A final farewell before one hundred and fifty bishops, 748. XXXII. XLIII. Funeral oration in praise of Basil the Great, bishop of Caesarea in Cappadocia, 770. XX. XLIV. On the new Sunday, 835. XLIII. XLV. On the holy Pascha, 845. XLII.

IN THE APPENDIX. Signification of Ezekiel, 870. XLVII. Metaphrase of Ecclesiastes, 874. LIII. On the orthodox faith against the Arians, 894. XLIX. On the orthodox faith, second treatise, 906. L. Orations, formerly XLV, XLVI, LI, LII, now among the Epistles.

INDEX OF THE ORATIONS OF ST. GREGORY NAZIANZEN

IN WHICH THE OLD ORDER IS COMPARED WITH THE NEW.

Old Order | New Order | | Page --- | --- | --- | --- I. | II. | Apologetic oration in which he explains the reasons for which, after the dignity of the priesthood was imposed upon him, he fled into Pontus, and again returned to Nazianzus; and what the profession of a priest is, | 11. II. | III. | To those who had summoned him, but had not met him, | 68. III. | IV. | Against the emperor Julian, first invective, | 78. IV. | V. | Second invective against the emperor Julian, | 147. V. | X. | On himself, to his father and Basil the Great after his return from flight, | 239. VI. | XI. | To Gregory of Nyssa, brother of Basil the Great, who had come after his consecration, | 241. VII. | IX. | Apologetic to his father Gregory, while Basil the Great was present, when he had been created bishop of Sasima, | 234. VIII. | XII. | To his father, when he had entrusted to him the care of the Nazianzen Church, | 248. IX. | XIX. | On his own discourses, and to Julian the tax-assessor, | 364. X. | VII. | Funeral oration in praise of his brother Caesarius, while his parents were still living, | 198. XI. | VIII. | Funeral oration in praise of his sister Gorgonia, | 218. XII. | VI. | First [oration] on peace, concerning the reconciliation of the monks, after silence, while his father was present, | 178. XIII. | XXIII. | Third [oration] on peace, which those who are of the same faith composed after the dispute, | 425. XIV. | XXII. | Second [oration] on peace, delivered in the city of Constantine, concerning the contention that had arisen among the people regarding certain bishops who were at odds with one another, | 414. XV. | XVI. | On his father, who was silent on account of the calamity of the hailstorm, | 299. XVI. | XIV. | On the love of the poor, | 257. XVII. | XVII. | To the citizens of Nazianzus, struck by heavy fear, and to the angry prefect, | 317. XVIII. | XXIV. | In praise of the holy martyr Cyprian, when Gregory had returned from the countryside on the day after his solemn commemoration, | 437. XIX. | XVIII. | Funeral oration on his father, while Basil was present, | 330. XX. | XLIII. | Funeral oration in praise of Basil the Great, bishop of Caesarea in Cappadocia, | 770.

INDEX OF ORATIONS

| Old Order | New Order | | Page | | :--- | :--- | :--- | :--- | | XXI. | XXI. | In praise of the Great Athanasius, | 386. | | XXII. | XV. | In praise of the Maccabees, | 286. | | XXIII. | XXV. | In praise of Heron the philosopher, | 454. | | XXIV. | XXXIV | On the arrival of the Egyptians, | 619 | | XXV. | XXXIII | Against the Arians and concerning himself. | 603. | | XXVI | XXXII. | On the preservation of moderation in disputations, and that it is not for every man, nor at every time, to dispute about God, | 579. | | XXVII. | XXXVI. | Concerning himself, and to those who said that he was coveting the Constantinopolitan see, and concerning the alacrity which the people had shown toward him, | 634. | | XXVIII. | XXVI. | On his return from the country, after the things which had been perpetrated by Maximus, | 471. | | XXIX. | XX. | On the dogma and constitution of bishops, | 376. | | XXX. | XIII. | On the consecration of Eulalius, bishop of Doara, | 253. | | XXXI. | XXXVII. | On the text of the Gospel: "When Jesus had finished these discourses," etc. | 645. | | XXXII. | XLII. | The final farewell before the one hundred and fifty bishops, | 748. | | XXXIII | XXVII. | First Theological Oration. Introductory dissertation against the Eunomians, | 787. | | XXXIV. | XXVIII. | Second Theological Oration. On Theology, | 495. | | XXXV. | XXIX. | Third Theological Oration. On the Son, | 522. | | XXXVI. | XXX. | Fourth Theological Oration. On the Son, | 540. | | XXXVII. | XXXI. | Fifth Theological Oration. On the Holy Spirit, | 556. | | XXXVIII. | XXXVIII. | On the Theophany, or Birth of the Savior, | 663. | | XXXIX. | XXXIX. | On the Holy Lights, | 677. | | XL. | XL. | On holy Baptism, | 691. | | XLI | I. | On holy Pascha, and on the delay, | 3. | | XLII. | XLV. | On holy Pascha, | 845. | | XLIII. | XLIV. | On the new Sunday, | 835. | | XLIV. | XLI. | On Pentecost, | 731. | | XLV. | | Epistle to Evagrius the monk concerning the divinity, now among the Epistles. | | | XLVI. | | Epistle to Nectarius, bishop of Constantinople, among the Epistles. | | | XLVII. | | Interpretation of Ezekiel; now in the Appendix of Volume I, p. | 870. | | XLVIII. | XXXV. | On the martyrs and against the Arians, | 629. | | XLIX. | | On the orthodox faith, against the Arians, in the Appendix, | 894. | | L. | | On the orthodox faith, second treatise, in the Appendix, | 906. | | LI. | | First Epistle to Cledonius the presbyter, among the Epistles. | | | LII. | | Second Epistle to Cledonius, against Apollinarius, among the Epistles. | | | LIII. | | Metaphrasis or translation of Ecclesiastes, in the Appendix, | 874. |