Dedicatory Epistle

DEDICATORY EPISTLE

TO THE MOST ILLUSTRIOUS AND MOST REVEREND

FRANCIS, CARDINAL OF THE HOLY ROMAN CHURCH, DE LA ROCHEFOUCAULD,

BISHOP OF SENLIS,

GREAT ALMONER OF FRANCE, AND ABBOT OF SAINT GENEVIEVE AT PARIS.

Whether it be better and more expedient, most illustrious Cardinal, to commit to writing the nefarious dogmas of pestiferous heresies, or to be entirely silent about them, is a question rightly debated among the wise. Some are ill-pleased by the description ^A of these sects, especially when it is diligent and minute. Others judge that there is need for a certain caution and selection, such that only those should be omitted which have already grown obsolete through antiquity, or which have been contaminated by notable filth and obscenity. The cause that chiefly moves both parties is this: because while the recollection of such decrees is universally pernicious, the deadly contagion of them, which in part lures the unwary with the enticements of obscene pleasure, and in part nevertheless suffuses those unwilling and resistant with a certain effluvium and odor of turpitude. Wherefore, ^B because Epiphanius has so diligently set forth the secret and detestable debaucheries of the Gnostics, Basilidians, Carpocratians, and Origenists, they do not indeed reprehend the deed and intent of such a most holy man, but they think it would have been better for the memory of all these things to be blotted out by oblivion; and they decree that they should be left only in the Greek, as they were written, and that they ought to be read only by those more skilled. Therefore, they contend that it is by no means to be approved that we should interpret these things into Latin, and make a promiscuous knowledge of scandals common to all.

Against all these I think it necessary to dispute briefly, both for the sake of our Epiphanius ^C and for our own. And the former, indeed—those to whom this whole business is displeasing—remove, in their own opinion, the highest and unique bulwark of the truth by committing the abstruse and recondite mysteries of heresies to writing. For they extort this from us: that sects of lies, as they are born again and again, may be most powerfully repelled and overturned by us. It is true that the mind of one who has applied himself to the framing or defending of heresy is cast into every audacity without any shame. But yet, there is no one among those patrons of absurd opinions who, once convicted and condemned, is not in some measure ashamed of his error. Let the heretics be iron-willed, as they are: let them be stubborn: let them ^D frame themselves to resist more fiercely in the very heat and agitation of arguing: yet he who has learned this, and who has discovered through the sure testimonies of the ancients that those dogmas were long ago acknowledged and repudiated by the ancient Fathers and councils and by the common consent of Christians, before those very men whom he follows, the interpolators of these things, ever existed—there will scarce be any, I think, whose contumacy, unless it could be broken and tamed, would not have at least more languid eruptions and impulses, and gradually, of itself, cooled and enervated, fall away. Therefore, those commentaries that are written about heresies have this fruit: that in every age the supporters of perfidy and their satellites may recognize in them the primary authors whom they themselves would blush to own.

Now, those who order that certain heresies—and those either obliterated or infamous for their turpitude—be omitted, demand a certain difficult moderation: the use of which, even if asked by us, they cannot explain. For if they could certainly promise that those portents of opinions, once they were suppressed and buried, would never again emerge unless they stood in books, nor be stirred from their tombs and ashes, then I would think nothing to be preferred to this counsel of theirs.

^A But since, nevertheless, at stated intervals of time, those very same monsters—though cut down and slaughtered so many times—revive; since the devil, the architect and inventor of those heresies, persists, even when all memory of books has been extinguished; since he is endowed with the same arts and machinations, and the same cunning and wickedness to restore them: our choice of these things does not help us; and against the danger of a returning malady, those ancient and most certain safeguards must be provided. Truly, that design for writing and the opportunity regarding certain heresies could have been cast out some years, or even centuries, ago when they were still fewer in number and not composed of such diverse and dissimilar forms and monstrosities. At this present time, however, when we see the long-dead heresies of former ages called back to light and renewed, no room has been left even for doubt or questioning. For what kind of opinion or sect in all antiquity was so horrible, so unusual, and so obsolete? What error so foul and detestable? What kind of treachery so openly condemned by the voice of all, which has not had some supporters or followers in the memory of our parents? It is little to complain of those Arians, or Macedonians, Eunomians, Nestorians, and even those more ancient Manichaeans, Sabellians, and Samosatenes, or to follow after the other plagues ^B and storms of the old Church, in which, besides the falsity of their dogma, there was no, or only obscure, foulness of practice; for all of these are said even to this day to be rampant and increasing in Germany, Poland, Pannonia, Russia, and finally in other places where they have been reborn. Those very heresies, the inventors and masters of the filthiest lusts, which boasted of promiscuous intercourse and all other bodily turpitude, and which are sometimes wont to be contained under the single term of Gnostics, have in the same places abounded under the names of Adamites, Picards, Waldensians, Poor Men of Lyons, and other monsters rather than names. I will come to our own Gaul, and to the most recent stain and plague of the Calvinian dogma which has settled in its bosom. Of this, I believe I can most truly say: that it is like the bilge-water of the whole world, into which the collection of ancient and modern sects and errors has flowed together; and that whatever has hitherto existed of heresies, about which we have been able to read or hear, has been sampled and derived from it; and that out of the abhorrent parts and figures of all monsters, that final one has been formed, more horrible than the rest.

Wherefore, since the poisons of the ancient heresies and sects are diffusing themselves everywhere in the world and here among us, let us flee to those safeguards I mentioned above, and let us imitate the industry of physicians. Their ancestors, when they understood that the same diseases were attacking and recurring in human bodies, carefully noted in books their origins, progressions, properties, cases, and examples of events—which, when their descendants read them, they arm themselves against those very diseases by the experience and usage of others. Thus for us, to whom it is constant to enter into the struggle against those same errors, as if they were diseases that revive at intervals and are already known, the commentaries on ancient heresies are useful; from them we not only obtain knowledge of them, but we also prepare the same aids for defeating them where they have been reborn, by which they were extinguished when they were first born.

In this kind of work, although the effort of many Fathers has been excellent and has been carried out with praise, yet if you compare whom you will—whether in diligence or in the richness, abundance, and copy of erudition—with Epiphanius, you will find no one in all antiquity. For he did not merely write a short index of heresies in the manner of others, as Augustine, Philastrius, Jerome, Damascenus, and even the more copious Theodoret, and many others have done; nor did he set forth most accurately only their opinions and dogmas, but also the things done by their authors and leaders. Moreover, he demonstrated most richly and learnedly with what arms their petitions might be repelled, or conversely, how they might be attacked and refuted. For which reasons he inscribed that work ^C Panarion, or, as Anastasius Sinaita in his *Questions* and Photius with other Greeks have it, *Panaria*—that is, a medical chest, or a box and vessel—so that we might know that in it are contained the most wholesome remedies against the deadly and poisonous bites of serpents, and thus against all the diseases of the heresies.

Therefore, for my part, I have very often wondered at Augustine, who, in his book *On Heresies* to Quodvultdeus, when he mentions Epiphanius, placed this about him in his Preface: "Our Epiphanius, bishop of Cyprus, who not long ago departed from human affairs, speaking of eighty heresies, wrote also six books, commemorating them in historical narrative."

"» ^A everything, struggling for the truth against falsehood without any disputation. These little books are indeed brief; and even if they were gathered into one volume, it would not be comparable in length to our own books or those of others. If I were to imitate this brevity in commemorating heresies, you would have nothing to demand or expect from me that is briefer. Is this, I ask, what Augustine wrote concerning the *Panarion* of Epiphanius? To affirm that the work is very brief; and that, if gathered into one volume, it would be of such moderate bulk and size? To deny, finally, that there is anything in those books other than a simple history of heresies, treated without any refutation of falsehood? And yet, the books of Epiphanius concerning heresies are very rich: and he disputes diffusely and accurately against each one; nor did Augustine himself perform in that little book *De haeresibus*, or in another, that very thing which he said had been omitted by Epiphanius and would be done by himself, namely, to discuss each heresy individually. For he included nothing beyond a summary of all sects and the headings of their errors. ^B This last point, as it increases wonder, so the former creates no small suspicion that Augustine had not yet seen the *Panarion* of Epiphanius itself, nor the work *Adversus haereses* entire when he was bringing his own writings forward, but only an epitome of it, and perhaps its *Anacephalaeosis*, or a Breviary collected from the arguments and headings of the individual tomes and heresies. Although this also bothers me: that he asserts the work of Epiphanius is divided into six books. But it is otherwise. For it is distributed into only three books. All the books are in seven tomes. Therefore, it is peculiar to Augustine that he appended to the LVII heresy, which he calls the Psalliani, the Massaliani of Epiphanius. Consequently, he calculated twenty heresies that he thought existed before the advent of the Lord, while he comprised the remaining sixty, which arose after the Lord's ascension, in five very brief books, and he made them all conclude in six books of his entire work. The whole *Panarion* is divided into three books. The first contains three tomes, in the former of which are those twenty heresies older than Christ. The second collects thirteen of those which arose after Christ. The last, just as many. And if by the name of books Augustine understands tomes, with the exception of the higher one, which consists of twenty heresies, the remaining will be six, not seven. Therefore, there must be another plan and partition of that work or epitome, which Augustine demonstrates he had read and wished to imitate.

Sedate from that minute and narrow investigation, I return to that which I had begun to argue concerning the commendation and fruit of the *Panarion*. For it provides countless opportunities and aids for that which was being discussed: the patronage of the Catholic religion and the overturning of modern heresies. First, because of its authority, due both to the antiquity of the writer and the illustrious place of his dignity among the Fathers, not even the detractors of antiquity and enemies of all good things themselves doubt it. ^C Then, because all the chief decrees of the faith, which opinionated men in these times dare to deny, are approved by such express testimonies from him; while those things which they defend contrary to them are so gravely and frequently refuted by being recalled to their own authors, that is, to the ancient heretics, that whoever is not yet ashamed of this falsehood has lost common sense sooner than modesty and shame.

That these things, so magnificently and splendidly touted concerning our Epiphanius, are true, I could make plain in the individual errors of the Lutherans and Calvinists, if the brevity of a letter allowed it, or if this oration instituted by us looked to another rather than to you, illustrious Cardinal. But we shall perhaps perform this in another place, or we shall remit to certain modern writers who have studied this part assiduously and indeed usefully. But those things are better known to you than to me; you, who have learned how great a man Epiphanius was, and how great the momentum of this *Panarion* is, not from the commendation of another, but by your own study and experience. And whatever I have explained somewhat verbosely so far, either concerning the excellence of this author or the method of refuting heresies, I did not wish to treat this for your sake, nor that I might teach you that which I ought to learn from you: but that my plan concerning this edition, once exposed to you and approved by you, might flow to others and defend itself by your judgment and authority. Which prerogative of your will and humanity I preferred to obtain by the dignity of the office itself and its value, rather than to gather, as is the worn and commonplace harvest of Prefaces, the adorning of your praises and the proclamation of your virtues. For my speaking of you to you is not permitted by the singular gravity and modesty that is in you. Nor does this little bit of ambition [find place in you], and, that which is said to be the most pleasant of all entertainments.

the proclamation of your ornaments and distinctions delights me. And so, using no other mediator and conciliator of your grace than Epiphanius himself, I have fled to the protection and patronage ^A of your name. That I trust this will not be wanting to me, is caused, first, by your love toward letters, and then by that ardor for piety and religion which is known and evident to all, from which two pursuits these labors and vigils of ours expended on Epiphanius proceed. The excellent arts of your character and your other virtues—to which the prayers and votes of all have long since assigned the primacy of the Church—contribute to this. Finally, it is caused by your extensive spirit, which has been perceived and explored through many indications in regard to our Society; and also by the access and reception which has long been opened to our own insignificance toward your kindness. The sum of all these things I shall embrace in this brief and most certain statement: that a duty more worthy than the one I now offer you cannot be offered to you, nor could a man more worthy to whom I might offer it be found than you alone. Farewell. Paris, at the beginning of the year 1622, January 15th. Your most devoted, DIONYSIUS PETAVIUS Priest of the Society of Jesus.

TO THE CATHOLIC AND CANDID READER

Since I understand that our Epiphanius has long since been demanded by the persistent complaints of learned and pious men, and that my own delay is even accused by some—namely, that although I held out the hope of this edition many years ago, it has not yet, after so long an interval, been brought to light—it seems that an approach, supported by some apology of ours, must be made to your equity. Yet that approach will be very easy, if you are willing to weigh with your own mind how great, in addition to what I had foreseen at the beginning and for what I had arrived prepared, was the increase of duty and labor. For when I first received this work at the request of friends, and of those who could have the greatest authority with me, I intended only this in my mind: that, with the Greek text diligently corrected and the Latin interpretation of Cornarius amended, I would briefly annotate those things by which the industry of the unlearned could be aided in grasping the author's meaning. But that I should interpret it into Latin myself, I had neither decided nor did I think it necessary. With this hope and on this condition, I had voluntarily ^B succeeded to that burden; and when that matter had traveled further through the proclamation of friends and also my own announcement than I could honestly abandon the obligation, I soon noticed—once the matter began to be handled—that there was more toil in it than I had promised myself. For after I began to amend the Latin of Cornarius, and made an attempt by reviewing a few pages as to whether it could shine and be polished by some moderate treatment, the matter seemed to be full not only of loathing but also of trouble and a certain illiberal work and labor. So many things then had to be removed, changed, and interpolated that I decided it was more tolerable to construct another from the ground up, and a new one, than to put a plaster over another's, especially a barbaric and nonsensical one. I yielded, therefore, though unwilling and hesitant, and allowed myself to be pushed into this mill and to be packed together: namely, that I should convert into the Latin language the very writer whom, as I said, I had only undertaken to correct and adorn.

Truly, that type of translating books is useful to the liberal arts; and because the greater part either does not know Greek at all, or does not know it in such a way that it can dispense with those aids, it is necessary in this age. But yet, it is the same thing, not only unpleasant in itself, but also, because of the extreme impunity for detraction and licentiousness at this time, anxious and slippery. Since, indeed, for a well-done deed, a moderate approval is proposed; but for an error, without any indulgence, a vehement and harsh reproach is put forth. And this happens to that extent through the importunity and inhumanity of certain men: who, although they themselves write nothing without error, nor suffer themselves to be refuted by anyone, yet usurp this very thing for themselves against others by a tyrannical right. But it is difficult to avoid slips and reproach in transferring from the Greek to the Latin tongue, for the reason that no one is so instructed with the necessary resources for that task; who has either read all Greek authors, or grasps by use and memory the immense store of all arts and materials—from the knowledge of which an interpretation ought to flourish and overflow. For who is there who can, alone, exhaust divine and human disciplines, all parts of theology, philosophy, and mathematics; who can exhaust legal studies and medicine, or even the minute arts; or who can search through the infinite forest and variety of vocabularies which are proper to each? And yet, when that matter is everywhere among the Greeks...

^A sprinkled with such things, it is fitting that the ignorance of the same should sometimes cause the translator to hallucinate, and that the faults themselves should be detected by those skilled in that art. But this mutual correction of error and scrutiny brings the greatest utility to our common letters: nor indeed should it seem odious or unjust to him who has erred, if he remembers that he was born a man. Yet what moves many, and deters them from this method of public service, is not the correction of error itself, but a certain insolent and petulant desire to insult another’s fault; so that whenever a stumble occurs in even the slightest matter, if the force and power of a single word escapes the translator, they act as if the safety of the Republic were at stake, and they turn the matter from honest contention into illiberal and sordid brawls, and into the most base personal injuries and insults. Therefore, this battle set forth for fame and honor warns quiet and moderate men—who nevertheless value some fruit of their labors in public commendation—to avoid that task rather than descend into a childish contest with fierce and pugnacious adversaries, who are always prepared to say or hear anything.

For me, however, since the character of the life I have undertaken urges me to refer all my thoughts and plans to something more sublime and divine, and to despise these judgments of the most vain and inept of men, the reason why I feared to touch Epiphanius’s translation was primarily this: that while I saw the task would be slow and wearisome, I realized that as much time would be taken away from higher studies as would be consumed by that occupation. There was added to the common difficulty of translating a certain special difficulty in that author: because his oratory is unpolished and craggy, ^B and in it occur most frequently those things which the Greeks call *anapodota* and *anacolutha*: a pedestrian and common species of speech. If you wish to achieve this with equal simplicity of language, something somewhat rustic and putrid will emerge; such are, for the most part, the Latin versions of Cornarius, to which we certainly do not wish to be similar. If, however, you employ ornamentation and refinement, you could scarcely achieve that without a great change in the meaning.

The second cause is that these same books of Epiphanius teem with countless errors and stains, which not only infringe upon the translator’s effort, but drive him to divinations and sometimes rash conjectures: while, lest the sentence remain suspended and mutilated, he is compelled to supply many things of his own, or to shape them otherwise than as they were published. In which, even if he find not a few things acutely and skillfully, he nevertheless sometimes errs, and exposes himself to the accusations and calumnies of those I have mentioned. ^C Nevertheless, the desire to serve you well, Catholic Reader, and the cause of the Church, overcame private considerations. The duty of the new edition, which I had long ago pledged, and the obligation of my promise, overcame them. For it was in the interest of both you and the common Church that that work, which was published by a most grave and holy Father against the Greeks to dissolve heresies, should have any translator rather than a heretic; and it pertained to the splendor of the recent edition that Epiphanius, speaking somewhat more conveniently, and certainly less barbarously and less inaccurately, should be committed to Latin ears by an author not to be suspected.

You have the causes of my delay: now know the rest. We give you Epiphanius, first in complete truth, castigated and reviewed from ancient codices as far as was possible. The chief of these was the Vatican; the various readings of which, collected long ago in Rome, the Rev. Father Andreas Schott, a man endowed with equal humanity and erudition, sent to me of his own accord. By this, very many things have been opportunely restored by us. There was added another, taken from the library of the Most Christian King, with which we compared the Basel edition ourselves. By the authority of both, if you find anything changed in the very context, know that it has been done. The rest, which we could easily improve by judgment, we left as they were in the Basel edition: and we have written our conjectures almost on the margins of the pages, and cast some into our animadversions. For even by our animadversions—that is, by more complete notes and near-commentaries—we have rendered Epiphanius more illustrious. How much effort I have put into these, and how much has been derived from better studies, you will perceive more easily from the thing itself than from my speech.

We indeed thought it necessary to provide that these should not be too dry and meager, or mere thin notes on various readings; but if there was any richer argument in Epiphanius, if there was some somewhat significant question whose difficulty vied with its utility, these we have treated more freely and diffusely, according to our use and capacity. In which genre you have there many things explained concerning the year and day of the Nativity of Christ and the Passion; concerning the Paschal month, the Jewish cycle, the ancient rite of penance, the councils of Sirmium and Ancyra, some customs of the ancient Church, the chronology of the Roman emperors, and other things of that kind. Which, if they seem longer, you may, by passing over those disputations—the title of which we have therefore written at the beginning of the pages—select those things which are necessarily to be prescribed for running through Epiphanius without offense. Although you will recognize that they are generally of such a kind that they cannot seem superfluous or placed in an alien spot. So usually is the argument proposed by Epiphanius perplexing and doubtful, that it requires for its understanding even more things than have been brought forward by us.

Finally, this last convenience was added to the treatment of Epiphanius, that, since the disputations of individual heresies are rather long, and contexted in a continuous flow of speech without any breath or distinction, we have divided each heresy into certain parts and, as it were, chapters: to which we have attached numerical notes on the margin. Which thing will not only relieve the weariness of the readers, but will be most convenient for citing testimonies. For as often as an authority is produced from any Heresy of Epiphanius, if you wish to ^D recognize it, as is done, the whole disputation, which is sometimes immense, must be perused. Now of the notes

and by a compendium of those chapters, it is possible, not only to identify from which heresy you have brought forward that passage, but also at what number in the list of heresies it stands, and to find it—whether you wish to record it yourself or find it already recorded by others—without any trouble. And if this had occurred to me at the beginning, an idea which came to mind once the work was already in progress, I would have also added the page numbers of the Basle edition to the margin of this edition of ours, for the sake of those authors who, when they cite some passage from Epiphanius, usefully note the page number from that same edition. For this reason, I would advise that this be done in another edition, should the situation arise.

I would have you, Catholic and candid reader (for I shall not detain you with many words), approach this labor of ours in such a way as to understand that it is not the case that we have made no mistakes; and if you detect any faults committed therein, weigh them against the many good things—if indeed there are more good things in it for me—or against an equal number or fewer; and enjoy the latter, while granting pardon for the former; and finally, in accordance with your fairness, look forward to greater and more useful things from us in the future.

CERTAIN TESTIMONIES OF THE ANCIENTS CONCERNING EPIPHANIUS

—

*Jerome, in the book On Ecclesiastical Writers.* Epiphanius, bishop of Salamis in Cyprus, wrote books against all heresies, and many other things, which are read by the learned for their matter, and by the simpler sort for their style. He survives to this day, and in extreme old age he is still crafting various works.

*The same, in the second Apology Against Rufinus.* Is it not enough for you to slander everyone everywhere, unless you specially direct the lance of your style against a blessed and distinguished priest of the Church? Who is this man, who thinks he has as it were a necessity to evangelize among all nations and in all tongues, speaking ill of Origen: he who confessed, in the hearing of a great multitude of brothers, that he had read six thousand of his volumes? Note. Blame must be cast upon him for knowing Greek, Syriac, Hebrew, and the Egyptian language—in part—as well as Latin, etc. He makes mention of him also in many places, as in Epistle 61 against John of Jerusalem, in the Epitaph of Paula, in the Life of Hilarion, and in other places.

*Augustine, in the book On Heresies, to Quodvultdeus.* Up to these, therefore, the aforementioned Epiphanius, bishop of Cyprus, carried his work *On Heresies*, held among the Greeks to be among the great, and praised by many for his soundness in the Catholic faith. The rest of what Augustine records in the same book regarding the work of Epiphanius has been brought forward and examined by us in the aforementioned Epistle.

*Sozomen, book VII, ch. 26.* At the same time, Epiphanius was in charge of the metropolitan Church of the Cypriots. Not only did his manner of life and his excellent virtues render him distinguished, but also the miracles themselves, which God performed for his honor, partly while he was still alive, and partly after his passing. For after he died, something that did not happen while he was still among the living, there is a report that even today demons are driven away at his tomb, and certain healings take place. But even while he was still living, many wonders are attributed to him. See the rest in the same place.

Mention is also made of him by Socrates, book VI, ch. 10 and 11, in his history of Chrysostom. Sozomen also in book VIII, ch. 14, and after them Nicephorus, book XII, ch. 12. But those same writers must be treated with caution when they report that Epiphanius at first clung to the dogma of the Anthropomorphites, and that he was taught otherwise by Theophilus, and because of this favored him and condemned Origen. For those historians fall into error, or are deceived, being too much devoted to Origen, and they cast upon a most holy and most learned man the very slander that the Origenists were accustomed to impose upon Catholics; namely, that they impudently asserted that God is fashioned by them as corporeal and consisting of members in the human manner. For Jerome, in Epistle 61 to Pammachius against John of Jerusalem, clears Epiphanius of all this malice. See the Annals of Baronius, especially for the year 392 and 393. But also consult others who follow, in which he pursues the deeds of Epiphanius.

[Furthermore, the Acts of the second council of Nicaea make mention of him.]

TESTIMONIA VETERUM

From the Library of Photius, cod. cxxiv.

^A The *Panaria* of the most holy bishop Epiphanius were read, contained in three volumes, seven tomes, and directed against eighty heresies. It begins from Barbarism and extends as far as the Messalians. ^B It is more copious and useful than the labors of all who have written against heresies before him; for whatever was said by them that contained anything useful, he has not omitted, and if he was able to discover anything further, he added it. His manner of expression is humble, and such as is to be expected of one who is unskilled in Attic learning. In the entanglements of the godless heresies, he is for the most part weak. Sometimes, however, he excels in his arguments, even if the idiom of his words and the structure of his composition are not thereby improved. The *Ancoratus* of the same author was read, which is a sort of summary of the *Panaria*.

From the Menologion of the Greeks.

[Versus.] 1 Epiphanius in Cypro magni nominis dum viveret, 2 Etiam fatis functus apud ipsam magnus habetur. 3 Die duodecima mors Epiphanium tulit.

This great and admirable Epiphanius was born in Phoenicia, in the territory of Eleutheropolis, from poor parents who sought their livelihood through the use of their hands, ^C and he was raised in a small house, such as those of poor people and farmers are; yet he shone with the splendor of virtue and reached the highest summit of a pious and religious life. For when his parents persevered in the worship and shadow of the Jewish law, and were unable to see the light of grace, he himself, having seized a slight opportunity, fled toward the truth in Christ. For when a certain Cleobius had healed his wound, which he had suffered in his thigh after falling recklessly from a beast upon which he was riding—an animal which then leaped about and was itself killed—his mind at that time began to be agitated by a confused wave of thoughts, so that thereafter he was not so much inclined toward the servitude of the Law. Later, however, having encountered a certain monk named Lucian, he saw him meeting a beggar who was asking him for food to eat; and after he (Lucian) had given away his cloak, he was immediately clothed with a garment sent from heaven. Having seen this, Epiphanius approached the faith of the Christians and received holy baptism from the bishop. To include in a summary all the things he did thereafter is difficult. But this one thing, and a necessary one, we can affirm: when he was still a very young man, as soon as he embraced the faith of Christ, having adopted the institute of the monastic profession, he surpassed all his peers in continence and ascetic labors. ^D And when he arrived at the fullness of the priesthood, he showed himself engaged in works consistent with his prior life. For whereas in his previous ascetic way of life he had performed many miracles and the healing of many sick people, after he received the episcopate, in addition to all these things, he bestowed sound and

as he joined to it [a] sincere doctrine, he also instructed all people by the abundance of his writings. While intent upon these, he endured many labors from the infidels ^A and the heretics. Finally, when he had completed one hundred and five years and three months, just as he had answered the Emperor Arcadius when he asked him, he rendered his spirit to the Lord, abroad and outside his own see: this was because Epiphanius had subscribed to the banishment of Chrysostom, as the latter had requested. Conversely, they relate that Epiphanius had written back that neither would he see the place to which he had been ordered to be deported. Now the synaxis which is held in his honor is celebrated in his most holy temple, which is at Saint Philemon. Through his prayers, O God, have mercy on us.

SUIDAS. Epiphanius, bishop of Constantia in Cyprus, formerly of Salamis, wrote discourses against all heresies, which are called the Panaria, and many other things; which are read by the learned for the sake of the subject matter, and by the unlearned for the sake of the diction. He died in extreme old age. Which ^B Sophronius expressed in nearly the same words from Jerome.

NOTICE. The Life of Epiphanius placed here, formerly edited in Latin by Surius, now appears in Greek for the first time, recognized in many places. Although in most parts it is closer to fable than to history, as Baronius noted long ago in his Annals (a), there will nevertheless be things in that muddy narrative which you might perhaps be able to salvage. And otherwise, it contains many things which are consistent with the true and universally accepted history, but the same are admixed with falsehoods. In distinguishing these, if nothing else, your judgment, most kind reader, and the power of historical criticism may be exercised.

THE LIFE OF SAINT EPIPHANIUS, BISHOP OF THE CITY OF CONSTANTIA IN CYPRUS.

LIFE OF SAINT EPIPHANIUS, BISHOP OF CONSTANTIA IN CYPRUS.

I. Epiphanius was indeed by race a Phoenician, from that region which is near Eleutheropolis; and it is distant from the city by three miles. His father was a husbandman; but the pursuit of his mother was to busy herself with flax. Moreover, there were two children to them: Epiphanius, and one daughter, Callitropos. Now it happened that their father departed from this life; and Epiphanius remained ten years old to his mother when his father died. Now his mother was tormented in spirit, while

^A she was anxious about how she might support Epiphanius and his sister, since their means were modest. Since they had a single unruly beast of burden for their service, his mother said to Epiphanius: “Child, since our house provides us with hardships regarding the needs of the body, and we are in need of food, take the beast of burden that is within our house, and go to the market, and sell it; and we will provide for our need for sustenance.” But Epiphanius said to his own mother: “Mother, you know that our beast is unruly; and it will be that if I go to sell it, the men gathered in that place, knowing its unruliness, will punish me, saying: ‘Since you possess an evil thing, you shall suffer evil according to the law.’” His mother said to him: “Go, child; the God of our fathers, Abraham, Isaac, and Jacob, will give intelligence to the beast, so that through its price we may be served for our own need.” And Epiphanius, having called upon God, who gave grace to Moses to perform the greatest signs before the face of Pharaoh, set out, wishing to fulfill the obedience due to his own mother.

^B II. And indeed, having entered the market, the unruly beast of burden became orderly and decorated with much gentleness. A certain Jewish man, a merchant by the name of Jacob, was present, and he said to Epiphanius: “Do you wish, child, to sell this beast?” And Epiphanius said: “Yes, father; for this reason I have brought it here.” And Jacob said to Epiphanius: “Of what religion are you?” And Epiphanius said: “A Jew.” Jacob then said: “Since we are of the same race, sin must not come between us; but since our God is just, let us establish a just price for the beast, so that neither you may be wronged nor I suffer loss; so that we do not bring curses upon ourselves afterward, and God becomes angry with us; but rather blessings, for He said 1: ‘He who blesses is blessed, and he who curses is cursed.’” Hearing these things, Epiphanius feared the judgment of Jacob greatly, and said to him: “I no longer wish to sell this beast to you.” But Jacob said to Epiphanius: “For what reason, child?” Epiphanius said to him: “This beast, father, is unruly, and the straits of a most bitter famine have come upon my house; for I have a mother and a sister. For my father has departed from human life. Therefore, a command came from my mother to sell the beast because of our need for food. But now I have heard from you, father, that it is evil to cause loss, and I feared God, lest he curse me, and God punish me through the curse ^C that came upon me.”

III. Hearing these things, Jacob marveled at the boy's answer; and taking three coins, he gave them to Epiphanius, at the same time teaching him with words of this sort: “Child, take this blessing, and go to your mother; and you shall bring bread into the house

^B of your own. But take also this beast of burden with you; and if it changes its bad and unruly disposition, let it remain in your house; but if it persists in its unruliness, cast it out of your house, lest it kill some of your own.” When Epiphanius had heard these things, and having received the three coins from Jacob, he took the beast of burden and set out for his own village. At about a mile’s distance, a Christian man named Cleobius met him and said to him, “Are you selling the beast of burden, child?” Epiphanius answered and said, “No, father.” And Cleobius said, “If you should sell it, take its price and leave it to me.” While Cleobius was saying these things to Epiphanius, the animal rushed insolently, and charging at him, threw Epiphanius down, dashed him to the ground, and went off the path. Epiphanius, because of the force of the animal’s unruliness, suffered in his thigh and lay on the ground, weeping bitterly and unable to rise. Cleobius, however, approached Epiphanius, and holding his thigh in the spot where he had been injured by the unruly beast, and having signed him three times, he immediately stood up, having no harm in him. Cleobius said to the beast, which was filled with every sort of unruliness: “I tell you, because you desired to kill your own master, in the name of Jesus Christ who was crucified, you shall no longer depart from this place.” And at the word of Cleobius, the beast of burden immediately fell to the ground and died. Epiphanius then asked Cleobius, saying: “Who is Jesus who was crucified, father, that such signs are performed through his name?” Cleobius answered and said to Epiphanius: “This Jesus is the Son of God, whom the Jews crucified.” But Epiphanius was afraid to reveal to Cleobius that he was a Jew. Cleobius then went on his way, and Epiphanius entered his own village to his mother. When his mother saw him, she received him with joy, and he explained to her everything that had happened to him because of the unruly beast. Some time later, Epiphanius’s mother said to him: “Behold, child, the land is neglected, and we have no comfort from it.” For they had a small piece of land of their own; and his father, by working it painstakingly, used to have some comfort ^C from it. Therefore his mother said to him: “Let us sell our little plot to a husbandman, and you go to some God-fearing man, and learn a trade by which you may be able to support yourself, and provide bread for me, and for your sister.”

IV. Now there was a certain Jewish lawyer in the city of Eleutheropolis, a man admirable and pious according to the Law of Moses. He had estates in the village in which Epiphanius was born, and he knew his father and mother, and likewise also Epiphanius and his sister. When he had come to visit his own estates, he said to the mother of Epiphanius: “Woman, are you willing to give me your son as a son? And you and your daughter shall provide from our house the things which will be of use to you.” Epiphanius’s mother, when she had heard these things from the lawyer, rejoiced greatly, and having taken Ep...

Epiphanius, she immediately gave him to the lawyer as his son. The lawyer’s name was Tryphon. He had an only daughter, and he wished to join her in marriage to Epiphanius. ^A

V. When Tryphon, therefore, had taken Epiphanius as his son, he taught him diligently the things of the law, and the Hebrew elements with precision. But Tryphon’s daughter died, and Epiphanius remained alone in his house, progressing in age and in Hebrew wisdom. It also happened that Tryphon died, and he left all his possessions to Epiphanius. Epiphanius’s mother also died. Epiphanius then took his own sister into the house that had been left to him by Tryphon, and the two of them were together in the house in great tranquility of life, in accordance with the teaching they had received from Tryphon. ^B

When Epiphanius went out into the village in which he had been born, in which he also had the property left to him by Tryphon, a certain Christian man met him, by name Lucianus, a wondrous and learned man, who was living the monastic life, possessing the craft of a scribe, and by this he persevered and by it provided his daily bread, and what remained over he bestowed upon the needy. Now Epiphanius had mounted a beast of burden. But the blessed Lucianus was walking on the road, and they both met one another. It happened that a certain poor man seized Lucianus’s feet and said to him, “Man of God, have mercy on me, for I have been fasting for three days, ^C having nothing for myself.” The blessed Lucianus, having nothing to give the poor man, stripped off his own cloak and gave it to him, saying, “Enter the city, and sell this, and buy yourself bread.”

VI. Epiphanius noticed that as Lucianus had stripped himself and given it to the poor man, he saw a white garment descending from heaven and covering him. And Epiphanius was struck with a great fear; and falling upon his face, having thrown himself from the beast of burden, he said to Lucianus, “I beseech you, man, tell me, who are you?” The blessed Lucianus said to Epiphanius, “Tell me, you, of what religion are you, and I will tell you of mine.” Epiphanius answered and said, “I am a Jew.” ^D Lucianus then knew that the grace of God had fallen upon Epiphanius, for Lucianus also possessed foreknowledge. Lucianus answered and said to Epiphanius, “How is it that you, being a Jew, ask a Christian to learn who I am? For the Jews are an abomination to the Christians, and the Christians to the Jews. Behold, you have heard that I am a Christian; it is not permitted for you to hear anything else from me.” Epiphanius said to Lucianus, “And what prevents me also from becoming a Christian?” Lucianus answered and said, “The lack of will prevents it; for the will itself is present.” Epiphanius, having been pricked to the heart at the words of Lucianus, no longer went on to inspect his own property, but having taken Lucianus, he brought him into the house that had been left to him, and he showed him all that was in the house, saying:

"These are my possessions, father. But I wish to become a Christian and to lead the monastic life. I also have this sister here; what do you command concerning these things?" The blessed Lucianus said to Epiphanius: "You cannot, my son, having all this wealth, lead the monastic life; but first give your sister in marriage, and give her what is necessary, and give the rest to those in need; then, in this way, you will be able to live the monastic life well." Epiphanius said to Lucianus: "First, father, make me a Christian; then I will do all that has been commanded me by you." Lucianus said to Epiphanius: "It is not permitted for me, apart from the bishop, to make you a Christian." ^B VII. When Lucianus had said this, he went out of the house of Epiphanius and went to the bishop. Epiphanius, however, without delay, said to his sister: "I wish to become a Christian and to live the monastic life." His sister said to him: "I desire what you desire, and I will do as you do." And Lucianus reported to the bishop about Epiphanius. The bishop said to Lucianus: "Go and catechize him; and when we enter the church, ensure that he prostrates himself before the merciful God." Lucianus went into the house of Epiphanius. Seeing him, both Epiphanius and his sister fell upon their faces and grabbed the feet of Lucianus, crying out and saying: "We beseech you, father, make us Christians." Taking from the divine Scriptures, Lucianus instructed them sufficiently. And they persisted in their request, saying: "Make us Christians." When Lucianus had taken them both together, he went with them to the church. And when the bishop was entering, they fell upon their faces and asked confidently that they be enlightened. When the bishop was entering into the church, they also walked behind Lucianus to hear the divine Scriptures. ^D VIII. When Epiphanius approached the outer gates of the church, as he stepped onto the first step of the building, the sandal of his left foot fell off. When he stepped with his left foot to plant his right, the right sandal fell off as well; and both were found outside the steps of the church; and Lucianus marveled at this. Epiphanius, therefore, no longer intended to pick up the sandals that had fallen from his feet, nor did he endure to put any other sandals upon his feet for the whole time of his life. As they stood and listened to the holy Scriptures, both Epiphanius and his sister, the bishop noted, as he sat upon his throne, that the countenance of Epiphanius was glorified and a crown was set upon his head. After the conclusion of the Gospel, the bishop went into the baptistery and commanded Epiphanius to enter, and his sister, and with them Lucianus, who also became his father in holy baptism. When the bishop had instructed them in the full sequence, he baptized them. And when they were...

had partaken of the divine and immortal mysteries, the bishop bade them dine with him, and likewise remain for seven days in the bishop’s house. After the seven days, Epiphanius took Lucianus and the holy virgin Veronica, who was the sister of Epiphanius’s mother, and brought them into his house; and taking one thousand coins, he gave them to Veronica, and he also entrusted his own sister to her (for she was also the head of other virgins), and he sent her away with her. Epiphanius, however, having sold everything, distributed it to those in need, leaving for himself forty coins for the purchase of divine and life-giving books; and he left the city with Lucianus, because he had built a monastery for himself. He had with him ten monks, who were diligently copying books and earning their own livelihood from them. Epiphanius was sixteen years old when he became a monk. ^B

IX. Now there was in the monastery of Lucianus a certain monk named Hilarion, second to Lucianus, who was young in years and adorned with many miracles. Following his example, another named Claudius was also trained. Seeing them, Epiphanius zealously strove to emulate them in what is good. For the great Lucianus entrusted Epiphanius to the eminent Hilarion, that he might teach him the divine Scriptures. Epiphanius, devoted to laborious study and fashioning himself after the good character of Hilarion ^C through instruction, made progress in the grace of God and in that most excellent art. It came to pass, however, that the great Lucianus departed this life. Hilarion then took charge of the choir of brothers, and it was truly possible to see that place not as one where men lived, but as one where holy angels were ministering to the benevolent and all-holy God. The food of the blessed Hilarion was bread, salt, and a measured amount of water. He would eat after two days; often also after three; and very often after four, or even a week. Epiphanius chose this manner of life, and maintained it all the time of his life. And the place was waterless. ^D

X. Once, when travelers had entered the monastery bringing wine at a time when the heat was most intense, they were nearly perishing from thirst, and they asked for water to drink, but no water was found in that place. For water was five miles away. The brothers would go by night and fetch it. When the travelers were failing because of thirst, the brothers mourned for them. But Epiphanius, having stretched out his hand and grasped the skin where the wine was, said, "Believe, brothers, that He who made water into wine will also make the wine into water." And at the word of Epiphanius, the skins which were full of wine were found to be full of water. When the travelers had received this, they drank, and their beasts of burden also; and their soul was restored within them. All, however, were amazed

^A at what had befallen them—the travelers and the brethren alike. From that day, Epiphanius no longer wished to dwell in that place, because he had become widely known to the travelers; so he stole away from the brethren and went off to a wilder place. As for the brethren, because they did not know in which place he was dwelling, they all mourned for Epiphanius. He remained in that place for three days, continuing without food. And that place, too, was arid and without water.

XI. It happened that at that time forty Saracens were passing through that place. When they saw Epiphanius in such a place and in such a state, they both mocked him, taking him to be a ridiculous figure. But one of them, who had only one eye (for his other eye was closed) and was of a beastly character, took his sword from its sheath and came toward Epiphanius. And as he lifted it up to strike Epiphanius, his closed eye was opened. ^B Being terrified, he cast his sword upon the ground and stood motionless. The others, when they saw the stillness of their companion, came also to Epiphanius and to their friend. And they saw, and behold, his eye that had been closed was opened, and amazement fell upon them both. Epiphanius, therefore, seeing them troubled, addressed words to them. They, having been brought to a settled state by the words of Epiphanius, being changed, said that he was God; and using force upon him, they dragged him with them, saying: "Thou art our God; follow us, and save us from all violence of those who rise up against us." Epiphanius, following them for a period of three months, forbade them every insolence and lack of restraint. When they saw that they were being brought into straits by his admonitions, they all with one mind threw themselves at his feet, begging that he might return to his own place. ^C He, having laid upon their ears very great admonitions, saying: "Unless you abstain from these things, you cannot be happy in this life," they took him and led him to the place where he had previously dwelt. And when, by their labor and ministry, they had built a house for him and had bidden him farewell, they all departed in peace. I, however, being one of them, remained with Epiphanius; and having been instructed by him in the word of truth, I stayed with him. When a period of six months had passed, Epiphanius took me, and we went to the monastery of the great Hilarion. When all the brethren saw Epiphanius, they were affected with great joy. We remained in the monastery for three days, ^D and Epiphanius asked the great Hilarion to give me the seal in Christ, since Hilarion had received the rank of the presbyterate. The great Hilarion, therefore, having received me and having taught me the whole order, baptized me in the name of the Father, and of the Son, and of the Holy Spirit, having ordered that I be called John. We remained with them for ten days, and the brethren begged Epiphanius that we might dwell together in that place. But he would not, for he wished again to dwell where he had dwelt before.

^A XII. When we had departed from the monastery, we began our journey. And at a distance of two miles from the monastery, a certain young man met us, possessed by a powerful demon, and he was being torn by it in the wilderness. When Epiphanius saw him naked, and being caught in an unruly run by the unclean spirit, he cried out with a loud voice: "I command you in the name of Jesus Christ who was crucified, to depart from the creature of God." Immediately the unclean spirit tore the young man, and threw him upon the ground, and went out from him. But the unclean demon cried out with a loud voice: "O Epiphanius, you drive me from my place after twenty-two years! I shall go to the King of the Persians, and I shall stir him up against you, and I shall make you stand before him in great affliction." The young man then came forward modestly, and fell at the feet of Epiphanius. And Epiphanius raised him up, saying: "Arise, ^B my child, and go in peace to your house." And he arose immediately.

XIII. The unclean demon then went into Persia, and attached himself to the daughter of the king, and tormented her with the same torment with which he had formerly afflicted the young man, and he cried out, saying: "Unless Epiphanius comes here, who sent me to your daughter, I shall not depart from her." And again the demon said: "Epiphanius, of the race of the Phoenicians, come here, so that I may go out from the daughter of the king." The king then, having heard from the demon about Phoenicia, sent a multitude of men who were speakers of many languages to search for Epiphanius. And when they had searched through the whole region of the Phoenicians, they did not find him, but returned to the king having accomplished nothing. Some of them even suffered ill-treatment by the Romans, as spies who wished to craftily examine the whole land of the Phoenicians. ^C When those who had escaped came to the king, they reported that they had not found Epiphanius. But the demon cried out with a loud voice: "He dwells in the place which is called Spanhydrion." Therefore the king again, having called for thirty men, said to them: "Strip off your Persian attire, and put on the attire of the Romans, and go into Phoenicia, and search for the place called Spanhydrion, and bring Epiphanius, the inhabitant of that place, to me." The thirty men who had been sent by the king departed, having changed their garments, and arrived in Phoenicia, and having searched much, the place and Epiphanius were made known to them. They approached the place by night; Epiphanius was sending forth his nocturnal prayers to God. When they had reached the door of the cell and knocked, Epiphanius was not at all agitated in his mind, but continued ^D performing the work of God. But they, being filled with rage, planned to break down the door of the cell. One of them drew his sword, and having reached it toward the lock of the door, his hand remained motionless, and unmoved, and rigid, and withered; and the rest, all of them being seized with fear, withdrew from the cell for a certain interval. But Epiphanius, when he had finished the entire course of his spiritual worship, opened the door of the cell. When the one whose hand had withered saw him, he fell face down to the ground, saying: "Have mercy on me, servant of the immortal God." Epiphanius says: "What do you seek

^A from a sinful man?" He said: "I came to this place healthy, and behold, my hand has withered." Epiphanius said: "You came healthy, be healthy." And having touched his hand, it was restored like the other. So when all the others saw the sign that had taken place, they all came and, falling at the feet of Epiphanius, confessed the reason for which they had come to him. When he heard the words of the men, he realized that the spirit which he himself had cast out of the young man had gone there and was afflicting the girl. Epiphanius said to me: "Rise, my son, let us follow these men." But they said to him: "We were sent, Father, to you alone by the king; we even brought an extra animal so that you might ride it." But as he said: "I run quickly on foot; ^B truly, I will not leave my disciple here," they again said with great fear: "There are camels here for both; only follow your servants willingly." A certain charming young man fell on his face and worshipped him, saying: "Forgive me, Father." Then Epiphanius with a placid countenance said to him: "Rise, God will bless you, my son." Then the young man, in great composure, taking Epiphanius with both his hands, placed him upon a dromedary. Coming to me, he did likewise; and he himself went ahead of the dromedaries.

XIV. journey to the king's palace

XIV. When we had traveled thirty-five ^C stages, we arrived at the royal city, and we stayed in a place which is called Urion. Three of them went in and reported to the king. And when the king had ordered Epiphanius to enter to him, he entered with great composure, as if he were not about to meet a king. Then I, following behind him, was seized by great fear and trembling. For when I had seen a great crowd standing around him, I was shaken in my mind. But when Epiphanius had approached the king, the king at once rose from his throne. Epiphanius said to the king: "Sit, my son, upon your throne, and do not doubt in your mind because of your mourning. For I have God, who renders aid and drives away the demon. Only believe in the benign and clement God, ^D and you shall see the grace of God quickly. Do not wander from the intent of what is being said, and you shall see your daughter healthy in our midst. For the most wicked demon, having been driven from his place, came to your daughter. If you believe in the Crucified One, He will drive him from your daughter. Be enlightened, my son, in your heart, and you shall see him cast out. Bring her into our midst, and you shall see the grace of the benign and clement God." And when the king’s daughter had come into the midst, Epiphanius said to the young girl: "Be wise and modest, and worship your father. For the wolf shall no longer have dominion over you." When Epiphanius had said these things, and had signed her three times, he said to the spirit that was afflicting her: "You have run wickedly to the daughter of the king. Flee from her into uninhabited places." When Epiphanius had said these things to the demon, it immediately departed from the daughter. When Epiphanius saw the king in great ecstasy, he said to him with a smiling countenance:

Rejoice, O King, concerning your daughter; the wolf has fled into uninhabited places. Go, O daughter, into your chamber, and rejoice with your most excellent mother. Take heed henceforth to your body; and the evildoer shall no longer approach you. When the king’s daughter heard these things from Epiphanius, she went into the chamber where her mother was remaining. ^A Then indeed the king bowed his neck to Epiphanius. And when all saw the king, they also bowed themselves to the earth, saying to Epiphanius: O you who are adorned with the grace of God, be favorably disposed toward the king, the father of his power, and you shall be with us perpetually. A demon vexed the queen; you came hither to drive it out.

XV. But one of them, the foremost of the magi, said to him with kindness: O blessed Epiphanius, desired mage, you have come hither to bestow a benefit upon us. Remain here, teach us; all the magi will obey you. ^B When Epiphanius heard these things, he said to the foolish mage: O mage, enemy of the truth, learn not to speak disorderly words. Place a bar upon your mouth, and you shall not be speaking incessantly. Do not imagine that the servant of God is a mage of injustice. When Epiphanius had said these things, the mage immediately remained in that place mute and motionless. When the king and the crowd that stood around him saw these things, all, seized with fear, fell to the earth.

XVI. When Epiphanius saw them falling, he stretched out his hand toward the king, ^C and said to him with kindness: Arise, be at peace, and be well in your chamber. With these words from Epiphanius, all arose to their feet. Epiphanius said to the magus: See what you see and hear, and be attentive to the truth. Do not regard me as a mage, for I am a servant of the Crucified; speak and hear as you did previously. Become a friend of the truth. Then the magus made his defense, saying that he had erred regarding Epiphanius. Then the king ordered gold and silver, pearls, and precious stones to be brought before everyone, and to be placed at the feet of Epiphanius, ^D saying to him: Take these, our Father, and hold me in your soul. But Epiphanius said to the king: We despise all things so that we may hold fast to the truth; do not cause me trouble with these things. For Christ taught me not to have need of these. Take these yourself, bury them in your chamber, and they shall be dead to you forever. You only attend to them and are distracted, when you cannot be helped by them. You have a vice in your faculty of reason, as one who destroys your soul through the gold given to you by the Lord, in order that you might provide for those in need. Be just before the God of all, lest you be judged in condemnation and be kept in the exterior darkness; and then you shall remember my words. But for now, accept my words, and then you shall be rejoicing; do not have need of this world, and all the world shall be subject to you. And do not attend to inconstant magi, who deceive you with a dark law. The hour of the midday meal has arrived. Go eagerly to the table. For I would sow many words, but you are not a participant in any of them. For I know your thought is away from the table

Eat, enjoy yourself in a composed manner; for you are making a speech about all these things.

XVII. The king said to Epiphanius: Come, Father, let us sit together and eat food. But Epiphanius said to the king: Go, sit at the table, eat all things according to your custom; only abstain from disorder. For to me, bread made of bran and a little salt for the sake of flavor will provide what is necessary for the body. Having said these things to the king, Epiphanius, the king dismissed everyone from the hall, and commanded us to enter into his private chamber. He sent various types of food to us at the table. But Epiphanius rejected everything, keeping only bread for us, by which we were satisfied, giving thanks to the God of all. The following day the emperor ^B sent for Epiphanius, who, walking modestly and composedly, came to the king. The king himself, rising from his throne, placed his scepter upon the ground. Then Epiphanius said to the king: Take up the dignity of the kingdom, and have ^C a grateful soul toward God. The king said to Epiphanius: Remain here with us, Father, and I will keep your words. Epiphanius said to the king: If you keep my words, I shall remember you wherever I may be. We remained ten days in the king’s hall. When these had passed, Epiphanius said to the king: I shall run in haste to my homeland. For I seek all who are there. Sit on your throne, stirring up nothing against the Romans. For if you are an enemy to the Romans, you will be an enemy to the Crucified; and if you are an enemy to the Crucified, you will perish miserably by your adversaries. When Epiphanius had said these things to the king, the king went forth with his troop, leading us first into our own region.

XVIII. When we had exited from the hall, behold, there was a young man dead upon a bier, who was the son of one of the princes. They were carrying him to be cast to the dogs to be eaten. Epiphanius said to those who were carrying the dead: Where are you going to bury him? They say to Epiphanius: He who has ceased to live will be devoured by dogs. But Epiphanius, holding the bier, said to them: O children, set it down upon the ground. Let us see the dead man also. This boy had been killed miserably by a sorcerer through magic. For it is the custom ^D among the Persians that those who are dead should be devoured by dogs. When they had immediately set down the bier, Epiphanius said to the king: O king, who rules over wicked and iniquitous men, it was fitting that this one who has departed from life be buried in the earth, so that he who will trumpet from heaven might be able to summon him from there to worship Him. But you are a king of such wicked and criminal men, that they even bring death upon themselves before their time. This one, whom you see dead, departed from life having been killed by a sorcerer. But my God, who was stretched out upon the wood, raises him up before the face of all. Having said these things, Epiphanius, and [alt-version omitted]

^C holding the dead man with his hands, cried out to the lover of mankind: "Son of God, you who raised the four-day-old Lazarus from the dead, raise up this young man also." And Epiphanius, taking his own outer garment, clothed the dead man; for it was the custom among the Persians to bring out the dead naked. Immediately the young man arose and embraced Epiphanius. And Epiphanius said to the young man, "Go, child, to your house, and wear your customary clothes; but bring me back my outer garment." For it was the custom for Epiphanius to wear a hair-shirt next to his skin and the outer garment over it. When the king saw what had happened regarding Epiphanius, he supposed him to be a god. But Epiphanius said to the king, "Do not think these things of me, for I am a man subject to the same passions. For my God, in whom I have believed, grants these things to his friends." Having said these things and more besides, Epiphanius said to the king, "Return, child, to your palace. For we are traveling to our homeland." The king said to Epiphanius, "How many soldiers shall I send to protect you, Father?" Epiphanius said to the king, "I have the God in the heavens who guards me, and his holy angels as soldiers." Then the king, having embraced Epiphanius, cried out in a loud voice, "Go in peace, Epiphanius, the glory of the Romans; and remember us who are in Persia." Departing from Persia, we went into Phoenicia; and having traveled through a part of Phoenicia, we arrived at Spanhydrion. ^D We found the cell as it was before. And when we had been there for three days, there was no water for us to drink.

XIX. Epiphanius, therefore, standing and looking toward the east, prayed to the God who is in the heavens, saying: "O You who didst cleave the flinty rock and causedst water to flow forth from it, and gavest drink to a people who were failing, cleave also this ground and make water spring forth from it for the habitation of poor men." When Epiphanius had said these things, a certain good fragrance came to be in that place; and again, having bowed three times toward the ground and prayed, and having taken a mattock, he scratched a little on the ground, and behold, a small amount of water bubbled up. Then, after he had scratched it again, our dwelling abounded with the waters of a rich river. We were living quietly in that place, he and I. But God, who makes grass to grow for the cattle and green herb for the service of men, as that water irrigated all that land, by the command of Him who always cares for the human race, caused the earth to bring forth a multitude of vegetables for our enjoyment and sustenance. When some wild beasts came upon these and were destroying all the greenery, Epiphanius stood over the vegetables and reasoned with the beasts as if they were men, saying, "Do not cause me trouble; for I am a sinful and poor man. Because of the multitude of my sins I am in this

^A place, mourning; but God has provided me with this comfort of vegetables for nourishment. He Himself commands you no longer to come to this place, and to cause no damage to my greens." When the wild beasts heard these things from Epiphanius, just like humans who are sensitive if they happen to err in some major matter and are shamed when rebuked, so too the beasts fell into shame at the words of Epiphanius and withdrew immediately. And from that day they never again approached our place. But the Saracens, who had built the cell for us, heard that Epiphanius had come from Persia, and they arrived to meet him, so that they might receive a blessing from him. They built for us three other houses; indeed, they stayed with us for four months, and then they departed to their own places. It was heard throughout all Phoenicia that Epiphanius was living in Spanhydrion. ^B Consequently, other brothers gathered at the monastery. We were, in all, fifty in number.

XX. One day, Epiphanius went to the monastery of the great Hilarion to visit the brothers, and I accompanied him. The brothers received us with great joy and detained us for many days. The devil, however, who from the beginning is the adversary of the servants of God, took on the appearance of Epiphanius and went to the monastery called Spanhydrion. A brother among those who were a little more negligent met him and ran to do him obeisance; and falling to the ground, he worshipped the wicked demon. And it entered into him; and he was uncontrollable among the brothers. ^C Epiphanius said to the great Hilarion, "Father, a wolf has entered the monastery, and has disturbed and unsettled all the brothers." Having said these things, Epiphanius embraced them all, and we set out on our way.

On another occasion, when three peasants had entered the monastery, one of them had an unclean spirit. The two others begged Epiphanius on behalf of the one who had the unclean spirit, saying: "Help our brother." Then Epiphanius said to them: "Take, children, your friend, and go in peace; for in the name of Jesus Christ there is nothing wicked in him." And as they believed in the word of Epiphanius, the man went away ^D cured to his own home.

XXI. Once, when a lion was in a desolate place, about sixty milestones from our monastery, it was hiding in the woods and killing many of those who were passing by that place. This place was convenient for travelers. Therefore, all those who were accustomed to travel through that place were compelled to come to Epiphanius in the monastery, telling him about the animal and its ferocity, and that the place had become uninhabitable, and that no one could pass through it because of fear of the lion, and that since it had destroyed many men, the others were terrified and did not dare to pass through the place any longer.

And the others, being terrified, no longer wished to pass through that place. But Epiphanius, having heard about the disorder caused by the lion, said to all those present: "Let us go, my children, in the name of the Lord, and we shall see the bloodthirsty lion." So, taking me, Epiphanius proceeded with the men. When we arrived, a great fear fell upon all who were with us. But Epiphanius said to the men: "Where, my children, is the lion’s dwelling?" When they pointed out the spot, Epiphanius walked in front of everyone. And as the lion was not yet to be seen, Epiphanius said in a loud voice, "Where is the dwelling of the unruly lion?" Then the lion leaped out of the woods to meet Epiphanius; but when it saw Epiphanius, it immediately fell to the ground and lay there dead. ^A Epiphanius approached close to its mouth, while the others, gripped by great fear, fled, thinking lest it might kill Epiphanius as well. But Epiphanius said in a loud voice to them all: "Come, my children, fearlessly, and look upon the corpse of the beast." When they had all gathered immediately, they all saw the corpse of the beast. And Epiphanius said to the men: "If you have faith in the Savior, all those who plot against you will fall in this way." Then all the men took us back to the monastery, and, having received a blessing from Epiphanius, they went on their own way.

^B XXII. The place formerly called Spanhydrion was glorified through Epiphanius. For it was once uninhabited, impassable, and waterless; and for this reason it had received the name Spanhydrion, from its lack of water. But it became a paradise sharing in all good things, with a flood of waters and various edible crops. Along with all these things of which Epiphanius was deemed worthy by God, God also granted him this great and wonderful gift: to interpret the divine Scriptures with all truth. For, taking the divinely inspired books and reading them to the brothers, he would explain their full power to them. ^C Now Epiphanius, the great orator and philosopher who lived in Edessa, having heard that Epiphanius was a man of learning, desired to meet him. And upon his arriving at the monastery, the multitude of brothers was standing and sending up hymns to God. Epiphanius, however, was performing prayers by himself. And when the entire service was completed, Epiphanius appeared to the brothers; but the orator was standing there and paying attention to the multitude, and he greeted no one. So, when the philosopher saw Epiphanius, he recognized him, and running, he bowed down before him. ^D Epiphanius said to the philosopher: "Why, O great Epiphanius, O great orator, why have you come to the lowliest and most sinful man, Epiphanius? I marvel at this concerning you, philosopher, why you have come to a simple man, and especially from such a long distance; for what reason, tell me, O philosopher?" The philosopher said to Epiphanius: "Do not marvel at this, O desired master. For Dionysius of Halicarnassus used to say that faces...

^A when compared with other faces can appear more beautiful. When the good are mixed with the bad, they will be stretched out upon one tree. For no man who wears but a single tunic so guards his body that it is not torn. For a very great gathering provides very many discourses. And where there are many discourses, there is a great experience of diverse things." Having said these and many other things, the philosopher became silent and spoke no more.

XXIII. Concerning the Philosopher and Callistus

Epiphanius, taking up the first book concerning the creation of the world, interpreted it word for word for the philosopher. The philosopher, for his part, agreed with some things but contradicted others. Thus, they remained for three days discussing with one another. However, the things spoken by them did not at all agree with one another. ^B But when the philosopher had seen how Epiphanius lived, he loved him greatly, and on the fourth day he said to him: "Master, the dwelling of this place is beautiful. I wish, if you command it, to live here." Epiphanius said to the philosopher: "This is a matter for the free choice of each individual." The philosopher said to Epiphanius: "But I am also bringing my books here." Epiphanius said to him: "If anything comes into your mind, you shall find Epiphanius well-disposed." The philosopher then said: "Callistus will certainly go for my books." Epiphanius said to the philosopher: "Go, depart in good health with Callistus." Then the philosopher said to Epiphanius: "I shall leave all my effects to Callistus, ^C for I am no longer going to leave this place." Now this Callistus was the son of Aetius, the great prefect of Rome. As he had an evil spirit, he saw Epiphanius in a vision saying to him: "Do you wish, Callistus, that I cast out the spirit from you?" Callistus said: "And who are you, my lord, that you are able to cast it out?" Epiphanius said to Callistus: "I am," he said, "Epiphanius the Phoenico-Palestinian, who dwells in the monastery of Spanhydrium. If, therefore," he said, "I cast the evil spirit out of you, will you come and dwell with me in Spanhydrium?" Callistus said to Epiphanius: "Lord, cast the unclean spirit out of me, and I will dwell," he said, "with you." Epiphanius said to Callistus: "See that you do not do otherwise, for it will cling to you again." Being awakened, therefore, Callistus related everything ^D to his father the prefect. From that day, therefore, Callistus was no longer afflicted by the unclean spirit. After a period of three months, Callistus said to his father Aetius: "Father, I wish to go into the region of the Phoenicians, and to seek out Epiphanius, and to dwell with him in Spanhydrium." Immediately, therefore, his father, having given him much money, sent him off with an escort. And when he had arrived in Phoenicia and had inquired for Epiphanius, he came to him and explained everything, and he dwelt with us. The philosopher therefore sent Callistus, at the command of Epiphanius, with two servants and three camels to Edessa to fetch his books. And when he had reached Edessa, he took the philosopher’s books, placed them upon the camels, and arrived at the monastery.

^A XXIV. Every day, therefore, Epiphanius and the philosopher contested with each other at great length. Epiphanius said to the philosopher: "The philosopher Daniel says that judgment sat, and the books were opened* [Dan. vii, 10]. Come, bring forward your books, and I my own, which God has granted me; let us sit, and distinguish between ourselves." Epiphanius placed the divinely inspired Scriptures on his right, and the philosopher placed his books on his left. When they had begun from the beginning of the creation of the world—Epiphanius from the Genesis which Moses wrote, and the philosopher from the same origin which Hesiod wrote—they discussed the two books word by word, contending with each other. But light was light, and darkness was darkness; for Moses wrote with God’s cooperation, while Hesiod had his life from God, but his error from the demons. ^B For a whole year Epiphanius remained discussing with the philosopher, and did not persuade him. One day, some sixty rustics brought a certain youth who was troubled by an unclean spirit. Because those sixty could not overcome him, they bound him in chains and brought him to Epiphanius at the monastery. Epiphanius said to the philosopher: "Come now, O philosopher—you who carry on contentions with the sinner Epiphanius—call upon the multitude of your gods, so that they might drive the spirit from the youth." But the philosopher, thinking that Epiphanius was defeated and at a loss for words, suspected him [of weakness]; but Epiphanius, perceiving this, said to the philosopher: "What do you say, O philosopher, about the youth? Either heal the sick one, and I will have faith in your gods; or my God shall drive the unclean spirit from the youth, and you shall have faith in the Crucified." But in all these things the philosopher did not believe Epiphanius, but considered it a laughing matter. ^C So Epiphanius arose, and taking hold of the youth, said to him: "I say to you, young man, do you wish that I take the irons from your hands?"

XXV. When the philosopher heard these things, he ran immediately into his cell and secured himself with the bolt, saying and thinking in suspicion: "This old man, like an ignorant person, wants to loose the madman; if we, as learned men, do not escape this rashness, we are about to suffer ill at the hand of the cursed one." Therefore, Epiphanius having lightened the irons from the youth and signed him with the cross three times, said to the unclean spirit: "Epiphanius the sinner, the servant of the Lord, commands you, in the name of Jesus Christ the Crucified, the Son of God, to depart from the man and enter into him no more." And immediately the unclean spirit departed, and the youth was in great steadiness. When the philosopher saw the matters of peace, ^D he lightened the bolt and leaped out of the cell to the adoration of Epiphanius, saying such words to Epiphanius: "O," he says, "Epiphanius, bearer of the crown, I believe and have believed the things that were spoken, through

but their works are seen to have fruit. I too wish to be of those who serve the Crucified. Epiphanius said to the philosopher: Why do you marvel at this, O philosopher, as though we had done it? Not so; but it is the Son of God who does these excellent things through those who believe in Him. When Epiphanius had said these things and more to the philosopher, the philosopher besought him to give him the seal that is in Christ. Epiphanius took him and me, and we went to the great Hilarion, who baptized him, and we spent twenty days in the monastery of the great Hilarion; whom Epiphanius requested to send one of the brothers with Epiphanius the philosopher to Eleutheropolis, so that the bishop might make him a presbyter. And he did so. And again we went to Spanhydrion. ^B But Epiphanius, having called all the brothers, spoke to them thus: This man who once seemed to be something to himself, while being nothing, called himself a philosopher; but now, by the grace of Christ, he has truly become a philosopher, and he is your spiritual father. Thus Epiphanius the philosopher received grace from God, and was in charge of the whole choir.

XXVI. Since many were entering the monastery, they would not allow Epiphanius to rest. Since he had it in his mind to leave the place and travel to the parts of Egypt, he said to me: Follow me, my child. I said to him: I will follow you wherever you go, Father. But when he had called all the brothers and bid them farewell, he said: I am going, O children, to visit the brothers who are in the monastery of the great Hilarion. But when they understood ^C that he wished to depart, on account of the great trouble caused by those who came to him, they all fell on their faces, and with weeping and lamentation begged Epiphanius not to leave. Epiphanius himself also, led by great compassion, persuaded them, saying that he would not depart any further. But when ten days had passed, he took me by night, and we went out, and we went to Jerusalem, and we worshipped our life, namely the venerable cross of the Lord. And we were in the city, visiting the sites and praying, for sixteen days. And as we were leaving the city, in order to come to Joppa and sail to Egypt, a certain woman met us, possessed by an unclean spirit. She, having taken hold of Epiphanius’s cloak, tore it, and immediately the unclean spirit went out from her. ^D She, falling at the feet of Epiphanius, begged him, saying: Forgive me, Father, and do not be angry. Epiphanius said to the woman: Go in health to your house; for he who had torn you is himself torn. And the woman went in peace. And when we had descended to Joppa, we found a ship ready that wanted to go to Alexandria. And when we had sailed from Joppa, after three days we entered Alexandria. But as we disembarked from the ship and were entering the city, a certain Jew met us, named Aquila, a teacher of the law. And Epiphanius began

^A to debate with them regarding the Law. They remained, therefore, in great contention that day. And on the following day, having come again for a meeting, they held a discourse with one another, so that Aquila, being persuaded by the interpretation of Epiphanius, desired to become a Christian. Epiphanius then took him to Pope Athanasius, and we departed from the city of Alexandria.

As we were traveling toward the parts of Upper Thebais, a certain monk, a disciple of the great Antony, named Paphnutius, met us. Epiphanius said to him, "Bless us, Father." Paphnutius said, "May you be blessed by the Lord." And when Paphnutius had offered a prayer, we greeted one another, and we rested a while in that place. Epiphanius then asked Paphnutius about all the things the great Antony had done, and he told him everything. Epiphanius said to Paphnutius, "I wish, Father, to dwell in the place called Nitria." But Paphnutius said to Epiphanius, "Go in peace; enjoy the company of the fathers, and gather the summer hay, and go to the island of the Cypriots, and tend sheep for clothing, and honor the children, so that they may be your lambs." ^B Having said these things, Paphnutius, and having prayed again, we embraced one another and went each on his own way.

XXVII.

When, therefore, he saw Epiphanius, he asked whence he was. And when he learned that he was a Palestinian, he asked also the name; and when he learned that he was called Epiphanius, he was greatly troubled. For in Egypt it was said of Epiphanius that he was a learned man and possessed foreknowledge. After, therefore, he had asked Epiphanius whence he was and who he was called, and had learned, he was teaching the crowd again. But when he came to explain concerning the resurrection, he spoke of the flesh, that it does not rise again. Epiphanius, taking this ill, said to Hierax, "Put a stopper upon your mouth, and learn not to blaspheme concerning our hope." ^D And at the word of Epiphanius, Hierax remained speechless, motionless in his place. When all those who were being taught by him saw the miracle which Epiphanius performed upon Hierax, they were all astonished. Epiphanius, taking [his argument] from the divine Scriptures, began to teach everyone concerning the resurrection. There passed, therefore, about

the space of three hours, and Hierax remained speechless. After this, Epiphanius said to him: "Speak the true word, and listen to the firm and stable faith." Then Hierax excused himself, saying that he had slipped, but that he repented of that perverse opinion.

XXVIII. Departing from Leontopolis, we went into the upper Thebaid. There was a righteous man there, John by name. And when we had entered to him, he received us kindly. But there were some who lived in those places who had bound a certain young man to him, that he might stay there. He was troubled by an unclean spirit. When he saw Epiphanius, he said in a loud voice: "Why have you come here, Epiphanius, servant of God?" And he remained from the sixth ^B hour until the ninth hour, crying out in this way. And suddenly, having broken his bonds, he ran to Epiphanius. And having taken hold of the feet of Epiphanius, he cried out, saying: "Deliver me, I beseech you, by the God whom you worship." For Epiphanius had told the unclean spirit not to go out from the man, so that John might not know what was happening with Epiphanius. But Epiphanius said to the young man: "Arise, man; why do you cause me trouble?" Immediately the young man arose whole, the unclean spirit having gone out from him. We stayed three days with John, a man admirable and adorned with a life that was lived in virtue. Then, departing thence, we came to Bucolia, and we spent seven years there; and they caused Epiphanius much trouble there through their disputations.

XXIX. Once upon a time, a certain philosopher, Eudæmon by name, ^C approached Epiphanius, and they held discussions between themselves. And they spent ten days conversing with one another. For Epiphanius used the divinely inspired Scriptures to demonstrate the truth to Eudæmon, but Eudæmon, through useless contention, spoke against the things that were said by Epiphanius. Now Eudæmon had a boy, and his eye was closed. Epiphanius said to Eudæmon: "Behold, philosopher, you are adorned above all others with eloquence and riches, and you have many gods among you. Why do you not take care of your boy, so that his two eyes might be healthy?" Regarding this, the philosopher laughed, saying to Epiphanius: "If under the heavens ^D the son of Eudæmon alone were to possess [only] one eye, I would have reason to be anxious about him; but since there are countless numbers who traverse this earth who do not have even one eye, what concern is it to Eudæmon regarding him?" But Epiphanius said to Eudæmon: "But if he were truly the only one, O philosopher, what would you have been able to do to cure him?" Eudæmon said: "Nothing other than to reason and to say that no one else has ever been so afflicted as our boy." Epiphanius said to him: "Do not regard, O philosopher, what is being said as if it were a joke; for God is in the midst of both of us. Bring the boy who suffers; see the glory of God." When Epiphanius had said these things, and had taken the boy of Eudæmon by the hand, and had signed his eye, which did not see, [three times], he immediately saw. When Eudæmon had seen what had been done,

he entreated him, saying: "If it is pleasing to you, teacher, I also wish to become a Christian." Epiphanius said to Eudæmon: "Listen, O philosopher, concerning the good and merciful God, in whom the Christians believe. Israel, who at one time was in bondage to Pharaoh, king of Egypt, He liberated, and snatched him away from him, and led him through the Red Sea as if through dry land and through the wilderness, and brought him into a land flowing with milk and honey. And when at one time this people had been disobedient and had forgotten God, He exhorted them through the Prophet, saying: 'My people, what have I done to you, or in what have I been grievous to you? Answer me' (Mich. vi, 3). So, learned Eudæmon, God is prepared to receive all who approach in a good manner, and even if one has committed very many sins, they shall be forgiven him. Go, therefore, learned Eudæmon, and enter into the city, and be not ashamed to fall before the bishop. For Christ loves humility. Wherefore He also came to us in great humility." ^B

XXX. Eudæmon heard the words of Epiphanius, and entered into the city, and fell before the feet of the bishop, and became a Christian. Epiphanius became renowned throughout all Egypt. The bishops sought to seize him and make him a bishop; and he who was leading was bringing Epiphanius. Epiphanius knew this, and said to me: "Come, child, let us travel back into our homeland." And we returned again into our homeland, and we entered into the monastery of the great Hilarion. The great Hilarion had withdrawn from the monastery because of the great disturbance occurring to him, and had sailed away from the region of the Cyprians to the places round about Paphos. ^C When the brothers saw Epiphanius, they rejoiced with great joy. They had been mourning because of the great Hilarion. We stayed in the monastery for forty days, and then we departed and went to our own monastery, which is called Spanhydrion, in which Epiphanius had appointed Epiphanius the Edessan as superior. He had added a multitude of brothers to that monastery. For he himself was an admirable man. When the Edessan superior and the brothers saw Epiphanius, they received great joy. We were there in hospitality for three days, I and he himself. But on the fourth day he said to me: "Child, take another cell and live in quiet in it." And I did so, and we were living in quiet in the monastery. [Epiphanius was occupying the place of the host.] ^D

XXXI. When in that year there was a famine in the region of the Phoenicians, a great multitude gathered to Epiphanius and entreated him, saying: "Bring us aid, Father, that we might not perish, and entreat God that He might give rain upon the earth, and the earth might bring forth its fruits." Epiphanius said to the people: "Why do you cause me trouble? For I am a sinful man." And again they entreated Epiphanius further, that he might pray to the kind and merciful God. But he said

^A to them, "I have already told you that I am a sinner." As they besought him more urgently, the ninth hour of the day arrived. Epiphanius said to the hegumen, "Allow the brothers to set a table for these men, and let them eat and be refreshed and go on their way." They set out the table, and Epiphanius went into his cell. As they were eating, the sun was sending forth its rays as in summer; but suddenly there was darkness, and lightning, and thunder, and a great rain fell upon the earth. From fear, everyone rose from the table. There was no place in all Phoenicia that did not receive the blessing. And the rain continued for three days. The men came to the house of Epiphanius and begged him to stop the rain which was falling from the sky. Then Epiphanius said to them, "What do you think I am, O children? For I am also a man just as you are. But the Benefactor knows what we need. Do you wish to return on your way?" They said, "Certainly, Father." When he went out from the cell, all were gathered and surrounded him. Again Epiphanius said to the hegumen, "Allow them to set a table for the men, that they may eat and drink and go on their own way." When they were all seated at the table, they asked Epiphanius to give a blessing. And when Epiphanius said, "Blessed be God," the rain immediately ceased from the earth. Epiphanius saw, however, the great disturbance being caused to him in that monastery, and he again sought to withdraw.

XXXII

Come, let us go, so that we may be blessed by our father, the great Hilarion; for I have heard that he is in the region of the Cypriots. And he who was guiding us led Epiphanius. ^A

XXXIII. When we had descended into Caesarea, we found there a Cypriot ship from inside the region of Paphos; and Epiphanius asked the master of the ship about the great Hilarion, where he lived; and he reported that he was staying in a cave in the neighboring region of Paphos, and that he was seeking our ship there in Paphos. That night, therefore, we went aboard the ship and sailed to Paphos; and indeed, having disembarked from the ship and made inquiries, we arrived at the great Hilarion. And when we had entered, there was great joy at the meeting, and we remained in that place for two days. Hilarion, however, had much trouble from those who were coming to him. When Epiphanius had decided that we should leave Paphos, Hilarion said to Epiphanius: Where are you going, my child? Epiphanius said to Hilarion: To Ascalon, to Gaza, and further on into the land. Hilarion said to Epiphanius: Go to Salamis, ^B my child, and you will find a place to dwell there. But Epiphanius did not wish to listen to the words of Hilarion. Hilarion therefore said again to Epiphanius: I tell you, my child, that you must go there and dwell there. Do not, therefore, have contentiousness toward our words, lest you also partake of danger at sea. Having said farewell, therefore, and having gone down to the sea, we found two ships: one crossing to Ascalon, and the other sailing to Salamis. But when we had boarded the ship that was intending to sail for Ascalon, a great storm arose on the sea, and the ship was in danger of being broken. We spent three days on the sea, having despaired of our lives; and on the fourth day, the ship was driven by the waves that were attacking it, and they cast us up at the city of the Salaminians. And indeed, upon getting off from the ship, all of us lay upon the ground as ^C dead from the great affliction and from fasting. The ship remained in that place for repair. For it had been battered by the violence of the waves. We spent three days there, recovered by the grace of God, and again Epiphanius wanted us to sail from that place. Now the bishop of that place, I mean the city of the Salaminians, had departed from this life.

XXXIV. All the bishops of the island were therefore gathered to ordain the one who would be able to shepherd the flock of Christ. They were therefore spending days at the same place, and praying to Christ that He might reveal to them the one able to be useful for the priesthood; and there was one of the bishops, a holy man, from twenty-five milestones from the city of the Salaminians, having been ordained in a wretched city called Cytria. They said that he had spent fifty-eight years in the episcopate. This man was also deemed worthy of ^D martyrdom; and having suffered many things for the sake of Christ, he was released upon the confession of the Son of God. They said that he had been held with Gelasius, the bishop of the city of the Salaminians, for the mar-

- ^A tyrdom. From his birth, his name was Pappus, who was himself also among the bishops. All the bishops held him as a father, both on account of his confession in Christ and because of his long years in the episcopate. Moreover, he possessed the foreknowledge of God. It was revealed to him regarding Epiphanius that he should be ordained bishop of the Church of the Salaminians. The season was summer, which was already scorching the ripe grapes. Since Epiphanius had therefore decided to sail away from the city of the Salaminians, he said to me and to Polybius: "Let us go, children, to the market, and we shall purchase grapes on the ship." When we had come to the market, and were agreeing with the seller, Epiphanius, having taken two very beautiful clusters of grapes, said to the seller: "What do you command that I give you for these two clusters?" For it was the custom of Epiphanius not to haggle. When the seller had stated the price of the grapes to Epiphanius, he accepted the money in order to pay the seller. Then holy Pappus approached, supported by two deacons. There were also three other bishops with him. When they had approached Epiphanius, Epiphanius had the clusters in his hands, along with their price. Some of those standing by said: "Look, the bishops are present here." Pappus said to Epiphanius: "Leave the clusters, O Abba, with the seller, and follow us into the church." Having remembered the divine word that speaks and says: "I was glad in those who said to me: We shall go into the house of the Lord" (Ps. CXXI, 1), he followed into the church. Pappus then said to Epiphanius: "Say a prayer, O Father." This Pappus said to Epiphanius, so that he might show Epiphanius to be a cleric. But Epiphanius said to Pappus: "Forgive me, Father; for I am not in the clergy." Pappus said to Epiphanius: "See, O child, lest you deny it before so many holy Fathers, and be condemned as one who hid the talent." Epiphanius said to Pappus: ^B "No, Father, I am not a cleric." But when Epiphanius had said these things, Pappus gave him the kiss of peace. One of the deacons, having seized Epiphanius by the head, led him by force to Pappus at the altar, so that many others also gathered, in order that they might keep him at the altar. Thus he ordained him deacon; and again he gave him the kiss of peace, and ordained him priest. Again the order followed, and he ordained him bishop. After the dismissal from the church, we went up into the episcopal residence. Pappus said to Epiphanius: "Come, child, exhort the Fathers, so that we may enjoy and rejoice in your fatherhood." When Epiphanius took this gravely, and was distressed in spirit and wept, Pappus said to Epiphanius: "It indeed behooved us to be silent, O child Epiphanius. But I become a fool having myself made the inquiry. For the Fathers having gathered ^C here, by the will of God they committed this task to me to signify the bishop. And all of them kept pressing this task upon me, saying to me, a sinner: Pray with a ready and eager spirit, and it shall be revealed to you."

^A XXXV. When I had shut myself up in the guesthouse and was praying to the Saviour about this matter, a lightning flash shone in the cell, and I heard a voice saying to me, a sinner: "Pappe, Pappe, listen." I, being terrified with fear, said: "What does my Lord command?" He said to me kindly: "Arise, take with you one of the deacons, and go down to the market. Behold, there a monk is buying grapes at the merchant's; he has two monks with him, and has the appearance of the head of Elisha. Ordain him as bishop; but do not tell him, lest he flee. His name is Epiphanius." I became foolish, my son; you forced me yourself. See what you do, and pay attention to yourself. For I was sent, and I have done what I was obliged to do. I am innocent, and after all these things you will see. When Epiphanius heard these things, he fell on his face and worshipped Pappe, saying: "Do not be angry, Father, for I am a sinful man, and I do not suffice for the measure of the priesthood." And having worshipped everyone, he urged them to breakfast. And after they had breakfasted, each one went to his own church.

^B XXXVI. Three days later, a certain venerable man named Eugnomon was cast into prison by a certain most illustrious man of that city for the sum of a hundred coins. The name of the man who had cast him in was Draco. This Eugnomon, being a Roman, had no one to rescue him from custody. When Epiphanius heard this, he went to Draco to beseech him to release Eugnomon the Roman from custody. Draco said to Epiphanius: "Go, you intruder into our city, bring the hundred coins which your friend owes me, give them to me, and take him." Now this Draco was very rich and fierce in his ways. Epiphanius therefore went into the bishop's house. There were a hundred coins laid up in the bishop's house for the ministry of the Church. Having taken them, Epiphanius went and gave them to Draco, and released the stranger. But there was a certain deacon named Charinus—this man was testified by many to be disorderly—who incited all the clerics against Epiphanius, saying: "Come, let us drive out this stranger, lest he eat up everything belonging to the Church, and we become guilty of sin." Now this ^C Charinus was very rich, and he sought to drive out Epiphanius so that he himself might sit upon the throne. They therefore set upon Epiphanius, with Charinus saying these words: "Is it not enough for you, O Epiphanius, that you came here without even a cloak, and have received the Church, but you also, like a foreigner, scatter the goods of the Church? And who will be able to endure this? Either give back the hundred coins of the Church, or depart to your own country." The Roman, who had been released by Epiphanius, went to Rome and, having sold all his possessions, brought the money to Epiphanius. Having received this, Epiphanius distributed it to those who were in need. The Roman remained with Epiphanius ^D until the day of his death. Epiphanius received the hundred...

coins and gave them to Charinus, saying to him, "Take these hundred coins which I gave on behalf of the stranger." But he, possessing the effrontery of a dog, took the coins from Epiphanius. ^A And having called all the clergy together, he said to them, "Come, take the hundred coins which Epiphanius had scattered; for I have demanded them from him." But the clergy did not approve of the evil intent of Charinus, but said to him, "Go, return them to him from whom you received them." So he did not return them to Epiphanius. And he indeed did many grievous and unworthy things to Epiphanius; but Epiphanius never once remembered the injury he had received from Charinus.

XXXVII. Concerning the Crow.

^B Once, when there was a meal at the episcopal residence, Epiphanius had all the clergy at the table. It was the custom of Epiphanius to hold the holy Gospels in his hands by night and day, and to teach the divine word. And while Epiphanius was teaching those who were dining at the table, a bird, which is called a raven, let out a loud cry. ^C Charinus said to those who were dining, "Which of you knows what the raven has said?" Epiphanius, however, was expounding the divine word. The raven uttered the same sound again. Charinus said again, "Which of you knows what the raven says?" But Epiphanius was again teaching all at the meal. Then the raven gave a third cry. Charinus said again to those at the meal, "I have said to you, which of you knows what the raven is saying?" Epiphanius, not troubled at all, but with a calm countenance, said to Charinus, "I know what the raven said." Charinus said, "Tell me, and you shall be master of all I possess." Epiphanius said to Charinus, "The raven said that you shall no longer be a deacon." Upon this word of Epiphanius, a trembling fell upon ^D Charinus, and he spoke no more, nor did he eat or drink; but his servants carried him and brought him to his house and laid him on a bed. In the morning, he died in his bed. He had a very faithful wife, but they had no child. She offered everything to Epiphanius, and he made her a deaconess of the Church. Her hand had suffered from paralysis for a period of ten years. After Epiphanius took hold of her to sign her, she was immediately healed and was freed from her pains. From that day, therefore, on which Epiphanius spoke the word to Charinus—and together with the word he received the judgment from the Lord—all the clergy were in fear and trembling and subject to Epiphanius.

XXXVIII. Furthermore, Epiphanius also observed this: at the time of the oblation, he never completed the oblation until he had seen the vision. The blessed man was accustomed to speak certain words, and it was immediately revealed to him. When, therefore, he had once spoken the word three times, the vision did not appear to him. As he was mourning and praying that the cause might be revealed to him, Epiphanius first looked at the deacon who was standing on the left holding the fan

^A of the ministry. Now as he watched him, Epiphanius saw that leprosy was appearing on his forehead. It was manifest to all that the deacon was suffering from a vice. Therefore, Epiphanius reached out his hand and took the liturgical instrument, saying to him with kindness: "Go, my son, to your home and do not partake of the divine mysteries for now." He immediately went out and went to his house. Epiphanius gave the fan to another deacon. And having begun the divine words with fear and tears, when he finished, he immediately saw the vision. After the dismissal of the church, Epiphanius called the deacon ^B and sought to learn the cause. When he said that he had slept with his wife that night, Epiphanius called together the entire clergy and said to them with kindness: "As many of you, my children, as have been deemed worthy of the priesthood, take off your shoes so as not to walk in them, that you may honor the holy man who preaches in the church and says: *And those who have wives, as though they had none* (I Cor. vii, 29). From that time on, Epiphanius no longer ordained those who had a wife, but holy men practicing the monastic life, and proven widowers. For it was truly possible to see the Church as a beautiful bride adorned by the priesthood.

THE REMAINS OF POLYBIUS, BISHOP OF THE CITY OF RHINOCORURA, ON THE REST OF THE LIFE OF OUR HOLY FATHER EPIPHANIUS, BISHOP OF THE CITY OF CONSTANTIA

^C XXXIX. Glory to God, who provides us with life and glorifies those who glorify Him, just as the divine word says: *But those who glorify me I will glorify; and he who dishonors me shall be dishonored* (I Reg. ii, 30). It happened that the holy Father John fell ill with the sickness from which he also died. As he lay sick on his bed, he called me and said to me: "My son Polybius." And I said to him: "What do you command, Father?" He said to me: "Since Epiphanius prevents us from committing to written records the miracles that God performs through him, take these papers. For until today, what I have seen Epiphanius—

^B do, I have put in writing without his knowledge. Do you also, my son, record the events from this day forward. For God will add to your life the years of Epiphanius, so that you may remain with him for all the time of your life. But see that you do not neglect this; for I, too, moved by God, have written these things. For I am going on that way [of death] ^C upon which all who are on the earth go." Having said this, John said to me: "Call for me our holy Father Epiphanius." I went and called him. When he had come in, Epiphanius said to John: "Do you not care, Father John, to pray for the miserable sinner Epiphanius?" But John said to Epiphanius: "Pray, Father, for I have something to say to you." So Epiphanius prayed. When everyone had said "Amen," John said to Epiphanius: "Come closer to me, Father." And he approached him. Then John said to Epiphanius: "Lay your hands upon my eyes, and kiss me, Father, for behold, I am departing." And Epiphanius laid his hands upon his eyes and kissed him. And John delivered his spirit; and Epiphanius fell upon the neck of John and ^D wept for him, and Epiphanius was deeply saddened by the death of John.

XL. Once, when Epiphanius had fallen upon his face to pray to God that He might help him to build a house in His name (for the first church was small for the multitude of those who were entering), as he lay face down praying to God concerning the need for the temple, a voice from God came to him: "Epiphanius," it said. Now Epiphanius was accustomed to hearing such a voice often. And not being troubled, he said: "What is it, my God?" And the voice said again: "Begin to build the house." Epiphanius, without delay, went out and prayed and laid out the entire sequence of the place, and employed craftsmen. Sixty men were in charge of the building of the house, and a great multitude served in that work. There were also at that time in the city Gentile men, wealthy in money and possessions.

XLI. There was a certain man who was called Draco, who was called "Great Draco" by most people. He had a son, and he too was called Draco. He suffered from a severe inflammation in his right side. And although his father had spent much on physicians, it had profited him nothing for his health. Therefore, that Great Draco behaved badly toward Epiphanius both in word and deed. But Epiphanius, whenever he saw him, would be the first to greet him. Once, when Epiphanius was passing through a place where all the wealthy men were sitting on benches, Great Draco was there, and his sick son was in that place. When they saw Epiphanius, they mocked him. But when Epiphanius approached and had greeted them, he took the young Draco by his hand, saying: "Draco, you also be well." And immediately, with the prayer of Epiphanius, he was made whole. Draco, and those who saw it, were all astonished. When

Draco saw what Epiphanius had done, he was no longer able to walk home on his own feet from fear and trembling, as was his custom; but they carried him and laid him upon a bed. And in the morning, the wife of Draco came and begged Epiphanius to come and offer a prayer and raise him up. So Epiphanius went to the house of Draco; and having prayed, Draco immediately rose from his bed. In the morning, he took five thousand coins and brought them to Epiphanius. But Epiphanius said to him, "For me, my child, one tunic suffices for this little body, and common bread with water to drink. Why, he says, do you impose a burden upon me, when I do not wish for you to be burdened? But if you wish to be glorified, go and wait at the house [temple] of God, and provide these things to those who are suffering and in need." Draco did so, and he entreated Epiphanius, and he baptized him, and his wife, and his son. ^B

XLII. There was another man, named Synesius, who was also wealthy, but he was a Gentile. He had an only son, thirteen years of age. A malady overtook him; it wrapped around his throat and choked him, and he died. And there was great mourning and wailing in his house. A certain man, named Hermeas, a Christian, said to the mother of the boy, "Lady, if only the great Epiphanius were present! He would raise the boy." She, believing, immediately sent Hermeas to Epiphanius, for Hermeas was a member of his household. When Hermeas had arrived, he said to Epiphanius, "My lord, my master Synesius has sent me to you so that I might bring you to his house, and that you might pray to God for his son, who has died, that he might rise again." Then Epiphanius took me, and we went to the house of Synesius. ^C And when Epiphanius entered the house, the wife of Synesius fell to the ground, saying these words to Epiphanius: "You have come here, O great physician of the Christians; let us see your art upon our son, let us receive proof by being healed, and thus we will approach your Christ." When the woman had said these things, Epiphanius said to her: "If you believe in the Crucified, you will see your son walking." The woman said, "Nothing else is found in my mind, except to fix my attention solely upon the Crucified." ^D When Epiphanius had approached the bed, and touched the neck of the boy, and rubbed his throat, he said to him with a joyful countenance: "Eustorgius!" The boy immediately opened his eyes and sat up on the bed; and those who were in the house were amazed. Then the mother of Eustorgius, upon seeing what had been done through Epiphanius for the child, took three thousand coins and brought them to Epiphanius. But Epiphanius said to her: "I do not use these things, O noble woman. But take them, he says, and let your husband, Synesius, go to the house of Him who has raised your son, and give them to those who are in need." Synesius did so. And he was enlightened, and his wife and son, whom Epiphanius had raised from the dead.

^A XLIII. Once, when we were in the house, and no one else was there, Epiphanius said to me, "Son Polybius, since the Church has need of a presbyter in the place of our Father John, I wish you, my son, to be in his order." And as I bore these words heavily and excused myself with many arguments, the time arrived for the church to perform the divine office. As we were all entering the church with Epiphanius, I conceived the notion of running away, considering the burden of the presbyterate to be heavy. When, therefore, we reached the platform, Epiphanius, holding my hand, said to me, "Stay in this place until the time." All who heard this word were astonished. I, for my part, was no longer able to lift my foot from that place, but was as if fastened with iron nails. When the whole sequence was completed, he then sent one of the deacons, who led me to the altar, and he ordained me presbyter. After the dismissal of the church, out of fear I fell onto my bed and was gripped ^B by the cot until Epiphanius came in and prayed, and immediately I stood up.

XLIV. Some time later, a certain deacon came from Jerusalem and reported to Epiphanius about John, the bishop of Jerusalem, saying that he was avaricious, and that he locked away money and did not provide for those in need. This John had lived in the monastery of the great Hilarion, at which time Epiphanius had also lived with him. Epiphanius therefore wrote a letter to John regarding showing mercy to those who are in need. John, however, paid no attention to the letter. Not long after, Epiphanius said to me, "Come, son, let us go to Jerusalem, and when we have worshipped, we shall return." When we had set sail from Cyprus, we traveled to Caesarea Philippi, and thence we ascended to Jerusalem. Having arrived and prayed, we ascended to the episcopate. John saw Epiphanius and was filled with great joy. Epiphanius said to John, "Give me, Father, a house for us to stay in." And he ^C gave us a most beautiful house. Every day John would call Epiphanius to his table, and he would bring us sumptuous food and drink upon the table, while the poor were deprived of these things too. Some time later, Epiphanius said to John, "Give me, O Father John, silver for my needs; for I have Cypriot men to feed; I shall display them, he says, with your silver. For offer to your servant the finest things in your house for your own glory, and I shall boast of your deeds, as one who is perpetually pointed out with the finger. Just keep a record of what is given; and what is owed will afterward be returned to you." John then produced ^D a large amount of silver into view. Epiphanius said to John, "Is there, he says, another [amount] laid up for you..."

O Father?" John said to Epiphanius, "This, O Father, is surely enough for your use." Epiphanius said to John, "Bring that too, Father, so that they may be received magnificently." And when he had brought the rest as well, Epiphanius said to John, "Give me what provides a fine appearance for free men." John said to Epiphanius, "Take whatever is for the pleasure of your men, and serve it at the meal." ^A

XLV. Epiphanius therefore took a weight of silver of about fifteen hundred pounds, and we went to the house which had been given to us by John for our stay. There was a certain silversmith, Asterius by name. He had come from Rome to Jerusalem for the sake of business. Epiphanius summoned him, and having shown him the silver, and having reached an agreement and made a pact with him, he sold it to him, receiving gold from him, which he distributed night and day to those in need. After some days had passed, John said to Epiphanius, "Return to me my silver, which I lent you for your use." Epiphanius said to John, "Have patience with me, Father, for I still have people to feed, and I will return everything." When another few days had passed, John said to Epiphanius, while we were standing in the temple where the saving wood is kept, "I have already told you: ^B Return to me the silver which I lent to you." Epiphanius, however, said to John gently and calmly, "I told you, Father, that I would return it to you." John, full of much anger, grabbed and held firmly to Epiphanius’s cloak, tightening it around him, and said to him, "You shall not leave, you shall not sit, you shall have no peace, until you give back the silver which you borrowed from me; return to the Church what belongs to the Church." Epiphanius was not disturbed by all these things, but remained in the same state. John remained for the space of two hours holding him and insulting Epiphanius. All who were standing by were grieved to be present and to hear the harsh words of John. Epiphanius, however, not at all troubled, breathed into the face of John, and immediately he was blinded, ^C and fear fell upon all who were standing by. John then fell at the feet of Epiphanius, praying that he might receive his sight. While he was saying, "Go," he says, "and worship the honorable cross, and it will grant this to you," he persevered in begging Epiphanius. Epiphanius, having instructed him, placed his hand upon him, and his right eye was opened. John then pleaded for his left eye also. Epiphanius said to John, "This is not mine, O son. For God closed it, and God opened it; He did as He willed, so that we might be sober-minded." John, having been disciplined and convicted by the righteous man, became holy in all things. ^D

XLVI. As we were leaving the city to sail to Cyprus, there were two tricksters in that place. As Epiphanius was passing by the place, he said to them,

one of the two said to him: "Holy Father Epiphanius, look upon the dead man and throw your garment upon him." Epiphanius, having heard these things, stood toward the east, offering a prayer for the dead man; and indeed, having taken off his outer garment, he threw it upon the corpse to clothe it. ^B While Epiphanius continued on his way, the one who had spoken these words said to the man who had pretended to be dead: "Arise," he said, "the rustic has passed by." But when he gave no answer, he called to him again. And when he realized that he was indeed dead, he said to himself: "I will run and tell the stranger my fault, so that he may raise him." He pursued us, ^C fell to the ground, begging Epiphanius and saying to him words of this kind: "I beseech and entreat your paternal goodness; help and spare our foolishness. For when I spoke to you saying, 'Clothe the dead man,' I spoke with his consent; and when you had passed by not far off, I spoke to my friend, but there was no voice and no hearing. But come, Father, raise the dead man, and take the tunic which we received from you." But Epiphanius said to the one who was speaking: "Go, child, and bury him; for he died first, and then you asked for the garment." When we had returned to Caesarea, we sailed to Cyprus, and the brethren received us with great joy.

XLVII. ^D There was a certain Jewish lawyer named Isaac, a pious man who kept the Mosaic law with precision. Having attached himself to Epiphanius and been instructed by him, he was enlightened. We three were staying in one house.

XLVIII. Once, when the sister of the emperors Arcadius and Honorius was ill—and she was in Rome—she heard about Epiphanius, that God healed the sick through him. She therefore sent to Cyprus to bring Epiphanius to Rome. When those who had been sent arrived in Cyprus, they showed the letters to Epiphanius. Now there was a certain wealthy Gentile man, very much a stammerer, whose name was Faustinianus. He had received the men sent to Epiphanius, even though he was a great adversary of Epiphanius. Faustinianus used to say to them: "Why do you pay attention to this impostor as if he were God? For he speaks cold words, and nothing else; he is of the worst character." One day, therefore, when Epiphanius was present, and workmen were working on the church, the men who had been sent were also standing there near Epiphanius. Faustinianus was also standing in that place. Then one of the builders fell from a great height and fell down onto the head of Faustinianus; the one who had fallen suffered no harm, but Faustinianus fell on his face and remained dead. Epiphanius, approaching Faustinianus, took him by the hand, saying: "Arise, child," he said, "in the name of the Lord, and go away healthy to your house." Immediately he arose and went to his house. And when his wife had heard

of what had happened, she took a thousand coins and brought them to Epiphanius. Epiphanius said to the woman: "Go, child, give them to those who labor in the church, and you will have a treasure with the Most High." And thus the woman did.

^B XLIX. Now those who had been sent by the emperors urged Epiphanius to sail to Rome. There was a certain cleric among the orators, Philo by name, a holy man. There was a need in the city of Carpasius to install a bishop upon the throne. This man was a deacon. Epiphanius, therefore, by the revelation of God, ordained this man bishop over the throne of the city and of the Church of Carpasius. ^C When Epiphanius was about to depart for Rome, he first summoned the aforementioned bishop Philo and gave him the authority over the Church of Constantia, so that if there were need of clerics, he himself might ordain them. Epiphanius then took me and Isaac, and we sailed to Rome. And when we had entered the city, there was great mourning and wailing in the royal palace. For the sister of the emperors Arcadius and Honorius was suffering from a malady in her right hand, and the physicians had done many things but had availed her nothing. ^D The disease was even now consuming her flesh. Because of her great distress, she was urging the emperors—I mean Arcadius and Honorius—to permit a physician to give her poison, so that she might end this life quickly. Those, therefore, who had brought us to Rome went in and reported to the emperors. They ordered that Epiphanius should enter. As we were entering the royal palace, everyone who was present greeted Epiphanius. He, however, as though he were not meeting such men, entered the royal palace fearlessly and approached the emperors. Their sister was lying upon the bed.

L. When the emperors saw Epiphanius, they rose immediately from their thrones. Epiphanius said to the emperors: "Give this honor, children, to the benefactor God, and you shall see your sister in the best of health. Do not trust, children, in [worldly] authority, and you shall be preserved by the Lord." But because of the words of Epiphanius, the emperors were doubting and troubled. Epiphanius said to the emperors: "Why do you doubt, children, regarding what is spoken? You will see the grace of God through what is said." Epiphanius approached the bed where the sister of the emperors was lying and said to her with a gentle countenance: "Do not doubt, child, regarding this malady; have your hopes in the living God, and you shall touch health in this very hour. Believe in the Son of God who was crucified, and you shall be walking in this very hour. The pain of your body has ceased, child," he said. "Give glory to God who gives grace; keep Him in your mind unceasingly, and He shall be a wall to you for all time." Having said these things, Epiphanius took hold of her hand and, having signed her with the sign of the cross three times, she was immediately relieved of her pains. When the emperors saw what Epiphanius had done, their hearts were inclined to love him, and

things which were said by him. And they entreated Epiphanius that he would stay with them in Rome and become as a father to them. Now Epiphanius was teaching them and strengthening them ^B all day long.

LI. At one time, the sister of these [emperors], who had been ill and had been cured by Epiphanius, had a son; and it happened that, after he had fallen ill, he was found dead on his bed. There was great mourning in the imperial court. The emperors said to Epiphanius, "Pray, Father, for the child, so that you may restore him alive to his mother." Epiphanius said, "Do you believe, my sons, that I can do this?" The emperors replied, "We believe that just as you drove the disease from his mother, so you will also present the child to her alive." Then Epiphanius said to the emperors, "If the son of your sister rises, will you believe and be baptized in the name of the Crucified?" The emperors said to Epiphanius, "If you raise the child, we will believe and be baptized." Epiphanius then approached the bed where the child was lying dead, and when he had touched his whole body and had prayed to Him who puts to death and makes alive, he said to the boy, "In the name of our Lord Jesus Christ the Crucified, arise." And at once the boy sat up in bed. When the emperors saw that Epiphanius had raised the boy through prayer, they asked Epiphanius to illuminate them. Then Epiphanius said to the emperors, "Behold, I accept your piety in all things, for it is God who stirs you to this. But I cannot do this without the authorization of the bishop of the Roman Church, lest he be angry with me." The emperors therefore immediately sent for the bishop of the Roman Church and explained everything to him. The bishop was filled with great joy when he heard these things from the emperors, and he permitted Epiphanius to baptize the emperors, their sister, and her son, whom Epiphanius had raised while he was dead. ^C

LII. When they had entered the baptistery to be illuminated by Epiphanius, and all the ministry had been performed, Arcadius entered first and stood by; and behold, three men wearing white robes were gripping Epiphanius, one on the right and one on the left, and a third following behind him. He was ^D seized with great fear. Epiphanius knew from the countenance of Arcadius that he had seen a vision, and he said to the emperor, "Take heed to yourself, my son, and be watchful." For Epiphanius was accustomed to let no one into the pool until the water was troubled. After Arcadius had been illuminated, Honorius was also illuminated, and he likewise saw the same vision. The son of their sister did the same. By the command of Epiphanius, I myself received Arcadius from the baptism, Isaac received Honorius, and a certain Christian and pious eunuch received the son of their sister—the sister herself being Procliana, who was the wife of one of the patricians. After they had been illuminated, Epiphanius spent seven days there with them after the illumination, instructing them concerning baptism. And after they had laid aside their white baptismal robes, Epiphanius said to the two emperors, "Remain, my sons, in this state. For the wolf shall no longer have power over you; pain and grief and groaning have fled. You shall be attentive to the resurrection, and do not grieve

^A for those who depart from this life; for having Christ, they have put on Christ. For the child, who once was dead and has risen, having received grace, is now to go to the Savior. You shall see the angels consoling him in great glory. In the morning, therefore, when Epiphanius was teaching in the imperial hall, a certain sweet odor arose in the midst of us all. And Epiphanius said to the emperors: "Rise, pray, O children of the light." But the child was lying on the bed. And when Epiphanius had offered the prayer, all those who were in the imperial hall heard as it were a great multitude saying, Amen; and the child immediately gave up his spirit. We remained for one whole year in Rome. Epiphanius also performed many other signs in Rome. And when Epiphanius decided to sail to Cyprus, the emperors said to Epiphanius: "Accept, Father, that which is for the use of the Church, so that you may provide for those in need." And Epiphanius said to them: "You, children, do that which is required of you; and I rejoice in your progress. But do not lay a burden upon me. For my God supplies everything to all, feeding everyone in this life." The emperors offered much gold; but Epiphanius accepted nothing from them, ^B save only a few loaves, which he said to bring for our consumption in the ship. Having departed from Rome, therefore, we arrived in forty days in Cyprus, and the brethren received us with great joy.

LIII. Of the custom of Epiphanius in the cemetries.

It was the custom of Epiphanius to go out at night into the cemeteries, where the relics of the holy martyrs lie, and to entreat God for each one of those who were afflicted. And just as a friend, entreating a friend, is not denied that which he asks, so God granted to him all his petitions. Once, indeed, when a great famine had occurred, and no bread could be found in the market, there was a certain heartless Faustinianus, who had many houses closed, full of wheat and barley. This man, taking gold, gave to anyone who wished. He gave, moreover, for a coin three measures, which are called modii. And there was great distress in the city. Epiphanius therefore said to Faustinianus: "Give me, O best friend, wheat for the sustenance of the people; and I will repay you the debt for all these things." But the heartless, barbarian, and wicked Faustinianus began to speak such words to Epiphanius: "Go," said he, "entreat the Jesus whom you worship, and He will provide you with wheat for the sustenance of your friends." ^C Epiphanius, therefore, having gone out in the night into the cemeteries, entreated God to provide for all who were in distress. There was an ancient temple there, which was called "Jupiter’s Protection"; to this temple, if any of the people ever approached, it was said he would be immediately seized by death. As Epiphanius was therefore praying to God on behalf of those who were afflicted, a voice came to him: "Epiphanius," it said, "be not troubled." And he said, "What

is this, Lord?" And He said to him: "Go into the temple which is called the Tutelage of Zeus, and the seals of the doors shall be broken, and having entered, you shall find much gold. Having taken this, buy all the grain of Faustinianus and the barley, and give food to those who are in need." ^A Epiphanius therefore went into the temple; and as he drew near to the entrance of the temple, the seals immediately fell off, and the doors opened, and Epiphanius having entered, found much gold. Having then taken it, he offered from it to Faustinianus, saying: "Take," he says, "the money, and give me grain." But the greedy and wicked Faustinianus, receiving the gold, provided him with the grain, at the rate of three modii. But Epiphanius provided grain to each of those in need, and the money did not fail until he had bought up all the food ^B which Faustinianus had gathered, and Epiphanius filled many houses with grain and barley, from those bought from Faustinianus, and provided for the whole city, or rather, God did through Epiphanius.

LIV. And there was abundance for all people, but there was great want in the house of Faustinianus. But the evil and violent and unmerciful Faustinianus, believing it to be a disgrace to ask for food for his house from Epiphanius, since he possessed ships of his own, hired five others as well; and having given money to Longinus, the most faithful of all his household, he sent him to Calabria so that he might buy grain there for the sustenance of his house. ^C But when the ships had sailed out, and had been filled with grain and other goods, after four months’ time they sailed past, carrying the grain, at a distance of one hundred stades from Constantia, opposite to what is called the Dianeuterium. And there arose a great storm at sea, and both ships of Faustinianus that carried the grain were in danger. And the sea cast all the grain up on the shore. When Faustinianus heard these things, he immediately went down to the sea, and having seen with his own eyes the things that had come to pass, having his mouth like an opened grave, the wretch immediately began to blaspheme the Most High, and to heap insults upon Epiphanius, speaking words of this kind: "Behold," he says, "this magician and impostor not only works evils against my house upon the dry land, ^D but also sending demons upon the sea, he prevents them from entering into the service of my house. What wind sent this impostor here?" Having said these things, and more than these, he went into his house threatening Epiphanius. But all those who were gathered in the city, men and women, together with their own children, were gathering the grain and carrying it into their own houses, hoarding up their own consumption, some for a year, and others for two years. Faustinianus the wretch had a wife who performed good works. She, therefore, without the knowledge of Faustinianus, sent two thousand pieces of gold to Epiphanius, so that he might provide food for her house. Epiphanius said to the woman: "Keep the money in your

house, and take expenses for your house; and when the earth yields its produce, then you shall provide what you have received." And the woman did so.

LV. There was in the bishop’s residence a deacon named Sabinus, whose profession was fine writing. He was moderate and adorned with an upright life. We monks in the bishop’s residence were eighty in number; this Sabinus excelled among all of us. Epiphanius ^A appointed him to be the *ecdicum*, that is, the defender of the Church. Now, when two men were once contending in judgment before Sabinus, one a rich man and one a poor man, the rich man’s case was better than the poor man’s. When Epiphanius, standing in a hidden place, heard the trial, he perceived Sabinus inclining rather toward the poor man and pitying him in the judgment. Epiphanius therefore came into the midst and said to Sabinus with a gentle countenance: "Go, my son, practice your writing, and being mindful of the divine Scriptures, be perfect in judgment; and be a hearer of the Benefactor speaking and saying: 'You shall not show mercy to the poor man in judgment, and you shall not respect the person of the mighty'." From that time on, Epiphanius judged all who came to him. For from morning until the ninth hour he listened to those who disputed, and from the ninth hour until morning he was seen by no one.

LVI. There was also one of the ^B brothers in the bishop’s residence, impudent in countenance, who also had the trade of a scribe; and his name was Rufinus. This man was led on by Faustinianus, and every day he heaped many insults upon Epiphanius. But Epiphanius with the greatest gentleness repressed his boldness. Through the suggestion of Faustinianus, and the influence of the demon who was working in them, this man sought to kill Epiphanius, for Faustinianus had discussed these words with the monk, and the evil spirit said to him: "If you kill this prelate, you shall sit upon the throne." Now this Rufinus was the last deacon of the Church, to whom it pertained to deck the bishop’s throne. The bold and arrogant man, having taken a sharp sword, ^C placed it upright on the seat of the throne, and above it he put the cover of the throne. But when Epiphanius was about to sit upon the throne, he said to the one who had set the trap: "Take, my son, the covering from the throne." And when he did not follow the word of Epiphanius, Epiphanius took the cloth that was covering the sword; the sword fell upon the feet of Rufinus—the deacon—and was fixed into his right foot. Epiphanius said to Rufinus: "Cease henceforth, my son, from your disorder, lest you come into danger, not long after this time. Depart therefore from the church; for you are not worthy to partake of the holy mysteries." Rufinus, having gone out ^D from the church, went into the bishop's residence, and betaking himself to his bed, died after three days.

LVII. About that time, when the emperor Theodosius was suffering in his feet from some ailment, I do not know what occasion—

^A from his knees downward that part was paralyzed, and he lay upon his bed for seven months. He sent to Epiphanius in Cyprus, that he should come to the capital and bring him aid. And indeed, when those who had been sent by the emperor arrived, the distress and tears of the brethren inhibited Epiphanius from leaving the land of the Cypriots. For when he was setting sail from the land of the Cypriots, all the brethren were calling upon death. But when those sent by the emperor were urging Epiphanius to go up to the capital, Epiphanius said to them, "Go, my children, to the emperor, and I shall come after you." When they said, "Do not be angry, Father, for it is the emperor's command, and we cannot do otherwise, lest we fall into danger, especially when the emperor is ill and awaiting your message, Father," they with difficulty persuaded Epiphanius to sail with them. Epiphanius, therefore, having summoned the most religious bishop Philo, entrusted to him the care of ecclesiastical necessity. ^B All the Fathers and brethren, and those who had been instructed in the faith by Epiphanius, were gathered together; we bade them all farewell and sailed for the capital. When we had entered Constantinople, the arrival of Epiphanius was announced to the emperor. And when the emperor ordered us to enter the palace, Epiphanius walked with great composure. Emperor Theodosius was unable to speak from his pain, lying upon his bed. As soon as Epiphanius drew near to the emperor, the emperor said to Epiphanius, "Pray for me, Father, that I may be made whole." Epiphanius said to the emperor, "Believe, my child, in the Crucified One, and you shall have this health. Keep God in your mind, and no evil shall master you. Be merciful to those who are afflicted, and you shall be shown mercy by God. Be as a king who honors Him who gives him power, and He will grant you even greater grace." ^C When Epiphanius had said these things to the emperor, and had drawn near and touched his feet, and had marked him with the sign of the cross three times, Epiphanius said to the emperor, "Arise, my child, from the bed; for the pain has ceased from your feet." When the emperor heard these things from Epiphanius, he immediately arose from the bed, having nothing at all wrong with his feet. The emperor then said to Epiphanius, "Be to me, Father, one who commands unceasingly, and I shall be in all things obedient to you." Epiphanius said to the emperor, "Keep the words of God in your soul, and you will have no need of Epiphanius." When Epiphanius had said these things to the emperor, and more than these, the time for the midday meal arrived. ^D And Epiphanius said to the emperor, "Go, my child, to the table, and bless your Benefactor." Now Epiphanius was witty and refined, and had speech seasoned with divine grace. And when the daughter of Theodosius fell into sickness in Rome—she who was the sister of Arcadius and Honorius—then they themselves came to Rome and spent five years with her, because she was joined there in marriage to a husband. When Theodosius heard that Epiphanius had come to Rome, and had healed his daughter, and had brought his son who was dead back to life, and had later enlightened Arcadius and Honorius, he was moved with great joy. Wherefore it came to pass that he would later write to him as to a father. Furthermore, when we were in Constantinople, Arcadius and Honorius came from Rome, and they rejoiced to have found Epiphanius.

[LVIII] Now, by the emperor's command, some men brought Faustinianus from Cyprus to the imperial palace, as he had been accused of having reviled the emperor. By the emperor's order, he was held in custody. When Epiphanius heard this, he went to the place where Faustinianus was being detained and said to him: "It is permitted for you, through us, to speak to the emperor, and you shall be set free from these straits." But Faustinianus said to Epiphanius: "Begone, deceiver, and go deceive those who are unwary; do not speak such words to Faustinianus. You have come here to insult me with your words; you shall soon flee to Cyprus. Go away to Phoenicia, and you shall spend evil days forever." After the raging Faustinianus had said these things against Epiphanius, Epiphanius took me, and we went to the emperor's palace so that we might bid the king farewell and depart for Cyprus. Even though the emperor was entreating Epiphanius to stay for a few days at the palace, Epiphanius explained the reason why he wished to depart. Yet the emperor again urged Epiphanius to remain. Then the next morning, one of those who brings reports entered the palace and said that Faustinianus the Cypriot had ended his life. When Epiphanius heard this, he mourned for Faustinianus. The emperor then decreed that all the possessions of Faustinianus should be transferred to the imperial treasury, especially since he had left no offspring upon the earth. But Epiphanius said to the emperor: "See, O son, that you do not commit a sin. For Faustinianus has a wife who fears God from her heart. Believe the words of Epiphanius, and there will be grace for you before the Most High." Then the emperor gave all authority over the affairs of Faustinianus to Epiphanius. Epiphanius then said to the emperor: "I have God, O son, who provides what is necessary; but all these things, according to the will of that woman, we shall give to those in need." When Epiphanius had said these things, the emperor said: "Ask, Father, for what you need, and I shall willingly give it according to your choice." And Epiphanius said to the emperor: "Keep my words continuously, and hold me, O son, in your soul." After Epiphanius had said these things, the emperor went out of the palace with us, and he entreated Epiphanius to bless him. And having offered a prayer, Epiphanius blessed the emperor, and embraced him, and the emperor returned to his palace in peace. We, however, after nine days, sailed to Cyprus, and the brethren received us with great joy. We found the wife of Faustinianus mourning for her husband. Epiphanius consoled her in all her affliction, and she was persuaded by his words and entreated Epiphanius that he might give her the seal which is in Christ. He baptized her and ordained her as a deaconess of the Church, and all her goods were given to the needy in accordance with the decision of Epiphanius.

^A LIX. Sometimes, Epiphanius held discussions with Aetius, who was, as they say, bishop of the Valentinians. There were many of this heresy in Constantia. Since Aetius was contending with many words, and was uttering many blasphemies regarding the Most High, Epiphanius said to him: "Take, most impious Aetius, a muzzle upon your mouth, and you shall speak no more insolent words." When Epiphanius had spoken this, the mouth of Aetius was obstructed, and from that day he could no longer speak. When those of his sect saw that Epiphanius had silenced him with a word, they all fell prostrate, anathematized their own religion, and became orthodox. Aetius remained speechless for six days, and on the seventh day he ended his life. There were also many other heresies in the land of Cyprus, which are as follows: ^B Ophites, Sabellians, Nicolaitans, Simonians, Basilidians, Carpocratians. Concerning these, Epiphanius wrote a letter to the Emperor Theodosius, so that by royal decree he might expel them from the island. For there were rich men among them who were entrusted with public affairs, and they oppressed the orthodox. When the emperor had received the letter from Epiphanius, he wrote in this form: "If anyone does not obey Father Epiphanius, the bishop of the region of Cyprus, in accordance with the divine words, let him depart from the island and dwell where he wishes. But if there are any who are friends and children of repentance, and confess to the common Father that, having been deceived, they wish to come to the way of truth, let them remain on the island, to be instructed by the common Father." When this edict had been brought by the soldiers and published, many of them believed Epiphanius. But those who did not believe were immediately cast out of the island. ^C LX. There was a certain bishop in Alexandria named Theophilus. He was well acquainted with Epiphanius. There were three brothers in Alexandria, sons of Heracleon, who had been a ruler in that same city. After their father died, by mutual agreement, the three decided to become monks. They set out into the desert, where they lived in great quietude and were endowed with an honorable life. They were very well known to Theophilus, the bishop of Alexandria. He, through deception, brought them into the city and ensured that they stayed there. He made the elder of them a bishop in a city of Egypt, and the others he made deacons and stewards of the Church. When they had been stewards of the Church for three years, and perceived that they were dead ^D as far as divine grace was concerned, by common consent two of them asked Theophilus to allow them to go back to where they previously resided. And because he would not yield to their entreaties, the two of them conspired together, departed, and withdrew into the wilderness where they had lived before. (Theophilus, however, deprived them of communion for three years.)

^A And though they made many entreaties that they might be permitted to partake of the divine mysteries, Theophilus did not grant this. Therefore, being compelled, they went up to the royal city and fell at the feet of John, surnamed Chrysostom. John, having learned the cause, wrote a letter to Theophilus, beseeching him to release the two brothers. Theophilus, however, did not obey John’s entreaty. John wrote a second time an exhortation to Theophilus, and not even then was he persuaded by John. Then John released ^B the two brothers from excommunication; whence, consequently, a great conflict arose between Theophilus and John.

LXI.

^A When the empress heard these things from John, she ordered him to be cast out of the royal palace. And having gone out, he went to the church. Then John said to Eutychus: "When the empress arrives at the church, take with you those who serve you, and stand at the entrance where she is accustomed to enter, and do not allow her to enter, saying that John has forbidden you to let her enter the church." And Eutychus did so. From that time, therefore, the empress was incited against John to send him into exile.

^B When Theophilus heard that the empress wished to send John into exile, he himself also plotted in a marvelous manner. Therefore, Theophilus wrote many letters to Epiphanius against John, [claiming] that John held the opinions of Origen. And the empress was incited to send him into exile; consequently, Epiphanius was quickly persuaded by Theophilus. He did not know that Theophilus was hostile toward John. It happened that Epiphanius also wished to sail to the royal city for another matter. But when he heard from Theophilus such things concerning John, he hastened all the more to go up—not that he might do harm to John, but that he might assist him. Therefore, he took me and Isaac, and we sailed to Constantinople. And when we had arrived in the city, there was a great disturbance concerning John, because John was greatly loved by the citizens.

There were some monasteries and martyrs' shrines that, because they received rations from the empress, would not receive John. But when we had entered into one of those monasteries, they compelled Epiphanius to ordain (since there was need of it) one who would preside over the questions of the Church, which he also did. But John heard of it and was very deeply grieved with Epiphanius, and wrote a letter to Epiphanius that caused him distress. Likewise, Epiphanius also responded to John regarding what had been written. ^C But the empress heard that John was grieved with Epiphanius; and having summoned Epiphanius, she said to him: "Father Epiphanius, all the empire of the Romans is mine, and all the priesthood of the Churches which are under my empire is yours. Since John, being alien to the order of the priesthood, behaves disorderly against emperors, and they say he holds some other heresy (besides our own), for this reason, for many days now, it has been turning in my mind to hold a synod concerning him, and to declare him deposed from the priesthood as one unworthy, and to place in the see some other who is able to hold the priesthood, so that my empire may be at peace in all things."

As the empress was saying these things to Epiphanius, she was, in all the anger that possessed her, agitated. Therefore, she again said to him: ^D "Since your paternity, after God, is here, there is no need to trouble the other Fathers. But whomever God reveals to you, make him bishop, and cast this man out of the Church." But Epiphanius said to the empress: "Long-sufferingly, my child, listen to your Father." And the empress said to

Epiphanius: "If your paternity commands anything, announce it, and I will honor and observe my Father." Epiphanius said to the empress: "If John is guilty of the heresy of which you speak, and is convicted, and does not confess that he has sinned, he is unworthy of the priesthood; and if your authority commands it, I will do so. But if you seek to cast John out of the Church because of your own grievance, your servant Epiphanius will not consent to this. It is certainly a mark of the greatest of rulers to be wronged and to forgive; for you also have a King in heaven against whom you sin continually, and He forgives you, if you also forgive those who wrong you; as He says in the Gospels: 'Be merciful, as your Father who is in heaven is merciful' (Luc. VI, 36). But the empress said to Epiphanius: "If you, Father Epiphanius, are ^B an obstacle to John not being sent into exile, I will open the temples of the idols, and I will cause men to worship them, and I will make the last things worse than the first." And as she spoke these things with bitterness, tears flowed from her eyes. But Epiphanius said to her: "I, child, am innocent of this judgment."

LXIII. When Epiphanius had said this, he took me, and we went out from the imperial palace. Isaac was ill, and he had not gone in with us to the empress. A rumor spread through the whole city, saying: "The great priest Epiphanius, the bishop of the Cypriots, has gone in to the empress and has brought about the exile of the great John." ^C When Isaac heard this, he fled from Epiphanius and entered a monastery, without our knowledge. Epiphanius was grieving for him, and was begging God to signify to him where Isaac had stayed. And He signified it to him, and we went to him. But Isaac was turning away from Epiphanius, saying: "I no longer wish to be with you, because of the sin which you committed against John." When we had been in the monastery for three days, with difficulty he persuaded Isaac; and, having taken him, we left. John was also persuaded that Epiphanius had consented to his exile. Having taken parchment, he wrote to Epiphanius: "Wise Epiphanius, you have consented to my exile. You shall no longer sit upon your throne." ^D Likewise also Epiphanius wrote back to John: "Athlete of Christ, be beaten and conquer. But as for your believing that I consented to your exile, you shall not reach the place to which you have been relegated." I have written these things, brothers, so that no one might cast blame upon Epiphanius regarding this matter. For he who had accomplished so many and such great goods, was he to have descended into such a depth of evils? God forbid. When we had entered the imperial palace, Epiphanius bade farewell to the emperors, that we might sail to the land of the Cypriots. When Epiphanius was asked by the emperor Arcadius how many years old he was, he said: "I am one hundred and fifteen years and three months old." Thus, he said: "I have been a bishop since I was sixty years old."

And I have been in the episcopate for fifty-five years and three months. On the very day that we had to board the ship, he interrogated him. ^A When we had gone aboard the ship, Epiphanius sat in the hold of the ship, and we were with him. It was a custom for Epiphanius to hold the holy Gospels constantly in his hands. And after groaning three times and weeping, he opened the holy Gospels, and after folding them again, he wept, and he offered a prayer; and after the prayer, he sat down in the hold of the ship and began to weep and say to us:

LXIV. If you love me, children, he says, keep my commandments, and the love of God will abide in you. You know, he says, through what afflictions I have passed in this life, and I considered no affliction [significant], but I was always joyful, looking toward God, and God did not forsake me, but He Himself kept me from all the snares of the evil one. For to those who love God, all things ^B work together for good. 12 At one time, therefore, O children so desired by me, when I was in a desert place and was performing my prayer to Christ, so that I might be delivered from all the snares of the adversary, a multitude of demons attacked me; and when they had torn me apart and seized me by the feet, they dragged me onto the ground. Some of them also inflicted blows upon me. And they did this to me for ten days. And from that time on I no longer saw a demon in his own person during all the days of my life, but they fulfilled their own malice against me through men: such are the evils that befell me in Phoenicia from the insolent Simonians, in Egypt from the unclean Gnostics, and in Cyprus ^C from the lawless Valentinians and other heresies. Turn your attention, therefore, O my children, and hear the words of Epiphanius the sinner. Do not covet money, and much money will be added to you. Do not hate any man, and you will be loved by God. Do not speak against a brother, and the affection of the devil will not gain mastery over you. Shun all heresies, like beasts full of deadly poison. Concerning which I have also handed down [teaching] to you in the books that are called Penarion. Shun and beware of the pleasure of the world, which always tickles the body and the mind. Know by experience that it is an addition of Satan. For often, even when the flesh is at rest, the mind of the unwary ^D is seized by shameful visions. But when our mind is sober and always has the memory of God, then we can easily overcome the enemy. Having said these things, and more besides, Epiphanius called together all those who were in the ship and said to them: "We must, brothers, pray with all our strength to the kind and merciful God, that He may preserve us, and that none of those who are in the ship may perish. For there is going to be a great storm at sea. But be of good courage: for no affliction will weigh down with hardship any of those who are in the ship." When he had said this, he said to me: "Son Polybius." I said to him: "What is it, Father?" He said to me: "If we sail as far as

Constantia, stay seven days in the city, and sail to Egypt, and go up into the upper Thebaid, and shepherd the sheep of Christ. But pay attention to yourself, my son. I call heaven and earth to witness to you, do not do otherwise; for if you pervert my words and do not go, you shall utterly perish, and all that you have built shall be for nothing for you, and you shall be useless before all men. But if you listen to my words and keep the commandment of the Lord, which Jesus Christ, the Son of God, commanded me, you shall be blessed before him all your days." When he had said these things to me, he embraced me. And turning to Isaac, he said to him: "Son Isaac." ^B LXV. He said: "What is it, Father?" And Epiphanius said: "You also, my son, remain in Constantia until you are permitted to go on the way of the inhabitants of Citium." When Epiphanius had said these things to Isaac, he embraced him also; and summoning all the sailors, he said to them: "Do not be afraid, my children. For the sea shall cause a great disturbance. But pray to God, and He Himself shall help you." It was the eleventh hour of the day when Epiphanius taught us these things. He said to one of the sailors: "Do not tempt, that you might not be tempted." About the setting of the sun, a great tempest occurred in the sea. Epiphanius was in the hold of the ship with his hands spread out, and the Gospels were lying upon his breast, and his eyes were open, and his voice was not heard. We all, seized by great fear, supposed that Epiphanius was praying to God because of the surging of the sea. The storm continued for two days and two nights. And on the third day, Epiphanius said to me: "Son Polybius, speak to the sailors, and let them light a fire and make coals. And take incense, and bring it here." And I did so; and I brought it to him. And he said to me: "Put the incense upon the coals." And I put it. And he said: "Pray, my children." And he made a prayer while he was lying down. And after the prayer he embraced us, saying: "Farewell, my children; for Epiphanius shall no longer see you in this life." And immediately he delivered up his spirit; and immediately the storm of the sea ceased. ^C LXVI. And falling upon his neck, I and Isaac wept bitterly, and darkness fell upon our eyes in that hour. But one of the sailors, to whom Epiphanius had said while he was still alive: "Do not tempt, that you might not be tempted," ran to the feet of Epiphanius and desired to uncover his garment to see if he was circumcised. But Epiphanius, as he lay dead, having lifted his right foot, struck him in the face and threw him from the hold of the ship to the stern, and he remained dead. And he continued lying dead for two days. On the third day, the sailors who were carrying him brought him near Epiphanius. And after they had laid him

^A at his feet, he touched his feet, and immediately he arose; and fear fell upon all those in the boat. When we had sailed to Constantia, to the place called the Dianeuterion, the sailors went out from the boat and surrounded the city, and with loud voices they cried out: "Men and brothers, you who inhabit the populous metropolis of Constantia, come down to the sea, to the place called the Dianeuterion, and take the honored relics of our holy Father Epiphanius. For he has finished his human life." Then darkness fell upon the entire city, and, guiding one another, they began to descend to the sea, making great lamentation. But also, the entire populace of the countryside was drawn into the city, shedding tears along the way; so much so that three blind men, who were in a parish called Stortychi, threw themselves onto the road, and no one offered them a hand so that they might arrive at the city more quickly. One of the three, by the name of Prosechius, said, "O holy man of God, Epiphanius, cause us to see, that we too may worship your honored relics." And immediately they were able to see, and having entered the city, they worshiped the honored relics of the holy Father; and they told ^B what had happened to them along the way. All who heard it praised God, who grants such things to those worthy of Him.

LXVII. Therefore, taking up the relics honorably from the boat, they brought them into the church. There he remained for three days, and he was not buried because of their great contention. On the fourth day, they placed him in a coffin, having poured honey over him. ^C For they were thinking of burying him in the church.] I indeed remained for seven days in the church near the relics, and not even thus was he buried. Therefore, on the eighth day, since I had found a ship as the holy Father had commanded, which was crossing into Egypt, I embarked to the upper Thebaid, and I remained for one year. When the great Heracleon, the governor of all Egypt, was descending to the city of Rhinocurura (for he was also an inhabitant of it), and had heard that I had been a disciple of the great Epiphanius, against my will he seized me by means of soldiers, and having placed me upon a dromedary camel, he carried me off to Rhinocurura. It happened, moreover, that their bishop died. And ^D he brought it about that I was ordained bishop of the Church of Rhinocurura.

Epistle of Polybius, bishop of the city of Rhinocurura, to Sabinus, bishop of Constantia

To the lord, worthy of priesthood in God, the holy Father Sabinus, bishop of the city of Constantia of Cyprus, Polybius, a sinner, sends greeting in the Lord. The Magi shared in the grace, I mean even before the star had signified to them to make the journey to Jerusalem, and to Bethlehem, to worship the great King, our Lord Christ. For if they had not possessed knowledge of God beforehand, they would not have attained the vision of God. But that...

^A regarding God, who was sought by the Magi and revealed to those same Magi by the star in Bethlehem, was theirs. I, however, now inquire about the holy man who worshipped God—the One sought by the Magi, found in Bethlehem, and adored—I mean Epiphanius, the great high priest, the wall and bulwark of the Cypriots. Since therefore, holy Father, due to the multitude of my sins, I was not deemed worthy to see that blessed place where the precious remains of our holy Father, the bishop, were buried, and my memory of this is unceasing and my sorrow great, for this reason I beseech your holy paternity to signify to us by letter on what day and in what place he was buried. I have sent a man of foresight, one deemed worthy of divine grace—I mean the honored deacon Calippus, who also made known to me concerning your holiness that you yourself have taken your seat upon the throne of the Church of Constantia. For while I was weeping and lamenting over the burial of the holy man, not even knowing who had sat upon the throne, and desiring to learn by letter, the aforementioned honored deacon Calippus said that Sabinus, the superior of the monastery, succeeded our Father of holy memory, Epiphanius. Therefore we sent him over such a long and most difficult route by land and sea, so that we might obtain the aforementioned things through your holiness. Deign also, on our behalf, to greet the most pure clergy and all who are under your holiness. Pray for me, worthy of the priesthood, holy Father. ^B

LXIX.

LXX.

relics of our holy and blessed Father and bishop Epiphanius, and with every honor they deposited them in that place. LXXI. Now immediately in the morning the venerable Draco, having summoned all the clerics with many heads of families of the city, offered prayers to the emperor. Three clerics and three heads of families were sent. Among the clerics, foremost was the honorable deacon Sabinus, and the most honorable deacon Paul, cousin of Draco, and the honorable deacon Athanasius. Among the heads of families, the reverend Marianus, brother of Synesius, and the reverend John, his cousin, and the son of Draco, who himself was also called Draco, whom by the grace of God Epiphanius had cured of a most grievous illness. These men went to the imperial city and offered their prayers to the emperor. The emperor Arcadius, when he had received and read the prayers, was affected by very great sorrow that Epiphanius had departed from life, and he said to those who had offered the prayers to him: "Stay in this imperial city for forty days, that I may mourn my Father, and I will send you off in peace." They did so. And the emperor Arcadius mourned our father and bishop Epiphanius, of holy memory, for forty days. After the mourning, he drew up a decree and sent with them a pious soldier by the name of Maximus. He was possessed by an unclean spirit. When they had arrived at Constantia, Maximus immediately, having received the decree, entered the place where the relics of our holy Father are deposited. And when he had fallen on his face and had placed the prayers upon the casket, he said: "O holy Epiphanius, worthy of God, expel from me the evil spirit, and then I will open this formal document with great thanksgiving." And immediately the unclean spirit went out from Maximus. And in the morning the formal document was opened in a public place, and everyone was consequently filled with great joy. The text of the formal document I insert into my letter, which I am sending to your piety: which in the second verse contains as follows. For thus says the emperor Arcadius concerning the holy Father: "We do not wish him who lived above our laws to lie according to our laws." Behold, therefore, O holy Father Polybius, the whole sequence, which was both in word and in deed, I have explained to your soul, honored before God and holy, through the letter which was sent by us through the venerable deacon Calippus. Have, however, perpetual remembrance of me in your prayers to God, holy Father. And deign to greet your holy clergy in my name, O holy Father, worthy of the priesthood. Pray for me, O most pious man.

ACTS OF ST. EPIPHANIUS

CHAPTER ONE

...which they call *mara* (which once was a patriarchate) Epiphanius was held in the greatest veneration, just as he was throughout the whole East; his *synaxis* (as the Menaea have it for this 12th of May) was celebrated in that imperial city in his most holy house, or chapel, which is within the temple of Saint Philemon, which, as Codinus attests in his *Origins of Constantinople*, "Eudoxius, a patrician and prefect of Constantine the Great, built." St. Epiphanius is indeed honored there and elsewhere with an Office for the entire day, a common one with St. Germanus, patriarch of Constantinople, but in a more principal place: as is also noted in the illustrated Calendars of the Ruthenians or Muscovites. Only the sacred canon, prescribed for this day under this acrostich, is concerned with him:

Επιφανίου τὸ κύδος ἔπλησε χθόνα. The glory of Epiphanius has filled the earth.

He is mentioned alone here in the metrical Ephemeris, and as if he died on this day:

Τῇ δύο καὶ δεκάτῃ Ἐπιφάνιον μόρος εἷλεν. On the twelfth day, death carried off Epiphanius.

Certainly, he had completed his fate either then, or was buried in his church after death, not long before he was deposed at the Oak, which it is certain happened around the month of July in the year 403, from Palladius, who wrote the acts of Chrysostom.

3. The Latins quickly followed the Greeks, the oldest of whom is Bede in his genuine Martyrology which we have provided from eight manuscripts, after the commemoration...

of Saint Nereus and Achilleus, who are listed in the first place, soon adds: “Of our Holy Father Epiphanius, bishop of Cyprus.” Ado and Usuardus followed, placing him at the very end, after the other martyrs of that day, with this phrase: “In Cyprus, of our Holy Father Epiphanius,” and Ado adds, “bishop of Salamis.” Sticking to the footsteps of these and later writers, the current Roman ^A Martyrology proposes that the following words be recited: “At Salamis in Cyprus, of St. Epiphanius, bishop, who was outstanding for his manifold erudition and knowledge of the sacred scriptures, and who also became admirable for the holiness of his life, his zeal for the Catholic faith, his generosity toward the poor, and the power of his miracles.”

4. Whether any of his cult still remains there, or if traces of a tomb once so famous even exist, I could not easily say. It is credible that, with the fortune of the place, other things have also been partly abolished and partly transferred to Famagusta; that even at this time his feast is solemnly celebrated by Christians there is evidenced by the fact that Thomas Porcacci, in his well-known Italian work *On the Islands of the World*, first published about a hundred years ago, writes on page 150 of the Padua edition that a small cave is maintained there, into which St. Epiphanius was accustomed to retreat for the sake of penance: which same cave, on the vigil of the feast, begins to drip clear and limpid water, and this dripping does not cease before the end of the following day: moreover, this water is received by many with great devotion, and is used profitably for the divine acquisition of cures for diseases through the merits of Epiphanius. ^B Subordinate to his name, in the northern part of the island, between Nicosia and Ceraunia, there is still held to be a village commonly called Saint Piphani; in which place there was a temple, mentioned in the Synod of Nicaea, I am convinced, because of its greatness, which was once so significant that the promontory running out to the Cerauniae, commonly Cerines, keeps the same name in the *Insularium* of Benedetto Bordone, printed in Venice in the year 1547.

5. And from this one might verisimilarly conjecture that either the body or a notable part of the body was transferred there at some time, and that this gave rise to the fame of the place, and that it was deported to Benevento either from here or from the ruins of Salamis, just as Marius de Vipera asserts concerning the Beneventan saints to this day, noting it for that reason with a double Office, alleging an ancient manuscript Martyrology ^C existing in the Beneventan library, signed No. 178 under the aforementioned day; but he does not note at what time it was brought. Wishing to learn more concerning the quality and current veneration of such great relics, we sent letters to the rector of our college there, whose response, so far awaited in vain, if we receive it someday, we shall not begrudge the pious reader the information gleaned from it. Meanwhile, from a letter of Thomas of Czechorod, bishop of Samandria and dean of Prague, given to me toward the end of the year 1677, I suggest that “some relics of the same St. Epiphanius, together with the arm of St. Thecla and the head of one of the Holy Innocents of Bethlehem, were brought to Bohemia in the year 1554, and presented to Emperor Charles IV by Protiwa Swihowski of Segnie, a man of illustrious and royal blood among the Bohemians: which information, now first discovered, is still missing in the *Diary of the Church of Prague*.”

6. We find his life, written at some time long ago, in Vatican Greek manuscripts, from which it was first published in Latin by Lipomanus, then Surius, and finally Petau, at the end of volume II, with the addition of the Greek text, as it was found in the Medicean manuscript of the King of France, which we also received transcribed from there. It presents as witnesses and authors two of his disciples; first, John, as if he, being one among his disciples in the monastery, and the constant companion of his various travels even into Cyprus, had written what he had seen the saint accomplish in the way of miracles, up to the day on which he himself began to fall ill of his extreme sickness: then Polybius, to whom the same John, when about to die, delivered the papers written by himself, ordering that he should commit to writing what would follow; and promising that years of life would be added to him, that he might remain throughout the whole time with Epiphanius: which Polybius, having been ordained priest by Epiphanius in the place of John, and having accompanied him to Rome and twice to Constantinople and elsewhere, brought him back to Cyprus when dead; and because, his body being still unburied, he went to the Thebaid according to his supreme will, and was there forced to stay, having become bishop of Rhinocorura, he wrote after a year or more to Epiphanius’s successor, Sabinus, and asked from him to be instructed by letter concerning the manner and time of the aforementioned burial: and thus with Sabinus’s response that Life ends. ^D I wish that the Acts were such as they are preferred and written. We would not grieve that there is absolutely nothing in such a Life that can be safely believed, but that every single detail would be most worthy of all faith, and they would easily be found nowhere to disagree either with Epiphanius himself or with the writings of other contemporary authors. But now, whoever compares these Acts with the censures or observations to be proposed below will be compelled to judge, with Baronius (ad an. 572, no. 108), that they are filled with very many lies; for to reprint the work itself, already frequently printed in Latin, and once even in Greek, only to refute it, is not worth the effort. We indeed tolerate many Lives in this work, as long as better ones are not available, though they are occasionally sprinkled with serious flaws: the authors of which we believe, although good-willed, have nonetheless committed to writing with too simple a faith those things which they compiled many centuries later, partly from older monuments, and partly from popular traditions. But we can no longer endure those which, falsely attributed to others in bad faith, offend the reader who is practiced in the distinction between truth and falsehood all the more gravely, in proportion to how basely they impose upon the simpler-minded. For since pious credulity is applied to them only insofar as no more certain authority to the contrary or more cogent reason for doubting stands in the way: thus

^A having omitted the Acts, I set out to collect those things which he says himself, which are few enough, together with more things which other undoubted writers suggest.

CAPUT II.

The monastic life of the chaste youth, his age, and certain events during his episcopate.

7. Sozomen explains the homeland and education of the adolescent Epiphanius in his Lib. vi, Cap. 32, where, speaking of the monks of Palestine, he says: “Among their number was Hesychius, a companion of Hilarion; and Epiphanius, who later was bishop of Salamis in Cyprus. And Hesychius indeed practiced philosophy in the same place as his master; but Epiphanius, near the village of Besanduce, situated in the territory of Eleutheropolis, from which he originated. And since he had been instructed from early adolescence by most excellent monks, and had remained for a long time in Egypt for the sake of that matter, he stood out as most celebrated in monastic philosophy.” And that he sought out Egypt first for the sake of literary studies—and that he was born to a family of no meager means—he himself persuades me, in the book *De haeresibus*, in the 26th heresy, where, dealing with the Gnostics, he says: “And we, beloved, fell into this heresy, and we learned it from the very mouth and teaching of those who handle this properly and as a discipline;” surely before he was a monk, and while he was still attending to all other studies for whose sake, clearly, he had come to Egypt: and what other studies than literary ones? since he confesses that the books of the Gnostics were studiously read by him before he knew them to be pernicious. But as for him who could travel abroad as a youth outside his homeland for this purpose, it is a logical consequence that he is believed to have had, in his homeland, parents wealthy enough to maintain a son abroad, and who were good Christians, from whose instruction he drew that constancy in maintaining chastity which kept him unpolluted among the snares and filth of the Gnostics. How he himself escaped them, he explains in the aforementioned place thus:

8. “And the deceived women not only cast such speeches at us, but furthermore, like that lost and most wicked Egyptian woman who was the wife of the chief of the cooks, they tried to draw us away with petulant attempts, even while we were still in our flourishing youth. But He who stood by the most holy Joseph at that time was also ready at hand for us; and imploring this same One who delivered him from that danger, although we were unworthy and unequal to such a great benefit, we escaped the pernicious hands of those women through His same kindness and mercy, and we sang a hymn of gratitude to the most holy God, so that we might rightly use this: *Let us sing unto the Lord, for He has been gloriously magnified; the horse and the rider He has thrown into the sea* (Exod. xv, 4). For it was not, as it was for that patriarch, through any force of our own virtue and justice that we were saved, but by a groan poured out to God, we were saved by His compassion. And when those pests were mocking me by their ^B blandishments and allurements, ^C and making fun of us with each other, they would complain thus: ‘We could not save this youth, but let him perish in the hands of the prince.’ For whatever form among those women is more liberal, it casts itself like bait and a lure, so that those whom it has seduced into deception may not be said to be defeated and destroyed, but rescued... And there were indeed those who were using these words and enticements, because of the beauty of their bodies, which they abused for sinning; but the merciful God snatched us from their wickedness, so much so that (after we had read their books and applied our mind to the knowledge of the truth, and were neither abducted nor captured by their snares; but finally escaped) we soon studied to report them to the bishops who were in that place, and to uncover their hitherto unknown names in the Church. From which it came about that almost eighty heads ordered to exile left the city, purged of its weeds and thorns.”

9. Moreover, that he knew the filth of that heresy by reading and speech, but not by experience, Epiphanius testifies again and again, continuing thus: “We have shown that this is one of those heresies about which we could bring forward something certain and explored; not from the fact that we ourselves have done these things (may God avert this from us!), but from the fact that we learned accurately from those who tried in vain to persuade us of it, and who completely abandoned the hope they had conceived of our destruction; since all the snares and frauds which both they themselves and the devil who resides in them had devised for the destruction of our unhappy soul had turned out to be vain and empty; so that we can most adaptably use this saying of David: *The arrows of the children have become their wounds* (Ps. LXIII, 8), etc.; then that, *Their labor shall return upon their own head, and their iniquity shall descend upon their own pate* (Ps. VII, 17). Therefore, just as we ran into that error in such a way that we escaped its harm; and as soon as we read it, condemning it, we passed on safe and unharmed: so we exhort you, whoever you are who read these things, that you pass over what is read just as it is condemned, lest you fall like some kind of virus of wickedness into such serpents; and if perhaps you ever encounter anyone from this school of serpents, suddenly grasp that wood which has been prepared for us by the Lord and on which Christ was affixed.” Thus far Epiphanius, from which I think it can be rendered quite likely what I said at the beginning: that when he fell into that danger, he was a Christian, educated chastely and modestly by Christian parents: it also appears that he had not yet renounced the world, of which the Gnostics had framed such a hope for themselves; contrary to how the fabricated Acts represent him to us, a Jew from Jews, and those rustic and poor, and a monk in his homeland before he stepped a foot out of it.

10. The same Acts assert that when he was asked by the emperor Arcadius how many years old he was, he replied, one hundred and fifteen, and

he was in the episcopate fifty-five years and three months. But no one should doubt that there is some error in the number of years, first because Jerome, writing about Epiphanius in the year 392, that is, ten years before his death, asserts that ^A even in his extreme old age he was still working on various treatises; which no one would aptly understand of a man born one hundred and five years earlier. Secondly, because no one will believe that a hundred and fifteen-year-old man had the vigor to sail to Constantinople. Thirdly, because in the Dialogue which exists under the name of Palladius on the Life of St. John Chrysostom, as if from a conversation held at the time of Pope Zosimus, that is, in the year 418, between Palladius, bishop of Helenopolis, a disciple of Chrysostom, and Theodore, a deacon of the Roman Church, it is said that Epiphanius "presided over the Church for thirty-six years, under Damasus and Siricius," the former of whom began in the year 358, the latter of whom ended in the year 398. However, if one considers the number of years to be 56, with the beginning of the year 56 if you keep it, the rest will consist not inconveniently with the truth; ^B so that the saint died at the age of 96, and the author of the Acts was led into such an exorbitant calculation only from a slight error of a single letter, where someone wrote *ve'* instead of *per-*. Thus it will be possible to say that Epiphanius was made bishop at the beginning of the year 368, and was born in the year 308. Concerning this, while it is read in the Synopsis to his *Ancoratus* that he undertook the first practice of the monastic institute in Egypt, and remained there until his twentieth year of age, until he returned to the region of Eleutheropolis and founded a monastery in it, it is to be understood that he left Egypt in the year 329, and therefore the time during which he could have lived there among the monks was not very long: and that that denunciation of the Gnostics, made to the bishops gathered at Alexandria, can aptly be referred to January of the year 326, when, upon the death of St. Alexander the bishop, bishops converged to substitute a successor, St. Athanasius. For it does not seem to fit that this should be said to have been done two years earlier, for instance in the year 324, when the Alexandrian synod was celebrated with Hosius of Corduba presiding, for then he would have been a youth of only sixteen years.

11. Be that as it may, I do not doubt that upon that denunciation, Alexandria being dismissed, the desert was sought by Epiphanius: but when he returned to Syria he could have joined himself to St. Hilarion, about whom Jerome writes in his *Life*, that around the year 311, having returned there likewise from the Egyptian discipline under Antony, after 22 years of solitude, that is, the year of Christ 323, people from Syria and Egypt were vying to flock to him, so that many believed in Christ and professed themselves monks. ^C Epiphanius could have joined the growing number of these; he could also, as soon as he returned to his home village, have betaken himself to leading a similar life, and nevertheless have been familiar with Hilarion through frequent conversation; for he, because of the excess of his own fame, fled to Egypt around the year 360, and finally to Cyprus in the year 364, where, when it happened that the bishop of Salamis died, I will not be surprised if Epiphanius was requested from Palestine by the advice of Hilarion: who would have more willingly admitted that burden, so that he would not be forced to observe and endure the tyranny of the Arians rampant under Valens, and because he would find there an old master or companion of the spiritual life, and would enjoy him as long as he lived. Hilarion, however, lived until the age of 80, in the year of Christ 372, when the same Epiphanius wrote "a brief epistle in his praise," just as St. Jerome testifies in the *Life of Hilarion*: from whose 61st epistle, to Pammachus, we learn that at that time, when the Arian and Eunomian heresy possessed the whole Orient, except for Pope Athanasius and Paulinus, when John ^D (against whom he later wrote the Epistolary Letter as bishop of Jerusalem), while still a layman, dissembling or wavering in faith, did not communicate with the "Occidentals and confessors in the midst of exile, SS. Dionysius of Milan, Eusebius of Vercelli, and Lucifer of Cagliari"; Epiphanius, either as a priest in a monastery was heard by Eutychius (a man of great name, to be sure, since the letter was written around the year 396, a bishop or abbot, though not yet known from elsewhere), or later as bishop of Cyprus, was not touched by Valens: for he was always held in such great veneration that the reigning heretics thought it their own ignominy if they persecuted such a man. The aforesaid confessors, moreover, lived as exiles in the Orient from the year 355 to 362, and Valens persecuted the orthodox from the year 366 to 375. Whence it is given to be understood, not only how unimpaired the fame and veneration of Epiphanius was throughout that whole time; but also that from the very beginning of the persecution, stirred up by Constantius, he had been consecrated priest.

12. Furthermore, a remarkable passage regarding the mutual familiarity between the saints Hilarion and Epiphanius is held in the booklets *On the Life and Doctrine and Perfection of the holy Fathers*, which, as Sigebert testifies, Pelagius the deacon of the Roman Church translated from Greek into Latin, and which in the *Lives of the Fathers* edited by our Heribert Rosweyde constitute book V: for there in booklet ME number 15 it is read thus: "Epiphanius the Cyprian bishop once sent to the abbot Hilarion, asking him and saying, 'Come so that we may see one another before we depart from the body.' And when they had come to each other, as they were eating, something from the birds was brought to them, which taking, the bishop gave to the abbot Hilarion. And the elder says to him: 'Forgive me, Father, because from the time I received this habit I have not eaten anything killed.' And Epiphanius said to him: 'But I, from the time I received this habit, have not let anyone sleep who had something against me; nor have I slept having something against anyone.' And the elder says to him, 'Forgive me, for your conversation is greater than mine.' And at this, mitigated by Epi-

Epiphanius’s request for an excuse for his austerity, he also testifies thus concerning his Bethlehem life in the Utrecht manuscript, from the *Lives of the Fathers*, from where I do not know, as I have found thus annotated: 'Having been made bishop, he wanted to use the same austerity as in the desert, but he could not; and praying, he asked of God if it was because of the bishopric that the grace of God had receded from him. But it was answered to him that it was not, because he had undertaken the care with a pious intention; but because then, when he was in solitude, God was his own helper, whereas in the world, men also gave aid. Thus the sons of Israel received manna in the desert until they came into the land of promise.'

^B 43. St. Hilarion used to come on the 21st of October; but while his disciple Hesychius was running to and fro, and was concerned with teaching him about the state of his monastery in Palestine as well as that of the disciples left there—so, too, the disciples of Epiphanius were not sluggish in fostering mutual communication with their master while he was away. Therefore, in scroll XII of the said work, no. 6, such a thing as this is found: 'A mandate was sent to Epiphanius of holy memory, bishop in Cyprus, from the abbot of his monastery which he had in Palestine: "Because of your prayers, we have not neglected the rule, but with solicitude we celebrate the Third, Sixth, Ninth, and Vespers." But he, reproving him, commanded him: "It is agreed that you are free from prayer during the other hours; but it behooves him who is a true monk to pray without ceasing, or at least to chant in his heart."' Doubtless, Epiphanius visited that monastery of his at some time when he traveled to Palestine for the sake of ecclesiastical affairs, but there is no memory of that fact among approved authors. However, how great the reputation for absolute perfection he had gathered, whether by traveling there then or living in Palestine before, can be understood from the letter of Acacius and Paul, presbyters and archimandrites in Coelesyria, which is prefixed to the *Panarion* and begins thus: 'The very sight of your piety, Father, could have been enough, which filled us with spiritual discourses and instilled in us so vehement a desire for you, after it was permitted to enjoy your presence once. But since the preceding fame of the disciples of Christ proclaims the fragrance of his words and deeds everywhere, it constrains and solicits us so that we might strive to be filled with his discourses and thoughts. Therefore, approaching in person, it was right to be imbued with the communion of that grace which is in you just as it is in the apostles. But since bodily sickness and weakness have obstructed that journey for us... we vehemently entreat your piety that you do not grudge us the communion of those things which have been bestowed upon you by the Savior. For not only we ourselves, but all who have heard, confess you as a new apostle and herald, brought forth to us by Christ in this age, like a second John, that you might instruct us on those things which must be observed by those who have committed themselves to the course of a holier life which we have undertaken.'

Chapter III. Liberalitas Epiphanii erga pauperes : mutuæ inter eum et Joannem Hierosolymitanum querelæ.

15. If it were in the Acts of Epiphanius, it would have to be said that he was ordained bishop on account of a revelation made about him to St. Pappus, bishop of Cytria, at the fifth milestone from Salamis, excelling in the glory of fifty years of bishopric and confession, died with Gelasius the bishop of the Salaminians, to whom the other provincial bishops had entrusted the designation of the new bishop. Concerning St. Pappus, indeed, it is sufficiently established that he is still honored today among the Cypriots as a saint, and under his name still remains the town which was once his bishopric:

^A but we learn nothing elsewhere about Gelasius; nor do we believe that Epiphanius succeeded him as the true bishop of the Salaminians, but rather Auxibius, who is numbered by St. Athanasius first among the twelve Cypriot bishops (though the island had fifteen episcopal sees in total), from among those who later approved the synodical letter of the Council of Sardica in the year 347; or, if someone else intervened, we believe he succeeded him. At that time the island had also begun to know monks along with St. Hilarion; it is credible, however, that most of those monasteries whose memory we noted above were founded and directed under the institution and care of Epiphanius; so much so that Sozomen rightly wrote concerning Epiphanius in Book VI, chapter 32, that he was most celebrated in monastic discipline both among the Egyptians and the Palestinians, and finally among the Cypriots, among whom he was chosen to administer the bishopric in the metropolis of the whole island.

16. While he was managing this, many of those miracles are attributed to him, about which the same Sozomen says in Book VII, chapter 27: ^B "Since he was liberal toward the poor, who had been reduced to poverty either by shipwreck or by some other misfortune, because he had already long since exhausted all his own resources, he made extensive use of the goods of the Church where there was need: now his Church was most affluent. For many from various parts of the world, who were eager to spend their wealth on pious uses, spent it on his Church while they were alive and left it to the same Church when they died. For they trusted that he, being a righteous steward and very loving toward God, would distribute the goods donated by them according to their own intent and wish. At one time, therefore, when there was very little money left, they say the treasurer of the Church complained, and rebuked him as if he were a spendthrift: but he, even then, did not slacken in his customary generosity toward the poor. Yet when everything was consumed, suddenly I know not who approached the room where the treasurer was living, and handed into his hands a sack in which there were many gold coins. And since neither the one who had given it nor the one who had sent it was known, and it appeared rightly insolent that someone should wish to remain hidden in the distribution of such a sum of money, then indeed all judged that this was the work of God."

17. Thus Sozomen, ^C as if having only that which was distinctly known to be immediately added; and therefore knowing nothing of those fabricated and most mendacious Acts, in which, among many other very singular things, those two very things are narrated in a far different way; which same thing seems to have happened to another of the deeds of St. Epiphanius, of which Leontius, Neapolis bishop of Cyprus in the seventh century, makes mention in the Life of St. John the Almsgiver, given by us on January 23, n. 35, narrating that St. John "used to say always that one could, with the intention of giving to the poor, despoil the rich, and even benevolently take the very undershirt (hypocamisia) from them, and especially if some are unmerciful and avaricious. For he gains two things from this, first that he saves the souls of those," and secondly, because he himself receives no small reward therefrom. He brought, moreover, to the persuasiveness of the word also a truthful testimony, which happened concerning St. Epiphanius and John, bishop of the Jerusalemites: how St. Epiphanius by a trick took the silver of the patriarch, namely of this John, and gave it to the needy. Certainly, St. John the Almsgiver used another trick, while repeatedly giving away clothing, whether volunteered for his own use or even requested, by selling it and distributing the price to the poor, ^D "sweetly as if he were harvesting opulent men" who were beneficent toward him: by which sort of trick Epiphanius is imagined to have acted, who, of silver vessels, as if accepted on loan for the treatment of some guests, to the weight of one thousand five hundred pounds, sold them to a greedy master and gave it away, and afterwards, upon the bishop complaining to his face of the injury done to him, spat upon him and blinded him.

18. For those circumstances of the event are seen to be false, other than that the same John, after vision of one single eye was received again through the prayers of Epiphanius, "having been chastised and convicted by the just man, was thereafter holy in all things." Epiphanius did not, indeed, think this of him when he wrote an epistle to the same man, who was suspected by him of Origenist errors and was indignant without cause because he himself had ordained the brother of St. Jerome, the monk Paulinianus, as a presbyter, which epistle we have in Latin translated by St. Jerome himself, with this beginning: "It behooved us, most beloved, not to abuse the honor of the clergy out of pride, but by custody of the commandments of God and by observance it is most worthy that this be what we are called... For I heard that you are indignant against us, and are angry, and threaten to write to the ends of the earth... We injured you in nothing, we did no injury, we extorted nothing violently. In the monastery of the brothers, and of the foreign brothers, who owed nothing to your province, and because of our smallness and the letters which we frequently directed to them, so that they might not appear by some harshness and our conscience to be separated from the Antiqua Fides of the Church, we ordained him deacon, and after he served, again presbyter: upon which you ought to have rejoiced, understanding that because of the fear of God we were compelled to do this...."

19. "For when I had seen that a multitude of brothers was staying in the monastery, and the holy presbyter Jerome and Vincentius, because of modesty and humility, not wishing to exercise the sacrifices due to his name, and to labor in this part of the ministry which is the chief salvation of Christians; but to find and comprehend, who often fled from you (because he did not wish to take up the heavy burden of the priesthood), and no other of the bishops could easily find him (whence I also wondered enough how by the dispensation of God he came to us with the deacons of the monastery and the rest of the brothers, so that he might satisfy me, because I had I know not what sadness against them), when, I say, the assembly was being celebrated in the church of the village which is next to our monastery; he not knowing"

^A and altogether having no suspicion, we ordered him to be apprehended, and his mouth to be held, lest by chance, desiring to free himself, he might adjure us by the name of Christ: and we ordained him as first deacon, setting before him the fear of God: for he indeed resisted strongly, protesting that he was unworthy. With difficulty, therefore, we compelled him, and were able to persuade him by the testimonies of the Scriptures and the commandments of God. And when he was ministering in the holy sacrifices, we again, with great difficulty, holding his mouth, ordained him presbyter, and with the same words with which we had persuaded him before, we impelled him to sit in the order of the presbyterATE. After these things, we wrote to the holy presbyters of the monastery and the rest of the brethren, and we rebuked them, why they had not written about him (when, a year earlier, I had heard many of them complaining, why they did not have anyone who could perform for them the sacraments of the Lord, and all asked for him with their own testimony, and testified to the great utility in the common life of the monastery), why, I say, when the opportunity was then found, they had not written to us, nor asked for anything regarding his ordination. These things were done, as I have spoken, in the charity of Christ, which I believed you had toward my insignificance: although I ordained him in a monastery, and not in a parish which might be subject to you... Why therefore has it seemed good to you to swell up so gravely and to be tossed against us for the work of God, which was done for the edification, and not for the destruction, of the brethren?»

20. Up to this point Epiphanius, by his own words, sufficiently indicates that it was already accepted in the Church that some monasteries at least (such as the monastery of St. Epiphanius near the village of Besahduc, in the territory of Eleutheropolis, which because of the scarcity of water is called Spanydrion, as the pseudo-John writes, where the ordination was performed, and another monastery of pilgrims in Bethlehem, whence Paulinianus had come to Epiphanius) were considered exempt from the jurisdiction of the ordinary: so that any bishop might, if asked, confer holy orders upon those monks. Epiphanius further proceeds to excuse himself to John with these words: «But I was also vehemently astonished that you spoke to my clerics; asserting that you had sent word to me through the holy presbyter and abbot of the monks, Gregory, not to ordain anyone; and that I had promised, saying: Am I a youth or do I not know the canons? Hear therefore the truth in the word of God, that I ^D neither heard this, nor knew it, nor do I remember this conversation at all. I suspected that perhaps among many things, as a man, I might have forgotten; and for this reason I questioned the holy Gregory, and Zeno the presbyter who is with him. From whom, Abbot Gregory answered that he was completely ignorant of this. Zeno, however, said that when presbyter Rufinus was speaking to him of I know not what other things in passing, he also said this: Do you think the holy bishop is going to ordain anyone? And that this was the extent of the conversation: but I, Epiphanius, neither heard anything, nor responded. Whence, most beloved, let not fury forestall you, nor indignation occupy you, nor let yourself be moved in vain: and turn not yourself to other things, lest you seem to have found an occasion for sinning, which the Prophet, avoiding, prays to the Lord, saying: Incline not my heart to words of malice, to make excuses in sins (Ps. cxli, 4).» Indeed he was grieving that John, because of the defense of the Origenist heresy, had been rebuked by Epiphanius; and for that cause, that he himself was strengthening the monks who were dissenting from him and who clung to Jerome, with his own letters and warnings to constancy in rejecting Origen; and for that cause was consoling and aiding those vexed by John.

21. And this is how Epiphanius proceeds, continuing the letter begun: «I have also heard with wonder that certain men, who are accustomed to carry rumors to and fro, and always to add to those things they have heard, so as to stir up sadness and quarrels among the brethren, have also troubled you and said, that in prayer, when we offer sacrifices to God, we are accustomed to say for you: Lord, grant to John that he may believe rightly. Do not consider us so rustic that we would be able to say this so openly. For although I always pray for this in my heart; yet, to speak simply, I never uttered it to alien ears, lest I should seem to esteem you little, most beloved. When, however, we have completed the prayer, according to the rite of the mysteries, we say both for all and for you as well: Guard him who preaches the truth; or certainly, Do Thou grant, Lord, and guard, that he may preach the word of truth: just as the occasion of the discourse has brought it about, and the prayer has had its coherence ^B. Wherefore I beseech you, most beloved, and, falling at your feet, I pray, grant to me and to yourself, that you may be saved, as it is written, from a perverse generation (Matt. xvii, 16), and retreat from the heresy of Origen and from all heresies, most beloved. For I see that it is because of this cause that all your indignation is stirred up, because we said to you, that you ought not to praise the father of Arius, Origen to wit, and the root and parent of other heresies. And when I was praying you not to err in such a way, and was warning you; you contradicted, and led me to sadness and even to tears, and not only me, but many other Catholics who were present. Thence, as I understand, this is all the indignation and this the fury: and for this reason you threaten that you will send letters against me, so that your speech may run here and there; and because of the defense of the heresy, stirring up hatreds against me, you break the charity which we had toward you, in such a way that you have made us even do penance, because we have communicated with you, since you defend the errors and dogmas of Origen. I speak simply: we, according to what is written (Matt. v, 29 sqq.), do not spare even our own eye, so as not to pluck it out, if it has scandalized us; nor our hand, nor our foot, if it has caused us scandal. And you therefore, whether you be eyes, or hands, or feet, will sustain similar things.» ^C

^A such that these propositions of Origen, contained therein, are by no means to be tolerated by catholic ears; although, he says, «Origen snatched nothing from me, nor was he in my generation, nor did I undertake hatred and battles against him on account of some worldly matters or inheritance; but (to speak simply) I grieve, and I grieve greatly, seeing very many of the brethren, and especially those who have no small profession and have even reached the highest degree of the priesthood, deceived by his persuasions and, by a most perverse doctrine, become food for the devil.» He attempts, therefore, to lead John away from following and defending Origen, as much as in him lay, by warning, exhorting, and rebuking him: then he returns again to his own excuse, and explains the deed, which also shows his notable zeal in avoiding everything that seemed in the slightest degree to be contrary to the purity of the true religion. But this same thing is seized upon by the iconoclasts of today, very poorly understood, against the exposition of images. In this, however, it appears that they are more insane than the ancient iconoclasts, against whom the Second Council of Nicaea acted. For they, in order to arm their heresy with the name of Epiphanius, did not abuse the deed that follows, but affixed to the saint a certain letter to the emperor Theodosius, at the end of which he had written to him thus: «Since I have spoken many times with my fellow ministers that the images should be removed, I have not been received by them, nor have they suffered to hear my voice even for a little while.» This letter, however, is rightly called falsely attributed, and not of Epiphanius, ^B just as the other in which he would have written, «Do not introduce images into churches, nor into the cemeteries of the saints, nor into a common house;» for the synod, in act 6, showed with many arguments that it indeed recognized *the* holy Father *as* a doctor of the catholic Church, but it professes again that it rejects the document: because these writings of mendacious assertion, which are against the venerable images, are indeed said by some to be S. Epiphanius’, but they are in no way his.

I promised to give a veil and to change it. Which, when I had heard, ^A there was a little delay in the meantime, while I sought to send the best veil for it; for I thought it had to be sent to me from Cyprus. But now I have sent what I could find; and I pray that you command the presbyters of the same place to receive the veil from the bearer which has been sent by us; and henceforward to command that such veils, which are against our religion, not be hung in the Church of Christ.» Thus far the letter, whose words, if they are correctly weighed, it will appear that this veil was torn, not because it truly had the image of Christ or of any saint; but because, when it had the likeness of some profane man, or perhaps one still living, it was hung there as if of Christ or of some saint: which exception confirms the rule of the orthodox faith by its opposite.

CHAPTER IV.

25. «Two beggars, when they observed Epiphanius coming, so that they might extract more money from him, one of them, stretched out upon the ground, ^D lay like one dead; but the other stood near, weeping, at once lamenting the death of his companion, at once complaining of his own poverty, because he could not bury him. Epiphanius, however, having prayed for rest for the one lying down, gave to the beggar what was necessary for the burial, and weeping said: Take care of the burial and cease to weep, my son; for he will not rise in the present: but that which happens inevitably and is altogether necessary, must be borne with a brave heart. And Epiphanius indeed went away with these words. But when now no one was in sight, the beggar standing began to kick the one lying down with his foot, praising that he had feigned death excellently: and, Rise, he said; from your labor we will pass this happy day. But when he lay perpetually, and heard neither the one crying out any more, nor

feeling the one exerting himself with all his might, he pursued the bishop with hasty steps, confessed the fraud of them both, and weeping and tearing his hair, he prayed that his companion might be recalled to life. But Epiphanius dismissed the man, having exhorted him to bear what had happened with an even mind; for God did not wish to undo what had been done, wishing to persuade men entirely that those who present themselves as such towards His servants, are plotting fraud against Him who hears and sees all things.

26. Further, the gift of prophecy in Epiphanius, whereby hidden and secret things were often divinely given to him to foresee, is indicated by that signification of the true death of him who was believed by his companion to be merely feigning it, when he said to him: "For he shall not rise in the present life." The same gift, first from common fame, then from their own experience, two others recognized, concerning whom a certain elder narrated in the ^B *Vitis Patrum*, book xv, no. 88, interpreted by Pelagius, in these words: "Two men were there, religious laymen; and conversing with one another, they went out and became monks. Having an emulation of the evangelical voice, but not according to knowledge, they castrated themselves as if for the sake of the kingdom of heaven. And the archbishop, hearing this, excommunicated them. But they, thinking that they had done well, were indignant against him, saying: 'We have castrated ourselves for the sake of the kingdom of heaven, and this man has excommunicated us? Let us go and appeal against him to the archbishop of Jerusalem.' So they went and told him everything. And the archbishop of Jerusalem said: 'And I excommunicate you.' Whereupon, saddened again, they went to Antioch to the archbishop, and told him all things that had been done to them; and he similarly excommunicated them. And they said to themselves: 'Let us go to Rome to the patriarch, and he himself will vindicate us from all these.' So they went to the supreme archbishop of the city of Rome, and suggested to him what the aforementioned archbishops had done to them, saying: 'We come to thee, because thou art the head of all.' But he himself also said to them: 'I excommunicate you, and you are separated.' ^C 27. Then those excommunicated ones failed and said to themselves: 'These bishops defer to and agree with one another, for which reason they are gathered in synods; but let us go to that man of God, S. Epiphanius, the archbishop of Cyprus, because he is a prophet and does not accept the person of man.' But when they approached his city, it was revealed to him concerning them: and sending to meet them, he said: 'Do not enter this city.' Then they, turning into themselves, said: 'In truth we are guilty, so why do we justify ourselves? Suppose even that they unjustly excommunicated us, is not this man a prophet? Behold, for God has revealed concerning us to him.' And they deeply reproached themselves for the fault which they had committed. Then he who knows hearts, seeing that for the truth's sake they had made themselves guilty, revealed it to Bishop Epiphanius; and he voluntarily sent and summoned them, and comforted them, and received them into communion. Therefore, he wrote of these to the archbishop of Alexandria, saying: 'Receive thy sons, since they have truly done penance.' And the elder who had narrated this example added, saying: 'This is the health of man, and this is what God wills, that a man should cast his own fault before God.'"

28. By these and other spiritual graces is the celebrated Epiphanius known to all posterity, in the books he wrote, the first of which they call the *Ancoratus*, because it strengthens the soul, anxious about life and salvation, like an anchor. The occasion given to him for writing it was by an ^D "epistle written from Pamphylia, from the town of Suedra, by Tarsinus, Maditius and other presbyters in the 90th year of Diocletian, but the 10th of Valens and the 6th of Gratian," which was the year of Christ 373. One may see the epistle itself before the work, together with the epistle of a certain Palladius, as appears from the rescript of the monk, which I would prefer to translate as "inhabiting the same city of Suedra," rather than "having performed or performing some magistracy there." They had been moved, these men who previously rejoiced at many of their own having been led back from error, "having received letters from the blessed and of happy memory Bishop Athanasius and from Epiphanius' most religious colleague Proclianus," so that they might now recur to Epiphanius himself, Athanasius having died two years before, and Proclianus being otherwise impeded: they had been moved, I say, by "the remnants of the depraved dogma, still surviving among some," and prompted to ask that he himself "not be burdened to give letters to their Church, and to explain the right faith more fully. But that dogma, as is understood from the epistle of Palladius, was of the Eunomians, who moved empty and absurd questions about the Holy Spirit, and denied that He ought to be honored and proclaimed simultaneously with the divinity and sovereignty; but that He should be held in the place of a minister or messenger, or even thinking something more humble and abject concerning Him. For which causes," says Palladius, "thus as if fluctuating in inconstant agitation and a difficult tempest; since we can find no one here suitable to resolve these questions and to set forth the sound faith; we are compelled to refer to thy piety concerning this business, so that deservedly we may be able to use that cry: 'Master, save us.' Wherefore we ask this of thee for thy sincere and right faith, which the established fame of long since and the testimonies of worthy men now celebrate everywhere; so that for the duty for which thou wert appointed by the Savior, thou mayest humanely admit this our exhortation, and mayest be willing to discourse more fully and more openly on what is to be believed concerning the Trinity." These things and others to him. 29. Epiphanius indeed answering them, both to Numerius the presbyter and Severinus the monk, whose names have either fallen out of the titles of the epistles or are added elsewhere for the sake of love and honor, first excusing his own "talent," "which was accustomed to dwell perpetually in quiet and leisure, and not to extend itself further than is right; yet being impelled by their goads...

he was moved in mind and spirit, and I began to reflect with myself, and at length I decided that this should be done promptly and readily, so that, as you requested by your letters, I might apply myself without any delay to writing this epistle for you, in accordance with your desire, weak and feeble though I be." As it is stated in the introductory ^A Synopsis, this work—which you would more justly call a book than an epistle—"contains the parts of the faith, such as the one and same substance of the Father, Son, and Holy Spirit, the perfect Incarnation of Christ, the resurrection of the dead, eternal life, and the judgment of the soul and body alike; then it argues individually against idols and heresies, and against the Jews and others; and it embraces the names of eighty heresies; finally, it explains various questions concerning the Holy Scriptures."

30. But this which is said in the Synopsis of the *Ancoratus* is not currently found in the *Ancoratus* itself: yet it makes it probable that it was in it, because Acacius and Paulus, presbyters and archimandrites of the monasteries in the regions of Carchedon and Beroea in Coelesyria, requesting a larger work on the same subject from him, in the 92nd year of Diocletian, the 12th of Valentinian and Valens, and the 8th of Gratian, which is the year of Christ 375, say: "We have already heard the names themselves which you have applied to the heresies; now we desire the dogma of each sect to be clearly declared by your piety." Yet, granted that those names were originally in the *Ancoratus*, it would follow that Epiphanius himself, revising this book six or eight years later, removed them, because he had already treated them more fully and orderly elsewhere. Nevertheless, a scruple remains in me, lest the author of the Synopsis did not refer the last two lines, concerning the names of heresies and various questions, to the argument ^B of the *Ancoratus*, but to its author Epiphanius, wishing to indicate that he had treated these things also.

31. Be that as it may, whether in the *Ancoratus* or outside it, (although it seems more probable to me that it was outside it), before he composed the *Panarium* at the prayers of Acacius and Paul, of which more below, he composed something of which they may have heard, which has already perished, and was a prelude and a kind of rudiment of the work later compiled by him. And Augustinus seems to have known this alone, when he described its matter and form in the book *De Haeresibus* to Quodvultdeus, which he composed around the last year of his life, A.D. 430, prefacing it thus: "Our own Epiphanius, bishop of Cyprus, recently departed from human affairs, wrote six books speaking of eighty heresies, recounting everything in a historical narrative, without any dispute against falsehood competing for the truth. These booklets are brief, and if they were gathered into one, not even it would be comparable in length to our books or those of certain others. If I were to imitate his brevity in recounting heresies, you would have nothing shorter to request or expect from me." And again in the context of heresy LVII: "Accordingly, Epiphanius counts eighty heresies, twenty of which he considered to have existed before the coming of the Lord; the remaining sixty, which arose after the Lord's ascension, he includes in five very brief books, and he made all of them conclude in six books of his entire work." ^C Petavius is astonished, and rightly so, that Augustine should write such things about Epiphanius, since he did not fulfill that which he said he would do—namely, to argue against the individual heresies—either in that booklet on heresies or in another. It is even more astonishing that in his *Bibliotheca*, Photius, after the *Panarium* lauded by him, says at no. 124: "We read his *Ancoratus* also, which is a certain summary of the *Panaria*," since it is indubitable that the *Ancoratus* was composed so long before the *Panarium*. Perhaps Photius read the *Anakephalaeosis*, composed indeed later, but perhaps written in the same volume as the *Ancoratus* without the distinction of a new title, and thus believed it to be one work; but Augustine could not have read it, since he found a division far different than that which is in it, being the same as in the *Panarium*.

32. But let us hear Epiphanius himself speaking of his own work, which alone fills a large volume edited in Greek and Latin, in his epistle to Acacius and Paul: "Since we have undertaken in this book to declare all the names of the heresies, and also to expose their abominable and wicked depravities as though they were very present poisons; and, offering against these certain antidotes which may either serve as a remedy for those who have been bitten, or as a precaution to preserve those who are in no danger, we write for those who are studious of honorable things; we shall ^D rightfully call that work and book a *Panarium*, or medicine chest, as a remedy for those who have been bitten by serpents: which, divided into three parts, embraces eighty heresies, which are similar to serpents and reptiles; according to which the foundation of truth and the formula of salutary doctrine and faith is set forth, and the spouse of Christ, namely the holy Church, is declared: which, although it began to exist when the world was founded, yet subsequently, through the incarnation of Christ the Lord, in the succession of times, was made public and revealed before all the aforementioned heresies, and the same has been related by us in *Commentaries* from the preaching of Christ (perhaps these refer to the *Ancoratus*) and again, after the wickedness of all those heresies has been explained, it is accurately and clearly set forth in a certain brief compendium from the doctrine of the apostles, so that by this the minds of those who read this heresy may be refreshed and restored...

^A in every age, as the same Petavius ^B notes in his dedicatory epistle, that they might most powerfully be repelled and overturned, by publishing the abstruse and hidden mysteries of the ancient heresies; and that the authors and satellites of this treachery might recognize in those writings their own chiefs and authors, whom they might rightly be ashamed of. It is true, indeed, that the mind of one who has devoted himself to either the fashioning or the defending of a heresy is given over to every kind of audacity without any shame; yet there is no one among those patrons of absurd opinions who, once convicted and condemned for his error, should not feel some shame. Let all heretics be iron-willed, as they are; let them be stubborn; and even if they imagine themselves, in the very heat and agitation of disputation, to be more sharply fashioned for resistance, nevertheless, one who has learned this, and who has discovered through the certain testimonies of the ancients that those dogmas were long ago recognized and repudiated by the ancient Fathers and councils and by the common consensus of Christians, before those same men (whom he follows) even existed as interpolators—he will, I believe, find hardly any man whose violent outbursts and assaults could not be checked and tamed, unless he be utterly hardened, and whose resistance might not gradually, of its own accord, grow cold and collapse in exhaustion. John the Baptist, etc. See appendix, page 684, col. 2.

CAPUT V.

The final acts of the saint at Constantinople; his death on the return journey.

55. How Epiphanius felt about the books of Origen, ^C *On First Principles*, he sufficiently declared through his Epistle to John of Jerusalem, of which we have made mention above. While, however, disputes were raging in Palestine for this reason, it also happened that quarrels arose at Alexandria between Theophilus of Alexandria and Dioscorus, bishop of Hermopolis, and his brothers, Ammonius and Eusebius, nicknamed the Tall, who were the heads of as many monasteries; whom, although Theophilus had at first held dear, he not undeservedly afterwards turned against, and once they had returned to the desert, he determined to persecute them by all means. And in order to draw the simpler monks away from them, he presumed to blame them for denying that God is endowed with a human form, being propped up especially by the authority of Origen. But ^D when he understood that they had fled to Saint John Chrysostom at Constantinople, and had been received by him, he began to consider, says Sozomen (book VIII, chapter 23 and following), "by what means he might cast even John himself from his bishopric." But hiding and brooding over these things in the inmost recesses of his heart, he wrote meanwhile to all bishops in all places, letters in which he censured the books of Origen. And when he considered that it would be of great benefit to himself if he had Epiphanius, the bishop of Salamis in Cyprus, as a participant and partner in his counsels—a man who, on account of the reverence for his virtue, was the most renowned of all his time—he joined him to himself as a friend... had long loathed, he readily assented to the letters of Theophilus.

He forbade the reading of Origen's books. Then, having sent letters both to others and to the Bishop of Constantinople, explaining the decrees of the synod, he exhorted them to call a synod and to decree the same things. Seeing therefore that he could follow Epiphanius without danger, since many praised him and held his judgment in high esteem on account of his holiness of life, Theophilus himself, along with the bishops who were under him, decreed the same thing as Epiphanius. But John thought their zeal was of little consequence and ignored the letters of Epiphanius and Theophilus; indeed, those of the more powerful men who were privately hostile to John, having understood that Theophilus was acting to strip John of his episcopate, also contributed their own labor and support, and brought about the convening of a great synod at Constantinople. Upon learning this, Theophilus pressed the matter even more, ordering the bishops of Egypt to sail to Constantinople, while writing to Epiphanius and other bishops throughout the East that they should gather together as soon as possible: he himself proceeded by an overland journey.

57. Not long after Epiphanius had set sail from the island of Cyprus, he landed at a place not far from the city of Constantinople, which they call the Seventh; and having prayed in the church that is there, he entered into the city. As he was entering, John honored him with a meeting of the entire clergy: but Epiphanius clearly showed that he had given credence to the calumnies concocted against John. For when invited to stay in the ecclesiastical buildings, he would by no means consent, and he utterly refused to meet with John; yet he did privately summon the bishops who were then staying in Constantinople and showed them the things that had been decreed against the books of Origen, and persuaded some to subscribe to the decrees; but many refused to do so... Moreover, John still showed reverence to Epiphanius and urged him to celebrate the gatherings with him and to accept him as a companion. But Epiphanius replied that he would neither use his house nor pray with him, unless he first condemned the books of Origen and expelled Dioscorus together with his associates. But when he said that it was by no means just to do these things before the investigation of the cause and it was being put off, on the day when the gathering was to be held in the Church of the Apostles, the enemies of John took steps to ensure that Epiphanius would go to the church and publicly before the people condemn with anathema both the books of Origen and Dioscorus and those who were with him, as holding the same opinions as Origen; and at the same time to strike at the bishop of the city, as one who was devoted to them, for they thought that by this method they would alienate the people from him.

58. Therefore the next day, as Epiphanius was proceeding toward the church, Serapio, sent by John (for John had foreseen the things that had happened the day before ^A was decided upon), met him and publicly announced to Epiphanius that he was doing things which were neither just nor useful to him personally, since, with a riot of the people stirred up, he himself as the author of this matter would be in danger. Confined by this reasoning, the vehemence of Epiphanius was checked. Meanwhile, it happened that the emperor’s son, still a mere boy, was seized by an illness; his mother, anxious lest anything more grievous should happen to the boy, sent a messenger to Epiphanius, requesting that he pray to God for him. He replied that the boy would live if the Empress turned away from the heretics who were with Dioscorus. But the Empress said: "If God wills to take my son from me, let it be so; for the Lord who gave, the same also takes away. But if you were able to call the dead back to life, your archdeacon would not be dead." ^B And indeed not long before, Crispio... whom Epiphanius had as a companion, had departed from this life, and he had appointed him his archdeacon.

59. Ammonius and those who were with him came to Epiphanius; for this had also pleased the Empress. And when Epiphanius asked who they were, Ammonius replied: "We are the Long Brothers, O Father; but we would gladly learn whether you have ever happened upon our disciples or our books." When he denied it, Ammonius asked again: "Why then did you judge those heretics to be such, when you have no argument by which you can refute their opinion?" And when Epiphanius said that he had heard it by hearsay, "We, however," said Ammonius, "have done the exact opposite, for we have often seen your disciples and read your books; one of which is that which is inscribed *Ancoratus*. And although many wished to disparage you and slander you as a heretic, we fought for you, as was fitting for a Father, and undertook the defense of your cause. Therefore, neither you ought to have condemned absent men based on hearsay alone, whom you yourself have by no means convicted by certain arguments, nor to return such favor to your eulogists." After this, Epiphanius spoke to him more gently and then dismissed him, but after a short time elapsed, he sailed for Cyprus, either because he repented of the journey to Constantinople, or because God had admonished him by an oracle and had (as is likely) foretold his own death. Moreover, when he had taken ship to leave the island of Cyprus, he landed at a place not far from the city of Constantinople, which they call the Seventh; and having prayed in the church that is there, he entered into the city. As he was about to board the ship, it is said that he said to the bishops who had followed him to the shore: ^D "I leave the city to you, and the palace, and the stage; but I depart: for I am in a hurry, indeed, very much so."

60. Moreover, another thing is still circulated in the sermons of many, that John had predicted to Epiphanius that he would die on the voyage, while Epiphanius had predicted to John his abdication from the episcopate. For while they were at odds with one another, Epiphanius is said to have written to John: "I hope you will by no means die a bishop." John, however, wrote back to Epiphanius: "And I do not hope that you will return to your city." These things Sozomen writes in his History about thirty years after the death of Epiphanius; to whom

^A Socrates, in book VI, chapter 14, attributes things in almost the same words; he is a writer clearly of the same age as Sozomen, and it is believed that Sozomen borrowed his History almost entirely from him. However, I have more willingly used Sozomen, not because I believe he was from Salamis, as Nicephorus and others after him suppose; since he himself, in book V, chapter 15, indicates not obscurely that he was a Palestinian, from a certain village near Gaza by the name of Bethelia; but because from his very adolescence he had lived familiarly with the famous monks there, disciples of Hilarion and, as it seems, his own kinsmen; namely Salaman, with whom he had a common name (for he was called, as Photius notes, "Salamanet Hermias Sozomenus," which deceived others into believing he was from Salamis) and his brothers Fuscus, Machion, and Crispio, the last of whom, adhering to St. Epiphanius, died before him in the office of archdeacon at Constantinople, as we have seen above. Furthermore, Sozomen added some things here that he did not add to Socrates, and seems to have published some things more accurately. However, it is noteworthy that concerning the mutual predictions of Epiphanius and John regarding each other, Socrates adds: "Moreover, whether those who narrated these things told me the truth, I for my part cannot affirm; nevertheless, such an end befell both of them. For Epiphanius did not bring his ship to Cyprus, for after his departure he died on the voyage: and John was cast out from his episcopate not long after."

41. Perhaps such an end afforded people, who were conscious of the mutual dissension between them, an occasion to measure the holy men by their own standard, in order to fabricate a war of words unworthy of both, as Baronius judged, and after him the most recent illustrator and interpreter of Socrates and Sozomen, Henri de Valois. Baronius also doubts whether Epiphanius, as Socrates writes, "When he had arrived at the Basilica of St. John, which is distant seven miles from the city, having disembarked from the ship, celebrated the gathering there and ordained a deacon before entering the city." For he fears that Socrates wrongly transferred the complaint of John of Jerusalem concerning Epiphanius to John of Constantinople, even though he was living in Constantinople when these events were taking place. For it does not appear that the reason for excusing Epiphanius is as just here as it is there, since the Church of St. John was, without controversy, under the disposition of the bishop of Constantinople, where it would not have been lawful for Epiphanius, even without his order, to celebrate the solemnities of the Masses, let alone ordinations; nonetheless, Socrates introduces Chrysostom complaining about both; nay, even about those things which Epiphanius was going to do in the temple of the Apostles, if he had not been deterred by the warning given to him by John through Serapion, about those things, I say, which Sozomen says were merely proposed, Socrates speaks less realistically as if they were done in fact, and only then says that John sent Serapion to Epiphanius, who had again entered the church, lest the same things be repeated the next day.

42. As it appears, the excellent and most holy old man had been deceived by Theophilus, both in the case of the monks whom John was tolerating, and in the case of John himself; and out of an abundance of zeal he had suffered something human, of which he himself quickly repented, and for which he could have repented even more if he had seen what followed after his departure. Meanwhile, ^B Theophilus, elated by the success of these machinations of his, before he set out for Constantinople to the synod where the deposition of John was decreed, wrote thus to St. Jerome: "Receiving the Origenists into his intimacy and promoting very many of them to the priesthood, and on account of this crime, he has troubled the man of God, Epiphanius, of blessed memory, who shone as a bright star in the world among the bishops, and has deserved to hear: 'Babylon is fallen' (Isa. xxi, 9)." I wished to adduce this passage here so that it might be understood that there is no room for doubt that, as Sozomen writes, Epiphanius died immediately after his departure from Constantinople, of whom Theophilus speaks as already dead; and since the 12th of May is at least the day of his deposition in Cyprus, and he could not have died long before that, whose ship—so that it might proceed slowly contrary to his wish—could hardly have taken a month or a month and a half for the journey; it follows that he died at least in the month of April of the year 403, certainly having barely reached the month of May. Whence it is surprising that Baronius should say, "it is unknown in what year of the Lord he died." For just as it is rightly proven from the Apologies of Jerome to Rufinus, written in the year 402, that he did not die in that same year in the month of May; so it is gathered from what has already been said, that he did not die in that year, but neither did he extend his life beyond the first days of May of the following year.

43. The same Baronius excuses Epiphanius, and deservedly excuses him, regarding those things which he believed about Ammonius and his companions; because Theophilus had indicated that they were convicted and condemned for heresy not only by private letters, but by synodical letters from the Council of Alexandria; but for this reason I would not argue that Sozomen showed injustice toward Epiphanius, or too much favor toward Origen, when he introduces him confessing that he learned of those things only by hearsay. For neither did Epiphanius rashly believe those letters of Theophilus, as they ^D "were known to have been divulged throughout the world and received by Anastasius the Roman pontiff": nor, however, ought he to have answered the question of Ammonius otherwise, who had not known the cause of him and his companions for himself; and hearing how much more circumspectly they had acted toward him, he could not fail to be moved by some sense of humanity. But as to what Ammonius says, that he defended the reputation of Epiphanius against those who accused him of heresy, it should be known in these matters—as witnessed by Sozomen in book VII, chapter 44—that it was Theophilus himself, not yet the enemy of Ammonius and his brothers; who previously rebuked Epiphanius as if he were of the opinion that God was endowed with a human form; but afterwards, as if repenting, he had finally recognized his true opinion.

^A It had been published in the 11th volume of his Works, which Dionysius Petavius wished to provide, having even reviewed it in many places, so that the reader might not lack anything that was in any way inscribed under the name of Epiphanius. Although he himself also judged that it is "in most respects more akin to a fable than to history," as Baronius had long ago warned in his *Annales*, he nevertheless hoped that in that murky narrative there might be "perhaps something that you could take away: for otherwise," he says, "it contains many things that are consistent with true and generally accepted history, but the same things are intermingled with falsehoods: in distinguishing these, if nothing else, your own judgment, most kind reader, and your ^B critical power of history might be exercised." What truths they contain, and to what extent they ought to be believed, the reader will sufficiently understand from the preceding chapters; how many things are manifestly false, I shall now undertake to explain. When this has been done, it will appear that the other things in between are of such a nature that, although they do not by themselves exclude belief, no prudent person could grant it to them as long as they are known to have no other author than the most mendacious compiler of that *Life*. Beware of believing this to be Metaphrastes, following the error of the common people, since the style is everywhere concise and very different from the periodic and fluid style of Metaphrastes. That *Life* puts forward, as I have said, the names of two disciples, John and Polybius: they speak everywhere in the first person, although one and the same style is maintained from beginning to end, and thus it refers to no more than one author; yet it is not to be rejected entirely, if, having the true writings of those two before his eyes, he merely adorned them with his own language, while preserving the sense. But at what age he wrote, who could guess? This is certain: he was before the tenth century, since Emperor Leo, surnamed the Wise, under whom Metaphrastes also flourished, followed that *Life* in eulogizing Chrysostom; and a laudatory passage taken from it is found in the *Synaxarion* of Emperor Basil Porphyrogenitus, not to mention the printed *Menaia*.

46. In that *Life*, Epiphanius is said to have been born of an agricultural father and a linen-weaving mother, both Jews, with his sister Callitrope; and when he was ten years old, having lost his father, he was ordered, in order to support the family, to sell the only beast of burden they possessed; he performed the business with such sincerity that although it was otherwise untamable, in the market itself it showed itself to be unusually calm; yet he pointed out the defect to the bidder, Jacob, because he considered it a point of religion not to deceive a man of the same religion: wherefore, having been given three coins by him, he returned home with the beast itself; being then thrown from it on the road and severely injured, he was healed by a certain Cleobius, a Christian, by the power of the cross. Afterwards, when he was offering for sale the ancestral field to a certain Jewish lawyer and wealthy man of Eleutheropolis, whose name was Tryphon, he was adopted by him, with the intention of being joined in marriage to his only daughter, had she not died soon; and thus, upon the death of Tryphon also, he remained heir to both his doctrine and his wealth.

^A Then, indeed, he fell in with the monk Lucian: having seen him, when he had given his clothes to a poor man, being clothed with others by God from heaven, he begged to become both a Christian and a monk; and being appropriately instructed with his sister, and having taken off his shoes of his own accord upon entering the church, he was baptized by the bishop barefoot; and having received a thousand gold pieces, and commending his sister to Veronica, his aunt—who was also a consecrated virgin—he became a monk in the monastery of Lucian, when he was sixteen years old, and being commended to St. Hilarion, a disciple of the same Lucian, he had him, after the death of their common master, as hegumen or abbot with the rest of the fraternity.

47. But we have already seen from other sources that Epiphanius spent the period of his novitiate in the monastic life in Egypt, perhaps at the age noted here, although I would prefer to believe it was two years later. As far as Lucian and Hilarion are concerned, the evidence of a lie is patent from the *Life of Hilarion* itself, who, according to Jerome, is said to have gone to Antony in Egypt at the age of fifteen, and having returned after two years, to have brought back the first example of monastic life to his own country, which in his twenty-second year many began to imitate; yet up to that point there had not been monasteries in Palestine, nor had anyone in Syria known a monk before St. Hilarion. ^B Furthermore, a monastery of his is feigned to have existed near Gaza, in such a place that to fetch water one had to go five miles: on which occasion, it having happened that water was turned into wine by Epiphanius for the refreshment of those passing by, he, fleeing from glory, withdrew elsewhere, where, when one of the passing Saracens wished to strike him, he marveled at the opening of an eye that he had always kept closed; moved by this, one from the crowd took up the faith; he, having been baptized by Hilarion and named John, kept to Epiphanius, and wrote all these things: and first, that the demon driven out of the energumen threatened that he would make Epiphanius come into Persia. Therefore, the king's daughter having been occupied, it was indicated that unless Epiphanius came, he would not depart from the girl. It was sought, therefore, and he was found in his Spanydrium; after a withered hand was restored to one of those sent, he came to the palace, which was called Urion, drove out the demon from the king's young daughter while she herself was looking on, took away the power of speech from the magician who was foolishly fawning upon him, and restored it when he repented, refused the royal gifts and banquets, content with bread alone: and with the young man who was thought dead being brought back to life, he was honorably dismissed by the king. I do not know if the fabulist understood Or of the Chaldeans, the fatherland of Abraham, in this place (for I know of no other Urion): as far as the miracles are concerned, we have heard Sozomen expressly denying that it fell to one living to put demons to flight and cure diseases. ^C 48. Meanwhile, the pseudo-John proceeds to relate how, having returned to Spanydrium, Epiphanius drew forth a spring there, prevented wild beasts from eating the vegetables, and received brothers into new dwellings built for him by the Saracens, the founders of the previous hut, and killed a lion harmful to many with his presence, and took for himself a philosopher from Edessa as a synonym, and with him disputed for a whole year before Calistus, the son of Aetius, prefect of great Rome, whom he had as a disciple after he had been freed from a demon; and how, being unable to deflect the one who stubbornly defended the theogony of Hesiod using the opposed, truer history of Genesis, he provoked [the issue] to the liberation of the energumen, and he whose faith accomplished it would be considered true: and thus Epiphanius was converted, became a monk, and was ordained a presbyter by the bishop of Eleutheropolis: whom Epiphanius, the holy man, later leaving for Egypt, left in charge of his monastery. But besides the fact that this delay and method of disputing appears entirely ridiculous, and nothing is read elsewhere concerning this other Epiphanius; I would wish one name here to be noted, that of Aetius, prefect of the Roman city, which is patent as a fiction of the author's own brain from that most accurate Catalog, which Bucherius, having received it from our Bollandus, published in the *Paschal Canon of Victorius* c. 13, p. 236, where from the times of Gallienus, from the year 254 up to 554, it is indicated "who administered the prefecture of the City, and for what length of time," and when four prefects were placed successively within the same year; and not only the names, but the praenomina are expressed. Meanwhile, from the calculator's own counting, awarding a fifty-six-year episcopate to Epiphanius, these acts would have occurred at minimum a decade before his ordination, and thus before the year 338.

49. Furthermore, this holy man, whom we said was a young man in Egypt, fleeing from excessive celebrity, the pseudo-John makes travel with him there from Joppa, after an energumen was liberated at the exit of Jerusalem; and having arrived at Alexandria, he converted a Jew named Aquila by disputing, and presented him to Bishop St. Athanasius to be baptized; then he met with St. Paphnutius, a disciple of the great Antony, in the Thebaid, with the intention that he might be permitted to live in the Nitrian desert; but he was prophetically commanded by him, after collecting summer hay among the Fathers, to go into Cyprus and feed the sheep. ^D Then, near Leontopolis, the saint is feigned to approach the most celebrated monastery of Hierax, and to strike dumb the man who was publicly teaching many errors, and when he repented, to heal him; finally, with the energumen in the upper Thebaid cured, he came to the places that are called Bucolia and lived there for seven years, where he converted the philosopher Eudæmon after healing his son's eye; and recognizing that he was being sought for the episcopate, he returned to Syria, first spending forty days in the monastery of St. Hilarion, after he had betaken himself to Cyprus, that is, after the year 363, according to Jerome; even though, in the calculation of the fabulist himself, Epiphanius must have been a bishop there long before Hilarion's arrival in Cyprus. But in the case of Hierax, Baronius also noted a significant parachronism at the year 372, no. 110, observing

^A that the same person is described here, whom Epiphanius himself treats at length in Heresy 67, as known among the Egyptians as being close to Manes and before the Meletian schism and the Arian heresy; although in the *Ancoratus*, n. 83, he says that he discovered "some who were recently aroused"—that is, around the year 370—to whom most of those practicing the monastic life in Egypt, the Thebaid, and the other regions readily defer the primacy, who are involved in the same error as the Hieracites, and like them, preach that one ought not to expect the resurrection of the flesh, not of the one we have now, but of another to be substituted in its place. As regards Paphnutius, among the famous monks of Nitria whom the Roman Saint Paula visited, Palladius numbers *Hist. Lausiaca*, c. 117, Paphnutius of Scetis, who could somehow be traced back to the time of this imagined pilgrimage in Egypt; the others famous by his name are younger; for one must not think in this place of the bishop and confessor under Maximinus, who took part in the Council of Nicaea.

50. Furthermore, while Epiphanius remained near Spanlydrion, a severe famine is said to have afflicted Phoenicia, and the saint is said to have cured it by obtaining rain through a three-day fast; for which reason, when bishops were gathered to raise him to the episcopate, they had sent the young monk Polybius to find him. The reason for the arrival having been divinely revealed, when he had kept Polybius with him, he fled with John to Cyprus to Saint Hilarion. By him he was ordered to go to live in Salamis, and compelled by necessity and a storm, after boarding a ship that he had intended to take to Ascalon, he was seized in the marketplace by Saint Pappus, of whom mention was made above at n. 15, while he was perhaps bargaining for grapes, and was dragged to the church and forcibly ordained bishop. In this office he had as deacon Charinus, from whom—having suffered a calumny because of 100 gold pieces spent from the goods of the Church to settle the debt of the captive Eugnomon, although they were restored to the same—he signified death to the same Charinus, who had mocked him three times at lunchtime with the voice of a stag. Moreover, he ordained his wife, who had been freed from paralysis, as a deaconess, an example not without utility in keeping the rest of the clergy in their duty; indeed, he was accustomed not to perform the oblation until he had seen a vision; when it was deferred beyond the custom, he had prayed and learned that the cause of the delay was the presence of the deacon, who had used his own wife that same night; wherefore he ordained thereafter only celibates to the ministry of the altar. ^B

CHAPTER VII The rest, as if added by Polybius, is exploded.

31. That all the things related in the previous chapter were written down unwillingly and against the saint’s will is invented by the now often-named John, Epiphanius's presbyter and companion on all his journeys; who, when about to die, is said to have handed over a lamp to Polybius after calling him. He is therefore introduced here recounting how the holy bishop, divinely warned to build a great church from its foundations for a small one, obtained the funds necessary for the work through various miracles. For first, when he had healed the sick son of a certain Dracon, a rich man but a pagan who was mocking him, and the disease was transferred to the father, and subsequently removed by his own blessing, he had obtained from the same man, who had been converted and baptized along with his family, five thousand coins. Then, when he had raised from the dead Eustorgius, the son of a similarly pagan man, at the mother’s request, he had returned three thousand of the coins offered by him for the building. Afterwards, Epiphanius is narrated as having gone with Polybius, now a presbyter, to Jerusalem to correct the avarice of Bishop John, his fellow student under Hilarion’s discipline, as was said in n. 17; and returning from there, he had encountered two beggars, one of whom was feigning death—which Sozomen (book VII, cap. 27) seems to indicate took place in Cyprus. ^C Furthermore, having returned here, he is said to have joined to himself Isaac the Jew, a master of the law, and in the presence of the Roman legates, sent by the emperors Arcadius and Honorius to summon him to Rome itself, he is said to have applied to the building a thousand coins offered by the wife of his calumniator Faustinianus, whom he had raised (having been otherwise afflicted by the fall of some artisan due to an error, and innocent), and thus to have sailed to Rome with Isaac and Polybius, having left Philo, one of the legates, in charge of the vicarious care of the Church of Constantia, whom he had named bishop for the city of Carpasia. The city of Carpasia, as far as I know, is nothing: the island of Carpathus, the furthest of the Cyclades between Crete and Rhodes, is at a long distance by sea from Cyprus, and its provision in no way pertained to its metropolitan.

52. But these are lighter matters: what can have the semblance of even a tolerable lie? ^D Arcadius was born in the year 374, ten years after Honorius; both were brought up in the Palace for baptism by a man sublime in name, Arsenius, and he was in charge of the education of the youth of both. They were never together in Rome, and neither was Epiphanius, as far as is known, except once in the year 382. Their only sister, Galla Placidia (born indeed from the second marriage of the Emperor Theodosius, contracted only around the year 387), in which year precisely she was born is unknown; but as long as Arcadius lived, she was not in Rome. However, when he died around the year 408, she went to her brother Honorius in Italy; while she was still acting securely as a virgin in Rome, in the year 409 she was taken by the Goths, who had returned unexpectedly to the City before it was captured; she was taken as wife by their king Ataulf and led away into Spain. But having been returned to her brother and betrothed to Constantius, she bore Valentinian the Younger in the year 418, and it is not known that she had any other son, unless perhaps from the barbarian king in Spain she bore SS. Theodulphus and Theodoric, concerning whom we treated, who died at Trier, on May 1st. Although all these things are most certain, it is nevertheless invented that Epiphanius was called to Rome by Arcadius and Honorius, as I have said, to heal their sick sister: and that he not only achieved this, but also raised her dead son, under such a law that the emperors

with his sister and nephew might receive the Christian faith: which they did, all being baptized by Epiphanius, with Arcadius being sponsored by Polybius, Honorius by Isaac, their sister by Proclisia Patricia, and her son by a certain eunuch, and not without wonders. And all these things indeed occurred while Theodosius the Elder Augustus was still alive, and thus before the year 395, in which he departed from life.

^B 143 he might return to the estate to claim it for himself. The writer adds that the empress offered the widow the price of that property; which, of course, for her to accept, or another estate offered elsewhere, would have been more prudent for the injured party to persuade her to do, than for the sake of strict right to stir up such great disturbances—disturbances it was necessary to incur if the empress were to be excluded from the Church through the rigor of excommunication. Therefore, I believe that no such thing was offered by her, and that there was no other pretext for usurping that piece of land than that the widow’s husband had died in exile and his goods had formerly been confiscated by the treasury. Nor am I moved by the fact that the Emperor Leo tells the same story in his encomium of Chrysostom; it appears that he clung, without any examination, to this most prodigious Life of St. Epiphanius.

55. Be that as it may, it is feigned that the empress was so angry that she began to agitate plans for the deposition of John. When Theophilus learned of this, he persuaded Epiphanius to sail to Constantinople. Having arrived there with Polybius and Isaac (with no mention made of Crispion, of whom more anon), the empress importuned him to consent to the deposition of John as a disturber and a heretic, and to allow himself to be substituted in his place; yet, against Epiphanius, who was counseling gentler measures, she began to threaten, saying: “If you are an obstacle to John being sent into exile, I shall open the temples of the idols,” etc. And when Epiphanius groaned at these words and protested that he was innocent of this judgment, he nevertheless did not escape the charge of having consented; and so it is written that John, having received the letter, wrote to him: “Wise Epiphanius, have you consented to my exile? You shall not sit on your throne again”; and that Epiphanius wrote back: “Athlete of Christ, be beaten, and win: but you shall not come to the place to which you have been relegated.” Could Baronius have considered these latter points as false—as they are necessarily most false—and not see that the dialogue of Epiphanius with the empress is of the same authorship and the same reliability? Why, therefore, did he pit it against the authority of Sozomen as if the latter were more inclined to the Origenists on account of John? I would certainly wish both to be equally rejected, since [it is] established that the former quarrel of Eudoxia with Chrysostom, which preceded the birth of Theodosius the Younger and perhaps even the year 391, had been settled: and [that] the later grievances were the first to have arisen,

53. Upon returning to Cyprus from Rome, as it is feigned, Epiphanius did not have long-lasting peace there, but after he had prudently provided for the public famine by purchasing the crops of Faustinianus, and had escaped—by divine foreknowledge—the snares prepared against his life by his deacon Rufinus at the suggestion of that same Faustinianus, he is summoned to Constantinople to the aforementioned Emperor Theodosius; whom, suffering from his feet, he healed, bringing joy not only to him but also to his sons Arcadius and Honorius, who had returned to Constantinople from Rome during those same days. But before the saint departed from them, Faustinianus, having been brought there in chains, is said to have perished miserably; and Epiphanius is said to have returned to Cyprus with mandates that any of his goods that were his should be retained by his pious wife, who had assigned everything to the uses of the Church, having been ordained a deaconess. Then he caused Aetius, the bishop of the Valentinians, to be silenced; but also, against the Ophites, Sabellians, Nicolaitans, Simonians, and Carpocratian heretics nesting in Cyprus, he obtained a rescript from Theodosius ^C that they should be driven from the island. How little of these can stand with the truth is clear partly from what has been said, and partly because the Sabellians can be refuted from Epiphanius, who, recognizing this sect (which was still new at that time) in his 61st heresy, would not have passed over Cyprus if their poison had reached it—just as he had said regarding the Valentinians in the 31st heresy. That the Ophites, Nicolaitans, Simonians, and Carpocratians still existed under these names at the end of the fourth century, who could believe?

54. There remains the last, or more truly the only, journey of Epiphanius to the city of Constantinople, beginning toward the end of the year 402, or already having begun the next. Starting this from the very beginning, our storyteller first narrates the disagreement of Theophilus with the Long Brothers—that is, the three sons of Heracleon, who was ruling in Alexandria—which is not read elsewhere; and that the discord between Theophilus and John arose on their account; then he weaves a long account about the widow’s field, which was usurped by Eudoxia and ordered to be returned by Chrysostom; that this is true in substance, Marcus the deacon allows us not to doubt, in the Life of St. Porphyrius of Gaza (26 Feb., no. 37), but our storyteller brings him in as the pretext for the usurpation of that field, a storyteller who cannot help but be suspected of falsehood; for it is the custom of emperors and empresses that, if one has even set foot on another’s land, and if he has received fruit from any of those things that bear fruit, then no one else can have power over it except the emperor. ^D And so he says it happened that when the empress, having entered there by chance, had cut a cluster of grapes for herself, by this very fact she seemed to be compelled to return to the estate to claim it for herself.

56. Finally, in the Acts, it is said that Epiphanius, exhorting his own people on the ship, calmed a three-day storm with his prayers, and expired. The ship's captain, wishing to examine his dead body to see if it were circumcised, was pushed back by a kick of the foot, and having died, was laid at those same feet and came back to life. And when the ship had reached Constantia, darkness covered the whole city; three blind men, however, advancing toward them, holding onto each other with their hands, received their sight; but the body, preserved in honey, lay in the church for many ^B days, because Longinus and Petronius, deacons secretly infected with the Valentinian heresy, said that it was a crime for a dead man to be buried within the city in the church; but because those who wished to bury him were opposed by them, at the prayers of the venerable deacon Sabinus, invoking Epiphanius, Longinus fell dead in that very spot, but Petronius, carried away from there, became paralyzed and dumb, and died on the fourth day. Then indeed six envoys were sent to Constantinople, to inquire the will of the emperor Arcadius; but he detained them until he had mourned his "father," as he called him, for forty days; and those having been completed, he sent them back with a certain Maximus, who carried around a demon troublesome to him. By him, however, having prostrated himself before the sacred body and been freed, an imperial letter was read, containing in the second line thus: "We do not wish him who lived above our laws to lie in accordance with our laws"; and so at last the saint was deposited in the casket fashioned for this purpose, in the very place where the maker had fallen above the Faustinian church, at any rate three or four months, according to this fable, after the death of the saint. These things, however, as I indicated in n. 5, are feigned to be written by Epiphanius’s successor Sabinus to Polybius, on the eighth day of the contention for the burial lasting, after a departure from the island, and after a year’s delay in the Thebaid, having been snatched by Heracleon, governor of all Egypt, then living at Rhinocorura, that he might be the bishop of that city; when he had asked to be taught by Sabinus about the outcome of that controversy, because he had heard from the deacon Calippus that he had been ordained bishop of Constantia, ^D [I have compressed] the sum of the whole long fable elsewhere, with this end, that if you find elsewhere anything omitted by us in the first five chapters which is also touched upon here; you may be able to discern whether it should not be considered as taken from here; or if, having been translated hither from a better author, it deserves to obtain faith along with the former [parts]. Similarly, I leave it to your judgment whether you wish to hold the book *On the life of the prophets and their burial* as a genuine product of S. Epiphanius, although unknown to Photius, who lists his works in n. 122 et seqq.; or whether with his most recent interpreter [150 A] Petavius, you believe it to be a ‹pseudepigraphon,› owing to the trifles of lies, with which that book is stuffed. Sirmond and Labbe subscribed to Petavius, favoring the honor of the holy Father; and for that same motive I hold their opinion more willingly, although I sufficiently understand with Labbe that there are those who think that ‹not everything is to be taken away from the ancient Fathers, in which Thalmudic commentaries and certain Hebrew deuteroseis are contained.›

58. This book *On the life and death of the just*, in the notes to the Roman Martyrology on May 1st and 25th, ‹seems to be of someone else rather than S. Isidore, because many things are found in it, unworthy of Isidore, [which are] heaped-up lies:› about this, however, S. Braulio does not permit us to doubt in his [b]preface to his books: so that nothing else suffices to excuse this, except, with Labbe, to acknowledge it ‹either corrupted by some interpolator, or honestly to confess, that being too credulous, what he found written by others, less discussed, he brought forth not so much by his own as by another’s faith.› However, as long as one is to say either one, in order to protect the book which is debated under the name of Epiphanius, authority of similar weight does not force [it], I consider that all deserve well of it, who reasonably judge that which is unworthy of its gravity, that they do not willingly believe it was written by him; conversely, those act poorly, who wish to maintain it tooth and nail, that they might appear to be supported by its authority, as well as by S. Isidore, as to what is read there concerning the birth of the prophet Elias. I for my part think that those Fathers, if they themselves truly wrote such things, merely wished to perform the duty of interpreters and collectors, but to add no weight to them from themselves: whether however it has truly been worth the effort to have translated or collected into one little book the Rabbis’ dreams about the holy ancients, with which they all have interpolated the histories of holy Scripture, whether already collected long ago in Greek and Latin, or dispersed in many of their books, let it be for the judgment of the more prudent; these things certainly serve curiosity and amusement somewhat, and they can harm no one who has not had great faith in them, understanding with our Theophilus Raynaud, in *On good and bad books* n. 352, their great mendacity and fabulousness, and that (as the same notes in n. 348) ‹it is proper to the Rabbis in the fourth way to fable, and to propose as true things which never were nor will be, so crudely and stupidly, that not even a grain of wit may be detected in inventing dexterously and appropriately, and in feigning probably and aptly for persuasion.› It is fitting surely not so much to consider who wrote what, concerning things said to have been done before very long ages, attested to by no certain monuments of contemporary authors; but whose guidance he followed in writing; these, however, in the argument which we are touching upon, were none other than Rabbis, and they indeed likely all later than the Jerusalem destruction. [...] phanius, began to be read in Latin in the former century, [and] are deservedly presumed to be Latin writers, especially...

those who it is clear were ignorant of Greek, so that I need say nothing of Raynaud, by whose judgment the book is ^A infantile, teeming with fabulous narrations. Since these are similar to the two small works already indicated above, St. Isidore is indeed so excused that it would nevertheless have been better to consult his own honor, if at least he had used some caution to indicate that he did not place great faith in them; Epiphanius, however, does not even need an excuse, as long as it is proven by no ancient and irrefutable testimony that these are truly his writing. Add that there were several [men named] Epiphanius in subsequent centuries, even bishops in Cyprus, to whom some things, as usually happens, could have been attributed [instead of] the principal writer of this name, just as those orations which have long since cast a veil under the name of Epiphanius, in the judgment of Petavius, sufficiently declare themselves by the style itself and by certain other indications to be of another, either [named] Epiphanius or some other author. ^B

DIONYSII PETAVII E SOCIETATE JESU PREFACE TO THE WORK OF EPIPHANIUS WHICH IS TITLED PANARIUM.

If I had arranged my commentaries to equal the exquisite variety and abundance of the things that are treated in this work, the matter would have had to be committed not to brief notes and animadversions, but to huge books. However, since neither that bulk of commentaries delights me, and it is better to provide for the weariness of learned readers in this genre than to consult the slowness of others, no method of brevity that I could obtain has been omitted. It indeed appeared to be of such a kind, in the first place, that I should inscribe on the margin of the context those readings which were diverse from the comparison of ancient copies, or from conjecture: then that I should not touch upon, or should only touch upon briefly and in a picking manner, ^C any lighter matters, or those that are easier, or those conveniently explained by others. Wherefore, I have chosen especially certain arguments, in the working out and illustrating of which more labor and disputation has been consumed: which, indeed, I consider to be such that my work might contribute somewhat toward the diminishing of their obscurity. It had long been my intention to pursue in a separate little book first the *historoumena* of all the heresies that are mentioned in this work, then all their opinions and dogmas, and to compare them with those things that Epiphanius wrote out, [and] which have been set forth by other Fathers: but I have recalled myself from that plan, because the industry of others had long since relieved me of that labor. For besides those ancients, Irenæus, Augustine, Philastrius, Damascenus, Tertullian, Clement of Alexandria, Jerome, and the others who either wrote specifically about heresies, or mentioned them in their books in any way, I remembered several more recent [authors] who have labored in the same argument with the highest praise; in the first place, Gabriel Prateolus, and the most illustrious founder of the great Annals. The former of these wove together a most clear catalog of all heresies in alphabetical order; the latter left them, each consigned to its own time, in his Annals; both set forth in one view what had been dispersed and scattered among those ancients. Freed therefore from this care and thought, I shall bestow this labor of commenting upon this one goal, that Epiphanius, who now speaks in Latin—though less barbarously, I hope, through ^D our study—may do so clearly and intelligently, having been in part corrected by notes and Animadversions, in part made more illustrious, with every obscurity wiped away.

CONCERNING THE INSCRIPTION OF THE WORK, AND THE PARTITION OF THE FIRST XX HERESIES.

Since Epiphanius professes that this work was undertaken by him against the LXXX heresies which had existed up to his own age, two things occur in this business to be considered. The first is that the name of heresy is in very broad terms in...

^A indiscriminately used; nor is the sense of this term demanded to be brought to the standard of theologians, by whom it is accustomed to be declared more subtly and clearly what heresy strictly is, and how much it differs from other sects. For neither are those prior sects, Barbarism, Scythism, [and] Judaism, so far as it preceded the birth of Christ, deservedly reckoned among the heresies; nor were there any sects properly of the Barbarians or Scythians. And, that a more diligent inquiry may be made into the species of Hellenism, Judaism, and Samaritanism, many perhaps will have to be removed from the number of the sects or heresies; concerning which matter we shall treat more opportunely in scattered places and in their proper locations. In Hellenism, indeed, although Epiphanius numbers only four sects, an infinite number could be added; most of which he has pursued in the footnotes of this work, in the Compendium of the Catholic Faith.

This second point in the business must be considered: although all those sects are not undeservedly counted among the heresies, nevertheless the eighty-fold number does not at all hold up for Epiphanius. For in the partition itself there is no small mistake made against the laws of division: since at the beginning the heads of the five sects before Christ are proposed—Barbarism, Scythism, Hellenism, Judaism, Samaritism—and then the latter three genera are distributed into other species. And yet the genera together with the parts subject to them are brought into the same number and total. Which is most vicious in division. For a genus is not ^B opposed to its species as a coordinate term. As if you were to divide the body endowed with soul and life, first into animal and plant: then you divide animal into terrestrial, aquatic, [and] volatile; and plant into herb, shrub, and tree: and then, all these having been collected, you establish that there are eight parts of an animate body: namely, animal, plant; terrestrial animal, aquatic, volatile; herb, shrub, and tree. For thus you incorrectly refer the genera themselves, which are being divided, among the parts of the division. This is what Epiphanius committed in that distribution of heresies. For those three which I mentioned—Hellenism, Judaism, Samaritism—together with their parts, make up the total. Whence, when everything has been rightly subtracted, there are only seventeen heresies before Christ, and in total seventy-seven, not LXXX, are numbered. Furthermore, he sets forth the order of the twenty prior heresies in one way in his Epistle to the presbyters Acacius and Paul, and in another in the Anacephalaeosis, which he established in the very course of the work. Both we have proposed in the following table. ^C

Order of the twenty prior heresies in the Anacephalaeosis.

Order of the twenty prior heresies from the work of the Panarion.

In the latter series, the Stoics are placed before the other sects of philosophers; otherwise than he had done in the former, which is by far and in part more tolerable. Hence it is that the sect of the Stoics ^D is inscribed as being the third from Hellenism. For it has the third place in the series from Hellenism, just as the Platonists have the fourth, and so on; not as it is in the Latin inscription: "the third sect of Hellenism," for which you should write: "the third sect from Hellenism."

LETTER OF ACACIUS AND PAUL, PRESBYTERS, TO EPIPHANIUS

Letter written in the ninety-second year of the era of Diocletian, the twelfth year of Valentinian and Valens, and the eighth year of Gratian, to Epiphanius the Palestinian, an Eleutheropolitan, who had once been father of a monastery situated in the territory of Eleutheropolis, and who is at this time bishop of the city of Constantia, in the province of Cyprus. It is from Acacius and ^A Paul, presbyters and archimandrites—that is, superiors of monasteries—in the region of Carchedon and Beroea in Coelesyria. In it they request that he write against all heresies, having been further urged by many others and, so to speak, compelled to arrive at this task.

To my most honorable and, in all things, most religious lord and Father, Bishop Epiphanius, Acacius the presbyter and Paul ^B the presbyter, archimandrites, greeting in the Lord.

The very sight of your piety, Father, was enough to fill us with spiritual words and to implant in us such a longing for you, once we were permitted to enjoy the sight of you. But because the report of Christ’s disciple, going before him, proclaims everywhere the fragrance of his words and actions, it troubles and compels us to strive to be filled with his discourses and thoughts. Therefore, it would have been fitting for us, by approaching you in person, to be bathed in the communion of that grace which is in you, just as it was in the apostles. ^C But since poor health and bodily weakness hindered that journey, we ourselves were unable to fall at your feet to hear and learn your spiritual and holy words flowing from your mouth. For we are persuaded that, if we were worthy, by coming to you and hearing you, we would be strengthened in the manner of the holier life we have undertaken, provided that we might deserve to reach its final and ultimate end. Since, therefore, we are weighed down by poor health, we earnestly entreat your piety not to grudge us a share of those gifts truly bestowed upon you by the Savior. For we confess, not only we ourselves ^D but also all who have heard, that in this generation Christ has raised up for us a new apostle and preacher—a new John—to proclaim what must be observed by those who have committed themselves to this course. Therefore, since our common brother Marcellus is constrained by such a report and is drawn by the desire for your piety, and is also of our own monastery, having him to serve as the minister

^A of so great a daring on our part, sinners that we are, towards you, the disciple of the Savior. We ask that you deign to grant us, for our instruction, those things which you spoke to some of the brethren—things which, while light for you, the righteous man, would be a cause of rejoicing in the Lord for us sinners who share in them. For when we are filled with your spiritual words, we are eased of the burden of our iniquities. We have heard the names assigned by your reverence to the heresies, and for each of these religions we ask your holiness to declare the heresy to us in plain terms. For the gift is equal for all. And we ask you, righteous in the Lord, to offer up prayer on behalf of all those who desire you and await the gift from you. We are in fasting and prayer [wishing] that our common brother, having been gladly received by your reverence, may bring the gift bestowed by you, and thus send up the customary prayers to the Father, and the Son, and the Holy Spirit. ^B All the brethren hope to be strengthened by the prayer made by you on their behalf. We beseech you not to hesitate to share the divine grace which you have received from the apostles. All the little ones who are in the monasteries are sending up prayer to the Most High that they may receive a spiritual gift from your piety. May you continue to be healthy in the Lord, and cheerful in Christ, and in the Holy Spirit [may you continue] to guard the throne entrusted to you, and the divine gift, until the crown which awaits you.

EPISCOPI EPHIPHANII RESCRIPTUM

^C

The rescript of Epiphanius to the priests Acacius and Paul, regarding the things they had written to him concerning his writing against the heresies.

To the most honorable lords, and fellow priests, Acacius and Paul, Epiphanius sends greeting in the Lord. Just as ancient writers were accustomed in prefaces or prologues, and titles, to demonstrate as if by an enigma the outline of the whole proposed work—so we too, using the same genre of speech, write this preface for you, beloved, summarizing in brief the importance of your request concerning the matters against the heresies. For since we have undertaken to declare to you the names of all the heresies, and to reveal their unlawful deeds—just as if they were poisons and venomous things—and at the same time to apply antidotes ^D as well, to serve as remedies for those who have been bitten, and as a precaution to protect those who are in danger of falling into them—we record this very thing for the studious of honorable matters: the *Panarion*, or medicine chest, interpreting it as a defense against serpents, which is, through three books, eighty heresies—which are beasts, whether...

the riddles of serpents. But there is one

Rescript of Epiphanius to Acacius and Paul

I. Furthermore, we wish all you who are studious of honorable things to be asked, O readers, that you might forgive us—as we are but men, and especially since we are disposed to defend the parts of piety with labor and divine zeal—both in perusing this prologue itself, and the exposition of the following heresies, and the profession of truth, and the doctrine, and the faith of the holy Catholic Church as expressed by us; forgive us, I say, if ever we have been so bold as to use somewhat more or superior language ^B for the patronage of the most holy and most venerable name, relying upon divine powers, if God grants us the same, since we seek those things which exceed our own power. For this discourse is undertaken for the sake of truth, and this study for the sake of piety. In addition to this, I vehemently request of you, that if by chance you happen upon something (although it is not our custom to scoff at anyone, or to cast words at them), but if, due to our most ardent zeal against the heresies, and in order to deter the readers from them, we have spoken somewhat more sharply—as if we were calling them impostors, peddlers, or wretches—that you would be willing to forgive us. For the very necessity of the contest and the disputation imposed upon us such a labor, by which readers might be called away from them, and so that it might be manifest that their functions, mysteries, and dogmas are alien to our institute and forbidden: and so that from the very speech, we might set forth, and finally, by that greater sharpness of the disputation, we might be able to call back ^C at least some from their contagion.

II. All these things which are contained in this work are explained through the aforementioned three books: the first, the second, and the third; which three books we have divided into seven volumes. In each volume a certain number of heresies and schisms is contained. In total, they are eighty; the names and causes of which are these: 1, Barbarism; 2, Scythism; 3, Hellenism; 4, Judaism; 5, Samaritanism. From these, the rest of the sects have flowed; for before the advent of Christ the Savior, after the barbarian and Scythian superstition, these [others] emerged from Hellenism. 6, The Pythagoreans, who are also the Peripatetics, having been divided by those around Aristotle; 7, the Platonists; 8, the Stoics.

9, the Epicureans. Then the Samaritan sect, which sprouted from Judaism. This also went into four factions. 10, the Gortheni; 11, the Sebuæi; 12, the Essenes; 13, the Dositheans. There follows Judaism, concerning which it was said, which received its own figure and mark from Abraham. Then it was expanded by the law of Moses given to the son of Jacob named Judah, who was called Israel, and through David, who was king of that people and from that same tribe, it obtained the title of Judaism. From this Judaism there issued these seven heresies: 14, the Scribes; 15, the Pharisees; 16, the Sadducees; 17, the Hemerobaptists; 18, the Ossæans; 19, the Nazarenes; 20, the Herodians.

^B Following these sects, in the succession of times, the Incarnation of our Lord Jesus Christ shone forth as salvation to the whole world, and with it the doctrine of the Gospel, and the preaching of the heavenly kingdom. Which indeed is the unique fountain of salvation and the true faith of the catholic and apostolic Church. From this, all the following sects, which prefer the name of Christ alone, but not the faith, were cut off and torn away: 1, the Simonians; 2, the Menandrians; 3, the Saturnilians; 4, the Basilidians; 5, the Nicolaitans; 6, the Gnostics, who are also the Stratiotici, and Phibionitæ, who by some are called Secundiani; by others Socratitæ or Zacchæi; by others yet Coddiani, and Borboriani or Barbelitæ; 7, the Carpocratians; 8, the Cerinthians, who are also the Merinthians; 9, the Nazarenes; 10, the Ebionites; 11, the Valentinians; 12, the Secundiani, to whom Epiphanes and Isidorus are added; 13, the Ptolemæans; 14, the Marcusians; 15, the Colorbasians; 16, the Heracleonites; 17, the Ophites; 18, the Cainites; 19, the Sethians; 20, the Archontici; 21, the Cerdonians; 22, the Marcionites; 23, the Lucianists; 24, the Apelleians; 25, the Severians; 26, the Tatiani; 27, the Encratites; 28, the Cataphrygians, who are also the Montanists and Tascodrugitæ, who are themselves divided; 29, the Pepuziani, who are also the Priscillianists and Quintilians.

^C To these are added the Artotyritæ; 30, the Tessarescadecatitæ, who predetermine one day each year for the celebration of the Pasch; 31, the Alogi, who reject the Gospel and the Apocalypse of John; 32, the Adamiani; 33, the Sampsæans, who are also the Helcesæi; 34, the Theodotiani; 35, the Melchisedecians; 36, the Bardesianists; 37, the Noetians; 38, the Valesians; 39, the Cathari, who are also the Novatians; 40, the Angelici; 41, the Apostolici, who are also the Apotactici; 42, the Sabellians; 43, the Origenists, authors of the filth; 44, the Origenists, from Origen, who is also called Adamantius; 45, those of Paul of Samosata; 46, the Manichæans, who ^D are also called Acuanitæ; 47, the Hieracites; 48, the Meletians, who in Egypt form a schism; 49, the Arians, who are also the Ariomaniacs; 50, the sect of the Audians; 51, the Photinians; 52, the Marcellians; 53, the Semniarians:

54, the Pneumatomachi, who are also called Macedonians and disciples of Eleusius, who blaspheme against the Holy Spirit of God; 55, the Aerians [and disciples of Aëtius]; 56, the Aetians, who are also called Anomoeans, to whom Eunomius is joined, or rather the Anomoean; 57, the Dimeritae, who do not confess the incarnation of Christ to be perfect, who are also called Apollinarists; 58, and also those who say that holy Mary, the ever-virgin, after she had brought forth the Savior, joined with Joseph, whom we have called Antidicomarianites; 59, and those who offer a cake in the name of the same Mary, who are called Collyridians; 60, the Massalians, to whom are joined the Martyrians, who are from the sects of the Gentiles, and the Euphemites, and the Sataniani.

Now, reverting again, and dividing these by book, I will show in this, my summary, how many of these eighty heresies are in the first book, and in order in the second, up to the third; but also, for each of the seven tomes which are arranged into the three books, how many heresies are contained in each. And the series of all these is as follows: In the first book there are three tomes, and forty-six heresies, along with their names—I mean Barbarism, Scythism, Hellenism, Judaism, and Samaritanism. In the second book there are two tomes, twenty-three heresies. In the third book there are two tomes, eleven heresies.

So in the first tome of the first book there are twenty heresies, which are these: Barbarism, Scythism, Hellenism, Judaism. ^B The differentiations of the Greeks are: Pythagoreans, or Peripatetics, Platonists, Stoics, Epicureans; Samaritan heresy, which flowed from Judaism. The Samaritans are divided into four parts, thus: Gortheni, Sebuaei, Essenes, Dositheans. The heresies of the Jews are seven, thus: Scribes, Pharisees, Sadducees, Hemerobaptists, Ossaei, Nasaraei, Herodians.

In the second tome of the first book there are likewise thirteen heresies, thus: Simonians, Menandrians, Saturnilians, Basilidians, Nicolaitans, Gnostics—who are also (called) Stratiotici—and Phibionites, the same, and by others called Secundiani, and by others Zacchaeans, who are also called Coddiani, and Borborites, and Barbelites, Carpocratians, Cerinthians—who are also called Merinthians—Nazoraeans, Ebionites, Valentinians, Secundiani, to whom are joined Epiphanes and Isidorus, and Ptolemaeans.

In the third tome of the same first book there are thirteen ^C heresies, thus: Marcosii, Colorbasii, Heracleonites, Ophites, Cainans, Sethians, Archontici, Cerdonians, Marcionites, Lucianists, Appelleians, Severians, Tatians. This is the summary of the three tomes of the first book.

The second book has two tomes. In the first tome of the second book, which is the fourth according to the sequence of the number from the beginning, there are eighteen heresies, thus: Encratites, Cataphrygians—who are also (called) Montanists—and Tascodrugitae; the Tascodrugitae were divided from the aforementioned, Pepuzians, who are also (called) Quintillians, to whom are joined the Artotyritae, Tessarescaedecatitae, who place the Pascha on the same day of the year; the Alogi, who reject both the Gospel and the Apocalypse of John, the Adamiani, the Sampsaei, ^D

who are also called the Helcesaei; the Theodoriani, the Melchisedeciani, the Bardesianistae, the Noetiani, the Valesii, the Cathari, the Angelici, the Apostolici, who are also called the Apotactici, to whom are joined those called the Saccophori; the Sabelliani, the Origenistae who are the authors of filth, and the Origenistae who descend from Origen Adamantius. In the second tome of this same second book, which is the fifth in the aforementioned order of numbering, there are five heresies, as follows: the Paulianistae, the Manichaei, who are also called the Acuanitae, the Hieracitae, the Meletiani (a schism in Egypt), and the Arians. This is the summary of the tomes of the second book. Similarly, there are two tomes in the third book. In the first tome of the third book, which is the sixth according to the numbering we mentioned ^B, there are seven heresies, as follows: the Audiani (who are a schism), the Photiniani, the Marcelliani, the Semiariani, the Pneumatomachi (who slander the Holy Spirit), the Aeriani, and the Aetiani, from Aetius the Anomoean, to whom is joined Eunomius, who is also an Anomoean. But in the second tome of the same third book, which is the seventh tome according to the division of the tomes we spoke of—which is the seventh tome and the end of the treatise—there are four heresies, as follows: the Dimoiritae, who do not confess the perfect incarnation of Christ, and who are also named the Apollinaristae; then those who say that the holy and ever-virgin Mary, after she gave birth to the Savior, had relations with Joseph, whom we call the Antidicomarianitae; and those who offer a cake to the name of this same Mary, who are called the Collyridiani; and the Massaliani; and, following these, a ^C defense of the right faith and truth, which is the holy Catholic and Apostolic Church. This is the summary and inscription of the entire treatise against the eighty heresies, and the one defense of the truth alone, that is to say, of the Catholic and Orthodox Church, arranged in three underlying books, but divided into seven tomes. Now, in what follows, we shall set forth another summary and compendium of the first book, in which book twenty heresies are contained. For in the first place, the mothers and original designations of all the heresies, from which the others sprang, are four in number.

The first is Barbarism, which in itself lasted from the days of Adam for ten generations until the time of Noah. It is called Barbarism because the most ancient of mortals had no specific authority, nor did they agree with one another, but each person ordered ^D his life according to his own will, and each man set his own inclination and whim before himself as his law.

The second is Scythism, from the days of Noah until the time of the building of the tower and Babylon; and after the time of the tower, it continued for a few years, that is, until Phalec and Ragau, who moved toward the climate of Europe into the region of Scythia and were reckoned among those nations, from the time and life of Thare, from whom the Thracians have originated.

^A The third is Hellenism, which began from the times of Seruch through the medium of idolatry, and—just as each one then followed a certain superstition—it moved toward a more civilized application and toward customs and laws. The generations of men, however, began to be arrayed under the rule of idols, to which they conformed and whom they made into gods. They began by depicting the origin of these through colors and representing those long ago honored among them—either tyrants, or magicians, or certain persons who had done something in their lives deemed worthy of memory, by reason of their prowess or physical strength. Afterward, from the times of Thare, the father of Abraham, they introduced the error of idolatry by means of images. Because they honored their ancestors with images, and fashioned statues of the dead—at first by the potter's art, and then the industry spread to all arts of imitation. For ^B both architects, by hewing stones, and silver-smiths and goldsmiths, by fashioning their own materials, and the rest in turn, contrived effigies. The Egyptians, Babylonians, Phrygians, and Phoenicians were the first of all to become the authors of this superstitious cult, and of images and mysteries. From them, most things were transferred to the Greeks, beginning from the age of Cecrops and thereafter. Much later, after a long interval, they began to celebrate Saturn, Rhea, Jove, Apollo, and the remaining gods.

The Greeks received their name from a certain Hellas, a man who lived in the region of Greece; though as others say, it is from the olive which sprang up in Athens. The Ionians were the founders of this race, as is found in more accurate history, being named from Javan, one of those who built the tower when the languages of all men were divided. For which reason, all are called *Meropes* because of the divided speech. ^C Later, in more recent times, Greek superstition departed into heresies and sects; such as the Pythagoreans, Stoics, Platonists, Epicureans, and others. Furthermore, at that same time, there existed a distinct form and character of true piety and religion, together with the natural law, which from the foundation of the world perpetually separated itself from those nations, down to the present day—positioned between the barbarian, Scythian, and Greek superstition—until it was united with the piety of Abraham. Then indeed, Judaism, from the times of Abraham, acquired its own form, and through Moses, the seventh from Abraham, and the law delivered by God, it was amplified; and from Judah, the fourth son of Jacob, who was also named Israel, through David, who was the first to obtain the kingdom from the tribe of Judah, the perfect name of Judaism ^D was obtained. For the Apostle, speaking succinctly of these four heresies, clearly said: "In Christ Jesus there is neither Barbarian, nor Scythian, nor Greek, nor Jew, but a new creature." Now, these are the distinctions of the Greeks: The Pythagoreans, or Peripatetics, asserted a monad and providence; Pythagoras taught not to sacrifice to those who are supposed to be gods, and forbade both the eating of living creatures and the partaking of wine.

^A He also distinguished between things above the moon, which he called immortal, and things below, which he called mortal, and taught the transmigration of souls from bodies into other bodies, even into living creatures and beasts. Moreover, he instructed them to observe silence for a period of five years. At the end, he desired to be considered a god.

Platonists established God, and form, and that the world is generated and perishable, but the soul is unbegotten, immortal, and divine. They held that it has three parts: the rational, the spirited, and the appetitive. They wished that women should be common to all, so that no man should have a private wife as his own, but that those who wished might have relations with those who were willing. They likewise maintained the transmigration of souls into various bodies, even into beasts. Finally, they taught that many gods were produced from the One.

^B The Stoics define the universe as a body, and consider this sensible world to be God. Some asserted that its nature consists of the substance of fire. They define God as mind, and as the soul of the whole existing mass, that is, of heaven and earth, while His body, as I have said, is the whole universe, and His eyes are the stars. They persuade themselves that the flesh of all things perishes, and the soul passes from body to body.

The Epicureans posited that atoms and indivisible, uniform, and infinite bodies are the first principles of all things, and they taught that pleasure is the end of happiness, and that neither God nor Providence governs affairs.

^C Samaritanism, and the Samaritans who derive from it, is a departure from Judaism, which is older than the sects among the Greeks and their established tenets. Having adopted the religion of the Greeks, and intermingling it in some part with Jewish dogmas, this sect arose around the times of Nebuchadnezzar and the captivity of the Jews. Being immigrants from Assyria to Judea, and having received only the Pentateuch of Moses, which the king had sent to them from Babylon through a priest called Ezra, they have everything in common with the Jews, except for the abhorrence of the Gentiles and the desire not to touch any of them, and except for the rejection of the resurrection of the dead and the other prophets after Moses.

There are four sects of the Samaritans: the Gortheni, who celebrate feasts at different times than the Hebrews; the Sebuaei, who differ from the Gortheni for the same reason concerning the feast days; the Esseni, who do not oppose either party but celebrate feasts indiscriminately with whichever they encounter; the Dosithei, who live according to the same customs as the Samaritans, such as circumcision, the Sabbath, and the other things, and use the Pentateuch. ^D They are more observant than the others in abstaining from living creatures, and they live in fasting most continually. Some of them practice virginity, others continence, and they believe in the resurrection of the dead, which is strange to the Samaritan dogma.

^A The sects of the Jews are seven in number.

First, the Scribes, who were learned in the Law and were interpreters of the traditions of the elders among them; being more scrupulous in a voluntary ritual, they observed customs which they had not learned from the Law, but had devised for themselves as special forms of worship and requirements of the legal code.

Pharisees, which can be interpreted as "the separated," who, professing the most holy way of life, seemed to excel others in probity. Among them the resurrection of the dead is defended, as it is among the Scribes, and they do not deny the existence of angels or the Holy Spirit. They present an exceptional discipline of life. They adopt certain times for continence and even for virginity. They are accustomed to fast twice in the week and—like the Scribes—to wash pitchers, dishes, and cups more frequently. In addition to this, they offer tithes and first fruits; they pray assiduously; they take special care over certain cults and superstitious types of clothing, such as dalmatics, tunics, and somewhat broad phylacteries—that is to say, purple ornaments, fringes, and pomegranates attached to the borders of their garments, which were symbols of that temporary continence they practiced. They also introduced notions of genesis and fate.

Sadducees, whose name comes from "exactest justice." They were of the race of the Samaritans and took their origin from a certain priest named Sadoc. They reject the resurrection of the dead and deny both angel and spirit; in other respects, they are similar to the Jews.

Hemerobaptists, who differed in nothing from the Jews, save in this one thing: they maintained that no one could attain eternal life unless they washed daily.

Osseni, whose name signifies "the most impudent." They performed all things according to the prescription of the Law; but they also made use of other Scriptures after the Law. Most of the later prophets they rejected.

Nasaraeans, which can be interpreted as "extinguishers." They prohibit the eating of flesh altogether; they abstain from anything with an animal life. They accept and believe in all the patriarchs who are contained in the Pentateuch up to the times of Moses and Joshua the son of Nun, namely: Abraham, Isaac, and Jacob, and those before them, as well as Moses himself, Aaron, and Joshua. However, they do not believe that those five books are by Moses, and they boast of possessing others different from them.

Herodians, who, while they behaved as Jews in all things, professed that Herod was the Christ, and they ascribed the dignity and name of Christ to him.

This is the first volume, which contains twenty heresies. In it, also, the subject of the Incarnation of Christ and the confession of the truth is discussed in the final section.