Selections from the Notes

SELECTED NOTES ON THE WORKS OF SAINT JOHN CHRYSOSTOM

BY HENRY SAVILE, JOHN BOIS, AND FRONTON DU DUC

^A I would have the reader note that we have omitted many of Fronton du Duc’s notes, as we warned in our Preface; specifically those which concerned faulty translations that he had placed opposite the Greek text of his edition—because since those translations were either entirely rejected or emended, those notes could not conform to our edition, and were otherwise useless. MONTF.

NOTES BY HENRY SAVILE

In this edition, by I know not what error, the two Orations ^B *to Theodore who had fallen* have been transposed; the one which should be first is placed in the second position, and the one which is posterior, in the first; our proofreader, I suspect, followed the authority of the Mainz edition, where they are cited thus. Furthermore, Sozomen (Book VIII, chap. 2) mentions this Oration, which in our edition is the eighth, with magnificent praise. I have thought it best to transcribe his words, emended by me both from manuscripts and by conjecture: "He (Chrysostom) was intimate with them (Carterius and Diodorus). It also appears that acquaintances of his from Libanius’ school, such as Theodore and Maximus, were of the same mind. The latter (Maximus) later became Bishop of Seleucia in Isauria, while Theodore—who was competent in the Holy Scriptures and other learning—was from Mopsuestia in Cilicia. But this Theodore, when he first encountered the divine laws and conversed with holy men, praised this way of life and condemned the city’s life. However, he did not persist in the same zeal; having repented, he chose his former life. As is natural, after adorning his desired pursuit with contrary arguments—for he was a man of great learning—he returned to the city, having judged this to be better, as he thought, for obtaining what he craved. But John (Chrysostom), realizing that he was involved in worldly affairs and was seeking marriage, composed and sent to him a more divine, intellectual, and persuasive 'exhortation' (for this is what he calls this oration, which in our manuscripts bears the title of 'Discourse'). Having encountered this, he repented again, abandoned his property, renounced the marriage, returned to John’s counsels, and retreated to the philosophical life." See page 121, vol. VIII, for the copy of the *Theodore having fallen* to John Chrysostom, taken from the Vatican Library; though this copy, if it is legitimate and not spurious, is clearly different from the oration mentioned just above by Sozomen, which Theodore seems to have composed as an excuse for himself, prompted by Chrysostom, either before his return or during his return from the desert. However that may be, it is certain that he was later made bishop and did not persevere in the orthodox faith. Finally, from Chrysostom himself (p. 58, 36), it is worth noting that Theodore, not yet having reached the twentieth year of his age... ^C

Col. 277, l. 17. *Καὶ ἀκούων* is corrupt, I think. What if for *καὶ ἀκούων* you read *ἀκούοντος* or *ὡς ἀκούων*? Yet *καὶ ἀκούων* is in all [manuscripts], both edited and manuscript, and is well enough, if I am not mistaken. (Nay, it is corrupt, says the most learned Fix, who suspects something has fallen out. EDIT.)

Col. 278, l. 1. After *στάμνον τὴν χρυσῆν* is read *ἱερατικὸν ῥάβδον*. It seems it should be read *τὴν ῥάβδον Ἀαρὼν*, i.e., the Rod of Aaron, by which the priestly dignity was vindicated, not *ἱερατικὸν*—so that it signifies the Ark of the Covenant held all these things. *That *ἱερατικὸν* is missing in all the manuscripts we have seen.

Col. 282, l. 26. *Μάννα ἐπιστᾶν καὶ θείου*. Dan. 11:46. For *θείου*, our Bibles read *εὐωδίας*.

Col. 291, l. 39. *τοῦτον*. These words are imported here out of place, I believe. *Now the passage reads well: ἐπὶ τοιούτου ἐπίτοκος.

Col. 296, l. 2. *Γραφαῖς ὀφθαλμῶν*. Read *ὑπογραφεῖς*. *Manuscripts and our edition *στιφάς*.

Col. 297, l. 25. *Ἑλληνίς*. It denotes a woman, I think, for whose love Theodore had deserted the desert; ^D and perhaps had turned his mind toward marriage. See Sozomen, in the place cited just above. — Ibid. l. 7. *μὴ δέ*. I prefer *πρὸς δέ*. (This is what Montf. edited. EDIT.)

Col. 299, l. 5. *Κείμενος*. Another manuscript reads: *κειμένος; οὐχὶ δὲ εὐθέως ἀνέστη, καὶ πάλιν παρετάξατο πρὸς τὸν ἐχθρόν, εἴδηλον ὅτι ἀνέστη, καὶ ἀπεδύσατο, καὶ οὕτως αὐτὸν καταπάλαισεν, ὡς δυνηθῆναι καὶ τελευτήσαντα προσστῆναι*, etc.

Col. 304, l. 29. *Ταῖς ἐν τοῖς μουσείοις διατριβαῖς*. Compare col. 514. They were so named at Antioch, dedicated to pleasures and perhaps licentiousness, as appears from a collation of these places. I do not think anything in these two passages indicates that the "museums" were places dedicated to licentiousness. Rather, they were schools for young men being instructed in the humanities, where there was no more evil than what is usually wont to arise from the company of many young men.

Ibid., l. 38. *ἐπιθυμῶν*. Perhaps *ἐπιθυμεῖ*. *The passage reads well as it is: οὐχ οὕτω κρεῶν ἐπιθυμῶν ἔλεγεν.

Col. 307, l. 5 from bottom. *οὐ τοσοῦτον*. The Florilegium and the Paris manuscripts omit *οὐ*, perhaps better, so that it signifies evil deeds, while good things outweigh them; certainly not to exclude heaven, but to exclude it in the first place. HALESIUS.

Col. 308, l. 8. *τοσοῦτον*. Read *τοσαύτως*. *It is read well as *τοσούτων*.

NOTES BY JOHN BOIS

Col. 277, l. 17. For *καὶ ἀκούων* I suspect it should be read *καὶ ἀκούοντος*. *Bois misinterprets; the passage is quite correct. (See what was said above. EDIT.)

Col. 278, l. 8. Either *ἐν ἑαυτῷ* or *ἐγκαθιδρυμένον*, instead of *ἐιδρυμένον*. Now let it be read correctly as *ἐν ἑαυτῷ*.

Col. 290, l. 5 from bottom. Savile ed. *καὶ γὰρ ὅταν ἐννοήσωμεν*. Either I delete *καὶ γάρ* with you, or after line 3 I add these words from Sap. v, verse 5: *διὰ στενοχωρίαν πνεύματος στενάζονται*. *Bois rightly advises that *καὶ γάρ* should be deleted, as it is absent from our edition and from the Morellian edition.

NOTES BY FRONTON DU DUC

It was reckoned among the seven epistles of Chrysostom, distinct from the edition of Jacques Billi, as this fifth one is his exhortation to Theodore: however, because in hand-written books and in the Mainz Florilegium it is called a book or exhortatory oration, and since a title was prefixed to it by an ancient interpreter in the Paris edition of 1524, and in the Basel edition of 1547, by a more recent one: *One book on the restoration of the fallen*, we decided to publish it separately from the epistles, from a transcript expressed for us from the Vatican books in Rome. Various readings will be provided by the book of the most illustrious Cardinal Perron, another of Franciscus Olivarius, and a third of our Antwerp College, which was transcribed by the study and labor of Joannes Livineius from the manuscripts of Joannes Sambucus, Imperial Councilor: the individual variants are designated in their order by the four letters R. P. O. and A.

[VARIOUS NOTES]. They will provide. The history of the fall of Theodore is brought forward in Act V of the Synod from the Ecclesiastical History, in which Hesychius of Jerusalem relates that blessed John wrote a letter to Theodore, who from his earliest youth had been numbered among the clergy of Antioch, and having promised to live uprightly, had returned to worldly lusts, and was again taking pleasure in them: but John prevailed in transferring him from a worse to a better state of repentance. See also Theodoret, book V, last chapter. The title in the Roman edition was given as we have published it, in A: *To Theodore the anchorite who had fallen, and concerning repentance, and that one ought not to despair; discourse 1.* To Theodore who had professed the religious life, who had fallen, and [concerning] repentance, and that one should not despair: in the manuscripts of Olivarius it was added *in the form of a letter*. Col. 277, line 6: *For if one*. The author expresses the meaning of the words of Ecclesiasticus xvi, 13: *Better is one that feareth, than a thousand*. Chrysostom, however, in the same manner as here, in homily 39 on Genesis, cites this passage and adds: *Thus the Prophet indeed pronounces one good man to be better than ten thousand ungodly ones.* The same occurs in homily 22 on Genesis, and homily 26 on the Acts, and homily 24 on the Epistle to the Hebrews. L. 8: *The Jewish tradition* R. *The Jewish*, the remaining three as it is printed. L. 12: *Destruction* A. *The devil turned upside down*, overturned. — L. 15: *Having the golden priestly manna.* This A. *Symbols more precious than these.* P. A. *More precious than those.* O. — Col. 279, l. 7: *For*. R. P. — L. 21: *Koph*, a clog. A more recent interpreter [rendered it as] collar, but the ancient [one as] a most heavy stone for the neck. Hesychius teaches that *koph* is a clog or some other wooden instrument by which the guilty were bound, not an iron or stone one; which Chrysostom confirms here when he adds: *to break this wood.* — L. 21: *That same.* O. *In it.* Below *they stood.* P. Ibid., l. 47: *Golden.* A. *Golden*, golden. Thus homily 33 on I Corinthians calls charity a golden chain. L. 11: *To the*. The second article *to* must be deleted, which is absent from those manuscripts from which we wrote *we call* instead of *we address*. Col. 280, l. 10 from the bottom. *The gold.* A. *Who spurns gold as mud.* Col. 281, l. 1: *If luxury.* That which was faulty in the Roman edition, *the second things to the first.* Col. 282, l. 26: *Manna.* The seventy did not retain the Hebrew word in Daniel, just as they did not in IV Kings v, 8, and Ezekiel xlv, 25; Theodoret explains it as *precious gifts*, and in Genesis iv, 4 it is translated as *a gift*. Psalm xix, 3, *a sacrifice*; Psalm xxxix, 7, *an offering*. The Latin Vulgate of Daniel i, 46 expressed the passage: *He worshipped Daniel, and commanded that they should sacrifice victims and incense to him.* A more recent interpreter of Chrysostom had written here: *and that a sacrifice should be offered to him as to God*; as if it were not *manna and incense*, but *sacrifice as to God*, in which way Josephus also in book x, chapter 11 of the *Antiquities* narrated this deed: *falling on his face, in the way in which they worship God, so he greeted Daniel, and indeed commanded that sacrifice be offered to him as to God.* In the LXX text we read *manna and incense*, manna and sweet savors. *Odor*, which properly signifies sulphur, the author seems to use here for any burnt offering, just as the Etymologist teaches that it is *that which is offered for expiation*, a burnt offering which is used for expiation. In P. it was written *and sacrifice*, perhaps for *to sacrifice*. The ancient interpreter said: *and commanded that frankincense and myrrh be immolated to him*, but in the manuscript of N. Faber, *frankincense and manna* were read. Below, *having become*. O. A. *Having been generated*. Col. 283, l. 5 from the bottom. *Crowned*. O. *The dejected* R. Below. *He was long-suffering* A. Col. 285, l. 6: *Within that time*. These were missing from O. and are not acknowledged by the ancient interpreter: *and to receive the crowns of huge rewards within the space of a single hour.* They are retained, however, by the three remaining manuscripts. — L. 11: *With crowns*. So indeed R and O, but A *having crowned themselves*. — Col. 285, l. 21: *To proscribe* A. [as meaning] to proclaim: and thus the interpreter had read: *it is grave to preach a sermon of despair and a malady of corrupted judgment.* But the three remaining [manuscripts] protect the received reading, as does the ancient interpreter: *and with sermons of despair to cover up the filth of an evil purpose.* L. 4 from bottom, *But* P. — Last line, *To them of the dispersion*. Col. 286, l. 4. *Of brightness he returns again* A. L. 28: *Of salvation* O. A. and so both interpreters read. The ancient said: *Has he cut him off from the number of those who bear the hope of salvation?* — Ibid. 33. *The tradition*. The place is somewhat otherwise in I Corinthians v, 5, *I have judged to deliver*, but he cites it even here in the manner of one commanding in the homily *On the devil as tempter*. — Col. 287, l. 25: Olivarius's codex, *to show repentance for sins*, the more recent interpreter adds the epithet *worthy*, as the text of the Antwerp transcript: *to wash away all, having shown repentance worthy for the sins committed.* — L. 18: *Of thoughts* A. — Col. 288, l. 11: *Taking hold* A. — L. 22: *To choose a contrary*. A. — L. 32: *A snare* is read in the Florilegium. Presently in R. O. it was erroneously read: *the loathesome shape*. Col. 289, l. 9: *To remain*. Thus R. O. P. and *to remain* A. and the ancient interpreter: *For how much time do you think the delights of the present life can remain for you?* — L. 21: *Be* O. and *this of me* O. A. Below in O. A. for *the ways* I read *the goods*. This passage is cited in the Florilegium from the 2nd oration to Theodore. L. 33: *From the body* A. and so the Florilegium. — L. 39: *Conflagration*. In the Roman edition it was *conflagrating*, and in A. *burning*; but it should have been amended in the margin to *conflagration*. Ibid. *To that [flame] the conflagrator*, as P. and the Florilegium have it. *And turn that flame from the mind* Florilegium. L. 41: *He will separate well* O. *He will distinguish* A. and Florilegium. But P. supports the Roman edition. The ancient interpreter said: *From this temporal care measure how great those punishments are.* So he had said before *so great*. Col. 290, l. 1. *He clearly able to set forth alone* A. Ibid. l. 8: *They were excelling* A. — L. 14: *Of the punishments the releasing of our A.* — L. 37: *We might call* A. Col. 291, l. 27: *For neither in night, nor is the rush of waters covered A.* Col. 292, l. 22: *He stood* A. — L. 37: *Of so many goods and*, and then for *of the ill-doers*, A. and O. and the Florilegium read *of the goods*. Ibid. l. 42: *Out of A.* and so the LXX. Col. 294, l. 28: *The heaven*. It was added in three manuscripts P. O. A.: *For the heaven shall be rolled up, he says, as a scroll.* Ibid. l. 37: *Of the life here of the whole inhabited world.* — Ibid. *of a small*. R. *of small*, and O. supports it, but the Antwerp and ancient interpreter retain *of great*. — L. 44: *To be shut*. A. *to be moved*, and for *he chose*, *he said*. — L. 48: *Of God*. The codex of Olivarius added: *For let the impious be taken away, he says, that he may not see the glory of God*, from the prophecy of Isaiah xxvi, 10, where it is read *the glory of the Lord*. Col. 295, l. 9 from the bottom. *Inclination*. The word indeed, as the ancient lexicon teaches, signifies the inclination and momentum of a balance scale verging toward the bottom, but it is also taken for a nod and help in Chrysostom, as in book I *On the Priesthood*, and below toward the end of this Exhortation, *being helped by the inclination from above*, and homily 12 in the *Epistle to the Hebrews*, *even if you are zealous, do not think it is your own achievement; for if you do not receive the help from above, everything will be in vain.* He means, of course, that our free will cooperates with divine grace: for as he says toward the end of homily 21 on the *Epistle to the Ephesians*: *He does not supply help to us while sleeping, but while we ourselves are laboring.* The ancient interpreter had seen this, who had published it thus: *This species of the soul, therefore, is in power and liberty, under the nod of God indeed, yet placed in our own hands.* And so here it must be written: *Just as [we spoke] of the comeliness of the body; it is in our power, however, and placed entirely in divine help. Since indeed*. L. 16: *We showed* P. *We took upon ourselves* A. *We showed* O. The ancient interpreter: *superfluous solicitude might hang over us.* L. 21: *We do not* A. O. Col. 296, l. 23: *Might receive* A. *might look upon*. Ibid. A. *even if ashamed*. L. 29: *They say* O. — L. 41: Interpreter, *as a quail (thus) alone in the desert.* In R. and O. also it was so: *as a quail in the desert, as in Jeremiah iv, 2: you sat upon the ways awaiting them as a desolate crow.* The ancient interpreter here: *You sat upon the road awaiting them as a little crow desolated.* Last line. *Of the life*. Thus we amended from P. O. A. instead of *of those*. — L. 18. *This*. Col. 297, l. 22: *Burning, desirable and longable for of itself* A. Col. 298, l. 47: *Of the men* A. Last line: *We shall rank* A. — Col. 299, l. 6: *Lying, and he will not arise again, and he drew up in battle array.* — Line. Thus it is read in the Moguntine Florilegium, which [seems] to have [been intended] *that even the blessed having died, he might stand before God.* Presently A. *transgression* and Florilegium. L. 17: *Of the last* A. *of the most foul*. Ibid. A. *He considered.* *if he were to rise in the blow ailing, for neither*. — L. 46: *The miserable of the body* A.

NOTES OF HENRY SAVILE on the second Exhortation to the fallen Theodore.

Col. 315, l. 23. *El polus*. ὅτι δὲ καὶ. In this passage, there is much in the interpreter [that does not agree with the text], col. 864, vol. 5 of the Paris edition of 1588, which is not found in any of our manuscript codices. Let credit be given to the interpreter himself; for these passages of ours appear to be intact.

NOTES OF JOANNIS BOISIUS On the same *Paranesis* [Admonition] in the Savile edition, notes, p. 831. Col. 310, l. 22. *Ἅμα τῷ ἀποστῆναι*. For *ἀποστῆναι* it perhaps seems better to read *ἀντιστῆναι*, i.e., "as soon as you have begun to resist and to prepare yourself for the struggle." In the homily written when a presbyter had been ordained, no. 2, *ὑπὲρ τῆς ἀληθείας ἐνίστασθαι*. Col. 311, l. 26. *Παῤῥησίας*. I either delete this or substitute it for *ἀναχωρήσεως*: for *παῤῥησία* and *ἀναχώρησις* are frequently joined together in Chrysostom. Col. 313, l. 39. *Τὸν πάντα αὐτῷ ἀδελφόν*. It seems that *ἀδελφός* is used here not of one who was a brother by nature, but merely with regard to a similarity of character and virtue. Thus, in Latin, they are called "germani" and brothers who are very similar in habits, even though they may have drawn the origin of their race from a completely different stock. Therefore, I believe it should be read here, *τὸν πάντα* (i.e., *κατὰ πάντα*) *αὐτῷ ὅμοιον καὶ ἀδελφόν*. Otherwise, if the passage is to be understood as referring to a brother by nature, I would have thought it should be read, *τὸν ἀδελφὸν αὐτοῦ Φλωρέντιον*.

NOTES OF FRONTO DUCAEUS On the second *Paranesis* [Admonition] to Theodore the fallen. Col. 309, l. 6. *Καὶ ῥαθυμίαν*. In A there are some things interpolated which are absent from the rest: *εἰδώς ὅτι τούτων ἀθέτησις μεγάλην ἐπάξει τὴν καταδίκην τοῖς εἰς τὴν καλὴν ἀπογραφομένοις στρατείαν, καὶ διὰ ῥαθυμίαν τὴν εὐπετῆ τάξιν ἀπολιποῦσιν· ὅτι δὲ τούτοις ἡ κόλασις βαρυτέρα δῆλον ἐντεῦθεν καὶ γνώριμον· ἰδιώτης μὲν γάρ τις οὐδέποτε ἂν γραφείη ἀποταξάμενος*. [There is terror, when I know well to what punishment it will render those liable who, having been enlisted in a glorious warfare, desert their post through negligence. For that heavier penalties hang over these will be clearer from this: for he who lives as a private citizen is never charged as a deserter from the military.] — L. 18. *Florileg.* *τὴν θάλασσαν καὶ τὰ μακρά*. In O and A: *τὴν θάλασσαν καὶ τὰ κύματα καὶ τὰ μακρά*. And soon after, in place of *διαβαίνει*, A has *διαπερά*. — L. 22. *Στρατιώτης* in A P and *Florileg.* [means] *sæpenumero* (very often). Hence that well-known saying: *ἀνὴρ δὲ φεύγων καὶ πάλιν μαχήσεται*, "a man who flees will fight again." — L. 23. *Ἀναιδεία* in *Florileg.*, and soon after *ἐκράτησε* in *Florileg.* O A. — L. 25. *Βάσανα* in *Florileg.* and R, "on account of the fear of tortures." — L. 32. *Τὴν πρός*. A has *τὴν ἀπὸ τῆς πηγῆς ἐπάνοδον*, "the return from this source." — L. 32. *Καὶ τῶν πολεμίων γινέσθαι* in O A Mor. — L. 35. *Στήσῃ* in P, *εἱστήκει* in O. Col. 310, l. 5. *Μᾶλλον δὲ Θεοῦ χάριτι καὶ αὐτὴν τοῦ πονηροῦ*. — L. 12. *ῥᾳδίως* in R, *καταπολεμήσειν ἤλπισε* in O, *αὐτὴν καὶ καταπαλαῖσαι ἤλπιζε* in A, *καὶ καταπαλαῖσαι, εἰ παραμείνεις, προσεδόκησε*. — L. 14. *Ἐὰν θέλῃς* in O. — L. 18. *Καταφρονεῖτο*. — L. 37. *Ἐπανελθόντι* in O, *Ἐπανιόντι*. Soon after, in A: *εἰ τὴν δορὰν νύξεις μόνον*. Col. 311, l. 8. *Καὶ τρίτην*. In A: *καὶ τρίτην λαβεῖν ἐῤῥᾳθύμησεν*, "and he accepted the third through listlessness." — L. 9. *ἰατρὸν δραμὼν τὰ φάρμακα*. Col. 312, l. 18. *Γαμεῖν*. In A: *γάμον νόμιμον οὐκ ἐκώλυσεν*, "he did not forbid legitimate marriage." Col. 313, l. 19. *Ψυχῆς γάρ*. For it seems to look back to that line of Homer: *οὐ γὰρ ἐμοὶ ψυχῆς ἀντάξιον, οὐδ᾽ ὅσα φασὶν Ἴλιον ἐκτῆσθαι* ("For not to me is anything worth my soul, nor all that they say Ilium possessed in wealth"). Col. 314, l. 5 from the end. Thus Tertullian interprets in ch. 13 of *De corona militis*: "Our citizenship," he says, "is in the heavens," and against Marcion, 24; Jerome, Epist. 1: "At that time you will attain citizenship with Paul." For these things must be referred to the heavenly city, not to the Roman, as Marianus Victorius thought, concerning which see Act. xxiii. Col. 316, l. 27. *Ὑγιαίνοντά σε εὔν*.

NOTES OF HENRICUS SAVILIUS On the three orations against the opponents of the monastic life. Col. 321. *Ἀποπνίγεσθαι γάρ*. Scil. *φησίν*. — L. 55. *Τοσοῦτον*. Scil. *οὕτως*. Something seems to be missing to complete the sentence. Certainly nothing is desired, as will be plain to anyone who examines it. Col. 323, l. 35. *Βοηθείς*. Interp. "Indeed because," and thus it will abound: the sense will also hold, with *γ* deleted and *τι* retained, as below. Col. 324, l. 21. Or if we retain both, *ἕξαμεν* will be missing, or *παντί που δῆλον*, or something like that after *παῤῥησία* at the end of the sentence. Col. 329, l. 5. Instead of *αὐτὴν* and *αὐτῇ*, it seems it should be read *αὐτάς* and *αὐταῖς* in the plural number. Now the passage is well enough in our edition. Col. 332, l. 26. *Τότε κατηγορεῖν, τότε διαβάλλειν*, infinitives for imperatives: *κατηγορείτωσαν* and *διαβαλλέτωσαν*, or else it must be sub-understood; otherwise, the syntax will limp. Col. 333, l. 44. *Συνήκεμεν*. The old interpreter, *armavimus*, *συνετάξαμεν*, perhaps following a reading different from our codices, or by his usual liberty in translating. Col. 334, l. 4. *Καὶ μὴ μόνον πενίας τῆς ἐσχάτης*, etc. The sentence will flow better if you read thus: *καὶ μὴ μόνον πενίαν τὴν ἐσχάτην, ἀλλὰ καὶ θάνατον καὶ ἀπώλειαν δέος μὴ τῇ τοῦ*, etc. I do not agree with the reading of our codices. However, the passage squares. Col. 341, l. 16. *Ὑπολάβοι λεγόντων ἡμῶν*, for *ὑπολάβοι λέγειν*, it seems a new usage. Col. 344, l. 33. *Τόδε*, I would more willingly read *τότε*. Col. 347, l. 7. *Αὕτη ἡ ἡδονή*. An elliptical expression. For it seems that *ἐκ τούτων δῆλον* or something similar is missing. This ellipsis is not inelegant. Col. 359, l. 11. *Τοσούτοις ἀπέχεσθαι*. More usual with a genitive. Col. 362, l. 29. *Καχλάζων*, in Hesychius, *ζεῖν*, to boil in the manner of boiling water. Col. 363, l. 39. *Οἱ μετρίως ζῶντες... ἢ οἱ καινοί*, etc. Since this word *μετρίως* is repeated eleven times here in member 1, 4, 5, 10, the better part stands in the former place, the worse in the latter: in 2, 3, 6, 7, 8, 9, and 11, conversely. Assuredly, our John is accustomed to speak this way frequently. See at the end of the final homily on the Epist. to the Colossians. Col. 364, l. 45. *Καὶ αὐτοὺς ἐπελθεῖν τοὺς δικάζοντας*, more according to the custom of the language, as I think, *αὐτοὺς ἐπελθεῖν τοὺς δικάζοντας*. Interp. "and attacked the judges themselves." Col. 365, l. 10 from the end. *Καὶ τὴν ταραχήν*, etc. In the cod. Archiep. Philadelph.: *καὶ τὴν ταραχὴν τοῦ βίου, τὸν δὲ χειμῶνα καὶ τὴν ταραχὴν οὗτοι δὴ μάλιστα πάντων ἐργάζονται*. Col. 366, l. 38. *Ἀκριβῶς*, etc. In the cod. Archiep. Philadelphii, thus: *ἀκριβῶς ἡρμοσμένην λυμαίνεσθαι τῇ μουσικῇ λέγοι· τὴν δὲ ἀνάρμοστον καὶ διαῤῥηγμένην καὶ ἐπιτάσει*, etc., with different words, but the same sense. Col. 369, l. 5. *Μικρὸν ἔφησιν ἑαυτῷ λείπεσθαι χρόνον ἐν τούτῳ*. The interpreter, "when he had little restrained himself," less correctly. Perhaps the sense is that he is not to perform this duty for long. Col. 370, l. 6 from the end. *Τοῦτο γενέσθαι*. Scil. as if he were to live in the city and public life. Col. 371, l. 47. *Τὰ τῶν ἐναντίων*. These words seem to me to impede the sense and to be able to have it more correctly by repeating *τὰ τῶν δυσχερῶν*, from which sense the interpreter also follows. For if we understand *τὰ τῶν ἐλπίδων μὴ πτοηθῆναι*, which nevertheless must necessarily be done, no sense stands. For thus, a little later, *αἱ τῶν ἀγαθῶν ἐλπίδες* and *αἱ τῶν ἐναντίων* are correctly opposed to each other, but here, in my opinion, very poorly. Not even those things which immediately follow, *σαφέστερα καὶ μᾶλλον πλείονα*, satisfy: for it would have been enough, *εἰς δὲ τὰ τῶν δυσχερῶν μᾶλλον θαρρεῖν*. Let the reader judge. Col. 374, l. 34. *Ποινίαν*. Halesius prefers *πονηρίαν*. Col. 379, l. 11. *Ὡς δυσκατόρθωτον τὸ πρᾶγμα τοῦτο, μείζονα τὰ κωλύματα τιθεῖς*. The old interpreter, "and he proposes greater impediments to the very difficult thing"; as if he had read, *ὡς δυσκατόρθωτον τῷ πράγματι τούτῳ μείζονα τὰ κωλύματα τιθείς*. This reading certainly can hardly stand, unless we understand *ε* as *ἐν* Atticly, which is unusual for our author.

NOTES OF JOANNIS BOISIUS On three orations against the opponents of the monastic life, in the Savile edition, notes, col. 832. Col. 321, l. 53. *Ἄλλον μὲν οὐδένα τοσοῦτον*, etc. Perhaps thus more correctly: *καὶ ἄλλον μὲν οὐδένα τοσοῦτον, Ἕλληνας δὲ ἅπαντας, τούς τε ὄντας, τούς τε ἐπιγινομένους δέδοικα, οὕς*, etc. Col. 332, l. 21. I read *καὶ οὐ οὕτω θαυμαστόν*. Next, what. Col. 371, l. 15. *Περιέσεσθαι πάντως αὐτὸν τῆ σπουδῇ*. I would prefer *τῇ σπουδῇ περιέσεσθαι*, scil. *πάντων τῶν κωλυμάτων*. — L. 47. *Τὰ τῶν ἐναντίων*, corruptly for *τὰ τῶν δυσχερῶν*. I think these are correct in the editions. Ibid. *Εἰς δὲ τὰ τῶν δυσχερῶν σαφέστερα, καὶ μᾶλλον πλείονας ἀρκοῦντα*. These are superfluous, I think they should be erased. Here I suspect some defect with Boisius, and the other reading does not seem able to restore the place, since we have brought it out from the manuscripts: but the matter is of little importance. Col. 379, l. 11. *Ὡς δυσκατόρθωτον τὸ πρᾶγμα τοῦτο*, etc. Perhaps *εἰς δυσκατόρθωτον*, etc., i.e., *τῷ δυσκατορθώτῳ πράγματι τούτῳ μείζονα τὰ κωλύματα ἐνταθείς*, or *προστιθείς*.

NOTES OF FRONTO DUCAEUS On three books against the opponents of the monastic life. The Greek text of these three books is owed to a transcript which the Reverend Father Jacobus Gretserus, the most celebrated theologian of our order and a most fierce champion of the Catholic religion against the heretics of our century, had transcribed for us from the manuscript codices of the most serene Duke of Bavaria; we could obtain nothing else from elsewhere; and therefore we shall here bring forward no variant readings. The title of the first, which is common to the other two, is confirmed by the Catalogus Augustanus. Ambrosius Camaldulensis, the interpreter, had prefixed only this: *Adversus vituperatores vitæ monasticæ*.

monasticæ.

^A Col. 354, l. 4. [Greek: Καὶ ἡμῖν]. The interpreter reads as if these mean, "and are brought upon you and your children themselves." [Greek: Καὶ ἡμῖν] is read in the printed editions and in the manuscripts, and rightly so: for Chrysostom frequently speaks in this way in the first person. — L. 11. [Greek: Μὴ λυπηθῇς]. The passage is from Ecclesiasticus XVI, 2. But as for what follows, [Greek: στενάξαι... ἀφρόνων], it nowhere occurs to us, nor does Scripture mention it anywhere else—which, indeed, would be evident from a Greek index, unless it be in Proverbs X, 7, [Greek: στόμα δὲ ἀσεβῶν καλύπτει πένθος ἄφρων], "but the mouth of the ungodly covers untimely grief." And Wisdom XIV, 15, [Greek: ἀώρῳ γὰρ πένθει τρυγόμενος πατὴρ], "for the father, worn out by untimely mourning."

Col. 357, l. 47. [Greek: Ἀκρόπολιν]. Bion the sophist, as Stobæus testifies in sermon 10, [Greek: τὴν φιλαργυρίαν μητρόπολιν ἔλεγε πάσης κακίας εἶναι], said that avarice is the metropolis of all wickedness. Among the same, Timon says, [Greek: μισάνθρωπος στοιχεῖα ἔφη τῶν κακῶν εἶναι ἀπληστίαν καὶ φιλοδοξίαν], he said that the elements of evils are insatiable greed for wealth and the appetite for glory. So also 1 Timothy VI, 10: [Greek: ῥίζα τῶν κακῶν ἡ φιλαργυρία].

Col. 359, l. 42. [Greek: Πάντα]. Thus we have amended that which was in the Bavarian [manuscript]: [Greek: πάντα εἰ μή].

Col. 379, l. 49. ^B *At inquies*, etc. It is asked whether the sins of the secular and of monks are equal. The author treats this question here and in homily 7 in the Epistle to the Hebrews, and he seems to contend that, nevertheless, it is not the case that seculars are subject to the same penalties as monks, if they sin. St. Thomas Aquinas, 2-2, quæst. 186, discerning sins by a twofold difference, says that monastic sins are sometimes committed either against the vows of profession, or out of contempt of the offense, or with scandal to one's neighbor, and these he deems graver than crimes of the same kind by seculars: but others are committed out of frailty or ignorance without scandal to one's neighbor, and these he demonstrates to be lighter: that Chrysostom’s statements can be expounded and admitted in this sense is taught by Sixtus Senensis, lib. VI *Biblioth.*, annot. 332.

NOTE HENRICI SAVILII

Col. 390, l. 16. [Greek: Καθέδρα]. See Bois. ^C Col. 392, l. 24. *Karà τὸν ἡγεμόνα*. The interpreter, by the example of a *dux*: better as to the sense, as if "leading." But excellently, if I am not mistaken, Brixius interprets it "by the example of a leader." — L. 28. For *trabet* one must read *ve*, or something seems to be missing, *μέτοχος* or *κοινωνός*, or something similar. For as the words stand, the syntax is rather harsh.

NOTE JOANNIS BOISII

Col. 389, l. 19. I read [Greek: ἢ χρημάτων ἁρπασθέντων, πλεονεξίας καὶ ἔρωτος ἀρχῆς ἀδίκου παρακαλούσης], etc. ^D The latter words speak of the efficient cause: the former of the material cause: [Greek: πλεονεξίας], therefore, and [Greek: ἔρωτος ἀρχῆς ἀδίκου] are not governed by the preposition [Greek: ἐκ], but are placed absolutely with the participle [Greek: παρακαλούσης]. — L. 43. [Greek: Τὸν πονηρόν]. These words [Greek: ἑαυτῷ], and seem to be things to be deleted.

Col. 390, l. 16. [Greek: Τῇ καθέδρᾳ]. Perhaps these would be better placed a little higher between [Greek: καὶ] and [Greek: τοῖς στρατιώταις], in this way: [Greek: καὶ ἐν τῇ καθέδρᾳ τοῖς στρατιώταις παρίχων], etc. This is: While he sits sublimely on the royal throne, giving power to the soldiers, etc. — L. 25. After [Greek: θέαμα] I suspect something is lacking, surely [Greek: ἥδιστον θέαμα], or [Greek: τερπνόν τι θέαμα ἐγένετο καί], so that the whole sentence might be: [Greek: πλουσίων καὶ πενήτων ἥδιστον θέαμα ἐγένετο, καὶ χάριν] (or [Greek: ὡραῖον], etc.; I prefer, however, [Greek: χάριν]).

Col. 392, l. 23. *Κατὰ τὸν ἡγεμόνα*, etc. He refers, I suppose, to the apostle Paul, 2 Cor. XII, 2 and 4. For this description fits him very well, and the cited passage testifies that he was caught up into the heavens.

VARIOUS NOTES

^A NOTE OF FRONTO DUCÆUS On the homily concerning the comparison of the king, etc. We have obtained a Greek edition of this pamphlet, most ancient and, I suppose, of all the first, the Louvain edition of the year 1529, by Rutger Rescius, which we have compared with the parchments of the most noble man Franciscus Olivarius. The title itself in them was different, with the number changed, having [Greek text omitted]. Furthermore, he had touched upon this same argument in book II of the *Against the Opponents of Monastic Life*: [Greek text omitted]. You have a similar comparison of the King and the Christian man in the moral exhortation near the end of homily 3 on the Epistle to the Corinthians. Col. 387, line 3 from the bottom. *Of God and the Father.* The interpreter had: *Of God and the Savior.* And thus the Louvain edition, but Olivarius: [Greek text omitted]. Col. 388, line 9. *Masters of the militia.* The interpreter had turned it: *praetors, proprætors, armies*: which terms suit the magistrates of the Roman Republic rather than those of the Empire. Thus among Socrates we read of Syrianus being called [Greek text omitted], bk. II, c. 11: [Greek text omitted]. Which Epiphanius Scholasticus translated thus, bk. IV, c. 11: *Syrianus, master of the militia, led Gregory to Alexandria, and with him armed soldiers.* And book v, ch. 13, the same Socrates: [Greek text omitted]. Hist. tripartit. lib. IV, c. 15: *He enjoined Hermogenes, master of the militia.* Again, we corrected what was in the Louvain: [Greek text omitted], as if it said *prefects of the cavalry*, as in II Kings I, 6: [Greek text omitted]. For the parchments showed [Greek text omitted], concerning which word many things have already been noted in homily 6 *to the Antiochenes*, p. 101. Line 32. [Greek text omitted]. So consistently Louvain and Olivarius. But the interpreter either reads or wished to read [Greek text omitted], while he translates *of avarice*, as he said before [Greek text omitted]. [Greek text omitted] at Ol. as Col. 389, line 22. [Greek text omitted]. I preferred this, because the parchments of Olivarius suggested it, rather than what the Louvain edition had: [Greek text omitted]. Col. 390, line 21. [Greek text omitted]. We mistakenly corrected it previously. L. 3 from bottom. [Greek text omitted]: Ol. [Greek text omitted]: xv. Col. 391, line 10. Ol. [Greek text omitted]. Col. 392, line 30. [Greek text omitted], Ol. [Greek text omitted]. Line 38. [Greek text omitted]. This is the reading of the parchments of Olivarius, but the Louvain edition: [Greek text omitted].

^B NOTE OF HENRICUS SAVILIUS On the book to Demetrius, *On Compunction*, and on the following one to Stelechius. We are publishing this oration and the four following (4 are following in the Savile edition to Stelechius, and three *Against the Opponents of Monastic Life*) from the reliability of two manuscript codices, the Bavarian one and another, which the most reverend Gabriel, Archbishop of Philadelphia, gave to us to use from Venice. The Augsburg Catalog recognizes them all: [Greek text omitted]. That they were written at Antioch, or while he was in the desert, is evident from his own words. The interpreter, so that I may mention this incidentally, in translating the two prior ones employs great freedom, by which it happens that I think him to have existed earlier than someone of more recent times. Col. 391, line 8. Perhaps more aptly [Greek text omitted] (I say this barbarously, for who ever read [Greek text omitted]? EDIT.): but I change nothing without the books. [Greek text omitted], six hundred times in Chrysostom. Col. 403, line 27. [Greek text omitted]. I prefer [Greek text omitted]. Col. 410, line 56. [Greek text omitted], etc. Both codices agree in this reading, although somewhat harsh: nor does the conjecture satisfy the image: perhaps it should be read, [Greek text omitted]. Col. 415, line 5. [Greek text omitted], viz. [Greek text omitted]. Col. 415, line 8. [Greek text omitted]. Taken from the preceding oration up to [Greek text omitted]. — L. 55. [Greek text omitted], perhaps [Greek text omitted] (or [Greek text omitted]). Col. 417, line 38. [Greek text omitted]. The books agree; but perhaps more rightly [Greek text omitted]. Savilius conjectures excellently, and the Colbert codex favors his conjecture, which, although it is alone and all others have [Greek text omitted], I would wish to be corrected in the text to [Greek text omitted]. Col. 422, 2 lines from bottom. [Greek text omitted]. Perhaps [Greek text omitted], if however there is any such word in use by [Greek text omitted]; for I do not remember reading it in any other sense, except as a privative from [Greek text omitted]. Nevertheless, the interpreter followed this reading, *he finished with inextricable and immortal flames*. See the notes of Bois, and in them the passage from Basil the Great.

^C NOTE OF JOANNES BOISIUS Savile edition, note col. 832. Col. 396, line 17. [Greek text omitted]. I read [Greek text omitted], but so that another place is given for these words, namely after [Greek text omitted] in the preceding line. Col. 422, 2 lines from bottom. [Greek text omitted]. I think the marginal reading, [Greek text omitted], is true. [Greek text omitted], *that it is never to be consumed by the voracious flame*, that is to say, lifelong, perpetual. Basil *On Fasting*, homily 1: [Greek text omitted], etc.

^D NOTE OF FRONTO DUCÆUS on the two books *On Compunction*. That Chrysostom wrote these books when he was in the wilderness around the year of Christ 382, some more recent writers record, but the historians in the places cited by them nowhere mention them: they only enumerate them, which he wrote when he was a reader or deacon, as Socrates [mentions] the books *Against the Jews* and *On the Priesthood*, Nicephorus the books *On Virginity*, the homilies *On the Statues* and *on the Psalter*, when he was a priest. Photius, however, in his summary of his life collected from the book of Georgius Alexandrinus, records that he, when already ordained reader, when he was in a monastery near Antioch, [Greek text omitted], had written ascetic orations. Among them can be numbered these two, especially since the argument itself is akin to them, and toward the end of the first he says he wrote them for the sake of obedience, and at the beginning of the latter [Greek text omitted]; by which words he indicates he was living under the obedience of his bishop when he was writing these. Moreover, you have the Greek text of the first book to Demetrius written out from the manuscript codex of the most serene Duke of Bavaria: we shall now add various readings collected from the transcript of the most illustrious Cardinal Perronius and our Antwerp College, and the parchments of Franc. Olivarius; which books we shall designate by these 4 letters B. P. A. O. His interpreter is ancient: for that old edition of the year 1524 had no other version. But it was changed in a few places by Sigismund Gelenius, and sometimes corrupted by the correctors of other editions in those places which we restored from the collation with the manuscript codex of the learned man Nic. Faber. The Bavarian codex gave the title to the first book, which we have expressed: but O., [Greek text omitted]. P. [Greek text omitted]. It is cited in the *Florilegia* as [Greek text omitted]. But the interpreter rightly rendered that [Greek text omitted] in Latin as *On compunction of the heart*, because Scripture is accustomed to join these two, or to designate by the single word of compunction the sadness burned into the heart from the remembrance of sin: Acts II, 37: [Greek text omitted], *But when they heard these things, they were pierced in their hearts*, etc. Gen. XXXIV, 7: [Greek text omitted], *But when the men heard, they were pierced, and it was very grievous to them*. Eccli. XIV, 1: [Greek text omitted], *Blessed is he who has not been pierced in the sadness of a fault*. St. Cyprian, Epist. LV, and in his book *On the Lapsed*, translates that *spirit of compunction* at Romans XI, 8: [Greek text omitted], which Beza—ineptly departing from the Vulgate—translates as *spirit of stupor*, which surely from the collation of the Hebrew truth it appears corresponds to the Hebrew word [Hebrew text omitted], which sometimes sounds like stupor, or *veternum* (lethargy), which takes away all sense, as if, indeed, the LXX are not accustomed to express both this and other Hebrew words in Greek, sometimes clearly by different [ones], as they translate this also as [Greek text omitted]. Job IV, 13: [Greek text omitted]. [Greek text omitted], Prov. XIX, 18: [Greek text omitted]; yet no one will be so stupid as to say that therefore [Greek text omitted] or [Greek text omitted] can be translated as stupor or *veternum*. And so we will justly oppose the authority of Chrysostom to Beza's interpretation, who, homil. 19 on the Epist. to the Rom., teaches thus, [Greek text omitted], *Compunction is nothing other than to be, as it were, struck by a nail and fixed to something, and to be solidly pierced*. And in Ps. LV, 5, explaining that, *and in your chambers be pierced*, [Greek text omitted], *Mala consilia, quæ cogitastis, castigate, punite*, and [Greek text omitted], *When you have given the conscience, acting as judge, to those absurd cogitations, goad and tear them, and take punishment for them*. The same Augustine in the same Psalm, declaring from the Itala version of the Psalms, *Be pierced*, refers it to the pain of penance, that the soul, punishing itself, may be pierced, lest it be tormented, having been condemned in the judgment of God. Col. 393, line 6. [Greek text omitted]. Col. 394, line 10. [Greek text omitted]. O. P. [Greek text omitted]. Δ [Greek text omitted]. Of providence. From cod. O. has been added, *the solicitude which you undertake for others*; but in the same for *copia* (abundance); it was read [Greek text omitted] amicitiam (friendship). But in A. [Greek text omitted]. Col. 395, line 8. [Greek text omitted]. O. A. [Greek text omitted], *vouchsafe to remunerate us with your prayers*. The received reading is B. P. [Greek text omitted]. A. [Greek text omitted]. Ibid. [Greek text omitted]. And not before *called*. L. 50. [Greek text omitted]. A. [Greek text omitted]. [Greek text omitted]. In A was added [Greek text omitted], in B [Greek text omitted] after the word [Greek text omitted]. Col. 396...

VARIOUS NOTES.

Col. 397 (continued): ... [to B.] we add: "we bring forth." L. 20. "Second." It used to be joined in B. and A. "a word of insult," to bring about an insult. L. 44. "Having compiled those who are in the love of God." This alone O. used to insert, and below after "obedience" it used to subject "of Christ" instead of "of the commandment."

Col. 397, l. 1. "For when." We have restored this passage, and added to the Bavarian [codex] from the other three what was missing: "most grievous, from the city, [etc.]." Ibid. l. 4. "Security." O. [has] "utility." Paul, "burdened." A. "burdened in conscience, and beginning." [O... Latin note: "Like that in Cicero in Catilinam 1: As men suffering from a grave illness, when they are tormented with heat and fever, if they drink cold water, seem to be relieved for a moment, then are tormented much more gravely and vehemently: so this disease which is in the republic, relieved by his punishment, will increase for the rest of those who live."] L. 15. A. "Bestial." L. 27. "It is connected." A. "is connected." L. 57. "Not the same." O. "do not think that [everyone] is free and the same. But." [The Greek phrase] "having one spirit" is taken from one codex O. Above, instead of "we might grow wild," A. "we grow wild." L. 6 from bottom. In O. A. it was thus: "by us, for the loving God, if you should offer."

Col. 398, l. 2. "Propitiatory" O. "we approach." A. "we come to." L. 16. "And over." A. O. "easily and over." L. 22. "This the..." O. "to this same and to the..." P. "this same and the..." A. "it and the [difficulty] and the..." "to him and [with] difficulty." The nature [that is] according to... exist. Perhaps it would be read more correctly: "and to this same [with] difficulty." L. 26. "To capture." O. A. P. "to forestall." Then A. O. more correctly "easily and readily for those who wish us to clash more on the part of the..." L. 43. A. O. "but God." L. 50. "By the day." A. O. "daily only." L. 55. O. "impossible."

Col. 399, l. 1. "Was destroyed." O. "was cast down." A. "was passed by," and so one Bavarian book ^A. L. 5. "For even if to swear, though truly, is a crime." Sixtus Senensis lib. vi, annot. 26, touches upon this place and the opinion of Chrysostom concerning the juramentum prohibited to Christians, and teaches that both he and the other Fathers, if we weigh their mind and scope with an equal mind, did not wish to take away from Christians all religion of swearing; but wished to prohibit three things above all: the first is, that they should not blasphemously and impiously swear by creatures: the second, that they should not swear falsely and without necessity by God, and descend from custom to contempt and the usurpation of perjury: the third, that they might be admonished that Christ consulted among the counsels of extreme perfection, that they should abstain from all swearing altogether, who wish to be perfect. ^B L. 18. "We arranged against [it]." P. "we renounced." A. P. "eagerness." For thus it is a little later. L. 55. "To show toward one [long-suffering]." [Note: "imo longanimitatem, Ed. Morel. 1636."] O. "to suffer more than this." L. 1 from bottom. A. "he comes defeated." O. "in all things defeated, and the..." ^C

Col. 400, l. 18. A. "By so much." P. O. "so much [off]." O. "in the same fall, [having fallen]..." L. 49. Col. 401, l. 3. A. O. "And you see unpleasantly." L. 7. "Such a thing as someone wise rebuking..." A. O. L. 51. "Irrefutable." B. and A. read thus: "irrefutable reasons, as in Plutarch." ^D The interpreter translates "supplication irrefutable": but P. "counter-arguments." O. "irrefutable [reasons]," and instead of "similarly," [the] interpreter B. O. P. Then O. "and of the field [etc.]." L. 41. "To find." L. 47. "To lead away." B. "to cast out."

Col. 402, l. 5. A. "By equal." O. "equally." L. 15. "To those wishing." A. "or to those being persuaded." O. "to those being persuaded." Below A. "those loving." L. 28. "Wonderful." A. "painful." L. 56. "Threatening." [missing l. 46] P. "cast," as Matt. vii, 7.

Col. 403, l. 2. "To overlook." A. "that we might transgress." L. 14. "To track." O. A. P. "it." "How it looks more like a riddle; at least..." L. 18. "Of those asking." A. "they ask, if indeed [he]..." L. 28. "And in general." [missing l. 41] L. 44. "Vathanen." [missing l. 48] O. "it is a large discourse to me." "Timely." A. "timely, caducum [fleeting]." L. 56. "Asking." P. "we are exhorted."

Col. 404, l. 9. "Heavenly." O. A. "of the heavens." L. 11. "Indefinitely." O. "seeking that which is absent." B. "So must it be written, but O. A. 'hearing to seek'." [Note: "Here, unless I am mistaken, Fronto slips, as it will be clear to the reader."] L. 18. "Of the heavens." A. "of the heavens." L. 49. "Desiring." P. "in this weakness to show [he] tries." L. 54. "He was wishing." B. P. "but he wishes also [to] desire to remain."

Col. 405, l. 3. "Friendship." A. P. "of friendships and they did." L. 11. "Kingdom [lost]." O. P. "of the kingdom, seeing also the face face to face, having received." L. 20. P. O. "concerning refuse/scouring." And so I Cor. iv, 13. A "as scouring." L. 31. "Example." O. P. "example." O. "I say and I live." L. 49. "Willing." These [words] up to those words, "and with much," are added from P. and O.

Col. 406, l. 5. "That therefore." P. O. "is it disbelieved, and now that." "What therefore is it that he says [having] conversed."

^A infinite, thus also is [His] philanthropy. If, however—L. 9 from bottom. *Exei pronoia*, and that He shows it in abundance when He says, "of you." Col. 438, l. 7. *Epēggeilato de*. P. "For tell me, he announced to..." Ibid. *Aionion katelipes*. F. *aionion*; [it is] clear that since you have left behind both yourself and all things [the] thing hindering is nothing henceforth to be confident concerning... For what also will hinder? The [one] holding back...—L. 34. P. "It is a work of power." Col. 439, l. 3. P. *Apidonta*.—L. 36. After *Christos* add, P. "When he was conversing with the disciples at the time of the passion. Hear also what he says."—L. 42. *Machomenos*. P. *agchomenos*. Col. 442, l. 38. *Tais autais nosois*. P. is better: *tas autas nos...* Both are correct.—L. 53. *Ereisma asphales*. P. *asphaleia*.—L. 56. *Meketi ekontas ekpesein*. P. "neither willing nor unwilling [to fall]." Ibid. P. "for also [and] tyr..." Col. 441, l. 31. *Sympherein*.—l. 30. P. "Kai... well did he..."—l. 45. *Tou biou lege*. Dele with P. *to lege*, and place after *hodon autou*.—Col. 442, l. 15. P. "Such [are] these, as I have said, and... *all’*." P. "they [are]? By no means. What do I say? Not even an answer." Col. 444, l. 1. Read with P. *tōn Assyriōn*. "But the Assyrian—l. 5. Read, as it is read, it seems to quadrate better: *ho logos, all’ autou*. Optime. Soon P. *tines tēn teleut*.—L. 11. *Toiauta*. P. *tosauta*.—L. 30. P. "Before again that." [Below P. "This comes to pass, do not marvel, for not yet of the..."—L. 3 from bottom. "And many of these."] Col. 445, l. 6. *Phobon chreia tōn ponērōn*. P. reads this place otherwise: "Fear is necessary; thus also with God there is no need of all the wicked for punishment, when he wishes to chasten us, but..."—L. 34. P. *di, ep’ eniōn*.—L. 41. *Baraptyptomenous*. P. *epkamptomenous*.—L. 2 from bottom. P. "Having been permitted, perhaps also having learned to be temperate from the fall and," [is] better. Col. 446, l. 17. P. *Peirasmois*. Col. 448, l. 11. P. *dia tēs rhathymias*. Col. 474, l. 59. *Eikoti symbān*. See Bois. Col. 485, l. 29. *Empiptontes*, or *empiesontas* read, or it is a solecism, or the sentence hangs imperfect. Col. 489, l. 52. I think it should be read, *ekeun oi arrōstous echontes*.

NOTES OF JOANNIS BOISIUS

NOTES OF HENRICI SAVILII

^A Col. 465, l. 15. *Kateirx-ophthalmous*. The interpreter (that is to say, the older one who translated it as "blinding himself") thought that this meant the same as "plucking out" or "destroying" the eyes, whereas Chrysostom is rather touching upon the custom by which the kin of the deceased were accustomed to close the eyes and draw together the mouth, as in Homer, *Iliad*: "Ah miser, non quidem tibi pater et honoranda mater oculos claudent mortuo." And *Odyss. λ*: "Manibus oculos concludere, atque os componere." Euripides in *Hecuba*: "Et mortua tibi oculos concludet. Nec te tua funera mater." Virgil, *Aeneid IX*: "Produxi, pressive oculos, aut vulnera lavi." Propertius, *Eleg. 12, I*: "Condita sunt vestro lumina nostra sinu." Ovid in *Epist. Penelopes*: "Ille meos oculos comprimat, ille tuos." Lilius Gyraldus, in his book *De vario sepeliendi ritu*, cites this passage from Pliny, lib. XI, cap. 37: "It is a great religious rite among the Romans to close the eyes of the dying, and to open them again upon the pyre: established by such custom that it is not considered right for them to be seen by a man at the end, and a sacrilege for them not to be displayed to the sky." He also brings forward from Plutarch that those are commonly called unfortunate whose eyes their parents could not close due to their absence. Varro, in Nonius, *in Sigillo*, says: "It is against the law of Mania, in terms of piety, that children should close the eyes of their fathers in the bright light, that is to say, shut them." From these we gather that this passage of Chrysostom should be translated thus: "and for himself closing [the eyes], drawing together and composing the mouth, and caring for all other things which for parents, etc." — Col. 50. Ol. *Keleusantos*. Ol. *pollachou*. — Col. 56. Ol. *Epōdyrato*. Col. 2 from the bottom. *Thoryvon*. Ol. *thymon*. A little later, *rhaidios*. Ol. *eukolōs*.

Col. 466, l. 17. *Parelogisō me*. As to this passage of Genesis XXXI, 41, see what we have said in our Hexapla. Shortly after, *exethrōthēsan*. Ol. *exekauthēsan*. L. 51. *Plattomenēn*. Ol. *anaplattomenēn*.

Col. 467, l. 59. Ol. *Enyvrisas*. Col. 469, l. 47. Ol. *Paidion*. *Sic legendum*. Col. 470, l. 11. *Enēplēsto*. Ol. *empéplēstai*. Col. 571, l. 20. Ol. *Axiai*. Col. 472, l. 27. *Tautēn*. Ol. *tautē*. Ol. *anamnēmoneutōn*. Col. 475, l. 23. *Cum vero per singula*. The Greek sounds rather: "But in each of these things that blessed one was grieving more than they themselves who were sinning, and..." Col. 476, l. 2. *Ad viginti trium mill*. It is thus, to be sure, in the Latin Vulgate of Exodus XXXI, 28, and Sulpicius Severus in his *History*, and Rupert, lib. IV, c. 27. But in the LXX, in the Vatican edition and the German one, we read: *epeson eis trischilious andras*. And in the Plantin Bible: *treis chiliades andrōn*. The Hebrew and Chaldaic paraphrase, however, [say] "nearly three thousand men." Cajetan says that the Vulgate is corrupt, in whose certain codices it reads "quasi viginti tria millia" (about twenty-three thousand), in others "quasi triginta tria millia" (about thirty-three thousand). Here, therefore, it must be corrected to the number of "three thousand bodies." — L. 21. Ol. *Polydakryn*. — L. 41. Ol. *Pros ton kyrion*.

Col. 478, l. 1. Ol. *Kai lykan*. Infra. — L. 4. *Poia prax*. — L. 51. Ol. *Perikykiousin*. — L. 57. *Allotrious*. Ol. *xenous*, peregrinos. Col. 479, l. 39. *Aitēsēōs paranomia*. In Ol. it reads *Israelitōn...* and perhaps the true reading will be conflated from both: *tēs tōn Israelitōn aitēseōs tou basileōs paranomia*, etc. This conjecture does not please. Col. 480, l. 31. *Tou polemou*. Ol. Thus the interpreter reads, but perhaps the reading of the Olivian codex would seem more apt: *tou opiou*, "after he had withdrawn, and moved himself away from the host." And for *touto auto* he had the same: *toutō men autō tō porrō einai*.

Col. 481, l. 4. *Eauto*. Better Ol. *auton*. I do not think *auton* is to be preferred. — L. 47. Ol. *Kai tote athymia kai phobos tēn tou dikaiou diekopte psychēn, kai pollē ēn hē blavē.* — L. 57. Ol. *Hyper tēs agapēs autou*. And it is so written in II Reg. 1, 26. Theodoret, *Quaest. 7*, has as Chrysostom: *exēnthesen hē agapē sou hōs aganis*.

Col. 482, l. 10. *Tās inas*. Ol. *tas inas*. Both are customary, but the latter is more frequent among the profane, the former in Scripture. — L. 23. *Kai kyllos*. In Hesychius, indeed, it is the same as *chōlos*, "lame", and *kyravos*, "curved", but properly *kyllopous* is called *kyllos tous podas*, to whom the shin-bones of the feet are curved inward, and therefore "lame": but in II Reg. V, 6, the blind and the lame are said to have resisted King David, *hoti antestēsan hoi typhloi kai hoi chōloi, legontes hoti ouk eiseleusetai*.

Col. 483, l. 31. *Kairō esti par-*. Ol. — ^B L. 35. Ol. *Oi gar symphoran... alla kai aischynēn eichen.* — L. 48. Emend from Ro. and Ol. *Semei*, though in the Bibles it is read also *Semei*. — L. 43. *Maneis*.

Col. 484, l. 7. Ol. *Pheisasthe moi tou paidi*. Ol. *baskanias monēs an*. — L. 49. *Prostetalai-*. Ol. *prospipetela-*. (Sic.)

Col. 485, l. 54. *Parvulus est*. So indeed Jerome translates it from the Hebrew in the Latin Vulgate, but in the Greek LXX it translates the same, because *modicus* is [little], and he explains: "Parvulus est Jacob," and destroyed by the frequent incursion of enemies. Cyril, from the same sentiment: *ei gar dē bouloio kath’ hon tetheamai tropon paradounai tois echthrois ton Israel pros katabrōsin, oligostos estai pantelōs*, "If indeed you should wish, in the way I have seen, to hand over Israel to the enemies for devouring, he will be diminished entirely." *Oligostos* is properly called he who is accompanied by few, one of the few: thus, from the whole Israelite people, the two tribes that had remained were to a great part afflicted.

Col. 486, l. 1. *Consolemini me*. Add what was omitted by the interpreter: "for the manner of death surpasses every calamity."

Col. 487, l. 57. *Holōs de pote*. Ol. *pōs de pote*. — L. 12. *re-*, in each manuscript. But memory noticed that the interpreter was mistaken in Chrysostom, and substituted the name of Epaphroditus, just as the interpreter of Homily 29 in II Corinthians p. 915 in the Commelin edition [did]. It would have been better, however, to retain the true reading, and to warn the reader concerning the passage of Paul. He makes mention of Epaphroditus elsewhere, as in Col. 1, 7 and to Phil. 1, 23.

Col. 490, l. 5. *Chrēmata echōn*. Ol. *chrēmata paraschōn echinous*.

Col. 491, l. 27. *Et enim ulceri acetum*. The passage is Prov. XXV, 20. — L. 54. Ol. and Florilegium *anestréphamen*. In the Florilegium it also reads: *mikron ti para tinos*, etc., *apallagēnai tou parontos biou euchōmetha*.

Col. 492, l. 5. Ol. *Ta nosēmata*. — L. 9. *hotan de athlousē*. In Ol. it was written *ōnēsen. lypoumenē de kai ponousē*. — L. 37. *ō phile*. Ol. *ō philos*.

NOTES OF HENRY SAVILE

On the two books *De Subintroductis*

Col. 496, l. 16. *Tais thalamomenais*. Interpreter, "now [to be] elocated" (sent away).

Col. 501, l. 15. *Axio*. What if *plax*? But perhaps the former is rectum (correct).

Col. 503, l. 53. *Artrēsas*. It must altogether be read *artrēsthai*. The true reading is *axiar-*, as we have edited.

Col. 510, l. 42. [Text missing/unclear]. Questionable in this place. *Sic* all edited texts and manuscripts, and I think it is correct.

Col. 520, l. 18. *Katēgoria*. Perhaps *iatreia*? For these words are most often interchanged by scribes.

Col. 521, l. 12. *Paradramesin* does not seem to fit this place.

^C Col. 523, l. 6. *Eteron allo, hikanon*. I read *eteron, all' Ioanon*. An evil emendation, as I think.

Col. 525, l. 28. *Aut' anhel-*. See Boisius.

Col. 527, l. 53. *Dio di toutou*. But it speaks about the Virgin. The true reading is *dia de touto*, as we have edited.

Col. 529, l. 14. *Gymnai? tale terein*. Is this also a defect in those times?

NOTES OF JEAN BOIS

On the two books *De Subintroductis*. In Savile's Notes, col. 832.

Col. 429, l. 16. *Tais thalamomenais*, "abiding much in the chamber, rarely going out of the chamber." For it is known how strict and careful the custody of virgins was once, and how rarely it was permitted for them to set a foot outside the threshold. Hence it is that among good authors, and Chrysostom in particular, it is attributed to virgins as an epithet. Chrysost. in the first to the Romans: *hi parthenon tis katedikase thalamomenēn, alogois migēnai* [sic, text corrupted].

Col. 502, l. 27. *Tō deō*. I would prefer *dia tēn*. For he said above *tautēs chōris tēs anankēs*.

Col. 510, l. 42. *[Unknown]*, scilicet *pros synousian*, or perhaps to be read *is* (or) *tinos*, or I know not what else.

Col. 521, l. 12. *Paradramesin*. Either it is *paradramesin* for *paridein*, or *paradein* is to be substituted. This certainly seems so to me.

Col. 525, l. 28. *Aut' [Unknown]*. The sense seems to demand rather *ab' apolauein*. This is, "Not only celibates, and those who live modestly outside of wedlock, will praise her, but even those very ones who have done everything to [marry her]..."

^A VARIOUS NOTES. ...have been nurtured, and then were repelled." It is well read, *autē*, as we have edited it.

FRONTON DU DUC’S NOTES ^B On these two books. Col. 595, in the title: The book of the most illustrious Cardinal Perron added to the title *Bavaricus parthenōn*, which possess "subintroduced virgins." Eusebius, *Hist.*, lib. vi, c. 24, seems to indicate that this word *syneisaktoi* was proper to the city of Antioch: *tas de syneisaktous autou gynaikas, hōs Antiocheis onomazousi, kai tōn peri auton presbyterōn kai diakonōn*, "his 'subintroduced' women, as the Antiochenes call them, both of the presbyters and deacons who are about him." However, the Holy Fathers and the Councils used this word everywhere, such as Nicaea I, canon 3, *dēdōken einai syneisakton gynaika*, etc. The synod forbids it to be allowed for a bishop, or a presbyter, or a deacon, or absolutely anyone of them who are in the clergy, to have a subintroduced woman. For thus does Dionysius Exiguus translate the Greek word in the Code of Canons, and the ancient interpreter in the Acts of the Council of Carthage VI. Likewise Burchard, and Nicholas, and Alexander, canon 5 and 6, distinct. 32. Theodore Balsamon, writing on that Nicene canon, teaches that some suppose the woman is called *epeisakton* or *syneisakton* [i.e., brought in]—that is, a woman who is brought in instead of a lawful wife and cohabits with someone fornicatedly. (Perhaps because they saw in the same canons both concubines and "introducted" women being forbidden, as that of Nicholas I: "Let no one hear the Mass of a presbyter whom he knows to have a concubine or a subintroduced woman.") *Allōs de eipon*, "Others said that it is every woman cohabiting with any foreigner, strictly speaking, even if she is above suspicion," and this seemed to be closer to the truth. Others said that it is any woman cohabiting with an outsider, even if she is far from any suspicion. The interpreter ^C here had added: "whom they call *syneissaktous* and subintroduced," and against "concubinaries," which were expunged as if they were superfluous. But as for the term "adoptive sisters," he seems to have taken it from the constitutions of the emperors; for so the emperors Honorius and Theodosius, *L. xix Cod. De episc. et clericis*: "It is not fitting for him who conducts a life acceptable to the age to be defiled by the companionship of an appellation of sister." Council of Ancyra, can. 19: *tas mentoi synerchomenas parthenous tisin hōs adelphes*, "As for the virgins who wish to live with certain men as sisters, we prohibit their companionship." Thus the ancient interpreter translates it better than Hervet, who says "who associate with certain ones as with brothers": for there was nothing else in the Tilian manuscript codex which he used except *hōs adelphas*, and not *hōs adelphois*. Jerome to Eustochium, Epist. 22: "Whence in the Church does this plague of *Agape* introduce itself? Whence come women by an another name, without nuptials? A brother deserts his virgin sister, the virgin scorns her unmarried own brother, and seeks an outsider for a brother." This is from the Novella of Justinian in Julian the Antecessor, *constit. 115, 475, regarding these same 'Subintroduced' women.* See Basil of Caesarea, in his canonical epistle to Gregory. More on the subintroduced women will be said at the end of the works of Chrysostom.

Col. 497, 1. 8, 9. P. *Apogeusasthai* and *epetrepsen*. ^D L. 23. *Philosophorum vero quidam*. We have not discovered anywhere yet who this philosopher was, unless perhaps he wished to allude to that act of King Agesilaus, which Plutarch praises in his book *On How to Listen to Poets*, page 31, Wechel edition. In which passage he teaches that he who is inclined toward the affection of love ought to prepare himself against it, *hōsper ho Agesilaos ouch hypemeinen hypo tou kalou philēthēnai prosiontos*, "just as Agesilaus did not endure to be kissed by a beautiful person approaching him": which perhaps relates to that story he tells about Megabates in his *Life*, p. 602. Diogenes Laertius reports such a thing about Zeno in book vii, who, when a certain beautiful person had sat down beside him, got up and said to those wondering: "And when we hear doctors saying that rest is a remedy for every swelling, [a beautiful person is no exception]."

Col. 499, 1. 18. *Opr.* B. *opr*. L. 59. *Tapeinotētos*. B. *katharotētos*. L. 46. *Anechomenoi*. B. *hairoumenoi*. Col. 500, 1. 6 from bottom. *Sympatheias*. B. *sympatheias*. Col. 501, 1. 15. *Baden*. B. *en*. L. 21. *p*. B. *peridramōn*. L. 59. *Emblepein*. B. *ekpeisein*. Col. 502, 1. 51. P. *Katastellonta*. Col. 505, 1. 4. P. *Eisodou tēn eis*. L. 14. *Et viduarum quidem*. The interpreter would have spoken more clearly: *Et viduis quidem pecunias distribuere*. L. 55. *To panta aparnēsasthai*. If the article *to* is expunged, which is redundant, this reading of P is to be preferred to the other in B: *ta panta dei tithēnai tōn biōtikōn*. — L. 2 from bottom. *Aprepeis*. P. *kai mē euprepeis*.

Col. 504, 1. 40. *An*. Perhaps *d'*. *Ei* instead of *gonyzei kai pnygeis*, which was in P: *eichon psyche*. — L. 50. *Hypophaseis*. P. *hypotheseis*. — L. 60. P. *Chalepōtatēn*.

Col. 505, 1. 10. P. *gynaikas*. L. 15. P. *Anabaineis*. Col. 506, 1. 6. *Enantion tōn*. Col. 508, 1. 22. *Kephalodismata*. P. though both are used, *kephalodismion* or *kephalodesmos*. *menois hypagōn*. — L. 61. B. *Katēgorias*. Col. 509, 1. 6. P. *enochē*. — L. 29. P. *en tois epiphō*. Col. 510, 1. 49. *Enstremphomenon*. B. *entremphomenon*. Col. 513, 1. 15. *Frui supervacuis*. Write rather *frui voluptatibus*. Col. 513, in the title: *Quod regulares feminæ*, etc. Palladius in the *Dialogue on the Life of Chrysostom* writes that he, having been ordained bishop, began to chastise the morals of certain ecclesiastics, and as is found in Photius: *ho megas Chrysostomos parachrēma tous echontas syneisaktous tou ethous exekopse, kai kata tōn adikōn kai gastrimargōn kai philēdonōn logous pikrous kateteinen*. He immediately abolished that custom by which those who had professed celibacy brought up cohabitants of the opposite sex with them. He also inveighed against the unjust and those given to gluttony and lust in long orations. In the Bavarian codex, this title was given to the former one: *Pros tous echontas subintroductas habent*. But in another manuscript of the most illustrious Cardinal Perron, it is not different from that which the ancient interpreter recognizes, and which Gerard Vossius attests to having found in the Roman books, in his *Scholia on the Hundred Chapters of St. Ephrem on Humility*, *peri tou mē tas kanonikas synoikein tois andrasin*, who also warns that it had hitherto been written incorrectly in all Latin editions, "that they cohabit with men," with the negative particle omitted: since Ephrem himself says, *anarmoston te monein*, that it is not fitting for a monk to associate with such women, whom he here calls "canonical," because they themselves also profess the rule of a holier life prescribed by the canons and ecclesiastical laws. From this meaning comes that of Basil in the *Canonical Epistle to Amphilochius*, can. 6: *tōn kanonikōn tas porneias eis gamon mē katalogizesthai, alla panti tropō diastēnai autōn tēn synapheian*, "Let not the fornication of those who are 'canonical' be reputed as marriage, but let their conjunction be severed in every way." Writing on this passage, Theodore Balsamon teaches that monks and nuns are to be understood, and those who have professed virginity. There is also, of the same Basil, in his *Monastic Constitutions*, *tous en koinobiō askountas*. To "canonicals" who dwell in a monastery: by which words he designates coenobitic monks, who live in a monastery and in a company of many, *hoi kata touto politeuomenoi*, living in society, and at the end of the chapter he says he is referring to the *tōn koinobiōtōn ta katachara*, the noble deeds of those who lead a coenobitic life. Finally, Justinian in *Constitution 59* makes mention of *tas kanonikas psaltrias*, of the Ascetriæ or psalm-singing canonesses, who served in hospitals for the work of burial, and Julian the Antecessor, *constit. 55*, calls them "Sanctimoniales." — L. 1. *oimoi egō*. In B and the Roman books which Vossius used, it was read *oimoi*, and in Jeremiah only these: *oimoi egō, hoti ekleipei hē psychē mou epi tois anērēmenois*, "Woe is me, because my soul faints before the slain," c. 4, 31. Col. 515, 1. 1. *Etymon*. — L. 18. *hēmin*. P. Col. 516, 1. 61. *Græca exigunt, consolationem eorum qui casus ipsorum lugent*. Col. 518, 1. 58. *Pathousan*. P. *nosousan*. Col. 519, 1. 19. *Ōdinēsē*. Thus P. B more correctly; perhaps the author wrote it, as it is cited from another place of his, *hēn palai ōdinen epithymian ape tikte*. — L. 54. *Elegchontai*. B. *heterōthen dēlai phēsi asōl*. Col. 520, 1. 41. *Chytran zein*. *Chytra* is a cacabum or an earthenware pot, in which either legumes or other food is wont to be cooked; *zein* is to cook, but also among Aristotle we read *zeousas chytros*, that is, boiling pots, and in Athenaeus, lib. cit., it is cited from Nicophanes: *anti raphanōn balaneion parabametha*, "Instead of radishes we will prepare a bath." Thus, therefore, it is said *zein* when care is taken that it be a warm bath, so he who puts fire to the pot, *zein chytran*. Of such a kind are those services in Jerome in the same epistle: "Let them toss to sit by the sickbed, summon midwives for the languishing, carry the urinal, warm the linens, fold the bandages." — L. 7 from bottom. P. Instead of *auto*, has *ouk opheilei moi touto*. Col. 522, 1. 17. P. *Kai eis katēgorian pesein*. *Elsai*. B. *elzei*. Col. 521, 1. 61. Although the infinitive mood of the passive seems to be *douleuesthai*, yet it has the notion of the active here, as in Plato, *Epist. 7*: *oute tois douleumenois* (sic), *oute tois doulōtheisin dēsei*, "he will have to bind neither those reducing to servitude, nor those who have been reduced to servitude," is better. Plutarch in *Demetrius*, *douleuein* prodigia "crushed their spirits." Thus a little before Chrysostom said, *hē douleuōsin tous andras*. Col. 526, 1. 59. *Mamō; lēgei hotan*. Col. 527, 1. 7. *Poias hypost. timōrias*. P. — 1. 5 from bottom. Col. 529, 1. 20. *Nyn dē*.

dē*. ^A no 1575, Antwerp, we have amended [the text] from two manuscripts in the Imperial Library, one on parchment, the other on papyrus, and a third in [the library] of Augsburg. Julius Pogianus translated this little book into Latin before Livineius, and not badly, using better books than those which Livineius used, although it may seem otherwise to Livineius. For we discovered in our books almost all those things which he thinks were stitched in by Pogianus, and we have represented all of them in their proper places. St. Chrysostom himself mentions this treatise in Homily 19 on First Corinthians, so that it would be foolish and shameful to cite the Augsburg Catalog as its author. Col. 568, L. 36. *Abre* before *theos*, Livineius rightly expunges. And it seems that it ought to be expunged, although it is found in the manuscripts. Col. 578, L. 53. *Parēmi nyn*. An incomplete sentence. Col. 584, L. 20. *Metacheirizousan, dialegomenēn, horōsan*. For these three accusatives, all our manuscripts have three nominatives, *metacheirizousa*, etc. Col. 587, L. 15 and col. 596, L. 10. *Kyrias*, that is, *hēmeras*, the day of the return of the summons. It is a forensic term. Col. 596, last line. In the Augsburg codex, the scribe at this place has bestowed upon us, of his own accord, a solemn clause, *hoti pasēs doxes, timēs, kai prosōp.*, etc., quite inappropriately.

^B NOTES OF JOHANNES BOISIUS On the Notes of Savilius, col. 833. Col. 578, L. 53. *Parēmi nyn*, I either delete these words or I add *alla polla toiauta*.

NOTES OF FRONTO DUCÆUS On the book *On Virginity*. Col. 533 in the title. Julius Pogianus first published this book in Latin only in Italy, and dedicated it to Otho Truchses, Cardinal of Augsburg; later, it was printed in both languages by the Plantin press at the hands of Johannes Livineius of Ghent, from the codex of Cardinal Gulielmus Sirletus, in the year 1573. The same translator added certain notes to serve as a supplement, by which he confirmed his own opinion, if in some places a reading had to be conjectured not lightly, or if the reading of another interpreter had to be weighed. We shall represent from these what shall seem necessary, adding moreover various readings collected from one codex of the most reverend Bishop of Ruth, which the most illustrious Cardinal Perronius lent to us. We have changed the Latin phrasing in not a few places, wherever the interpreter seemed either to be studying elegance of speech too much, or to have been somewhat obscure, or to have departed less religiously from the words of the Latin Vulgate translation of the Bibles. As concerns the division of chapters, Livineius holds the same view as Pogianus, and does not think that the book was divided into chapters or that those inscriptions, which are noted separately at the beginning of each section in the manuscript and relegated to the margin of the Greco-Latin edition, were composed by the author. For he seems to have explained the continuous argument of the work in a sustained discourse, and most of the inscriptions are not placed in their proper locations, and are missing in many chapters. That this book was written before the Commentaries on the Epistles of Paul is clear from Homily 19 on First Corinthians. Whence Nicephorus, lib. XIII, c. 2, writes that he composed mystical homilies on the divine Apostle and on the holy Acts, while in the episcopate at Constantinople, but that he was honored with the rank of presbyter [when] he published commentaries on the Psalter, and *On Virginity*, and many other books. Col. 535, L. 53. *En egkrateia*. On this passage Johannes Livineius annotates these things. This *corollarium* exists neither in the old Latin interpreter, nor in any Greek examples, of which I have seen very many, and those corrected: and it could be believed that Chrysostom added it of his own accord. Which thing is not unusual among those who cite something from authors, etc. We dispense with offering the whole and very long note of Livineius: he discusses at length the celibacy of Paul, which matter has been treated more accurately by many, nor is it of the present design: it seemed best to bring forward only those things which Fronto Ducæus adds. As concerns the perpetual celibacy of Paul, Jacob Pamelius brings forward various passages of Tertullian concerning it, as from lib. 1 *ad uxorem* cap. 3, and lib. *De monogamia* cap. 4: "When, however, he does not exhort them to his own example, at least by showing what he wishes us to be, that is, continent, he likewise declares what he does not wish us to be." And c. 8, speaking of the apostles: "I find only Peter to have been married, through [his] mother-in-law; if I do not find others to have been married, either I must understand them to be eunuchs, or continent." But many things of Methodius are cited by Epiphanius in heresy 61; who also in heresy 78, citing this same passage of Paul, even though he does not add *en egkrateia*, yet gathers the same thing from his saying, "I wish all to be even as I myself." But how does he say "I myself" except for the sake of chastity? Furthermore, the same Chrysostom, homil. 29 in I ad Corinth VII, 7, reads also *hōs kai heauton en en egkrateia*, "so as myself in continence."

Col. 536, L. 6 from bottom. *Ruthen*. *p.* Edit. Plantin. *mastizesthai*. Col. 538, L. 17. R. *Akoue Paulou autou*. L. 43. *Agathou*. Savil. Among Plato in the *Timaeus* (t. III, p. 29, E, ed. Steph.) we read *agathos ēn, agathō de oudeis peri oudenos oudepote enginetai phthonos*, "He was good, but no one ever feels envy about anything toward one who is good." We corrected from R. and the text of Plato, what was viciously [written] in the Plantin edition, *agathō oudeni*. Col. 540, L. 16. It should be written as it is read in R. *tō de dia bolēs*. Col. 516, L. 20. *Tou kata ta*. Livineius suspects that another *kai* is missing, which nevertheless was absent from R. and from the interpretation of Pogianus. Col. 547, L. 51. *Hē toiade*. R. *hē toiautē*. Col. 549, L. 34. R. *Ex...* After these, that is, those who assailed Elisha and Elijah with curses. Col. 554, L. 2. *Tous pneumata*. So also R., but Livineius prefers *ta pneumatika*, so that it may respond to that which preceded, *ta pneumatika*. Correctly: for in the places cited by us, spiritual worship is contrasted with carnal and corporal [worship]. It might also be read *pneuma*; for he often says we have received the Spirit, Rom. viii, 13; II Corinth. xi, 4; Gal. i, 2. Col. 558, L. 30. *Prattōn* R. Col. 559, L. 52. *Tēn para tōn anthrōpōn* R. [Col.] 560, L. 55. *Kai pro toutōn*. The passage is corrupt: nor does Pogianus satisfy us, who adds *di’ hē* after [it], which he translates to this sense: "Wherefore even before he discoursed on these things, on account of those rewards which are laid up in heaven for widowhood," etc. For me, so that I may contribute some little offering in common, the words *hē pro toutōn* seem to cherish some monster, and it is to be read *...*, or if there is anything closer to this sense, which by cogitating I have not yet been able to attain. Guil. Canterus thought it should be read *proi...* Si, if anyone perhaps might prefer that. These things [are by] Joan. Livineius. We in R. found written *eliden pro toutōn*. We would prefer, however, that *proidōn* or *proeidōs* be read here. And yet the passage with the preposition *dia*, which Pogianus recognizes, very well, if I am not mistaken, has this meaning: *dia tauta, kai pro toutōn dia tous apokeimenous*, etc. Thus we read, nor is there need for a guesser, so that one may immediately perceive the sense. Col. 562, L. 3. *Parēstēkai* R. Col. 562, L. 12. "That which is theirs who suffer something worthy of pardon." Pogianus translates this passage better: "He put forward nothing at all of such a kind as might show [some] force applied, or [that he] be worthy of pardon." Here therefore write: "That which is theirs who suffer something, and are worthy of pardon." We agree with the amendment of Fronto, although the matter is of very little weight. Col. 565, L. 47. *...* Thus Livineius amends, when previously it had been written *...*. But Pogianus [translates] as [if it were] shackles affixed to the chain on both sides so that one compels the other to follow. Col. 568, L. 18. Livineius thinks the word before *theos* is vacant. And rightly. Col. 569, L. 8. R. *Epagagēsthai*. Col. 573, L. 56. R. *Katastēsasthai*. Col. 574, L. 64. R. *Polemikōteron*. Col. 577, L. 16. *Dyskolias*. R. *douleias*. ^C... *psōmetha*. Col. 578, L. 38. *Orthōn*. R. *dynaton*. L. 51. *Klōnon*. It must be amended from Livineius [to] *exos*. We rightly [have] *hē heautou*. Livineius admonishes a little later, *amphoterōn ex archēs tarattontai*, which seems to be said as a little later *...*. Moreover [he] has a common passage similar to this and clearly germane to it concerning the inconveniences of marriage in the homily *De S. Thecla*, which also shows that that is the genuine offspring of the author. Col. 580, L. 38. *Harmozousi*. R. *harmottousi*. And that seems to be the true reading: for indeed those things which follow signify that a discourse is being held about one [thing]. Both readings seem to be able to fit. Col. 587, L. 48. *Akrotē*, translate more conveniently [as] *tranquillam* than *otiosam*. Thus also I would wish it to be amended, as does Fronto. Col. 588, L. 41. *Ton akkismon*, pruritus, Livineius translates, as if it were *did tou*, but Pogianus, "superfluous cares born from wickedness and delights": as if he had read *akkismon* or something of that sort, but the manuscript R. exhibits the true reading, *di’ ton akkismon*, [meaning] on account of delights and softness: for thus the author of the Greek Thesaurus translates this word after Lucian, where he speaks about wives who scarcely dare to touch food with the tips of their fingers in front of their husbands. The Etymologicon [says], *akkismos* [is] "affectations and hypocrisies," and *akkizetai*, "she plays coy, she acts like a woman, she is finicky." Col. 590, L. 21. *Pragma*. R. *thauma houtō*. Col. 591, L. 41. *Hypostolēs*. A. *hyperbolēs*.

NOTES OF HENRICUS SAVILIUS On two orations to a young widow, col. 599. We give the first of these orations transcribed from the Palatine Library and amended from the Augustan: the latter transcribed from the Augustan and amended from the Bavarian.

VARIOUS NOTES

Col. 599, 1. 2. *Kai anuthen.* Flaminius the interpreter seems to have read it without *kai*. Col. 600, 1. 24. *Strephein ten psychen.* Below, *systrephei ten tēn ...* and elsewhere. Col. 607, 1. 2 from the bottom. *Epideiknysthai.* I prefer *epideizesthai* on account of what follows. Col. 612, 1. 56. *Skizomenēs.* The Florilegium has *schēmatizomenēs*. — L. 43. *Sphodra ge.* The interpreter must be deeply moved, though I know not what reading he followed. *But the interpreter is right:* for it is not an unusual *aposiōpēsis*. Col. 613, 1. 3. *Sphodra de.* The *to* seems redundant. — L. 12. *Parētēsanto.* What if it were *parelabon* or *pareilonto*? For *parētsanto*, which is closer, is, I think, hardly in use, or *tōn en deuterō gamō ta phaidra parētēsanto*. What if we restore the reading of the Colbertinus manuscript, which we have placed at the bottom of the page, in the series? Let the reader see. Col. 618, 1. 31. I would prefer *hōn tōn isōn teuxomenōn autōn aphei*.

NOTES OF JOANNIS BOISUS IN SAVILE'S NOTES, COL. 833

Col. 612, 1. 43. *Sphodra ge.* The interpreter seems to have read *gynaika*, and *sphodra me tetaragmenēn auton echein tēn psychēn anankē*. I think "more rightly" [for him to have done so]. For *sphodra* does not, it seems to me, correctly end the question. Col. 613, 1. 11. *Tou deuterou gamou ta phaidra parētēsanto.* I would prefer *tou prōtou gamou*, that is, *en deuterō*. That is to say, they did not want the second nuptials to be celebrated with the same festivity as the first.

NOTES OF FRONTO DUCÆUS ON THE TWO ORATIONS TO THE YOUNGER WIDOW

Col. 599, 1. 1 in the title. We have expressed the text of this book on widowhood from a copy which the most learned and humane Mr. David Hoeschelius had transcribed for us from the library of the illustrious Republic of Augsburg; but we have culled various readings from another, which, having already printed this volume, reached us—having been long ago unearthed from Roman manuscripts by the work of the Reverend Father Jacques Sirmond, a theologian of our order—which we shall designate by the letter S, as we designate the Augustan by A. Yet, although the title be the same in both, in the *Florilegia* Homily 21, *On Imperial Power and Authority*, it is inscribed thus: *...in the book to the younger widow*; but in the Augustan Catalog we read: *pros neōteran chēreuousan*, "to the younger widow." Just as also in the title of the other book, *pros tēn autēn peri monōdrias*; thus 1 Timothy v, 11, *neōteras de chēras paraitou*, "But the younger widows refuse." You have the passage cited in the Florilegium. — L. 3. *Kai oude.* S. *kai oudeis oude tōn sphodra phil. ant. epeidē de.* — L. 28. S. *anapneousi.*

Col. 600, 1. 8. *Houtō.* S. *tēn spoudēn.* Col. 601, 1. 2. *Proginomenas.* — L. 16. *Pynthanomenōn.* S. — L. 24. *alla kai para tois exōthen to t. apolauei thaumatos kai epainou.* The most illustrious Cardinal Baronius (Vol. IV, A.D. 362, sect. 133) suspects that this Gentile teacher was Libanius. — L. 42. *Praon ousan kai.* S. ibid. *tithēsin eipōn, hotan gar.*

Col. 602, 1. 12. *Antilēpsis, elas aspra ant. Christou*, and so the interpreter. — L. 20. *mē synchōrēsas genesthai.* — L. 40. *autes*. Col. 603, 1. 24. *A. Xeron*, the place: but the other reading S. is truer, as he said above, *eis ton hagion pagēnai choron*. Col. 604, 1. 5. *Paramythion anti tēs tōn epistolōn paramythias.* — L. 27. *Cubicularis ancillis.* The word *cubicularias* indicates handmaidens or a chamber servant. — L. 1 from bottom. Penult corrected from S. and Florilegium p. 285, *basil*. Col. 605, 1. 4. S. *aei hina ta*. Col. 607, 1. 17. *Cratetem.* Diogenes Laertius, Book VI, p. 421: *peisai auton Diogenē tēn ousian mēloboton aneirai, kai ei ti argyrion eie, eis thalassan balein*, meaning Diogenes persuaded him to discard his uncultivated possessions, and if he had any money, to throw it into the sea. And Plutarch in *De vitando aere alieno*: *Cratēs ho Thēbaios tas oikonomias kai phrontidas kai peristasmous dyscherainōn aphēke, ousian oktō talantōn, kai tribōna kai pēran analabōn eis philosophian kai penian katephygen*, which is, Crates the Theban, averse to the management of family affairs and to its cares and distractions, abandoned an estate of eight talents, and having taken up a rough cloak and a wallet, fled into philosophy and poverty. He wishes for it to be held that Crates’ family wealth was only eight talents, from which I suspect there is some error in that passage where Diogenes estimates it at two hundred talents. Ibidem, *par' hōn ploutēsai*. S. *paron ploutēsai*, and with this word omitted, perhaps it might be read more rightly, *par' hōn, hōs ekeinoi, cum divites esse possent, exorientem sibi*. Thus below *paron ploutēsasai*. — L. 1 from bottom. *Hē prōtē kai katagelōsa*, which is more correct. Col. 608, 1. 47. *Agrous men.* Col. 610, 1. 7. S. *apeneuse t. pragmasin endatripsas.* — L. 34 in text. *Kai peri monōdrias*. The Latin Fathers used to inscribe their letters or books, by which they dissuaded others from second nuptials, sometimes *On Preserving Widowhood*, sometimes *On Monogamy*: of which kind are those extant by Tertullian, Ambrose, and Jerome’s various works. The interpreter preferred *On Not Iterating Marriage*; for he calls the widow away from seeking another husband. That proverb, *glyky polemos apeiroisin*, is Pindar’s in his *Hyporchemes*, which Vegetius renders into Latin in Book I of his *De re militari*, chap. 12: "For war is sweet to the inexperienced." Col. 611, 1. 7. *Ouk ekleipei.* S. *oude, ut infra*. Col. 613, 1. 4. *Ta phaidra ēn.* Below *eperomēnou*. — L. 56. *Mēde epangeilon [?]*. Col. 615, 1. 22. Amend from S. *hosa tōn atēknōn*. Col. 616, 1. 26. S. *an gar thelēsē ... katoryxē*. Col. 617, 1. 45. S. *prosenenkein*. Col. 618, 1. 13. S. *deutera gamēsai*. Col. 620, 1. 22. *hoti autō prepei*. These words, up to the end, are added from the Augustan; yet neither the interpreter nor the Roman copy acknowledges them.

NOTES OF HENRY SAVILE on the six books *On the Priesthood*, p. 362

Col. 621, 1. 3 in text. *Peri hierōsynēs.* We have amended the most learned Hoeschelius's edition, which relied on two manuscript codices (besides the three vulgate ones), namely, the Palatine and the Augustan, in several places from two other manuscripts from Oxford, one in the library of Corpus Christi College, the other in the library of New College: the title of the latter being *pros tous diaphugontas tēn hierōsynēn*, etc. In the vulgate editions, *...tou Chrysostomou, hoti polloi... mē axiōmatos, dyskolon de episkopein*, etc. We have ignored the index of *kephalaia* represented in the Augustan edition and another entirely different one in our manuscripts, neither of which are collected with good judgment. — L. 3. *Katotēn.* My most learned friend Rich. Montacutus adds *hetaitou* after *autom*, but without manuscript authority, and it is not necessary. — L. 17. *Hoti gar epi patridos pephyke.* Not correctly, as I think, does Cardinal Baronius gather from this passage that Basil was an Antiochene, nor from the following words, *dia tē eschatē synechei peniai*, that he was a man of poor means, when on the contrary Chrysostom affirms that he was equal in means to himself, whom it is established was born of very wealthy parents. These things will be examined at greater length in the *Life of Chrysostom*. Col. 625, 1. 49. *Mē de*. The most learned Allen prefers *mē de*. Col. 634, 1. 22. *Apantas*. This is suspect in this passage, and I think it should be deleted. The interpreter seems to have read *hapantōn* for it. But *apantas* is perfectly fine in this place, if I am not mistaken. — L. 53. *Ananēpsōsi*. Montacutus prefers *anakypsōsi*. Col. 636, 1. 20. *Paizōn legei tauta, phēsin, ē spoudazōn*, Montacutus reads most ingeniously. — L. 32. *p.* In one of our manuscripts *mē hoti kai pasan tēn hyper toutou prāxai spoudēn*, a sense not unsuitable for this passage. But one should not depart from the received reading. For he speaks plainly in the same manner below. Col. 639, 1. 1. *Psēphisastai tois katēgorois, tōn ta malista ēdikēkotōn an eiēn*. These words, *psēphisastai tois katēgorois*, are missing from some manuscript codices, but by retaining them (and indeed they are retained in many manuscripts, and in all printed copies that I know of), A. Dounæus elicits this sense: That I might confess as true what the accusers argue, that I am in the greatest guilt or that I am most unjust; by implying *hōs* before the verb *ēdikēkota*, or rather, as I think, *hōs*, that ellipsis before *dēlon, phanai* (and synonyms which are common enough), before *psēphisastai*, is too harsh indeed. For there is no doubt that *psēphisastai tois katēgorois* is the same as *psēphon tithesthai tois katēgorois* in Plato (2 *Laws* towards the end), that is, to give a sentence on behalf of the accusers. Isaac Casaubon, from conjecture, thinks that the passage, which he judges to be faulty, could be reframed with minimal change: *kai toutō ego, de dei psēphisastai tois katēgorois, hōs tōn ta megista ēdikēkotōn an eiēn*. Col. 644, 1. 6. *To hē.i*. Montacutus adds *de* from conjecture. Col. 674, 1. 36. *ekklinōn*. Corrupt.

NOTES OF JOANNIS BOISUS In Savile's Notes, col. 829

Col. 628, 1. 23. *En mesō pagidōn*, etc. These are the words of Siracides, chap. ix, v. 18. *E. 3*, perhaps more rightly *eis pechylomena basileia*, or *memochleumenōn basileion*. For the LXX have *memochleumēnōn* (or *tethemeliōmenon*) *basileion*, and the Hebrew context has *armon*. Col. 635, 1. 55. *Ananēpsōsi*. I change nothing, because in Paul it is *ananēpsōsi*. Col. 659, 1. 1. *psēphisastai tois katēgorois*. These could be absent without detriment to the sentence; indeed, as they are now read, they do more harm to the meaning than they contribute. The conjectures of two supreme men on this passage please me so much that I would nevertheless prefer to follow a new reading and, for *psēphisastai* and *psēphisastai*, substitute *..., addita copu-*

copula post κατηγόρους, ψηφισαίμην τοῖς κατηγόροις καὶ τὴν*, etc., that is: *Suffragarer accusatoribus meis.* Col. 651, l. 41. *πλὴν εἴ τις*, etc. Perhaps thus: *ὥστε οὐ τις πλὴν εἰ μὴ εὐλαθείᾳ πολλῇ εἴη κεχρημένος π. α. στ. δυνηθείη.* There seems to be some difficulty in this passage of Chrysostom, but I do not think it should be restored according to this conjecture of Boisius. Col. 663, l. 31. *ἀληθείας*. Perhaps *ἐν ἀληθείᾳ*. Col. 663, l. 50. Perhaps *βίος ἑτέρου συντελοίη καὶ εἰς τὸν ἶσον*, etc. Col. 689, l. 47. *πλήθη*, what if *πλάτῃ*?

NOTES OF FRONTO DUCÆUS ON THE SIX BOOKS ON THE PRIESTHOOD

^A Among the works of blessed John Chrysostom, Suidas highly praises these books *On the Priesthood*, because they excel both in nobility, in phrasing, in smoothness, and in the beauty of their terms—both in sublimity and elocution, and in the gentleness and elegance of their language. Regarding the time when they were written by him, it is established from Socrates, book VI, chapter 3, who records that he composed them having obtained the dignity of deacon from Meletius. But the same historian hallucinates greatly when he says that Basil, who spent much time with Chrysostom, was later ordained bishop of Cæsarea Cappadocia; and Erasmus and Brixius the translator, who followed the erring Socrates, are refuted by Jacques Billiard, book II, chapter 3 of his *Sacred Observations*, on the grounds that Chrysostom complains in these books that Basil, with whom he is speaking, had withdrawn himself in flight; while meanwhile he himself was snatched to the helm of the Church, and that this in no way fits the Cæsarean Basil who was advanced to such dignity many years before Chrysostom, that is, under the Emperor Valens. But while that most learned man attempts to refute the error of another, he, having suffered a lapse of memory, attributes to Basil what was proper to Chrysostom: for it is for this reason that Chrysostom excuses himself in these books, namely, that *he* hid himself to avoid flight when Basil was promoted to the episcopacy. ^B Cardinal Cæsar Baronius, most illustrious, much more correctly shows at the year of Christ 382, section 60, that Basil was already in his seventh year in the Cæsarean episcopacy, since this one was created younger; who, being a contemporary of John and not having exceeded 22 years of age, he says it cannot be imagined that this Basil is that elderly Cappadocian who is said to have departed from this life after the following year. Nor is it likely that Basil, by birth an Antiochene, was elected bishop of Cæsarea by the bishops of Syria, especially since this Antiochene was contemplating the desert, while the other, a Cappadocian, was ordained bishop after having lived there for many years. Others think this Basil was the one of Seleucia in Isauria, whose several homilies are extant, recently published, as Photius writes in his *Bibliotheca*, *πρὸς ὃν καὶ Περὶ τῆς ἱερωσύνης λόγος συντέτακται*, to whom he also sent the book *On the Priesthood*: and he adds that many traces of his own orations appear in the orations of Basil, so that both seem to have drawn what was useful to themselves from the same source. Baronius refutes this opinion of Photius from the testimony of Theodoret, who writes in his *History of the Holy Fathers* that this Basil of Seleucia led a monastic life under the holy Abbot Marcian, and lived with him for a long time, but flourished as a bishop at the time of the Council of Chalcedon, at which he is also recorded to have subscribed one year minus seventy. This reasoning, however, rests on a false foundation; for Theodoret does not affirm that this Basil, of whom he speaks in chapter 3, was bishop of Seleucia, but only this: that the admirable Basil—who many years later built a monastic dwelling at Seleucobelus (which is a city of Syria)—received the fruit of Marcian’s philosophy. Therefore, the very learned man, through a lapse of memory, confuses Seleucia of Isauria, a city at Mount Taurus which belongs to Asia Minor, with the city of Seleucobelus of Syria, which is near Palestine. For Seleucia by the Belus is with Ptolemy and Pliny, which they sometimes call Seleucobelon, as Stephanus says, in the Cassiotide region of Syria, and it is found in the Council of Chalcedon, Act IV: *Εὐσέβιος ἐπίσκοπος Σελικουβήλου Συρίας δευτέρας*, Eusebius, bishop of Seleucobelus of Second Syria: therefore he must be distinguished from Basil, bishop of Seleucia. More likely is the other theory which the same Baronius puts forward, that from Socrates in the cited passage we know it was during the age of Chrysostom that a certain Maximus, once his companion and associate in monastic life, was bishop of Seleucia in Isauria. Thus, therefore, it must be thought that a third man was Basil, and that he was different from the Cæsarean and the Seleucian, to whom these books were sent, especially since it is established that there were many bishops of this name at that time, as we find Basil of Raphanæ in Syria and another of Byblus in Phoenicia, who attended the Synod of Constantinople. ^C Furthermore, for the preparation of this edition of the books *On the Priesthood*, we first used the Augustan [edition], which in the year 1599 the very learned David Hæschelius faithfully expressed from the Cologne and other common editions, and added various readings from manuscript codices of the Palatine and Augustan libraries: we have enriched these with new material, collected from two Royal books copied by hand, of which one was purchased at the expense of Francis I and the other of Henry II, most Christian kings, and from the parchments of the most noble man Fr. Olivarius: sometimes we have even attempted to reach the true reading from the traces of the old interpretation, whose most ancient Latin edition was at Paris in the year 1524 under Peter Gromors. We have obtained the Greek, however, which we judge to be the first of all, printed at Louvain with the types of Rutger Rescius in the year 1529. We will therefore designate it in these notes with *L.* or *Lo.*, *F.* for Francis I, *H.* for Henry II, *O.* for Olivarius, *P.* for Palatine, *A.* for Augustan, and sometimes we will cite these three Gallic books and the two German ones as witnesses together. And because, while we were in a hurry to adorn the old interpretation of many of the short works in this volume that had been recognized—some things had escaped us, and some had been intentionally omitted so that, with an opportunity given, medicine might be more conveniently applied to the corrupted passages while the variant readings were being collected from other manuscript codices: for this reason, the reader should be less surprised if he finds in our Notes more than he might have wished reserved for these second labors, especially since it has often been a point of religious anxiety to change the already received interpretations of those who, perhaps having used older and more emended copies written by hand, had first published those treatises to the light. But if anyone observes here that the rationale for the emendations rendered by us is less abundant than in the notes to the previous part of this volume, let him understand that we have intentionally reserved a fuller exposition of many passages for our own books of sacred observations on the Greek Fathers, which, God working with us, we hope to publish.

Col. 621, l. 17. *H.* *ἐκοιμήθη*. Shortly after, *O.* and *A.* *εἰς δ. δασκάλου*, and as D. Hæschel notes, Basil the Great, Homily *Against the Young*, both in published and in handwritten copies. Lucian in *Hermotimus*, *παρὰ τοὺς διδασκάλους*. In *Parasitus*, *εἰς διδασκάλου*, but Xenophon [and] Xiphilinus from Dio [have] *εἰς διδασκάλου* by an ellipsis very common to the Greeks; as the same Lucian in that dialogue on sects, *ἐλθέτω αὐτοὺς εἰς διδασκάλου*, and elsewhere, *κἂν εἰς μουσικοῦ δέοι φοιτᾶν*. Photius, page 544, *εἰς διδασκάλων ἰβάνθιζεν* [in the] plural number from Philostratus. Certainly faulty in the book *On Virginity*, p. 60, *ἐν παιδοτρίβῃ* instead of *παιδοτρίβην*. The old interpreter [renders]: *frequentabamus magistros*. — *L.* 37. For *ἐπιθυμίαις*, *O.* [has] *ἡδοναῖς*. Below, *O.* *βεβαία δίλμηνεν ἦμεν. ἀληθεῖν*. *F.* *ἀνέψυξα*. Col. 622, l. 5. *F.* *προφητείας*. — *L.* 18. *A*. *διὰ τοῦτο οὖν ἐν διεργ. ἡμῶν*, *H.* *διὰ τοῦτο οὖν διεργ.* — *L.* 22. *H.* *τὴν οἰκείαν ἑξ.* — *L.* 42. *F.* *φροντίδας... δείζονας*. Col. 625, l. 1. *H. P. A.* *τεθηνώς*. — *L.* 22. *P. F. H. Θ.* *Τὴν ὀρφανία*, correctly with the accusative case, Synesius, *Epist.* 155, *γυνὴ δυστύχησα γηραίαν*. D. Hæschel: *But since Chrysostom is accustomed to join it with the dative case*: examples in the Onomasticon to *συαντυχείν*. — *L.* 29. *H.* *Κομισηθῇ ἤδη*. — *L.* 40. *A. P. H.* *φροντίζειν τὴν ἐμὴν*. Col. 629, l. 24. *ἔλωσιν*. *A. P. H.* *ἐλέγχουσι*. The old interpreter seems to have read *ἐλεῶσι*. Col. 633, l. 51. *φαρμακείαι* *H.* — *L.* 56. *Τὴν ποίμνην*. *H. A. P.* *τὴν ἀγέλην*. Col. 634, l. 21. *δυσκολίαν*. *H. P.* *δυσχέρειαν*. Col. 635, l. 42. *Λεπτώγεια*. Thus it is read in *F. O.*, but in *H.* *λεπτόγεια*, in *A. P.* *λεπτόγεια*. Col. 636, l. 1. *πρὸς ψυχήν*. *A. P. H.* *καὶ ψυχῆς*. — *L.* 12. *ᾔδειν*. *A. P.* *ᾔδεισαν*. *H.* *ἐκλήπυσε*. — *L.* 26. *Ἀποδύσασθαι*. *H.* *ἀπεκδύσασθαι*. *O.* *ἀπολύσασθαι*. *A.* *ἀπολύσασθαι*. Col. 637, l. 14. *ἕξωθεν αὐτοῦ*. Correct from all manuscripts to *αὐτό*. Col. 642, l. 15. *πραγμάτων*. *H. P.* *ταγμάτων*. Col. 649, l. 31. *ἁπλῶς*. *A.* *εἰκῆ*. — *L.* 46. *ἐντίμους*. Thus it is read in *P.* and *H.*, but the common editions and *F. O.* [have] *τοὺς ἀτίμους τῶν ἐντίμων*. Brixius: *ignobiles a claris*, and the old interpreter: *nec ab honoratis ignobiles*. Col. 650, l. 33. *H. O. P.* *Βλακτύσθαι*. — *L.* 51. *Πάντοθεν τε περισκοπεῖ* [in] all mss. Below *F. P. H.* *προσπετομένων φιλεῖν*. Col. 651, l. 31. *Τοὺς συμλατοφύλακας* *H. F. P.* Col. 652, l. 2. *φιλαρχοι*. All mss. [have] *φιλάργυροι*. Col. 668, l. 22. *ἐπὶ τοῦτο*. Should be corrected to *ἐπὶ τούτῳ*, although all [mss.] defend the common reading. Col. 669, l. 28. *τὴν λειότητα*. *M.* *τὴν. τιλειότητα*, perhaps for *τὴν τε λειότητα*, which the old interpreter translates as *lævitatem* [smoothness]. Among the Greek rhetoricians *λειότης ὀνομάτων* [smoothness of words] is cited when no collision of rough consonants occurs. Thus Jerome attributes *lenitatem* to Pliny in *Epist.* 4, Quintilian *acumina*, rivers of Cicero. Book III of *De Oratore*, c. 7: *Suavitatem Isocratis*, the distinctness of Hyperides, the sound of Demosthenes. *τὴν λειότητα* (the smoothness) is attributed by Chrysostom, which the old interpreter translates as sublimity, [but the] old interpreter [is] less apt: *gravitatem* [is] most apt [as] he attributes *τὴν παρὰ τὸ ἄκρον καὶ μεγαλοπρέπεια* (the smoothness and magnificence) to the oratorical style.

^A those who treat the demonstrative genus. The old interpreter renders it "clarity," Brixius "majesty," Corradus in his *Brutus* of Cicero "grandeur." For *grandis* is usually rendered from Cicero, and Demosthenes is called by him in Book 11 *ad Atticum*, 1. And Hermogenes also treats it ^B as a species of the genus. Finally, the old interpreter here renders it "height," better than Brixius who renders it "excellent dignity": he would have done best to say "sublimity"; for *hypsos* is called the sublime and lofty genus of discourse, which elevates itself in more grandiose words, of which Dionysius Longinus's book *On the Sublime* stands as evidence. We translate it "charm," "acumen," "gravity," and "sublimity." Everything, if I am not mistaken, is translated suitably, nor yet without anxiety regarding *okos*, "acumen." But nothing more suitable occurred: nor indeed does the reading suggested here by Fronto please me, that *okos* should be rendered "gravity," ^C as in my judgment "gravity" is most aptly rendered by the Greek word for gravity.

Col. 675, l. 30. *Kan dia pollou symbebēkos*. The old interpreter expressed it better, "happening after a long interval"; for the author does not wish it to be thought that such an error happened long ago: but rather that he who admits it is wont to slip into error rarely. Therefore, one should write here, "Even if he has erred after a long interval." It is not clear in which sense Chrysostom is speaking. Certainly this interpretation, even if it happened long ago, seems to square with the meaning; but if you prefer to embrace Fronto's sentiment, you might write more suitably, "even if it occurred quite infrequently," or "after a long interval it occurred." For the interpretation which Fronto proposes ^D is not entirely clear.

Col. 677, l. 20. *Embainōn*, 2 German and 3 Gallic copies, which is a truer reading confirmed by the old interpreter, "publicly reviling and secretly lacerating." Write, therefore, "publicly insulting, secretly mocking." With Fronto I judge the reading *embainōn*, which we placed among the various readings, to be preferred to the other.

Col. 689, l. 37. *Mochthērotatos*, is better expressed by the old interpreter "most wretched," than by Brixius "most wicked": for it harmonizes better with the other epithets, *dysanēs*, *dysgenēs*. What necessity is there that it harmonize with the other epithets? Nay, it is appropriately added that he is *mochthērotatos*, most wretched, most wicked, a royal youth, not only in form and beauty, but even in the excellence of his morals above all others.

NOTES OF HENRY SAVILE

Col. 693, l. 18. *Theōreite, tauta*. The manuscript distinguishes and reads thus: "Behold. These things, these things are more incredible than those, that a city so great..." rightly, as I think. Col. 696, l. 1. *Tēn tōn loipōn melōn euexian epilabein*. The manuscript reads: *tōn loipōn melōn euexia epidramein*. L. 42. *En apatiai*.

NOTES OF FRONTO DUCÆUS

NOTES OF HENRY SAVILE

NOTES OF FRONTO DUCÆUS

^A II, the former of which was decorated with the symbol and emblems of Henry IV. Moreover, Philogonius was the twenty-first bishop of Antioch, ordained in the first year of the 277th Olympiad, about the year 314 of Christ; Paulinus succeeded him, and after him Eustathius, as St. Jerome in his Chronicle [attests], and Theodoret, lib. 1, c. 5: *Phylogonius, who having taken over the episcopacy after him, added the things lacking to the economy, and showed the zeal he [had shown] during the times of Licinius.* Now he translates it thus: *And after this Philogonius, taking [the episcopacy], both superadded the remainder of the building, and demonstrated the zeal of piety during the times of Licinius,* as Epiphanius translates, lib. 1, c. 3, of the *Tripartite History*; and likewise Nicephorus, lib. vii, c. 6. How much he opposed Arius is evident from the same authors, and especially from that letter of Arius himself which Epiphanius, *Haer.* 69, and Theodoret, lib. 1, c. 6, bring forward: in which he calls Philogonius, Hellanicus, and Macarius heretics for resisting him, they who were less correctly instructed concerning the faith. Finally, Nicephorus in his *Chronicle* of Constantinople writes that his death occurred when he had sat for five years, and thus he seems to be comparable to the year of Christ 319. In the inscription of the homily, the codex of Henry II had some variant readings, in which it differs from the Medicean book of Henry IV: for the copy which the printer used was taken from that [latter]: in it was read, *and that He might provide for the common good*, and in a certain third codex *πρόνοιαν* [discretion/foresight], not *πρόνοιας* [of discretion]. But that which follows concerning the time of the delivery of this address was only in [the codex of] Henry IV, and it agrees with the Roman Martyrology, in which his commemoration is made on December 20, and with the Menology of the Greeks.

Col. 748, l. 8 from bottom. H. II. *Ἀποθέσθαι*.

Col. 754, l. 47. *Ad excusationem majorem*. Here also the words of Erasmus the interpreter had to be changed, [so that he may] seek further satisfaction. For one might suspect that this not very fervent preacher of penance substituted the word "satisfaction" with the intention of replacing "excuse," by which he had previously expressed *ἀπολογίαν* on this very same page, in order that he might persuade [his readers] on the authority of Chrysostom that there is no need to macerate oneself with laborious works, by which the debt of temporal punishment is expiated—for theologians call this satisfaction, which follows confession and exhibits fruits worthy of penance. Ambrose, *Ad virginem lapsam*, c. 8: *A great wound needs deep and long medicine: a great crime requires necessary satisfaction.* Innocent I, *Epist.* 1, cap. 7: *That he may attend to the confession of the penitent, and to the weeping and tears of the one repenting: and then [that he may] deem it should be dismissed, when he shall have seen fitting satisfaction.* The same Leo and other Latins whom Cardinal Bellarmine cites, *De poenit.*, l. iv, c. 10. Chrysostom himself, lib. iii, *De sacerdotio*, makes mention of punishment to be imposed by a priest: *οὐ γὰρ ἁπλῶς πρὸς τὸ τῶν παραπτωμάτων μέτρον δεῖ καὶ τὴν ἐπιτιμίαν ἐπάγειν, ἀλλὰ καὶ τῆς τῶν ἁμαρτανόντων στοχάζεσθαι προαιρέσεως*. It is not fitting to impose a penalty without any regard for the proportion of crimes: but to gather by conjectures in what frame of mind each of the penitents may be. Towards the end of the page the author inveighs against those who only attend communion on feast days: which is an argument he also treats in the 24th homily of this volume, p. 283, A: *I know it will be that very many among us [do so] from the custom of the festival*: and homily 28, *In 1 ad Corinth.*: *Οὐ γὰρ ὅπως παρεσκευασμένοι καὶ τὰ κακὰ ἑαυτῶν ἐκκαθάρεντες προσέλθοιμεν σκοποῦμεν, ἀλλ' ὅπως ἐν ἑορταῖς, καὶ ἡνίκα πάντες.* For we do not aim at this, that we should approach prepared, and having expiated our evils, but as [we do] on feast days, and when all approach.

Col. 755, l. 1 in title. *In eos qui ad missas*. We have judged that *ad synaxin* [to the assembly] should be restored: for that expression, *ad missas*, is a Latin custom only, nor does it agree with the Greek word: and it would have been better if Fronto Ducaeus had only placed it in his note, who proceeds: We are indeed bringing forth a new offspring of Chrysostom, and one unknown to the age of our fathers and forefathers, yet not therefore destitute of the testimony or support of the holy Fathers, so that if anyone should wish to defraud it of its own nobility, supported by their patronage it could be returned and restored to its own nativity. For first, Theodoret, *Dial.* 2, which is called *Inconfusus*, cites a remarkable passage from it, from which even the text of its own interpreter ought to be corrected: for all those words, from the dogmatic oration: *Because those things which humbly by Christ were said and done, [n. p. p. i. s. p. v. et m.] reasons of the economy*, are from the inscription of this homily; but the things which follow: *And after the resurrection when He saw the doubting disciple*, you will find in this volume, p. 510, *καὶ μετὰ τὴν ἀνάστασιν τὸν μαθητὴν ἰδὼν ἀπιστοῦντα*. And that of Theodoret, who from *Dial.* 3 produces another testimony from this same homily: *πῶς οὖν ἐνταῦθα φησίν, εἰ δυνατόν, ἀπεσταλμένος*, which exists in this volume, p. 510: *How therefore does He say here, "If it is possible"? The weakness of nature, etc.* But why do I ask individual Fathers for their opinion, when, having been gathered at one time in a council of the whole world, they all acclaimed it? For when in the year of Christ 680, 289 bishops had gathered at Constantinople to condemn the pernicious heresy of the Monothelites, among other testimonies of the Fathers, that of Act 10 of the VI Council under Agatho was publicly read: Likewise, the testimony of St. John, bishop of C. P., was re-read from the same codex, from the sermon delivered to those who did not show up for the assembly, the beginning of which is: *Again [circepsia], containing thus: [Horum mihi iterum...]*

^A recalls the words. And after many things, "Which testimony is likewise compared with the parchment book, which is from the library of the venerable patriarchate of this God-guarded royal city." I shall add the Greek, which has not yet been edited, from the manuscript codex of the most reverend Joan. Tilius, bishop of Meaux: "Also read from the same codex was a passage of St. John, Bishop of Constantinople, from the sermon addressed to those who were absent from the assembly, the beginning of which is, *Again, chariot races [Πάλιν ἱπποδρομίαι]*; containing thus: *Remember these words.* Likewise, a passage was compared with a book existing in the body of the library of this God-guarded and royal city of the holy patriarchate." These are found in this volume, p. 508: "And of these words be mindful," down to those words on p. 512: "That which is to be, He predicts as God, and again as man He refuses." And since this sermon was extracted from a single paper codex of King Henry II, which bears the title *Margaritai* [Pearls], it was not possible to collect variant readings from elsewhere, except from the Roman edition of Theodoret of 1547 at Nicolinus's press, and from the Tilian codex, which is indeed not very old, but very rare. It is, however, aptly placed after the orations *On the Incomprehensible Nature of God*, just as in the Royal codex you will learn from those things which are read on page 502, "we seek whether it be of the same virtue, and of the same power," etc.

Col. 705, l. 5. *Which in any way could be torn away.* The interpreter of Theodoret omitted this word, which is nevertheless found in the Roman edition in Dialogo 3, p. 75: and it has the same value as if he said it could not easily be torn away from this life. This passage, however, is cited by him along with the rest of the various Fathers, so that it may be proved that the passion of Christ is not to be attributed to the divine nature, which is impassible, but to that which for this cause was assumed, that is, the human.

Col. 767, l. 1 in the title. *And the remaining things.* Besides that Royal codex containing the *Pearls*, in which this sermon follows the preceding one, the catalogs of the Viennese library from Germany, the Milanese from Italy, and the Roman attribute it to the minor works of Chrysostom; of which the last two gave it only this title, *Against the heretics and on the petition of the sons of Zebedee*. It is called eighth in number in the Royal codex, because after those five against the Anomoeans, that one is placed sixth, whose beginning is *One [μίαν]* which you will find further on p. 702. The seventh, however, which begins *Again, chariot races [Πάλιν ἱπποδρομίαι]*, p. 360, from which you understand here that the Anomoeans are meant by the name of heretics. Which things, not far from the beginning he calls either corpses, or even falls and disasters, you can understand as those accepted in battle.

^B NOTES OF HENRY SAVILE On two orations concerning the prayers of Christ, the title of the first of which is, *On Lazarus on the fourth day*.

Col. 779, l. 1 in the title. We have emended this oration, transcribed from the Royal library at Paris, from the manuscript in the Augsburg library. To Hales it does not seem genuine. "The style, certainly," he says, "does not differ much; but the method of treating [the subject] as well as the manner of invention do not savor of our John." The reason he gives why Christ called Lazarus by name, the apostrophe to hell, and the prosopopoea of the same *neaniteran* [youthful/spirited] smell of the boldness of some more recent genius, and not that solidity of our John. It certainly ought to have been referred among the *amphiballomena* [doubtful], or even *nothois* [spurious]. "But I do not know how it happened," [he says], "that while we were occupied with other things, it slipped into the number of the genuine [works]." So Hales. See our Admonition, p. 523 and 524, where it is proved that this homily is genuine.

Col. 780, l. 17. Note of John Bois. *Then after the question, Adam, where art thou?* That this passage may be restored to its soundness, there is need of double medicine. For first, some things must be changed in the very words, and then in the order of the words some things must be added in this way: "Where art thou hidden? Why did he not see the place where previously he was with boldness with God, O Adam? But he says, 'Adam, where art thou?'"

Col. 781, l. 47. *Of the same.* *And to Jerusalem.* But the place was in the village of Bethany.

Col. 782, l. 46. *Of the same.* *Having hindered her entering.* I do not know whether it should be read: *having hindered the Lord from entering through that [gate].*

Col. 783, l. 39. *Of same.* *I am a bondman.* Perhaps *I am a servant [doulos]*, or *I am a jailer [desmophylax]*, or *I am an executioner [demios]*.

Col. 784, l. 37. Savile in the notes at col. 814. *Published from the Augsburg ms.: and it is genuine, although I have not found it in that Augsburg catalog often mentioned by me.*

Col. 790, l. 30. *And he gained from the.* Perhaps *he gained from the [eperdanen ek tou]*.

Col. 794, l. 16. *Corrupted: what if we read [phlegmainomen]?* Bois thinks it should be read *[phlegometha]*.

HENRY SAVILE’S NOTES On the eleventh and twelfth homily against the Anomoeans, in Savile's Notes, col. 802.

* In the eleventh, he brings forward only a few of Montagu’s conjectures of little value. In the twelfth, which he placed in vol. V, he has this in the Notes, col. 728: "We give this homily, true and genuine, printed at Rome in 1581, emended from a manuscript in the library of the New College [Oxford]."

1126 The Augsburg Catalog acknowledges it at number 99. It has some things in common with homilies 35 and 36 on John.

Col. 803, l. 21. Hales reads *[epitēdeion]* or *[epimelesteron]*.

Col. 805, l. 2 from the bottom. *[Ek-kremamenon]*, it does not seem to fit this place. What if *[ekkrinomenon]*?

NOTES OF JOHN BOIS On the twelfth homily against the Anomoeans, in Savile's Notes, col. 765.

Col. 803, l. 21. *[Epitēdeion]*. I would prefer *[epimelesteron]*.

Col. 805, l. 2 from the bottom. *[Ekkremamenon]*. Correctly *[ekkrouomenon]*, as it seems to me.

Col. 809, l. 32. *[Keimenos tō nomō]*. Perhaps the whole line could be interpolated thus: *[tettagmenos ē euthenian epideiknytai, hōs despotēs kai exousian echōn, kai epanō keimenos tou nomou]* (appointed, or shows forth authority as a master and having power, and being placed above the law). *There is too much freedom in correcting.*

NOTES OF FRONTUS DUCÆUS On the eleventh homily against the Anomoeans, which he himself inscribes as the sixth, in the Notes to vol. I, p. 107.

Col. 795, l. 1 in the title. *Homilia [prostos]*. In the Latin Basel edition of Gelenius, and in other more recent ones, after the fifth *On the Incomprehensible Nature of God*, there is added a homily of this subject, *That neither the living nor the dead are to be struck with anathema*, and afterwards a demonstration against the Gentiles that Christ is God, and in the third place at last this *Sermon against the Anomoeans*. But in the paper codex of King Henry II, which is inscribed *Margaritai*, after the fifth *On the Incomprehensible*, this sixth one is placed, *Sermon III of the same against the Anomoeans, which was spoken at Constantinople*, and in the same way in the catalog of the books of the monastery of Grottaferrata in the Roman countryside, after the fifth *[on the incomprehensible]* it is listed; I think not so much because of the time [of the event], since it was delivered long after in another city, but because of the similarity of the argument. The title, however, is fuller from the same ms. codex: for the old interpreter had added only this, *Sermon against the Anomoeans*. But as he said here *[sumphōnon tēn Nean tē Palaiā]* (agreeing the New with the Old), so Chrysostom said in homily 7 in the *Epistle to the Romans*, *[tosautē tēs Palaias pros tēn Kainēn hē sumphōnia]* (So great is the kinship and harmony of the Old Testament with the New), and indeed he discusses the same opinion in many places in homily 2 on that saying of the Apostle: *But having the same spirit*, II Cor. iv.

NOTES OF HENRY SAVILE On the oration, *That Christ is one*.

Col. 813, l. 1 in the title. We give this oration, which the Augsburg Catalog acknowledges at no. 66, transcribed from the Imperial library, but in a miserably truncated state. We have completed it, however, in the Appendix to vol. VIII, p. 101, from a manuscript codex in the library of St. Mark at Venice: from which we have also emended some things in the rest of the oration: for not all the stains [were removed]. We mark the Venetian codex in these notes with the letter V. "But because Savile's notes relate to a text that is entirely vitiated, and we have published a far more sincere one, we refrain from bringing those [notes] forward." Fronto Ducæus further did not publish notes on this oration.

NOTES OF HENRY SAVILE On the homilies against the Jews, in Savile's Notes, col. 798.

Col. 843, l. 1 in the title. In this oration we emended the Hoeschel edition by the authority of two manuscript codices, one of which is in Corpus Christi College, Oxford: the other in New College. The reason why we have separated this from the preceding ones *against the Jews* has been stated above. Moreover, it was delivered, as is evident from the Preface, immediately after the first *On the Incomprehensible*.

Col. 847, l. 47. Montagu reads *[prosop-]* *[thenta]*.

Col. 849, l. 6. Montagu approves of that reading more than the one which Ducæus notes from a single codex: *for we do not say what we say for the sake of demonstration, nor for the sake of applause.*

Col. 852, l. 4. *[Daphnē]*. The place is in the suburban Daphne of Antioch, destined for Jewish superstition. See homily 3 of Chrysostom on the *Epistle to Titus*.

Col. 857, l. 1 in the title. (In Savile's Notes, col. 799.) Transcribed from the Bavarian [codex], mutilated in the middle, which is to be lamented. For it is *[hēpotr]*— L. 33. *[prolambanōn]*. Montagu quite rightly warned that *[iatriken]* is missing. The same man a little later reads and distinguishes thus: *before the trial, before the approaches of the*. Below, after *[diorthōsin]* is missing *[epagagein]*, or *[lambanein]*, or something of that kind.

Col. 861, l. 1 in the title. (In Savile's Notes, col. 798.) We owe this oration to the library of New College, Oxford, in which it stands written in a truly emended fashion: and it is without doubt *[gnesia]*, although it may not be found in the Augsburg Catalog.

Col. 871, l. 1 in the title. (Savile in Notes col. 796.) In these five orations we have amended the Hoeschel edition, which was conflated from three manuscripts, the Margunian, the Palatine, and the Augsburg, from three other Oxford [manuscripts]: of which one is in the library of Corpus Christi College, the other in the library of New College; the third, which was also formerly there, but as is evident from certain signs, [belonged to] the interpreter Erasmus, and is now in the library

of the University of Oxford. That which is against the Judaizers, which is in the Hoeschelian edition, and in many written codices (being the first in two of our own), we have expunged—based on the authority of the codex of Erasmus and other manuscripts, and on account of the dissimilarity of the argument—from the number of the orations against the Jews, though leaving it in its own place in what follows. Concerning the time when these orations were written or delivered ^A *adwron*. All the biographers edit the first ones, or those with the first ones, as having been issued by Chrysostom twenty years after Julian, and elsewhere in the presence of Flavian, and elsewhere after the *andriantes*; it is hardly possible that all these things are true at once, unless we allow that they were interpolated by the author himself at different times. *See our Monitum.* * Col. 891, l. 31. The codex of Erasmus, *ina me prospherōn akouōn*. * Col. 896, l. 7. After *dies*, the manuscript codex which Erasmus followed in translating interposes these words: *...[Greek text omitted]* There are, however, as I believe, spurious, being absent from the rest of our manuscripts and the Hoeschelian. * Col. 939, l. 3. In the codex which belonged to Erasmus it is read thus: *...[Greek text omitted]*

NOTES OF JOANNIS BOISIUS

NOTES OF FRONTO DUCAEUS

In the homily titled: *Against those who fast the fast of the Jews*, and in that which is inscribed: *Against those who fast on the first Passover*: which we have placed as the second and third against the Jews: Fronto Ducaeus gave no notes. * Col. 873, l. 2 from the bottom. *Legōn*. The interpreter seems to have read *legein*. * Col. 875, l. 15. P. *To tou hēliou*. * Col. 882, l. 26. *In crastina collecta*. Erasmus [rendered it], *in crastina communione*. But it is not the participation of the sacraments itself that is meant, but the whole of that divine office which also includes the reading of the sacred Scriptures, and the psalmodies, and the tract or sermon to the people, and other things, and is called by the Latin Fathers *collecta* or *missa*. Jerome in the *Epitaph of Paula*: "After the alleluia was sung, by which sign they were called to the *collecta*." Augustine in the *Breviculus collationis*: "Who confessed in their own passions that they had made a *collectam* and a Dominicum." Epiphanius, interpreter of the *Historia tripartita*, lib. II, cap. 19: Saying that it was the custom in Alexandria, that with one bishop over all, the presbyters should hold churches separately, and the people should solemnly celebrate *collectas* in them. Which Sozomen says in Greek, lib. I, c. 15: *einai gar en Alexandreia ethos, henos ontos kata pantōn episkopou, tous presbyterous idia tas ekklēsias katechein, kai ton en autois laon*. The Council of Chalcedon: *mēde collectas...* do not presume by any means to hold *collectas* contrary to the canons. Other interpreters preferred to say "assembly," as that ancient homily 6 *Against the Anomoeans*. * Col. 881, l. 15. H. I. II. P. *hos ou mē kataluthē*. * Col. 890, l. 19. *Berechian ton hierea*. So also all the Royal [codices] by a manifest error: for this word is to be placed after *Orian*, as the interpreter has it, *Uriam sacerdotem*: for although it is absent from the Vatican edition, and Jerome in his *Commentary* testifies that among the LXX there was only *ton Orian*, yet in the Plantin Bible and certain other books *ton Berichian* is added, and in the most ancient codex of the illustrious Cardinal Rupifucaldus, whom the distinguished Jo. Curterius commends so highly, this reading is attributed in the margin to Aquila, Symmachus, and Theodotion, whom it is certain are indicated by this note *tr*, which signifies *tōn triōn*, but not "interpretations lacking names," as some suppose. Jerome teaches, therefore, that in the reign of Achaz, Uriah the priest was over the temple of the Lord, IV Reg. xvi; but that Zachariah was a prophet, Procopius [says]: *ou gar tote Ourias men hiereus hōs dēlon ek tēs historias, kai Zacharias de prophētēs*. ^C * Col. 894, l. 42. *Transferent continuationem*. It is indeed true that it signifies assiduity, continuity, or continuation, as the author of the *Thesaurus Graecus* teaches, but it is false what he adds from v. 1, that Jerome at Daniel [rendered] *thymiama endelexismou* as *juge sacrificium*. In Exod. xxx, 8, we read, *thymiasei ep' autou thymiama endelexismou*, "he shall burn upon it incense of continuation." And Num. XXVIII, 6: *holokautōma endelexismou*, "a holocaust of continuation": but it is truer that the word *endelexismos* alone is translated by Jerome as *juge sacrificium*: for thus he writes in ch. x, 2, of Daniel: "From the time when the *juge sacrificium* shall have been taken away." * Col. 895, l. 48. *Quo commutabitur*. Erasmus would have translated more correctly, *quo tolletur*. * Col. 899, l. 22. *ap.* Emend from H. II. IIII., *ap.* More correctly H. I. III. A. P. as in the Vatican edition. *diaphtherei*. "I would wish you to emend it *diaphtherei*." * Col. 920, l. 2. *Significans ingressum*. Rather, calling the ingress of the Only-Begotten into the world "the dispensation through the flesh," as in homily 3 on the *Epistle to the Hebrews*, *eisagōgēn tautēn legōn tēn tēs sarkos analēpsin*, calling this introduction "the assumption of the flesh."

NOTES OF HENRY SAVILE

NOTES OF FRONTO DUCAEUS

NOTES OF HENRY SAVILE

seventy years ago in London by the most illustrious Cheke, and again at Oxford by the most learned Harmar; and for the third time recently at Paris, reprinted from the Oxford impression: from these three, as far as was possible, we offer a most emended version, having also approached and inspected the manuscript of Cambridge, and another manuscript from New College, Oxford, from which Cheke and Harmar arranged their own editions. Furthermore, let the reader know that in this edition we have generally followed Cheke’s manuscript, as being much more accurate than the others.

NOTES OF JOHN BOISH Col. 953, l. 2. *Πλήρωμα*. What this may be in nautical matters is obvious to all, so that there is no need to give a warning.

NOTES OF FRONTIN DU DUC On the homily *In Kalendas*. Col. 955, 49. *Cultum Dei*. Either he read, or thought it could be read, *θρησκεύειν Θεόν*. However, *ἀρέσκειν Θεῷ* means to please God, to be acceptable to God. Thus below, *τί λέγοντας ἔστιν ἀρέσαι Θεῷ*. Col. 957, l. 50. *Et aureo freno*. The interpreter says "a horse adorned with gold." But Chrysostom said *χρυσοχαλίνων*, a word which Xenophon also used, besides the Greek poets, in *Institutio Cyri* I, VI, and Dionysius of Halicarnassus in book VIII of his *Roman Antiquities*: *ἄρματι παρεμβεβηκὼς χρυσοχαλίνων ἵππων*, "having mounted a chariot of golden-bridled horses," with horses pulling the chariot distinguished by golden reins, so that they are not only covered in gold just as those in Virgil’s *Aeneid* VI, but also: "They mandate tawny gold beneath their teeth." A little later, "I see indeed you," while the interpreter translates, he seems to have read *ἀφέλλειν*, which is also truer. Thus in any case it seems it ought to be read. Col. 960, l. 3. *Emendandum ἀλγύνειν*. Col. 960, l. 41. *Indicant hominem*. Literally it would be, as the Vulgate has it, "both the laughter of the teeth and the gait of the feet announce concerning him." We have intentionally omitted many other notes of Frontin du Duc, because they point out not a few faults in the interpretation of John Cheke, which have been corrected in this our edition.

NOTES OF HENRY SAVILE On the *Conciones De Lazaro*. In the Notes, col. 727. These four homilies on Lazarus, which the Augsburg Catalogue acknowledges as numbers 22, 23, 24, 25, are published by the authority of 4 manuscripts, one of which was that of the interpreter Erasmus, and is now preserved at Oxford in the University library. Two others are found in the library of New College in the same place, and the fourth in the University library of Cambridge. The first of these was delivered on the day following that of those who “observed the new moons.” Col. 985, l. 5. *Κυαλίδων*, i.e., *δικαστήριον θυρῶν*, an interpreter of Aristophanes. Col. 1017, in title (Savile in Notes, col. 731). The Augsburg Catalogue acknowledges this oration as number 26: our illustrious Cheke edited it in London seventy years ago, and recently the most learned Harmar at Oxford. From these and two manuscripts in the Cambridge library and in the library of New College, Oxford, from which those two editions flowed, we have adorned this edition, and here also we have generally followed Cheke’s manuscript. Col. 1027, in title (Savile in Notes, col. 813). We provide this oration as it was copied from the Royal Library in Paris. The Burdegalensian also edited it among his own, but drawn from the same source (namely the Medicean manuscript, which is now among the Royal ones), as is clear from the gap common to both transcripts, regarding which, reader, may it not weary you to consult the most learned notes of Fronto Ducaeus. Our only intent was to establish the true reading from the manuscripts as far as this could be done. Photius acknowledges it in his *Bibliotheca*. It is genuine and worthy, although it is not at all recited in the Augsburg Catalogue. Col. 1008, in title (In Savile’s Notes, col. 725). We have emended this homily from the library of New College, Oxford, using another manuscript in the same library and another from Cambridge; the Augsburg Catalogue acknowledges it as number 21.

NOTES OF FRONTIN DU DUC On *agapetæ* at p. 811 of our edition. *Μετὰ τὴν παγίδα*. In the Savile edition it is corrected by conjecture to *περὶ τὴν παγίδα*, "about the snare," and again after *ἐμβλέψαι* perhaps *ὥστε οὐ μόνον ἐμβλέψαι γυναικί, ἀλλὰ καὶ συνδιαγαγεῖν* should be inserted, "so that he might not only look at a woman, but also live together with her," *et plura ignota*, so insane that he not only looks at a woman, but also *deyas* with her, and with imposed feigned names. By the feigned names he understands the appellation of charity, the names of *agapetæ* (beloved) and sisters: for thus they called those women introduced as subintroductae; whence Jerome, Epist. 22 to Eustochium, "Whence has the pest of *agapetæ* entered into the Churches? Whence another name of wives without marriage? The brother deserts his virgin sister: the virgin scorns her celibate brother, she seeks a stranger as a brother." Justinian’s *Novella* VI: "We wish that deaconesses have no one living with them in the character of brothers, or relatives, or of those called *agapetæ*." Julian the Antecessor, *Constitution* II: "There is no faculty for deaconesses to have with them certain ones as if brothers, or relatives, or those they are accustomed to call *ἀγαπητοί* (beloved)."

ORDER OF THE MATTERS CONTAINED IN THE FIRST VOLUME