Cyril, Archbishop of Alexandria

LIFE OF SAINT CYRIL PATRIARCH OF ALEXANDRIA

§ I. The nativity, age, and relics of St. Cyril. 1. The Catholic Church owes much to St. Cyril of Alexandria, for his singular erudition and constancy of soul most faithfully and happily defended against the heretics; and therefore he is called ὁ τῆς ὀρθῆς καὶ ἀμωμήτου πίστεως συνήγορος, the advocate of the true and immaculate faith, in the ecumenical council of Chalcedon, act 3, in the petition of Theodore the deacon, inserted in the ecclesiastical records of the council. Indeed, as a vicar of the Apostolic See, he was honored with equal rank to St. Leo, the Roman pontiff, in the council held at Constantinople in the year of Christ 536, under Patriarch Mennas. Thus, in action 1: "Since the synod of Chalcedon made mention of the orthodox faith not only of Leo of holy memory, but also of Cyril of Alexandria, the God-loved pastor; and since Cyril of Alexandria is indeed proclaimed in the diptychs, but Leo of holy memory is not proclaimed; we think it just that what has been lacking be supplied: and since they were equally honored by this holy synod for the status of the orthodox faith, they should likewise be proclaimed in the sacred diptychs for the utility and peace of the Church."

2. The Greeks celebrate the feast of St. Cyril on June 9, on which day the Menology says: "Nativity of St. Cyril, a most learned man, an egregious champion of the Catholic faith: whom the supreme pontiff Celestine judged worthy to whom he might delegate his authority in the Council of Ephesus." In the Menæa: "Of our Holy Father Cyril, Pope of Alexandria."

Κύριλλον ὑμνῷ τοῦ Κυρίου μου φίλον, Καὶ Κυρίας πρόμαχον ἀειπαρθένου. *I sing of Cyril, my Lord’s beloved friend,* *And defender of the Lady, the ever-virgin.*

3. Various of his virtues are celebrated in odes and hymns in the same Menæa, both on this day and on January 18, when they honor him again with solemn worship, together with St. Athanasius, and they adorn both with this encomium: "SS. Athanasius and Cyril, Patriarchs of Alexandria." Of these two, St. Athanasius lived during the reign of Constantine the Great, and in the first Nicene council, not yet created bishop, he confounded and put to flight Arius by words and writings full of wisdom. But after the death of Alexander, he was ordained archbishop of Alexandria, exercised by various exiles by Constantius, and agitated by constant persecutions for forty-two years, he migrated to the Lord. But Saint Cyril flourished under Theodosius the Younger, ^A the nephew of Theophilus, archbishop of Alexandria, by his sister, and his successor in the archiepiscopal see, who presided over the third synod held at Ephesus, and condemned and deposed Nestorius (who vomited forth many blasphemous dogmas against our Lady, the Mother of God). Cyril indeed, having shone with many distinguished deeds and virtues, migrated to the Lord.

4. "Athanasius was of middling physical stature, modest, bent, of pleasant aspect, with decent baldness, hooked nose; beard not very long, but spread out and clothing the cheeks; mouth short, and as if incised; the head not entirely gray, nor purely white, but yellowish. But Saint Cyril had a short [stature] with a more pleasing complexion, similar to an averted aspect; his eyebrows were thick and hairy and large and bent into a bow, closing his forehead; his nose was just, whose diaphragm, or the interval of the nostrils, was somewhat contracted; his cheeks were extended, lips swollen, mouth opened, forehead narrower, but he was bald, a venerable beard, dense and long, with hair curling on both sides, yellowish and half-gray. Whose feast day is held in the temple of the most holy Sophia."

5. The Latins place Cyril on this January 28. The ancient Martyrology of St. Martin of Trier: "In Alexandria, of Cyril, bishop and confessor." Usuard, Bede, Ado, Notker, Bellinus: "At Alexandria, of the Blessed Cyril, bishop, who stood forth as a most illustrious champion of the Catholic faith." Many manuscripts have the same; in the Roman [Martyrology] is added: "Illustrious for doctrine and holiness, he rested in peace." ^C Galesinius, with the phrasing slightly changed: "At Alexandria, of St. Cyril, bishop, most sharp and religious defender of the Catholic faith." A manuscript Florarium and the Martyrology of Cologne place Alexandria in Greece, by an enormous error, unless we take Greece generally, by which the use of the Greek language then widely existed throughout the East; Felicius reports him on January 29; Maurolycus on both: by whom, as also on this day in the German Martyrology, it is said that he died during the reign of Theodosius the Elder.

6. Following these, Alegrius in *Paradiso Carmelitici decoris*, book 2, age 6, ch. 12, wrote thus: "Finally, distinguished in wisdom, eloquence, acuteness, and holiness, he flourished gloriously under Theodosius the Great and Pope Celestine I, in the year 444 from the obtained salvation of the world." ^D But how far distant are these, the empire of Theodosius the Great, and the pontificate of Celestine! Theodosius the Great, or the Elder, died in the year of Christ 395. Eve-

Even so, ^A he attained the pontificate of the Roman Church under Celestine in the year of Christ 423, in the consulship of Marinianus and Asclepiodorus. Theophilus, Bishop of Alexandria, Cyril’s predecessor and uncle, died on the 15th of October in the year 412, in which consulship Honorius Augustus IX and Theodosius the Younger Augustus V stood. But on the third day after the death of Theophilus, Cyril attained the episcopate, as is stated below from Socrates. That he lived as bishop for thirty-two years is testified by his nephew Athanasius, a presbyter born of his sister, and by Theodorus, a deacon of Alexandria, in their petitions to Pope Leo and to the Council of Chalcedon, which are inserted in the 3rd act of that council, although these words are not read in the Greek version of Theodorus’s petition. Liberatus the deacon follows this in his *Breviarium*, cap. 10, and Nicephorus in *Hist. Eccl.*, book xiv, cap. 47. He reached, therefore, at least the year of Christ 444, in which Baronius and other more recent writers record that he died, under the empire of Theodosius the Younger and the pontificate of Leo the Great. They set the day of his death on the 9th of June, which is called in the Greek Menologion his "Nativity," as was said above; and thus, as Liberatus writes, he is said to have died in the thirty-second year of his episcopate. But since the day of one's "Nativity" in the sacred fasti often signifies nothing more than the cult held for a saint on that day, this is a weak argument. And perhaps he died on the 28th of January in the year 445, having completed thirty-two years in the episcopate, as Athanasius, Theodorus, and Nicephorus indicate.

7. Octavius Pancirolus, in his *Thesaurus absconditus almae Urbis*, region 5, church 2, writes that, upon a persecution being stirred up by the impious Leo the Isaurian against the sacred images and the relics of the saints, among the refugees from the East there were two nuns who, besides other treasures of the saints, brought some of this Saint Cyril to Rome, and that they are preserved in the church of St. Mary in the Campo Marzo.

II. Homeland, studies, monachism.

8. The most religious Carmelite Order celebrates the birth of St. Cyril with a double office on the 28th of January, on which day, at the fourth lesson of the second Nocturn, these things are recited in the Matins: "Cyril, Bishop of Alexandria, born of illustrious parents, the nephew from his brother of the same Theophilus, Bishop of Alexandria, by whom as a young man he was sent to Athens for the sake of studies, when he had made great progress, betook himself to John, Bishop of Jerusalem, that he might be imbued with the perfection of the Christian life. By whose custom he withdrew to Mount Carmel, and lived there for some time the heavenly life on earth with some pious men dwelling there." These things are there. Our own Andreas Schott, in the eulogy of Cyril which he prefixed to his Paschal sermons translated by himself into Latin, writes thus concerning his deeds before the episcopate: "It is evident that Cyril was born in the city of Alexandria in Egypt to honorable parents; and there he was imbued with letters, where studies were then flourishing most especially in that Academy. I have not yet discovered the names of his parents. He had Theophilus as his uncle," etc.

9. These things are sufficient concerning his homeland, unless the argument ^B against him in the *Paradiso Carmelitico* urges otherwise: "St. Cyril, Bishop of Alexandria, by nation a Greek, by homeland a Constantinopolitan." Trithemius also, in his book *De scriptoribus ecclesiasticis* in the Cologne edition of Peter Quentel in the year 1546 and the Frankfurt Wechelian edition of 1601, declares him "by nation a Greek"; but he does not decree that he was born in Constantinople, as is read in Thomas Saracenus’s elogium of Cyril, as if from Trithemius. But be it so, that Trithemius wrote this: from where did he draw it? By what argument does he prove it?

10. Theodorus the deacon, in his petition in the 5th act of the Council of Chalcedon, acting against Dioscorus, Cyril’s successor, has this about Cyril’s friends: "In the beginning of his episcopate, Dioscorus immediately deprived me of the clergy, threatening and driving me from that great city of Alexandria, for no other reason than because I deserved the familiarity and benevolence of Cyril of holy memory. For his intention is such, not only to drive his relatives (in Greek, *tous apo genous autou*, his kinsmen) from that city or deprive them of life, but also his intimates." Athanasius the presbyter in his petition exaggerates the same things at greater length: "Cyril," he says, "of holy and blessed memory, having lived irreprehensibly and with the right faith for thirty-two years as Archbishop of the great city of Alexandria, was an uncle to me, Athanasius, and to my brother Paul of most illustrious memory, and was the own brother of my mother Isidora." And a little later: "In the beginning of his episcopate, Dioscorus threatened death to me and my brother, while he was still alive at that time, and excluded us from most distinguished Alexandria... my brother Paul of most illustrious memory, not bearing the tortures and injuries, departed from human things. But I, Athanasius, and the kinswomen of our mother, and the wife and children of my brother, remained in human things to our own misfortune... he prepared our houses to be turned into churches, and my house, Athanasius, being over four stories, and which because of its position could not serve as a church, he occupies it together with the aforementioned houses, holding also other neighboring houses and entrances... After these, he extorted money from our kinswomen, who were sisters of Cyril of holy and blessed memory, distressing them even to the point of death, and threatening death itself, he extorted eighty-five pounds of gold; nonetheless, also from the children of my brother of most illustrious memory, unhappy in their orphanhood, and from his wife mourning the death of her husband, forty pounds of gold," etc. Which things not obscurely indicate that St. Cyril was Alexandrian in both race and birth.

11. In what place he was accomplished in studies, whether at Athens or at Alexandria, we do not find among the ancients. There is a great controversy concerning his monachism between Baronius and the Carmelite Fathers. Thomas Saracenus, in the *Menologium Carmelitarum*, and Alegreus in his *Apologia pro Joanne Hierosolymitano*, discourse 2, cap. 11, attack Baronius bitterly above all others. They cite a history taken from a certain French Chronicle, and they cling to it stubbornly. We shall relate it in the words of Alegreus: "For indeed that Latin history," he says, "[alt-version omitted]

"which we were discussing above, written in Latin and French (which was kept by the King of France, as Coria reports in Book IX, Chapter 1 of his *Antiquities of Carmel*, regarding illustrious men, such as Cyril of Alexandria and others)—a history which Baronius unworthily wished to disdain and dismiss, although it is accepted with both hands by the most serious writers of Carmelite antiquities as most worthy of belief—openly attests to the monastic life of St. Cyril on Carmel, in the words of that same legate or ambassador residing on behalf of the King of France at the Council of Ephesus, who, having returned from there, addressed his King. In his original copy, which we saw and read in the ancient library of the most religious Cistercian monastery of La Oliva, it breaks forth in his own French idiom thus: 'At the Council of Ephesus, which was celebrated by two hundred bishops, in the year of the Lord 418, in the place of Pope Celestine, the blessed St. Cyril, monk of Mount Carmel, presided; who, on account of his holy life, admirable science, and doctrine, disputing against Nestor, Patriarch of Constantinople, who leveled a stain upon the honor of the Virgin Mary and that of Jesus Christ his Son, carried off the victory over him.'" We hold these words now translated into Latin as follows: "At the Council of Ephesus, which was celebrated by 200 bishops, in the year of the Lord 418, there presided, in place of Pope Celestine I, the blessed Cyril, monk of Mount Carmel, who, on account of the holiness of his life, and his admirable science and doctrine, disputing against Nestorius, Patriarch of Constantinople, who placed a stain upon the blessed Virgin Mary and upon her Son Christ Jesus, overcame him." What King of France was Christian at that time who could have sent legates to the council? Clovis began his reign about the year of Christ 482, and embraced the Christian religion in the year 496. Did the legate address the king in the modern French idiom (as Alegreus seems to assert)? But those first kings of the Franks spoke Sicambrian, and the modern French language was conformed, or rather corrupted, from Latin long afterward. To omit the fact that the Council of Ephesus was held in the year of Christ 431, not 418. We marvel that learned men bring forward such frivolous arguments. ^C Baronius indeed inveighs bitterly against that narrative in Vol. VI of his *Annals*, an. 444, n. 17: "We indeed reject," he says, "and scoff at that figment, produced by an uncertain author, clearly in the Chronicle which they pretend existed in the possession of a certain King of France [Louis XI], in which they claim that the same St. Cyril of Alexandria, Bishop, was a monk of Mount Carmel: to which assertion indeed Trithemius gave credence too lightly. Whence, I ask, did this uncertain author know these things, if there be any certain and approved authors—contemporaries of the same Cyril, who followed his deeds most diligently—who, ignorant of these things, left them buried in silence? Or what mention is there among the writers of this time of the cult of Carmel by those who followed the monastic life? For when in St. Jerome, Palladius, Evagrius, Cassian, Theodoret, Cyril the monk, and other writers of this century there is frequent mention of monks living in Palestine, nowhere at all among them is there mention of Carmelite monks. Let such a fable, therefore, about the monasticism of Cyril on Carmel depart, just as that one is not unlike it, by which it is handed down that John, Bishop of Jerusalem, an Origenist, was also a Carmelite monk: for just as these things are lightly fashioned, so also they are easily refuted. A burning desire indeed for ancestral nobility forces men at times to rave." Such is Baronius.

14. Many men illustrious in doctrine and wisdom think otherwise of John of Jerusalem, and build up his monastic life (which makes for this point). St. Jerome himself (who is reckoned by Alegreus among the Carmelites also, as are almost all the notable monks of that age), in Epist. 62 to Theophilus, Bishop of Alexandria, dealing with John, exclaims thus: "A monk (alas!), is both threatened by monks and obtains exile, and this monk, boasting that he holds an apostolic chair." But it is asked whether he was a monk or even an abbot on Mount Carmel. St. Jerome in the *Life of St. Hilarion* testifies that before Hilarion returned from Egypt, "there were not yet as then any monasteries in Palestine." And afterwards: "Nor had anyone known a monk before St. Hilarion in Syria": so that it is a wonder that Thomas the Saracen should write, without the testimony of any author, that there were Carmelite monasteries in Palestine before that time, which Hilarion then "visited and instructed." "But by his example," says Jerome, "countless monasteries began to exist throughout all Palestine." Why then could not some, incited by the ancient example of the holiest prophets Elijah and Elisha, have inhabited Mount Carmel? St. James the hermit, of whom we shall speak below, retired to a solitary place near the town of Porphyreon, "not far from Mount Carmel, whose life was so celebrated that monks and clerics from twenty or thirty monasteries would come to him to receive his blessing and be able to be confirmed by him." That some of these monasteries were on Carmel, or at its roots, is highly probable. And why less there, or why not rather there than in the rest of the maritime coast of Palestine? But whether John was a monk or even an abbot there before he assumed the episcopate, and St. Cyril lived as a monk under him, we do not read in the ancients. By Trithemius, Cyril is called "formerly an ornament and an illustrious worshiper of Mount Carmel." Trithemius is followed by many recent writers, whom Alegreus and Saracenus bring forward. But one might wonder why he should have wished to embrace the monastic life particularly in Palestine, when in Egypt the manner of living it was first discovered and cultivated, and at that time particularly flourished.

15. Another question may be asked: whether it is established from the ancients, at least, that Cyril was a monk, in whatever place, whether in Palestine or Egypt. Saracenus [concerning this] from that...

Greek Menologion asserts that it can be proven without any difficulty that no one in the times of the blessed Cyril, and before, was admitted to the dignity of the episcopate unless they had been chosen from the monasteries of monks. But to us, daily turning over that Menologion and the Menaea, this seems difficult to prove, and indeed seems clearly contrary, both from these same Menaea and especially from the writers of that time. With Athanasius, as we have seen above, the Greeks honor Cyril: they are silent concerning the monasticism of both, even though Alegreus writes that Athanasius also "spent no small amount of time as a monk and was a minister of that great abbot Antony in the solitude of Egypt," because he himself openly affirms this in the *Life of St. Antony*. We have provided this, accurately illustrated, on January 17th, nor do we find any vestige of St. Athanasius’s monasticism. One may consult § 8 of the prolegomena.

16. To Isidorus of Pelusium, while he was already bishop, he wrote letters; thus, it appears he wrote the twenty-fifth [epistle] of the first book to him ^A when he was not yet bishop, living among monks in the solitude, which holds thus: "What benefit to you does this retreat to the desert place of John bring, which you once zealously imitated; when now you imitate it not at all, but rather refer yourself to private cares, and in your solitude are in an uproar, and being removed from the assembly of men, are perturbed? For to be quiet in external habit and appearance, but to be defiled by the mutations and perturbations of the mind, both suffuses the sense with darkness and extinguishes the labors already undertaken, and renders the mind prone and easy for victory to perturbations, and causes the soldier, having cast away his shield, to flee. Furthermore, no one serving as a soldier entangles himself in secular affairs, so that he may please him by whom he was enlisted into the service: but he carries arms on every side, preparing himself for that contest which pleases the military tribune." These things regarding monasticism. We hasten to more certain matters.

III. Episcopate, proscribed Novatians, and demons put to flight.

17. Socrates, book VII, chapter 7 (though, because Cyril was continuously setting his mind to cleansing his Church of the heresy of the Novatians, he himself was secretly suspected of being a Novatian), writes thus: "Theophilus, bishop of Alexandria, having fallen into the decrepitude of age, departed from life in the ninth consulship of Honorius, and the fifth of Theodosius, on the 15th of October. There, then, arose a controversy concerning the election of a bishop. For some labored to elevate Timothy the archdeacon, others Cyril, the nephew of Theophilus, to that episcopal see. Concerning which matter, when there had been contention by the people, although Abudacius [al. Abundantius], prefect of the garrison soldiers, lent aid to the faction of Timothy, nevertheless, three days after the death of Theophilus, Cyril was installed in the episcopal see and obtained the episcopate: and he assumed for himself a greater principate than Theophilus had ever held. For from that time the Alexandrian bishop, besides the domination of the holy clergy, furthermore took to himself secular ^B affairs and gained a secular principate. Wherefore Cyril, as soon as he had closed the churches of the Novatians which were in Alexandria, not only carried off all the sacred treasure that was in them, but also deprived Theopemptus, their bishop, of all his fortunes." These things Socrates, but because of the patronage of his own sect he is often suspected elsewhere also of bad faith, as Baronius rightly warns [s.a.] 412, num. 45, and in the *Notes to the Roman Martyrology*. Indeed, the same Socrates attempts to cast the same mark upon St. Celestine, the Roman Pontiff, because "he had taken away the churches from the Novatians who were in Rome," saying, "The Roman episcopate, no differently than the Alexandrian, as if it had departed beyond the boundaries of the priesthood, had already fallen into secular principate."

18. Cyril, having expelled the heretics, those comrades and helpers of demons, subsequently attacked the demons themselves and put them to flight from their seats. Alexandria was distant, as the *Acts of the SS. Cyrus and John* testify in the end, ten stadia from Canopus; from here, however, was distant a certain village at a space of two stadia, by the name of Manuthe. This village, however, was a habitation of demons, and evil spirits dwelt in it. The Alexandrian prelate, Theophilus, as we said before, when he had wished to render the place pure from demons, and to occupy it with the marks and figures of Christ, the evangelists, and the apostles, so that they might be suitable for preserving it, did not lead to effect that which he had determined. For meanwhile death arrived, which is an inexorable thing to men, and took him from the present life. Then, however, also for Cyril, who succeeded to the see after him, it was of no little concern to liberate the place from the injury of demons. But when he had often besought God concerning this matter, an angel appearing to him in a vision commands that the relics of that great martyr Cyrus and the evangelist Mark be placed in this village. For thus it would come to pass that it would be liberated from the harm of demons. But why he did not also say [the relics] of John, it has been sufficiently shown by Cyril: but it is also manifest to all by itself, that by the name of Cyrus, the name of John is also altogether shown at the same time. For as their customs were common, and the confession and consummation which was done for Christ, so also the naming is altogether simple, and without any discrimination. Hence in Manuthe their martyr relics, on the twenty-eighth of the month of June, are transferred both excellently and sacrosanctly, [resulting in] the guarding of the village, the flight of the demons, deliverance from diseases, and now the place is consecrated to God, and to his martyrs and ministers, by the grace and clemency of our Lord Jesus Christ. Baronius reports these acts at the year of Christ 414, num. 20, where he says that this temple existed at Canopus, not at Manuthe, not having sufficiently weighed these Acts, which we will illuminate on January 31st.

IV. Jews expelled from Alexandria.

19. Socrates, book VII, cap. 13, writes that the Jews were expelled from Alexandria by Cyril, where Chrysanthus, the bishop of the Novatians, [administered] his own sect's Church at Constantinople, about which [he...]

12 had written. He was appointed in the year of Christ 412, and died in the consulship of Monaxius and Plinta, in the year of Christ 419. “At the same time,” says Socrates, “the Jewish race was expelled from Alexandria by Bishop Cyril for this reason. The Alexandrian populace, more than others, takes pleasure in seditions, in which, if an opportunity for stirring them up is offered, crimes are committed that are well-nigh intolerable; for a popular uprising is never settled without bloodshed. At that time, a disturbance was stirred up, not for any necessary cause, but from a passion for watching dancers—an evil that creeps through all cities—and it was unleashed by chance among the crowd itself. For on the Sabbath day, a huge throng flocked to watch a certain dancer. And because the Jews, who observe their rest on that day, were devoted not to listening to the Law but to watching spectacles and theatrical games, that day became an occasion for the factious groups of the people to fight among themselves. And although the discord of the people was somehow quelled for the time being by the prefect of Alexandria, nonetheless the Jews did not cease to be adversaries to the other faction of the people. And even though the Jews were always hostile to the Christians, yet on account of the dancers they became much more enraged against them.

20. ^A “Accordingly, when Orestes, the prefect of Alexandria, was causing the [greek: πολιτείαν] (for thus the Alexandrians call the public edicts of the prefect) to be posted in the theater, the supporters of Bishop Cyril were also present to examine the edicts published by the prefect; among these was a man named Hierax, a teacher of minor literature, who was a very attentive listener of Bishop Cyril and was accustomed to incite applause for him most diligently in his sermons. When, therefore, the Jewish crowd caught sight of this Hierax in the theater, it immediately began to shout that he had come to the theater for no other reason than to incite the people to sedition. Orestes, however, although the power of the bishops had already been odious to him because through them something of the authority of those who had been appointed by the emperor to govern had been diminished, yet at that time he was even more so, because Cyril seemed to be curiously scrutinizing his edicts; accordingly, he had Hierax seized openly in the theater and tormented ^B with grievous punishments.

21. “When this was learned, Cyril summoned the leaders of the Jews; he threatened that, if they did not desist from stirring up tumults against the Christians, he would inflict due punishments upon them. But the multitude of the Jews, upon learning of the bishop’s threats, burned with a much greater heat of anger and began to devise schemes for harming the Christians: these, indeed, I shall show were the primary cause of the Jews being expelled from Alexandria. When the Jews had given a secret sign to themselves—namely, that each one should wear a ring made of palm bark—they initiated a night battle against the Christians. And so, on a certain night, they caused a shout to be raised throughout all the regions of the city by certain individuals, that the entire church called by the name of Alexander was burning with fire. Upon hearing this, the Christians ran together from all sides so that they might save ^C the church from the fire. Then the Jews, having immediately attacked with an onslaught against the Christians, murdered them. And so that they might be recognized by their own kind, they kept their hands from them by showing their rings; thus, they removed from the midst the Christians who by chance happened to meet them.

22. “However, when day dawned, the authors of the crime were by no means obscured or unknown. Cyril, deeply moved by this matter, proceeded straight to the synagogues of the Jews (for so their temples are called) with a huge force; and he put some of the Jews to death, expelled others from the city, and permitted their fortunes to be pillaged by the multitude. Thus, the Jews, who had inhabited that city from the times of Alexander the Macedonian, were then all cast out, and some lived dispersed in other places. Adamantius, from the number of the Jews, who taught medicine, set out for Constantinople and betook himself to Bishop Atticus. After he had professed the Christian religion, he lived again at Alexandria.

23. “Orestes, the prefect of that city, took this action of Cyril with a very resentful mind; and he felt great sorrow that so illustrious a city had been utterly orphaned of such a multitude of people. Therefore, he reported to the emperor concerning the events that had taken place there. Cyril also signified the crimes of the Jews to the emperor by letter; and nonetheless, he treated with Orestes concerning the reconciliation of friendship (for the Alexandrian populace had urged him to do that). But when Orestes would not even hear of friendship, Cyril extended to him in his hand the book of the Gospels (for he thought he would revere that). But when Orestes’ mind could be softened not even in this way, but capital enmities always existed between him and Cyril, this calamity, which I shall hereafter recount, ensued from then on.” Thus Socrates. Nicephorus relates the same in Lib. XIV, cap. 14, in whom, however, there is no mention of the slaughter of the Jews: nor is it credible that it was authorized by the authority of the bishop. Yet one may recognize in Orestes the character of the politicians of our own time as well, who by whatever reason and method they can, endeavor to invade the goods of pontiffs and other ecclesiastical men, to violate rights, and to overturn authority as if it were harmful to the interests of kings: whereas all things have turned out happily for no kings who have seen the provinces, to whose helms such men have been moved, involved in the greatest calamities.

V. Alexandrian Riots. The Erring Corrected.

24. Both Orestes the prefect and Cyril signified the tragic history, which we are narrating, to the emperor. Would that the letters of Cyril were extant! They would obtain more weight among right-thinking men than those of that raging Orestes. Yet Socrates, being hostile to Cyril, laid hold of the latter’s report rather (Lib. VII, cap. 14 and 15). “Some of the monks,” he says, “who dwelt at Mount Nitria, endowed with a more fervent nature, just as they had declared the same thing long ago, beginning from…”

the times of Theophilus, when they were armed by him against Dioscorus and his brothers, and at that time were inflamed with the same ardor of emulation, determined with a ready and eager mind to fight for Cyril. Thus, about five hundred men, having left the monasteries, made for the city of Alexandria, observing the prefect as he was being driven in his carriage, and began to approach him and call him a sacrificer, a pagan, and by many other insulting names.

25. “He, suspecting that ambushes were set for him by Cyril, shouted that he was a Christian, and had been baptized by Atticus, the bishop of Constantinople. But when the monks seemed to despise his words, one of them by chance, named Ammonius, struck the head of the prefect with a stone; the prefect, having been wounded by that blow, was flowing entirely with blood. Wherefore the prefect’s attendants, with few exceptions, all secretly withdrew from there, hiding themselves one by one in the crowd, fearing lest they be finished off by the volley of stones. Meanwhile, the Alexandrian populace, in great numbers, gathered there, ready in spirit to avenge the prefect; they put them all to flight, except for Ammonius, whom they brought to the prefect. The prefect, openly, as the laws require, examined the matter and afflicted him with torture for some time, until he gave up his last breath.”

The prefect’s report was sent to the emperor. Cyril even notified them of the same matter, but interpreted it completely differently in his letters. He also took the body of Ammonius and hid it in a certain church, though he did not call it by the name of Ammonius, but of Thaumasius. And when he had extolled his greatness of soul in church—as one who had undergone a grave struggle for piety—with praise and proclamation, he ordered him to be called a martyr. But those who were more modest, even among the Christians themselves, did not approve of Cyril's zeal for Ammonius. For they knew well that Ammonius had not died in the midst of tortures, lest he be forced to deny Christ, but that he had paid the penalty for his own rashness. Therefore, Cyril himself allowed that act of his to come gradually into oblivion through silence. Yet not even then was that bitter contention between Cyril and Orestes settled: for another disaster, not unlike this one, which I am now about to narrate, renewed it.

27. ^A There was a certain woman at Alexandria, Hypatia by name, the daughter of the philosopher Theon. She made such progress in literature that she far surpassed all the philosophers of her time; and she came not only to succeed to the Platonic school, derived from Plotinus, but also to explain all the precepts and disciplines of all the philosophers to everyone who wished to hear her. Wherefore as many as were kindled with the study of philosophy flowed to her from all sides. Moreover, because of the grave confidence of her spirit, which she had drawn from the fountains of doctrine, she did not doubt to appear even before the sight of princes with the utmost modesty. Nor was she ashamed to appear in a great crowd of men. For all people, on account of the singular moderation of her mind, ^B revered and honored her. Therefore, the flame of envy was kindled against her. For as she came into conversation with Orestes more frequently, the people of the Church began to accuse her of completely shutting off the access for the bishop to reconcile with Orestes in friendship. Accordingly, certain men, who were by nature a little more fervent, to whom Peter the Lector at that church showed himself a leader, with one resolve, observed the woman returning home from somewhere; they dragged her from the carriage in which she was being carried; they swept her to the church which is called the Caesareum; and after stripping her of her clothes, they tore her apart to the point of death with sharp shards, dismembered her, and carried her dismembered parts to a place called Cinaron, and burned them with fire. This deed cast no small stain of infamy upon Cyril, and also upon the Church of Alexandria. For those who profess the Christian religion ought to be altogether foreign to slaughter, fighting, and other things of this kind. These things were done in the fourth year of the episcopate of Cyril, at the seventh consulship of Honorius and Theodosius, in the month of March, when the fasts were being observed.

28. Synesius wrote many letters about Hypatia. Baronius deals with it at greater length, and thinks that she was killed more by the fury and tumult of the Alexandrians than by a conspiracy of the clergy. Nicephorus also writes that this occurred in the fourth year of the episcopate of Cyril. The fourth year began on the 18th of October of the year 415, and thus this month of March is necessarily of the following year, 416, in the consulship of the Emperor Theodosius VII, as it is called here, and Palladius, not Honorius X. In Nicephorus there is a grosser error: for although he had previously written that Cyril was elected in the fifth year of the Emperor Theodosius, he here says that Hypatia was killed in the fourth year of the episcopate of Cyril, the sixth of the reign of Theodosius, when the eighth of the latter was almost expiring. To Peter the Lector (perhaps the one who is held to be the author of this slaughter) St. Isidore of Pelusium wrote letters 177 and 305, book III, and letter 555, book V. Those who were the others that perpetrated this deed appear to have been the Parabolani, or Parabolarii, or Paraboli, who used to undertake the care of the sick and also went to those infected with the plague; who, since they were under the bishop, favored him and caused trouble for the prefects. Wherefore, regarding these, Theodosius wrote back in this year 416 to Monaxius, the praetorian prefect, in law XLII, *De episcopis et clericis*, Cod. Theod., prohibiting that guild from exceeding the number of five hundred; and ordering that the same be chosen not from the rich, but from the poor; nor to attend any public spectacle, or approach the curia, except one by one, and in urgent necessity. However, he wrote back later in law XLIII, in the same place, so that their assembly could be increased to six hundred, over whom the bishop of Alexandria would preside in all things; for he calls them clerics; but Baronius interprets this as of a minor order in the year of Christ 416 at the end. Here it seems that Isidore of Pelusium looked to this in book V, letter 268, To St. Cyril, and letter 278, To Peter, arguing whether royal power can bring the clergy into order.

29. We subjoin those things which are reported to have been done prudently by Cyril regarding a certain recluse, a holy man, but one who was slipping into heresy,

according to the work *On the Lives of the Fathers*, book 5, libellus 18, no. 4. ^A “Abbas Daniel told of another great elder who lived in the lower parts of Egypt, who, through simplicity, said that Melchizedek himself was the Son of God. This was reported to Cyril of holy memory, the archbishop of Alexandria, who sent for him. Knowing that the elder was a standard-bearer of sorts, that whatever he asked of God was revealed to him, and that he spoke this word out of simplicity, he used this method, saying: 'Abba, I ask of you, because it is in my mind that Melchizedek is the Son of God, yet another thought of mine says he is not, but is a man and a supreme priest of God. Since, therefore, I am hesitant about this, I have sent for you so that you might pray to God to deign to reveal to you what the truth of the matter is.' ^B The elder, relying on his way of life, said with confidence: 'Give me three days’ respite, and I will pray to God about this matter and report to you what has been revealed to me.' Entering his cell, he prayed to God about this word; and returning after three days, he said to Cyril of holy memory: 'Melchizedek is a man.' The archbishop answered him: 'How is this certain to you, Abba?' And he said to him: 'God showed me all the patriarchs, so that each of them passed before me from Adam down to Melchizedek, and an angel standing by said to me: "Behold, this is Melchizedek." Therefore, archbishop, be certain that this is so.' The elder departed and preached to himself that Melchizedek was a man. ^C And Cyril of holy memory rejoiced greatly.” ^B Alexander, therefore, excellent in both his life and teaching, fostering the cause of John with great zeal, was the first to return his name to the ecclesiastical register; and he wrote to the emperor and to all the bishops everywhere, that they might do the same and thereby reconcile a certain and constant peace to the Church. Furthermore, when Atticus the bishop also saw that the Church was divided on account of the Johannites, by the counsel of the princes, he too ordered that mention of him be made in the prayers; just as it had been the custom to be done for other bishops who had departed this life. And from that time peace existed, until later his remains were brought to the ruling city. In this way Atticus magnificently abolished the ill-will into which he had fallen because of the divine John. Nor did he do this alone; he also persuaded others who were refusing to insert the memory of John into their prayers, especially Cyril, the prelate of Alexandria, who had hated John with hostility because he had dissented from his uncle Theophilus.

32. We have not provided Atticus’s response here, as the mind of the addressee, being too alienated from and offended by John, prevents it. Let those things be obliterated, indeed, which have not only been done badly by the saints, but even defended worse, such that they appear not so much as a scar with dignity covered over, but as a foul wound even now gaping and flowing with pus. Nicephorus, having cited those letters in book 27, writes thus in book 28: ^C “These things, indeed, Cyril both wrote and felt concerning the sacred Chrysostom, serving the presumed opinion which he had long since conceived, following his uncle Theophilus. However, because this dissension proceeded from emulation—though not according to knowledge—and not from envy or diabolical contention, it seemed good to God that a man outstanding in both doctrine and virtue should not limp in this one thing, lest he fail to reach the height of perfection. For they were men, and subject to human affections. Wherefore, some time later, Cyril returned to grace with that great man, even after his death, and corrected his error through the urging of many, but especially of Isidore of Pelusium, who exhorted him now with reprimands and now with admonitions, and with a divine and arcane revelation also intervening. ^D For he appeared to have been expelled from the sacred buildings by John, relying greatly upon the divine company and retinue that was about him, and praying that the Mother of the Lord might intercede for him, and, among many other things, referring especially to how he had fought exceedingly for His glory, as will be told, that he might be received in the sacred temples. When Blessed Cyril reflected upon this vision in his mind, he condemned himself for having lashed out against the holy man; and then, having also learned of the matter, he became an adherent of the Church of Chrysostom, admired the man, and greatly repented that he had been so completely angered against him imprudently. Therefore, acting completely contrary to his former intent, he gathered a provincial synod, and the name of John…

^A - [Chrysostom] - he and the rest of the bishops of the great sees placed in the sacred diptychs.

33. "They, however, appear less truthful who claim that Cyril destroyed the books of the great Father. For if any of his writings were to be destroyed, those which still exist today, and in which his plan and purpose are most clearly expressed, ought to have been destroyed, unless God, taking care of the utility of men, had preserved them. Since I have found this in the secret History of Nicetas the Philosopher, who is also called David, and likewise among others, I have judged it necessary to insert it also into this work of mine: so that it might not enter anyone’s mind to wonder how such great luminaries, while exercising mutual hostility, both arrived at the highest sanctity and stood as pillars of the Church, with hostilities of this kind bringing no detriment to the glory of either."

VII. The Nestorian heresy detected.

34. "Atticus having died, Sisinnius succeeded him," says Socrates (book VII, chap. 29). "It seemed good to the Emperor, on account of men desiring vain things, to select no one from that Church (although many desired Philip, and very many desired Proclus, to be appointed) to the episcopate; but he decided to summon a stranger from Antioch. For there was Nestorius there, a native ^B of Germanicia, with a voice above all resonant, and a talented tongue; and for that reason, as being very well suited for teaching the people, he was summoned on their recommendation. Therefore, after the space of three months had passed, Nestorius was brought to Constantinople; although he was praised and extolled by many for his temperance and preaching, yet what his character was otherwise, the first beginning of his doctrine demonstrated sufficiently to prudent men. For as soon as he was ordained bishop, on the fourth of the Ides of April, in the consulship of Felix and Taurus, he straightway, while delivering an oration before the Emperor, uttered this sentiment, which is on the lips of many, before the whole people: 'Give me, O Emperor, the earth purged of heretics, and I will give you heaven in return: you help me in destroying the heretics, and I will help you in destroying the Persians.'"

35. The illustrious beginning of Nestorius, although Socrates, himself a heretical man, may ^C strive to blame it with more, was praised by Pope Celestine and Cyril in letters given to Nestorius himself: the latter recalls his own in the apologetic epistle to the Emperor Theodosius, in Volume V of the Ephesian Council, chapter 2. "Nestorius," he says, "was chosen as an illustrious herald of the apostolic and evangelical doctrine, a significant architect of promoting piety, and as one who was clearly established in the right and blameless faith. And your Majesty desired him to be such a man, as did all the leaders of the holy Churches, and I also. Indeed, when I had received letters concerning his ordination from the most pious bishops sent for this purpose, suspecting nothing evil, but rather praising and rejoicing, and as a brother and fellow-minister, wishing him all the best things through the divine bounty, I wrote back."

36. "Indeed, as the same Cyril soon subjoins, 'he was chosen as a sheep, but was found to be a wolf; as a sincere and faithful servant, but he loved the opposite; as a vine laden with grapes, but according to the Scriptures, he brought forth thorns; as a diligent farmer, but he lay in wait for the field; as a good pastor, finally, but he proved more savage than wild beasts.'" Agreeing with Cyril, Vincent of Lérins, a writer of these times, groans over the scandal brought upon the Church by Nestorius. "What manner of temptation, do we think, was that," he says, "when that unhappy Nestorius, suddenly transformed from a sheep into a wolf, began to tear the flock of Christ? When these very ones, who were being bitten, for the most part still believed him to be a sheep, and therefore were more exposed to his bites? For who would easily think him to be erring, whom he saw being persecuted by the great zeal of priests? Who, being celebrated with great love by the saints and with the highest favor of the people, was daily openly discussing the divine ^B oracles, and refuting the harmful errors of the Jews and Gentiles as well? By what just manner indeed would he not make faith in himself to anyone, that he taught rightly, preached rightly, and felt rightly, he who, in order to open a way for his own single heresy, attacked the blasphemies of all the heresies?" etc.

37. Of his heresy itself and its strenuous opponents, thus Prosper in his Chronicle, in the consulship of Taurus and Felix, in the year of Christ 428: "Nestorius, bishop of Constantinople, labors to introduce a new error into the Churches, preaching that Christ was born of Mary as a man only, and not God, and that Divinity was conferred upon Him by merit. Against this impiety, the industry of Cyril, bishop of Alexandria, and the authority of Pope Celestine particularly struggle." Whence that heresy flowed, Baronius discusses accurately in the same year, number 30 and following. Let us pursue the fallacies of the most wicked sycophant detected by Cyril. Nestorius, therefore, having sown the seed of nefariously error at Constantinople, by no means content, in order to scatter it more widely, published leaflets infused with secret poison through foreign lands as well, and sent them to the very monks of Egypt; falsely boasting that he taught nothing except according to the prescription of the Nicene Council.

38. The disturbances were excited among the monks of Egypt, to quiet which Cyril, a most fierce champion of the orthodox faith elected by God, soon prepared himself, and since he had little faith in the documents which were being circulated concerning this matter under the name of Nestorius, he prudently refrained from his name. Therefore, he wrote his first epistle to the monks themselves, where, among other things: "I hear that certain destructive rumors are disseminated among you, and that some are wandering, who strive to demolish your sincere faith, and who, spewing out bubbles of empty vocabulary before the uneducated mob, dare to call into controversy whether it is permitted to call the holy Virgin Theotokos," ^D etc. He proceeds with most powerful arguments and with the most solid testimonies of the Scriptures and of the holy Fathers, to prove that Christ is true God, whence he soon [teaches] the appellation of Dei-

Theotokos truly and properly belongs to the Virgin Mother. And thus, by this most weighty epistle, full of learning and holy zeal for the faith, he sought to fortify the solitaries of his province, like a certain prophylactic medicine, against the burgeoning heresy, and to confirm them in the ancient doctrine of the faith. Fearing, moreover, that the deadly poison of Nestorius might infect the very heads of the world, from which a huge danger to the Christian commonwealth might deservedly be feared, he wrote three books on the right faith in God and the divine Incarnation of the Word, which he called *Loci ad Theodosium* [Adversus Orientales]. The first of these he dedicated to the Emperors Theodosius and Valentinian, the two subsequent ones to the Empresses Eudocia and Pulcheria, while everywhere keeping the name of Nestorius silent, so that the mind of Theodosius might not be offended by it, as he had been the one who had arranged for Nestorius to be summoned from Antioch and chosen as bishop.

39. Meanwhile, the evil spread more widely, and not only reached Pope Celestine, but also the pestilential pamphlets themselves. Once he had examined the blasphemies they teemed with, he wrote to Cyril, instructing him to inquire diligently whether they were truly written by Nestorius; for it did not seem credible that Nestorius, of whom he had recently received such extensive recommendations in the letters of the Eastern bishops, had been so suddenly led astray and seized by such madness. Cyril himself bears witness to this in his first letters to the same Nestorius, written on that occasion, because he had learned that he [Nestorius] had been gravely offended by the letters he had written to the monks of Egypt against those blasphemous pamphlets. In these, after having rendered a clear account of why he had written to the monks, he seriously exhorts him to repent and to retract the words slipped out through imprudence: which he again pressed upon him in a second, entirely dogmatic and most weighty epistle.

40. But individual responses from Nestorius were filled with the highest arrogance and the pride with which he exalted himself above the rest of the prelates. Indeed, having attacked Cyril with every deceit, he gathered *circuitores*—men cast away to every wickedness and crime—who would wander about for this purpose, to disseminate insults against Cyril everywhere. "They boasted, however," as Cyril himself testifies in his third letter to Nestorius (Vol. I, ch. 12, edition of Peltanus), "of words filled with madness: one, he says, because I have oppressed the blind and the needy through injustice; another, because I have drawn a sword against my mother; some, because I have stolen another's gold under the protection of a maid; certain ones, finally, because I have always labored under the suspicion of such dishonesty as no one would wish even his most hostile enemies to labor under. But I do not care much for these men, and others of his brand, lest I appear to extend the measure of my insignificance above the Master and Lord, or even above my ancestors."

41. With how much zeal, however, Cyril sought the salvation of Nestorius with the greatest patience, is testified by his epistle to a certain follower of Nestorius, ch. 9. "Therefore," he says, "no injury, no insult, no reproaches move me; even if many, and undeserved, ^B and from those from whom I least expected it, have been brought upon me thus far. But let all these things be buried in voluntary oblivion: for God will one day judge such triflers. Only let the faith be intact and safe, and I shall be a dear friend to all: nor shall I concede to anyone that they love the most religious bishop Nestorius more ardently than I: whom I even (I call God to witness) deeply desire in Christ to have a good reputation among all, and to wash away the mark contracted because of those things he admitted long ago; and to make open that it is mere slander, not the truth, that has been spread by some regarding his perfidy. For if we are urged by the command of Christ to the love of enemies, how is it not consistent that we embrace friends and fellow-priests with every effort of benevolence? But if indeed there arise those who strive to demolish the faith, how should we not offer our own souls of our own accord? Truly, even if death itself hangs over our head, there will be no hesitation in us: for if we fear to preach the truth for the glory of God, lest, namely, we fall into some trouble; with what face, I ask, shall we extol with praises among the people the contests and triumphs of the holy martyrs? Since we celebrate them chiefly by this one name, that they achieved this, which has already been mentioned, with great constancy of soul, that is, they fought for the truth even unto death."

42. At that time, the clerics of Constantinople composed a petition against the impious doctrine of Nestorius which they intended to offer to the emperor. But, lest they should seem to have done anything rashly, they first sent it to Cyril, so that it might be approved by his judgment. To them he replied with the greatest gentleness and moderation of soul, as it is contained in ch. 10, of the same first volume: "I have received and read the ^C petition sent to me through your work; as if it should not have been offered to the emperor without our opinion, I have suppressed it thus far, lest, rising up against us, he should cavil that he was slandered before the emperor by us as a heretic. Meanwhile, we have protested that we shall henceforth decline his judgment for the sake of avoiding enmities, and if they continue to be altogether importunate, we shall transfer the present controversy to another forum. When, therefore, you have perused the petition, if necessity should demand it, deliver it: and if you notice him persevering in these ambushes, and doing nothing but plotting against us, write it down diligently. For I shall choose pious and prudent men, both bishops and monks as well, whom I shall send to you at the first possible time. For I will not give sleep to mine eyes, as it is written (Ps. cxxxi, 4 seq.), nor slumber to my eyelids, nor rest to my times, until I shall have finished this contest, for the sake of the salvation of all. Wherefore, since you have now learned my opinion, be men. For as soon as the letters are prepared by me, both such as are fitting, and to whom it is fitting: for I have resolved for the sake of Christ's faith to undergo any labor, even to endure the torments which by ^D necessity..."

are considered the most grievous, until at last I shall have found death, undertaken for this cause, pleasant.

§ VIII. The authority of the Apostolic See delegated to Cyril.

43. Since Cyril had attempted in vain to correct Nestorius, he sent ^A Possidius, a deacon of the Church of Alexandria, as legate to Pope Celestine, in order to inform him of all things. But so that he might not seem to have incited the Pope himself to the condemnation of Nestorius, he gave this mandate to Possidius: "If you find that the letters and the books of the exposition of Nestorius have been delivered to Celestine, you too shall deliver my letters to him; if otherwise, do not deliver them." Possidius, however, when he discovered that both the letters and the treatises of the man had been exhibited to Celestine, was compelled himself also to exhibit what he carried, as the report of Peter, primicerius of the notaries and presbyter of Alexandria, testifies, which is inserted in the second volume of the Council of Ephesus, in our Pellanus edition. The letter of Cyril to Celestine itself is reported in volume I, chap. 39, in which among other things he prefaces as follows: "Thus far I have kept deep silence; for I have written nothing at all about him who currently administers the Church of Constantinople, neither to your piety, nor to any other of our fellow priests; not being ignorant that rash haste in such matters is usually joined with vice. But because we now seem to have arrived at the precipice of evils, I deemed it worthwhile, breaking silence, to set forth in order all things that have happened."

44. Celestine, having read the letters of Cyril and Nestorius, and with others having been written back and forth on both sides, having called the bishops to Rome, held a council; in which, by the judgment of all, both the blasphemy of Nestorius was condemned, ten days having been granted him for repentance, and the authority of Celestine in the cause of pursuing Nestorius was delegated to Cyril, with letters written to both on the Ides of August, in the consulships of Theodosius X and Valentinian III, in the year of Christ 430. In these, the Pope calls the doctrine of Cyril a present remedy, by which that pestiferous disease, as if by a healthy antidote, might be repelled; the springing fountain of a pure source, through which all that dregs of a badly running brook is removed, and all are instructed unto a certain and true faith. He names Cyril himself the "good shepherd, who lays down his soul for his lambs; a most strong antagonist in preserving the faith, who dismantled the trickery of all the arguments of Nestorius, and so corroborated the faith, that ^B hearts believing in Christ our God cannot easily be led away to the other side." And therefore at length he concludes with these words: "Wherefore, having been assumed by the authority of our See, and using our power in our place and stead, you shall execute such a sentence not without exquisite severity: namely, that if, within an interval of ten days counting from the day of this our admonition, he does not anathematize his wicked doctrine in definite words, and [declare it] from the generation of Christ our God, which both the Roman, and your holiness's Church, and the entire Christian religion hereafter preaches, let your holiness immediately provide for that Church. Let him truly understand that he is separated from our body in every way; as one who, having spurned every care of the physicians, and having raged in an insane manner like a pestiferous disease through the entire body of the Church, has striven to precipitate both himself, and all others committed to him, into extreme destruction." These things Celestine wrote to Cyril, which he repeats in the letter to Nestorius, which he concludes thus: "We have transmitted the formula of our judgment against you to S. Cyril, that he may act as our vicar in this part, whereby our decree may be made manifest both to you and to all the other brethren as well," etc.

45. Cyril, having received the letters from Pope Celestine, writes to John of Antioch, Juvenal of Jerusalem, and Acacius of Beroea, bishops, whom he exhorts to take up arms to defend the injured Catholic faith, and he himself leads by his own example, having summoned the neighboring bishops to Alexandria he convenes a synod, and sets forth at length in how great danger the universal Church is being placed. The synod, having discussed his letters and treatises, pronounces Nestorius a heretic: it appoints four legates, Theopemptus and Daniel, bishops of the Cabasians and of the Darnensians, and Potamon and Macarius, ministers of the Church of Alexandria, who might set out to Constantinople to return the letters of Celestine to Nestorius himself, with the decree of condemnation, unless he repented within the prescribed space of ten days. A synodal letter was therefore sent to Nestorius, which contained the confession of the orthodox faith and twelve anathemas of errors.

46. Nestorius, having received this synodal letter and the anathemas, rising against Cyril as the author of these, accused him of the heresy of Apollinarius, and then caused others to do the same. "An exemplar of which letter," says Liberatus in his *Breviary on the Nestorian Cause*, ch. 4, "arriving to John of Antioch, he was offended at the very chapters of Cyril; for he thought him, while he was immoderately encountering Nestorius, to have fallen into the sect of Apollinarius." He commanded therefore Andrew and Theodoret, bishops of his council, to respond in writing against the twelve chapters themselves as reviving the dogma of Apollinarius. Nestorius, therefore, knowing that Cyril would not allow the Church to be thus in disturbances, and the peoples in scandal, stole upon the pious prince Theodosius, so that he might direct a *Sacra* to him, and restrain him from his persecution. And the emperor indeed wrote a *Sacra* to him, arguing him as restless and pursuing scandals, who acted and wrote without the communion of the priests.

§ IX. The Council of Ephesus. The Nestorian heresy condemned.

47. The Emperor Theodosius, having brought the matter to such a point that there needed to be an universal council, sent to Rome S. Petronius (afterwards made bishop of Bologna...

of whom we shall treat on the 4th of October) ^A to Pope Celestine, that by his authority a council might be held at Ephesus, especially because not only Nestorius, but also Cyril, was being accused of heresy. After this, he wrote a Sacred letter to all the bishops, that they should convene at Ephesus and confer concerning the books of Nestorius, and deliberate on the judgment of Cyril. Thus Liberatus, ch. 5. It is not my intention to set forth all the things which were done here. The Acts of the Council itself are extant everywhere, and they have been excellently discussed by Baronius for the year 431, who, speaking at number 37 of the bishops coming to the synod, praises Cyril thus: ‹Among all, Cyril, after the Roman see, excelled by the prerogative of his seat, and by the vicariate prefecture of that same first seat, and shone forth more and more, both by the outstanding holiness of his character and by his exquisite knowledge of divine things.› Certainly the great Euthymius, as is read in his Life on the 20th of January, no. 55, ‹when the bishops of Palestine also were about to convene at the synod, orders Peter, bishop of the Saracens, that he should approach Cyril of Alexandria and Acacius the bishop of Melitene, so that he might profess that he too assented to what seemed good to them;› for, as it is said at no. 54, ‹Synodius had set forth to him concerning Cyril of Alexandria and Acacius of Melitene, in what way they were showing an acute and vehement zeal for the orthodox faith.›

48. That Cyril had been granted his vicariate by Celestine—that is, the mission or legation *a latere*, and he denies that a precedent (which he himself admits to be known) exists for the propagation of such power to his successors, not by symbols alone, but also by the usurpation of authority. The bishops of the East, Mennas of Constantinople, Theodore of Caesarea in Cappadocia, Andreas of Ephesus, and many others, in the first profession of faith which they made at the church of S. Euphemia in Constantinople at the Fifth Ecumenical Synod, in the year of our Lord 553, receive the four holy synods, and among them the first Ephesian Synod of two hundred, in which the most blessed Pope Celestine of elder Rome is recognized to have presided by his legates and vicars, that is, the most blessed Cyril, bishop of the city of Alexandria, Arcadius and Projectus, bishops, and Philip the presbyter.

That he was granted the wearing of the *phrygium*, or mitre, is indicated by Theodore Balsamon in the Nomocanon of Photius, title 8, cap. 1: ‹The patriarch of Alexandria of this time also has, by the present edict, the right to celebrate with the *phrygium*. S. Cyril of Alexandria, however, had this faculty from the Roman Pope Celestine, when the Ephesian synod against Nestorius took place. Since Celestine could not be present at Ephesus and judge Nestorius, it seemed good that it should be permitted to S. Cyril by Celestine to preside over this synod. And so, that it might be certain that he held the right and authority of the Pope, he sat with the *phrygium* and condemned Nestorius. From that time, therefore, the patriarchs of Alexandria sacrifice and proceed with the same *phrygium*, and they do not fear to be reprimanded.› Baronius, for the year of our Lord 430, no. 26, interprets the *phrygium* as the pallium. Theodore wrote *loron* [lōron], by which word Spondanus, at this year, teaches that a mitre is rather signified, having inserted a learned explanation of the *phrygium*. Isidore, lib. XIX *Etymol.*, cap. 31: ‹The mitre is a Phrygian cap covering the head.› Just as Nicephorus also accepted, lib. XIV, cap. 34, where he writes thus: ‹Celestine, bishop of Rome, on account of the dangers of navigation, refused to be present himself at the synod: he wrote, however, to Cyril that he should occupy his place there. From which time there is a report that he accepted that mitre (in Greek *tēs mitras*) ^B and the appellation of Pope, and that he should be called the judge of the whole world.› From which Spondanus collects that ‹those ancient eastern bishops were not at all accustomed to use mitres, and the nomenclature of Pope was not common to them, as it was to the westerns.› Baronius thinks that nothing was granted to Cyril by Celestine which ^C generally is not accustomed to be granted to those to whom a vicariate prefecture or legation is believed to be granted.

49. Nestorius arrived at Ephesus immediately after the Paschal holidays, accompanied by a great crowd of people. Cyril was also present with pontifical dress and equipment under the solemnity of Pentecost, after which, on the fourth day, Juvenal, bishop of Jerusalem, arrived. Finally, together with these, two hundred and more bishops gathered. Only John of Antioch with the bishops of Syria was awaited, who, in order to give way to Nestorius, having delayed more than two weeks beyond the appointed day, finally indicated to the Fathers through two of his metropolitans that the synod was not to be deferred. Therefore, by the great consensus of the bishops, it was decreed that the synod ought to be begun. It was assembled on the 21st of June in the church of the most holy Mother of God: Cyril, the vicar of Pope Celestine, presided: more than two hundred bishops were present. The Emperor's letters were read, by which he had summoned the bishops to the synod. Nestorius, cited for a third time, refused to appear: he being neglected, they proceed to the synodal judgment: the Nicene creed is publicly recited, as are the sermons, epistles, libelli, and treatises of Nestorius: witnesses concerning the blasphemies uttered by him against Christ and the Virgin Mother of God are produced: the letters of Cyril to Nestorius, and of the latter to him, are read.

50. Having accurately weighed all things, Nestorius is cast out from the episcopate and the fellowship of the priests, by the most constant judgment of the whole synod, fortified by the subscription of Cyril and all the other bishops. It is related thus in vol. II, cap. 10: ‹The holy synod said: Since, among other things, the most religious Nestorius has been willing neither to obey our citation nor to admit the most holy and again most religious bishops, our own, sent to him, we could not but apply our mind to the examination of those things which he taught impiously. Taught, therefore, partly from his letters and commentaries publicly read here, partly again from the sermons which he gave in this metropolis of the Ephesians, and partly finally from trustworthy witnesses, that he teaches and holds impious beliefs, through the sacred canons and the letters of the most holy bishop of the Roman Church, Celestine, our father, suffused with tears and almost against our will, we are urged to this mournful sentence. Therefore our Lord Jesus Christ, ^D

^A whom he attacked with his blasphemous utterances, through this holy synod, decrees that this same Nestorius is deprived of all episcopal dignity, and is henceforth alienated from the communion and assembly of all bishops. >

51. The bishops immediately carried this sentence through the whole city with solemn pomp, and promulgated it by affixing written notices in public places. The people of Ephesus, filled with incredible joy, led the bishops home while lamps were lit; as they passed, they burned incense and aromatics, and received the condemnation of the impious Nestorius with the most auspicious applause. On the following day, Cyril held an assembly for the people of Ephesus in praise of the most holy Mother of God, and inveighed most sharply against the blasphemies of Nestorius. Finally, synodal letters were written to the emperor Theodosius and the clergy of Constantinople.

§ X. New calumnies against Cyril; imprisonments; victory.

52. While these events were happening to the great joy of the orthodox, the heresiarch Nestorius instigated a conflict. He was favored by the counts—Candidianus, appointed by emperor Theodosius to ensure public peace, and Irenaeus, who followed Nestorius out of a zeal for friendship. Therefore, all paths were blocked by them so that no letters of the synod could be carried to the emperor, whether by land or by sea. In the meantime, John, bishop of Antioch, and other Eastern bishops—summoned against their will to condemn their own associate—arrived on June 27th. ^B Having assembled a tumultuous conventicle, they rescinded the Acts of the legitimate synod and condemned Cyril and Memnon, the bishop of Ephesus; Cyril, on the grounds that he had introduced heresies in his writings sent to Nestorius at Constantinople, and Memnon, because he had promulgated Cyril’s chapters, had closed all the churches in Ephesus against Nestorius, and had committed many other acts contrary to the canons. They subjected the remaining bishops of the ecumenical synod to excommunication until they should condemn Cyril’s chapters. Finally, notices were publicly posted declaring Cyril, bishop of Alexandria, to be a heretic of the sect of Apollinaris, and that this heresy of his had been denounced to the emperor.

53. The Fathers of the Ephesian synod, moved by indignation at these things, and having received the petitions which Cyril and Memnon had offered for their innocence, warned John by three sent bishops to present himself to the synod to render an account of his actions. He refused, relying more on the might of soldiers than on the justice of his cause. Therefore, the synod punished John and his associates with anathema and deposition from the episcopate; it proclaimed that Cyril, Memnon, and the others had been condemned against all law and right. Cyril himself, in order to show how far he was from ever having followed Apollinaris or any other of the heretics, pronounced anathema against that same Apollinaris and all other heresiarchs.

54. Prosper testifies in his *Chronicle* to this year that those Pelagians who favored Nestorius with their dogma were condemned: "A synod of more than two hundred priests having been gathered at Ephesus, Nestorius, together with every heresy of his name which he attacked, ^C and with many Pelagians who supported the dogma related to his own, was condemned."

55. Meanwhile, the emperor, deceived by the false report of the Orientals, approved not only the deposition of Nestorius, but also that of Cyril and Memnon, as if it had been done legally. He sent John, a count of the sacred consistory, from Constantinople to Ephesus to be present at the synod for the sake of peace and concord, as is recorded in volume III, chapter 15. When he arrived at Ephesus, on the first day, he read the emperor's letters declaring that Nestorius, Cyril, and Memnon had been righteously deposed; and to prevent greater dissensions, he locked each one of them in his own prison. He handed Nestorius over to be guarded by count Candidianus, and Cyril and Memnon to count Jacob, as John himself indicates in his letters sent to Theodosius (vol. III, append. 2, chap. 1). In these and other letters, he reported all things with such dishonesty that a plan was initiated at Constantinople for Cyril's exile, as if the sacred synod had ratified his deposition. Cyril himself testifies to this in his letter to the clergy and people of Constantinople (vol. IV, chap. 12), where he asks that the frauds of count John be revealed to others, especially to the archimandrites, whose help and loyalty he implores with extreme earnestness, because the synod was being overwhelmed by the greatest miseries. And in chapter 18, he writes this to the bishops acting at Constantinople concerning himself: "We are held as prisoners and guarded, entirely ignorant of how this matter will eventually turn out. Nevertheless, we give thanks to Christ that we are judged worthy, for his name's sake, not only to be bound in chains, but also to suffer all other things: for these things will not lack their rewards... Let all the orthodox pray for us. For as blessed David says: 'I am ready for scourges' (Ps. XXXVII, 18)."

56. With what constancy of spirit and tireless zeal the orthodox of Constantinople acted before the emperor is indicated by the petition offered to him (vol. IV, chap. 16), in which, after they had explained that one must obey the just laws of princes, but resist their unjust sanctions with all one's might, they add that they prefer to suffer anything rather than accept an unjust sentence of condemnation nefariously laid upon Cyril and Memnon by the Orientals, and unjustly confirmed by the emperor. Finally, they conclude with these words: "Since, therefore, Nestorius has been righteously deposed because of his impiety; and Cyril and Memnon, most holy and most pious bishops, have been unworthily and unjustly punished with the same penalty due to a perverse suggestion; it is just, O kings who love Christ, that you should diligently take care that the Church of God—which nourishes your piety in the manner of a nurse, and repeatedly obtains victory for your majesty over enemies without great difficulty—not be dissipated in the future; ^D nor that in the time of your reign the age of the martyrs should return anew: but rather it is fitting for you to apply yourselves to this, namely, that you might rouse more and more the love and zeal of your ancestors toward the Churches of God in your own souls. Just as, therefore, each of those holy Fathers during the time of their own empire obeyed the synods..."

and fortified the sanctions of the Fathers with their own laws, and showed by their decrees the regard which they owed to them, so do you also make clear the affection that is proper for you toward the holy synod which you have ordered to convene; in order that it may offer up pious thanksgivings for the safety of your empire, and that we too may transmit devout prayers to Christ the Lord for the stability of your reign.›

57. The Emperor, stirred by that most sharp petition of the orthodox and by the news of the army lost in Africa, and also prevailed upon by the prayers of his sister St. Pulcheria, at last adopted sounder counsels and ordered seven bishops from each side to be sent from Ephesus to Constantinople. After only the orthodox had been admitted into the royal city and heard, he completely abolished the Acts against Cyril and Memnon and the whole synod. But, induced by the multiple petitions of the factious ones, he admitted them also into the city, and having met with the orthodox five times, after many disputes ^A regarding the twelve anathemas of Cyril and other matters of that kind, he convicted them of impiety and ordered them to return to their own places. And thus, at last, the seditious machinations of the heretics and schismatics had this end. And, as St. Prosper testifies against the Collator toward the end, all the oriental Churches were freed from the double plague when, for Cyril, high priest of the city of Alexandria, the most glorious defender of the catholic faith, Pope Celestine aided with the apostolic sword in order to execrate the Nestorian impiety, by which the Pelagians also, while they were confederated by their kindred errors, were overthrown again.›

58. Nestorius, having been relegated for a time to his former monastery of St. Euprepius near Antioch to see if by chance he might repent, was infecting many with the contagion of his error. Wherefore he was sent away into the oasis of the Libyan desert, and there afterward, with his tongue rotting, he met a miserable end to his life, his books being consumed by fire by an edict of Theodosius. Substituted for him in the Constantinopolitan see was the presbyter Maximianus, who sent this letter to Cyril, tom. IV of the Council of Ephesus, cap. 24: ‹Your desire is fulfilled, most devout man of God: that which you undertook for the sake of religion is perfected: the aspiration of your piety has been brought to its end: you have become a spectacle to angels and to men and to all the priests of Christ; for you did not only believe in Christ, but you also endured hardships for Him. You alone are counted worthy to bear His stigmata in your body. Having confessed Him before men, you have earned that the Father should confess you before the angels. You are adorned with the crowns which are owed to those who contend for piety; you have been able to do all things in Christ, who strengthened you; you have humbled Satan by patience; you have despised torments; you have trampled upon the fury of princes; you have counted hunger as nothing: for you had the bread which, coming down from heaven, imparts heavenly life to men.›

59. ‹Since we are not unaware of these things (for we learned ^B from others of your afflictions, which, while you were resisting the wickedness of spirits ^C among principalities and powers, while you were resisting the lords of the world and the rulers of the darkness of this age, you tolerated; but some we learned here from the sure faith of experience), and because we have been promoted again to the archbishopric of this great city, deign, beloved of God, to support us with your prayers, and in like manner to direct us with your counsels, and to follow us at last with all benevolent zeal; so that by this reasoning the saying of Scripture may be fulfilled in us: A brother who is helped by a brother is like a firm city (Prov. xviii, 19). For truly spiritual love is a fortified city; which can be neither undermined by the devil nor overcome by ladders by the same. For it knows not how to yield to the warlike machinations of Satan, seeing that it is guarded by Christ the Lord—that very Christ, who both overcame this world and prepared eternal goods for you, and yet nevertheless said at some time: He who does not take up his cross and follow me is not worthy of me (Matth. x, 38). Since, therefore, you have emerged worthy of Christ the Lord, because you have taken up your cross and have become a follower of Him; do not omit to pray to Christ for us, thinking that the ornaments of fraternal virtue are your own prerogatives. Fare well in the Lord, and pray for me, brother and fellow-minister, most beloved of God and most holy.›

60. Pope Celestine celebrates the same Cyril with no less praise in his letter to the clergy of Constantinople, edited from the Vatican codex by Baronius in the year of Christ 432, where at number 24 these things are had: ‹You have avoided him whom you already knew, from the memory-worthy holy Alexandrian Church, to have been corrected according to the judgment of the blessed apostle Paul (I Cor. v). For you have read and now hold in your memory the writings of the priest—that is, the catholic doctor—to this man, by which he so corrupted him, that he might wish to be corrected, he strove, he labored to recall his slipping colleague, he stretched out the right hand of his magisterium, in one wishing to help many: he was striking the mind of the old priest, because the bishop wavers by the ruin of many. He acted, as it is written: I will diligently bless the work of the Lord. In no duty of an apostle was the apostolic man wanting: he besought, he admonished, he rebuked. But he, who was drowning in the depth of his own blasphemies by their weight, rejecting the doctrine of so great a man, and having abused his exhortation, refused to be docile; since he could not be a doctor, he acted with injuries, boasting himself an assertor of perversity, tenacious of the right. Hence the brother was not saddened, considering with himself that he should not spare his fellow-servant, who was derogating from his own Lord. He was found through his diligence to be that thrifty son and provident servant of the Gospel; for he both saved the paternal substance and increased the number of talents. Nor would I say that he only doubled, but multiplied the lot, he whom we saw to have helped even those placed far away with holy usury. O usury of holy preaching! What grace will this negotiator of faith find before the common Lord, who for the sake of the gain of souls exercised business even there where he received the talents? Shall he not deservedly hear from the Householder: Well done, good servant

and faithful, enter into the joy of your Lord? (Matt. xxv, 23.) These things apply to him who also preserved those things which were committed to others. » Thus Celestine.

XI. Reconciliation of the Churches

61. Pope Celestine having departed this life on the eighth day before the Ides of April, Sixtus III succeeded him, with whom John of Antioch eventually entered into peace, having given those letters (together with a sincere profession of the Catholic faith) which are cited in volume V of the Council of Ephesus, chapters 5 and 17. Cyril himself unfolds the exact sequence of events in his Epistle to Dynatus, bishop of Nicopolis of Old Epirus, volume V, chapter 16, which we provide here: « I thought it worthwhile to inform your piety regarding the matters which occurred concerning the establishment of peace among the Churches. Therefore came my lord the most illustrious tribune and notary Aristolaus to Antioch, bringing with him royal letters, in which it was commanded to John, the most pious bishop of the Church of Antioch, that he should anathematize the wicked dogmas of Nestorius, and also, together with the holy synod, should carry out the sentence of deposition against him, and by that means prepare for himself a way to our communion. » And such was the substance of those letters.

62. « But certain of the Eastern bishops, who happened as yet not to have condemned Nestorius, but who continued to favor him and to persist in disturbing the right faith, and who do not acknowledge the glory of Christ our common Saviour, incited Acacius, the most holy and ^B most pious bishop of Beroea, to write to me, and to propose certain absurd things which they themselves desired. For he urged that we should abolish everything that we had written against Nestorius, and, rejecting it as useless, admit only the creed set forth by the holy Fathers gathered in the city of Nicaea. Your holiness remembers that they had urged the same thing when they were recently still present in the city of Ephesus. I, however, replied to these things that they were requesting a matter which could in no way come to pass, because whatever we had written, we had written correctly; as it fully supported the right and blameless faith everywhere, and for that reason, nothing of all that had been written by us could be condemned or denied. For not one thing has been said or written by me rashly, as they say, but only those things have been said and written by me which ^C everywhere harmonize with the rectitude of the faith, and are in all things consonant with truth. I added, indeed, that they would do better if, having dismissed those evasions and delays which they were employing, and keeping themselves within the bounds of what is right and necessary, they would acquiesce to the commands of the most pious and God-beloved emperors, and to the decrees of the holy synod; and would anathematize the nonsense of Nestorius and his blasphemous words against Christ; and also would acknowledge that his deposition was just, and would finally subscribe to the ordination of the most holy and most pious bishop Maximian.

63. « When, therefore, I had sent letters to them, ^D observing that they could in no way obtain communion unless they first confessed those things which they ought to have done, they sent to Alexandria Paul, the most pious and most religious bishop of Emesa, bringing indeed matters pertaining to the restoration of communion, yet proposed in a way that was indecorous and inconvenient: for they showed that they had certain just complaints against us, on the ground that something had been done by the holy council which was neither rightly said nor rightly done. But I did not indeed admit such letters, but said: When they ought humbly to seek pardon for the previous matters, they hasten to heap on new insults again. But when the aforementioned most pious bishop excused the action, and affirmed with an oath that this was not their intention, but that they had inserted it into their letters out of the sheer simplicity of their mind, I admitted the purgation for the sake of love.

64. « Moreover, I did not receive him into communion before he had, once a document was submitted, anathematized the dogmas of Nestorius in his own handwriting; and had publicly confessed that he held him to be deposed, and had eventually assented to the ordination of the most religious bishop Maximian. He requested, however, that the documents of all the Eastern bishops being offered and received in his place, I should require nothing further. But I allowed this to be done on no account: but I sent a paper to my lord the most illustrious tribune and notary, by which I signaled to him: If John, the most pious bishop of the Church of Antioch, subscribes to it, then at last restore communion to them; for the most illustrious tribune Aristolaus was bearing their delay with difficulty. When, therefore, most pious John had subscribed, and the others who were of greater authority with him had anathematized Nestorius' doctrine, and had professed that they held him as deposited; and had approved the ordination of the most religious and most pious bishop Maximian, we restored communion to them. For these alone, while they were still at Ephesus, were required of them by the holy synod. »

65. Paul, the matter having been successfully concluded, returned to John of Antioch and the others, by whom he had been sent to Cyril, bringing with him to John himself the letter whereby the peace and tranquility of the Church had been restored. The exordium of that letter is this, chapter 6, volume IV: « Let the heavens rejoice and let the earth exult (Ps. xcvi, 11): for the middle wall has been dissolved; that which brought sorrow has ceased; and at last every kind of dissension has been removed; with Christ our Saviour indeed reconciling peace to His Churches for all of us, while the most religious and God-beloved emperors are inciting us to this. For while they stand as the best emulators of ancestral religion, they take pains to keep the right faith, which has been implanted in their souls, firm and immovable. And they even devote singular care to the holy Churches, so that from this they may undoubtedly obtain both eternal glory and establish their most flourishing kingdom. » Liberatus in the Breviary, chapters 8 and 9: « Paul therefore going up to Antioch, offered to archbishop John...

^A and all his council, the letter of Cyril. Which, as they knew that he had received the faith as directed by him, and had written a confirmation of it, they made peace with him and his council, condemning Nestorius and receiving Maximianus, who had been made bishop in his stead; although some among them still doubted whether they should communicate with Cyril, thinking that he had erred and had only afterward recognized the truth, and blaming John for not having demanded from him a condemnation of his chapters. Furthermore, some from the palace, through Eulogius the presbyter and apocrisiarius of the Church of Alexandria, blamed Cyril for having accepted from the oriental bishops the confession of two natures, which Nestorius said and taught. But it also seemed so to Valerian of Iconium and Acacius of Melitene, who were bishops. Therefore, Cyril wrote to them in defense of the oriental bishops ^B and for the two natures of the one Christ... Writing to Acacius, bishop of Melitene, he says among other things: "For Nestorius says that Christ is named separately as the Word of God, but has a continuous conjunction with Christ. Do you think, then, that he does not most openly say there are two Christs? The Orientals, however, confess that they adore one Christ and Son, and God and Lord, the same one from the Father according to his divinity, and the same one from the holy Virgin according to his humanity. For they say that the union of the two natures has taken place; yet they openly confess one Christ, one Son and Lord created," etc.

67. Liberatus continues: « These are the words Cyril wrote in defense of the oriental bishops, for the two natures of the one Christ. Whoever at that time did not receive them, I consider to be the authors of the Acephali, who show neither that they have Cyril as their head, nor anyone whom they follow. At that time, Evoptius, bishop of the region of Ptolemais in Pentapolis, receiving a copy of the letters of Theodoret, who had written against the twelve chapters of Cyril, sent it to Cyril so that he might answer them and explain his own chapters. Cyril, receiving this most gladly, made an interpretation of his chapters, adding twelve expositions, by which he might seem to provide a full reason for them. Therefore, with Cyril receiving and defending the faith of the oriental bishops and explaining his own chapters, peace and unity were restored to the Churches. In this peace, while the Church rejoiced, the enemy of peace and rival of unity did not rest from moving his vessels against it ^C and sowing tares; which arose on account of the books of Theodore of Mopsuestia and Diodore of Tarsus. These, because they scarcely pertain to St. Cyril, we omit in this place; primarily because the history of the deacon Liberatus is not entirely worthy of belief, for he obstinately undertook to defend, along with other Africans, the "three chapters" concerning the writings of Mopsuestia, the letter of Ibas, and the commentaries of Theodoret against Cyril, which had already been condemned even by the Roman Pontiff, and incautiously produced a letter forged by some Nestorian under the name of Cyril to John of Antioch, which relates—as the same Liberatus writes—that Theodore was praised and his writings approved, when he had been so opposed to Nestorius. Yet he himself testifies in a letter to John, bishop of Antioch, that he [Nestorius] had drawn his errors from Theodore himself. "Falsely claiming," he says, "that they have approached the things of Nestorius, they introduce them again in another way, admiring those things which are of Theodore, and they certainly possess a disease of impiety equal to, or indeed much worse than, his. For Theodore was not the disciple of Nestorius, but the latter was of him, and they speak as though with one mouth, and vomit forth the same poison of evil doctrine from their hearts. In his Epistle to the Emperor Theodosius, he asserts that Theodore of Mopsuestia and Diodore of Tarsus were the fathers of the impiety of Nestorius, and that they blasphemed savagely against Christ, our common Savior, not knowing his mystery," etc. All these things are referred to in the fifth collation of the fifth ecumenical council. Finally, he showed that both were the authors of the same heresy in his exposition of the Nicene Creed toward the end. Where he also makes mention of the epistle of Proclus written to the Armenians concerning this matter: "The most beloved chorus of the holy Fathers of Christ feels this way with us," he says, "and Proclus himself, who now adorns the throne of the holy Church of Constantinople as a most religious and pious Father and fellow-bishop. For he himself also wrote to the most pious oriental bishops in these words: 'And he was indeed incarnate,' the rest." That epistle exists in the Bibliotheca Patrum, translated into Latin by Dionysius Exiguus, on the occasion of that same controversy having been stirred up again in his own time because of the three chapters of the Council of Chalcedon, which the Church finally rescinded, one of which was concerning the writings of the same Theodore. Furthermore, upon the death of Maximianus, St. Proclus succeeded him, in the consulship of Aspar and Areobindus, in the year of Christ 434; regarding whose life, on October 24, more will be said concerning this controversy. ^D

68. For how can we believe that Cyril, as the same Liberatus writes, praised Theodore and approved his writings, when he had been so opposed to Nestorius, whom—the rest is to be found in the Bibliotheca, volume 27.

69. With apostolic authority, Cyril resisted Juvenal, bishop of Jerusalem, who was aspiring to the primacy of Palestine (which was also finally conferred upon that see), writing to Antioch: "In the Ephesine synod," he says, "Juvenal the bishop believed himself sufficient to obtain the principate of the province of Palestine, and sought to confirm insolent designs through forged writings: which Cyril of Alexandria, of holy memory, rightly shuddering at, judged with his writings to me, as daring as said covetousness was; and with anxious prayer he asked that no assent be given to illicit attempts."

70. The doctrine of Cyril was reverently received and praised by the holy Fathers. St. Euthymius, as is said in his Life on January 20, num. 75, rejected the calumnies against the Synod of Chalcedon, using this reason among others: "The synod joins to itself Cyril, bishop of Alexandria, as one who is of the same sentiment; and he confesses that he is of the right sentiment."

master: he calls the Holy Virgin Mother of God in clear language, and asserts that the only-begotten Son of God was born of her. These things are contained in the Acts of the 1st Council of Chalcedon, for "when the epistle of holy memory Cyril was being read, the most reverend bishops of Illyricum cried out: Thus we believe, as Cyril does. Eternal memory to Cyril!" And a little later: "All the most reverend bishops cried out: We believe as Cyril does, we believe thus, we believe thus; anathema to him who does not believe thus." Similar things are found most frequently in the same discussion, and by individuals in favor of Flavian, who had succeeded Proclus in the bishopric of Constantinople and had condemned the error of Eutyches, and are repeated in that same phrase. By the judgment of one, we end at Sabbas, bishop of Palta: "We have learned," he says, "to follow the holy Fathers. For our Fathers who met at Nicaea did not speak from themselves, but what the Holy Spirit dictated. Likewise, the most holy and God-beloved B. Cyril also, through the Holy Spirit, spoke and taught what belongs to the holy Fathers." Finally, his doctrine was discussed at the fifth ecumenical council with an accurate examination of one hundred and sixty-five bishops, and was celebrated with most illustrious encomia. Concerning his death and his solemn veneration in the Eastern and Western Church, it was ^A spoken of above at § 1.

NOTICE FROM THE LIBRARY OF FABRICIUS

I. The age and life of Cyril of Alexandria. II. Other Cyrils. III. The works of Cyril of Alexandria and their editions. IV. Writings in the seven volumes of the Paris Greek-Latin edition, reviewed with various observations. V. Greek index of Cyril's writings, with the beginnings of individual homilies and other treatises placed in alphabetical order. VI. Index of those things which exist only in Latin. VII. Index of writings which are not by Cyril, but were published with Cyril in the edition of Aubert. VIII. Published writings of Cyril which are missing in the Greek-Latin edition. IX. Writings falsely attributed to Cyril. X. Unpublished writings of Cyril of Alexandria. XI. Lost works. XII. Index of those to whom or against whom Cyril wrote.

1. The age and life of Cyril.

St. Cyril, nephew ^A (a) of Theophilus, archbishop of Alexandria, trained under this uncle of his ^B from his tender age, devoted diligent effort to literature, especially sacred literature. After spending some years among the monks of Nitria (b), he returned to Alexandria, and in the year of Christ 403 attended the synod at the Oak (c), in which, under the presidency of Theophilus of Alexandria, St. John Chrysostom was condemned and deposed. After the death of Theophilus, on October 15, 412, Cyril was elevated to the archbishopric of Alexandria immediately on the third day after, while others were laboring in vain for the archdeacon Timothy. Among other things he did with great zeal and ardor, that which is on everyone's lips, and which stirred the whole Church for a long time, is the history of Nestorius, who was condemned and deposed at the Council of Ephesus in the year of Christ 431, and the grave dissension with the oriental bishops John of Antioch, Theodoret of Cyrrhus, and others, whose arrival at the synod he had not awaited, and by whom, along with Memnon, bishop of Ephesus, he was deposed (d) and put in prison by Count John, but was soon restored again by the council and returned to freedom and his former dignity by the emperor. Whoever desires to know these things more fully should study the Acts of the Council of Ephesus, Socrates, Liberatus, Facundus, Evagrius, Theophanes, Leontius of Byzantium, and the Synodicon against the tragedy ^C of Irenaeus (e) [and Mansi Coll. conc., etc., IV], and among the more recent authors (besides the writers of annals).

^A one should consult Tillemont, *Mémoires pour servir à l'histoire ecclésiastique*, tome XIV; Jo. Garnerius on tome II of Marius Mercator; Petavius in *Dogmata Theologica* on the Incarnation; and Ludovicus Dulcinus in *Historia Nestorianismi*, published in French at Rotterdam in 1698, in quarto. Cyril died in the year of Christ 444, on June 27. The Latin Church celebrates his memory on January 28 (on which day see Bollandus in *Acta Sanctorum*, discoursing at length on Cyril), and the Greek Church on June 9 and January 18, [the day of] "our holy fathers and archbishops of Alexandria, Athanasius and Cyril." Since he asserted the Catholic dogma of the Incarnation of the Word with such intensity of spirit, being equally far removed from the errors of Eutyches as from those of Nestorius, he is called *γνώμων τῆς ἀκριβείας*, the rule of accuracy, by Eulogius in Photius, cod. 230, p. 452; *τῆς ἀκριβείας διδάσκαλος*, the most accurate teacher, p. 454; and *θερμὸς τῆς ἀκριβείας καὶ ἀληθείας ἐραστής*, the fervent lover of accuracy and truth, p. 441. As for his having written that there is one nature (*φύσιν μίαν*) (a) in Christ after the union, which is *ὑποστατική*, hypostatic, he demonstrated sufficiently in six hundred places that he understood it in a sense far different from that which Eutyches later opined, and that he had used the term "nature" as a synonym for "hypostasis."

^B II. Other Cyrils. Cyril, bishop of Adana in Cilicia Prima, who was present at the synod of the Orientals after the Council of Ephesus. A letter of Theodoret to him is in the *Auctuarium Garnerianum*, p. 679. Mention of him is in the Synodicon against the tragedy of Irenaeus, ch. 7, 13, 28, 130, 161. [See vol. VIII, p. 300 and 302.] Cyril the Chronographer. See vol. VII, p. 472 et seq. [H.] There were three patriarchs of Constantinople named Cyril: one is this Cyril Contari, of whom I spoke a little before under Berrhoea; a second is Cyril Lucaris, of whom I will speak shortly; and a third is Cyril Spanos, of Tornobos, from the year 1652-1656. FABR. Under the name of Cyril, patriarch of Constantinople, there circulates a *Censura confessionis* of Calvinist faith. See more in vol. X, p. 416, n. 9, old ed. Cyril of Tornobos is said to have been patriarch in the year 1651 for twenty days, and restored in 1654 for fourteen days. HARL. [Cyril of Cyzicus, whose book *De S. Blandula et figulo* is at Oxford in the Barocci codex XXV, p. 273. It begins: *Τί τὸ ἱερὸν τοῦτο*. HARL.] Cyril the Dalmatian, A.C. 863, the apostle of the Moravians, Slavs, and Bulgarians, together with his brother Methodius, regarding whom, besides the writers cited in book v, ch. 1, § XXX [vol. VII, p. 272 et seq.], one should consult Joh. Weichard Valvasor and Erasmus Francisci in the second part of their work published in German: *Ehre des Herzogthums Crain*, book vi, ch. 4, where he discusses the Slavic alphabet discovered by Cyril and Methodius. [Cyril the Deacon, whose martyrdom is read in the *Vitae Sanctorum* for the month of May in the Barocci codex, Oxford CCLX, p. 159. H.] Cyril the Grammarian, author of a Greek-Latin glossary, of whom elsewhere. FABR. Regarding the biblical lexicon which survives now under the name of Cyril, now of Philo, now of Origen, see book iv, ch. 37, vol. VI, p. 199 et seq., and vol. IV, p. 470; concerning Cyril the Grammarian among the epigrammatic poets, see vol. VI, p. 321; concerning the collection of words of Cyril, or rather of Jo. Philoponus, for the discrepant [words], etc., see a little later in section x, at n. Cyril of Heliopolis, who suffered martyrdom under Julian, of whom see Theodoret III, 7, *Historia*, and Suidas in *Κύριλλος*. Cyril of Jerusalem, of whom I spoke in book v, ch. 14. I now add only this: it seems that he is different from that Cyril to whom Jerome writes that he had delivered his confession of faith in epistle 77. See Tillemont, tom. XII, p. 624. FABR. Different from Cyril of Jerusalem is another of the same age, a competitor of this same Cyril, and after his deposition, an invader of the see of Jerusalem; see Touttée, *Dissertatio Cyrilliana*. [Cyril of Antioch. HARL.] [Cyril of Caesarea, i.e., the Elder, whom Touttée suspects in his *Dissertatio Cyrilliana* prefixed to his edition of the Works of Cyril of Jerusalem, p. I and L, to be not different from the other Cyril, of Jerusalem, where he enumerates many Cyrils. HARL.]

Cyril, bishop in Armenia, ordained by Eustathius of Sebaste. See S. Basil, epistles 58 and 187. Cyril Contari, of Berrhoea, patriarch of Constantinople, rival of Cyril Lucaris, strangled (the year after him) in 1639. FABR. Conf. Jo. Aymon, *Monumens authentiques*, p. 311 et seq. HARL. Cyril the Carmelite, circa A.C. 1294, regarding whom see *Acta Sanctorum*, March 6, tom. I, p. 498 seq., where a *Life* written by John Palaeonydorus is found. He is the third prior general of the Carmelite order, a Greek by nation, who wrote to Abbot Joachim. Hence the astonishment of some, who—concerning Cyril the Carmelite—ridiculously attributed him to the Alexandrian. See Labbé, tome I *De S. E.*, p. 246. [Cambridge, in the codex of Gonville and Caius College, no. 1206, catalogue of codices of Cyril the presbyter and hermit of Mount Carmel. Vision and Prophecy.] Cyril, catechumen of the monastery of the holy martyrs Probus, Tarachus, and Andronicus, who was present at the Council of Constantinople for the veneration of images, which was held under Alexius Comnenus in the Blachernae triclinium. [Cyril of Chios, V. vol. X, p. 501. Distinct from Cyril of Cius, bishop of the province of Bithynia, who subscribed to the Council of Nicaea. See Henr. Valesius, *Emendationes*, book 11, p. 49. HARL.] Cyril, Bishop, African martyr, of whom see *Acta Sanctorum*, March 8, tom. I, p. 757. Of the Alexandrian patriarchs named Cyril, following the famous one of whom I have spoken, there were several: one from A.C. 1078 to 1092; another, the son of Laklak, from A.C. 1235 to 1243; a third, Cyril Lucaris, who later arrived at the patriarchate of Constantinople in 1621. (a) Epistola 2, ad Succensum. Compare what is said regarding Cyril by Ephraim of Antioch in Photius, cod. 229, and Eulogius of Alexandria, cod. 230.

^A he lauds, cap. 1, § II, p. 1, especially cap. 8, n. 48, Cat. codd. Gr. Laur., I, p. 303, and Montfaucon in p. xlviii sqq. HARL. Analecta [Analectis], p. 67, and in Diario Ital., p. HARL.

Cyril the jurist, whom I shall mention below among the scholiasts of the *Basilika*, book VI.

Cyril, presbyter of the Laura of St. Sabas, who wrote the *Encomium of St. Theognis, ascetic and bishop of Cyprus*. It begins: Θεόγνιος ὁ πανεύφημος.

[Cyril Lesbius, Patriarch of Constantinople, whom Demetrius Procopius lauds in his *De eruditis Graecis* as his contemporary, a very learned and especially pious man. See Fabric. vol. XI, p. 790, § LXIV. HARL.]

Cyril Lucaris, formerly Patriarch of Alexandria, then of Constantinople, strangled in the year 1638; regarding whom one should consult the book: *Défense de la perpétuité de la foi*, Paris, 1709, 12, and the *Memorias litterarias Trevoltinas* of the year 1710, p. 626 seq. See also Hottinger, Thomas Smith, and others, cited by me in book V, cap. 5, p. 749 [first edition vol. VI]. FABR. — In the *Bibl. Leidensis Catal.*, p. 326, n. 26, among the codices are mentioned 14 letters of Patriarch Cyril to David de Willem. — A copy of the letters of Cyril, Patriarch of Constantinople, to senators, doctors, ministers, etc., of Geneva; also to Diodati and Ant. Leger; a *Confession of Faith* written by Cyril’s own hand, month of January, 1631. Page 542, n. 67, *Greek Confession*, corrected in the margin here and there by Cyril. In the *Cat. codd. Angliae, etc.*, tom. II, p. 37, n. 1503, among the codices of the Earl of Denbigh. *Relation of the practices of the Jesuits against Cyrillus, patriarch of CPle, and the cause of their banishment*. HARL.

Cyril the Martyr, Bishop of the Cretans, whose *Life*, written by an Anonymous Cretan, Allatius possessed beginning thus: Ὡς ἂν μὴ τὸν λόγον ἀνάρμοστον πρὸς τὴν διήγησιν ἐσόμενον. [See vol. IX, p. 70, old ed.] ^B

[Cyril the Physician (See vol. XIII, p. 134). Another, Metropolitan of Nicaea, a. 1675. See vol. VIII, p. 91. HARL.]

[Cyril, Bishop of Satala or near Satala in Armenia, whom Basil mentions in epistle 187, p. 202, and perhaps also in epistle 58, p. 86. More was disputed regarding him by Touttée in his first Cyrilline dissertation cited, p. 1 and 2, where also Cyril of Gortyna is named, and another of uncertain see in Syria, as it seems, a. 379 or 380. HARL.]

Cyril, Bishop of the Treviri [Trier] around A.C. 458, concerning whom see *Acta Sanctorum*, 19 May, t. IV, p. 331.

III. Codices of the manuscripts and editions of the works of Cyril

[See Fabricius, *De scriptor. de verit. relig. Christ.*, cap. 2, § XXVI, p. 104. HEUM.]

[Primarily I shall mention several codices (of which there is a great quantity) of Cyril of Alexandria; I will insert notice of many others in their proper places.

According to Matthaei’s *Notit. codd. Gr. Mosquens.*, p. 21 and 22, in cod. XIII, there are many fragments. — P. 28 sq., in cod. XIX, in a catena of the Fathers on Genesis and Exodus. — P. 35 and 36, in cod. XXIV, in a catena of the Fathers on Isaiah, and p. 56, in cod. XXV, in a catena on Isaiah different from the former.

In the royal Escorial library, according to Pluerus in his *Itinerario per Hispan.*, p. 163 sq. (coll. Montfauc. *Bibl. bibl. mss.*, I, p. 618 sq.), there are various and many works of Cyril. In this place it is permitted only to mention: 1. A particular lexicon from the works of Cyril with words of divine Scripture by Antonius the philosopher; 2. A collection of words from various books of the Old and New Testaments, and also from profane literature; 3. That one ought not alter the defined faith of the Holy Fathers at the Nicene synod; 4. Of Old Scripture with a particular synopsis concerning theology and ancient history; 5. From the book whose inscription is *Demonstration by those things which were done in antiquity*, divine oracles by the holy prophets, patriarchs, etc.; 6. Seventeen books against Palladius, in dialogic form, and an apologetic for the 12 chapters; 7. On the Ascension of the Lord and on the mystical supper and washing; 8. Acclamation to the Emperor Theodosius, and from the confutations against Julian the Apostate, 10 sections, 2 books; 9. Demonstration on the procession of the Holy Spirit; 10. Canonical epistle to Dominus (Domnus?) and the bishops in Libya.

Cyril of Scythopolis, monk of the Laura of Hierosolyma, who flourished in the middle of the sixth century after Christ was born, and wrote various *Lives* of the saints in Greek, concerning whom I shall speak below in his proper place. FABR. — Infra, vol. X, p. 155 sq. old ed. — In the Arabic codex of the Vatican, *Life of the Abbots Euthymius and Sabas*; in the Greek codex CCLI of Vienna there is a fragment from the Euthymiac history concerning the deeds of St. Euthymius, Abbot of Palestine, who died A.C. 472, which Lambecius in *Commentar.*, V, p. 329 sqq., not. 1, thought was written by Cyril the monk; but Kollar refuted that opinion of Lambecius in note B to the *loc. cit.* of Lambecius, as well as to vol. VII, p. 363 sq., where and on p. 645 sqq. Lambecius repeated his own judgment; and Fabricius, vol. X, p. 156 sq., n. 4. Add Bandini.

In the Imperial library of Vienna, in volumes III, IV, V, VI and VIII, edited by Lambecius in *Commentar.*, very many codices are preserved in which are various writings or excerpts of Cyril. In this place, notice of some will suffice: cod. LVIII, n. 2, vol. III, p. 255 sq. Kollar, Cyril of Alexandria’s *Sentences and those of others on the true manner of worshiping God in spirit and in truth.* — In vol. IV, p. 255 sqq., cod. CXLVI, n. 2, 13, 21, and 33, many excerpts from Cyril’s *Expositions on the Old Testament*. — N. 17, Cyril’s *Oration on the feast of the Purification*. — P. 365, etc., fragments in codd. CLXIV, n. 6, CLXVI, n. CLXVI and CLXVIII; CLXXXVIII, n. 22, and in this codex also, n. 12, the *Compendiary Exposition of the Orthodox Faith* by Cyril and St. Anastasius Sinaita, about which see a little later, § IX. In vol. V, various opuscula. Especially excerpts and fragments in cod. CCXLIV, n. 4. — In cod. CCXLVI, n. 44, from book II *On the sacrifice of the lamb*. — In cod. CCXLVII, n. 30, and cod. XXXIII,

^A n. 4, in vol. VIII, *Disputation with Nestorius*; which Kollar, ad vol. V, p. 269, thinks was made by another from Cyril’s *Antirrhetic*. — In cod. CCXLVIII, n. 5 (spurious. See Kollar, p. 287, note) *Disputation with the Jews concerning the adoration of the holy cross and of holy images*. — In cod. CCL, n. 10, from the *Dialogue to Hermias concerning the consubstantial Trinity*, a fragment. Kollar, p. 314. — In cod. CCLXXXIII, n. 2, p. 474, *Commentaries* excerpted from the works of Cyril. In vol. VI, part 1, p. 97, cod. XI, n. 16, a fragment from the works of Cyril *concerning the time of the holy supper of Christ*; p. 130 sq. in cod. XVIII, n. 4 (where see the note of Kollar) canonical fragments from the epistle to Domnus and the epistle to the bishops of Libya and Pentapolis, etc. (cf. the works of Theodore Balsamon, published in Greek and Latin at Paris, p. 1076 and p. 1080. — *Sentences of Cyril and others*. See Reiser, *Index of Augustan codices*, p. 22; ibid., p. 25, ^B *Explanation of the parable of Luke xvi*.)

At Venice, among the codices of Jul. Justiniani, are Cyril’s *Festal Epistles*; in another codex of the same, the *Thesaurus*; in another, *Homilies on Genesis*, according to Montfaucon in his *Diarium Italicum*, p. 434. — Bandinius, in the *Catalogue of Greek codices of Laurentius*, recorded many excerpts from various works of Cyril in the codices found there: vol. I, p. 47, n. XXX, XXXI, and XXXII, p. 468; XII, p. 118; V, p. 119; X, p. 415; XXVI, p. 600; in vol. II, cod. XI, § II; vol. III, p. 324, XX. Passages are cited: vol. I, p. 99 and 436 in the *Exposition of sacred precepts*; p. 253, in the *Florilegium of sentences*, by John Cantacuzenus against Palamas; p. 358, in the work of an anonymous author against the same; and p. 432, in the *Thesaurus of the orthodox faith*. We shall indicate the complete works preserved in the Laurentian codices in their proper places. Note also cod. I, n. 2, plut. 7, or the *Edict of the Emperor Justinian*, containing a confession of the right faith, etc., in which Justinian, p. 293, brings forward passages of Cyril of Alexandria from letters 1 and 2 to Successus, etc.; and n. 5, *Exemplar of an epistle prescribed by the Emperor Justinian* against certain persons, the impious Theodore, and his other iniquitous dogmas, and the letter called that of Ibas, as well as the books of Theodoret against the catholic faith, defending them by his writings; this long epistle Bandinius, in the *Catalogue*, vol. I, p. 166 sqq., first published in Greek with a Latin version, in which frequent mention is made of Cyril and certain of his works, or he is defended.

According to the *Catalogue of codices of England and Ireland* in various libraries, especially the Bodleian, the works of Cyril or fragments of them very often exist; here we shall only cite some codices in which particles are found: n. 85 in the Bodleian library, in cod. Barocc. LXXXV, an *Epistle to Gennadius* and excerpts from epistles and from a certain sermon; — n. 272, *Disputation between Cyril and Nestorius*; n. 688, *Certain questions and answers concerning the faith of the holy Trinity*; — n. 2500, *Encomium of the Blessed Virgin*; n. 2877, *On images*; n. 3060, *Certain synodal heads*; n. 3275, an oration *On the XXIV elders who are in heaven, whose names are written in Coptic*, whose commemoration is usually held on the 24th of the month Hatur, in Arabic; n. 3397, *On Symeon*. Cambridge n. 314, *Epistles and acts of Cyril and others* of the third synod, Gr. — In vol. II, n. 36, *Epistle against Theodoret*; n. 980, in the codex of the church of Salisbury, *On the procession of the Holy Spirit*. — N. 3435 in the library of Norfolk, *Cyril to Nestorius*; n. 5959 in the library of Gale, *Short exposition of the Christian faith* by Anastasius and Cyril. Dublin, n. 726, *Cyril’s explanation on the circumcision of Christ* — and *on the carrying by Symeon*. ^C

Leiden, among the Vulcanius codices, *Library Catalogue*, p. 344 and 345, many works of Cyril, either described by Vulcanius, or translated into Latin, or illustrated. P. 346, n. 52, *Cyril’s dialogue to Hermæus the philosopher*. — P. 347, n. 62, *Two Sermons*, and [one] *to the presbyter Hermias*. — P. 348, n. 92 E, *Festal sermon*. Among the Vossian codices, p. 381, n. 54, *Rescripts to the African council*, where the authentic [*acts*] of the Council of Nicaea, translated from Greek by Innocent the presbyter, etc. — P. 401, n. 4, *Cyril’s collection of sentences against the Pneumatomachi*.

Paris, in the public library, many writings of Cyril are numbered, written by hand: here I shall only name the *Excerpts* in codices DCCCLXXXII and MMMIX. — According to the *Parisian ms. library Catalogue*, vol. I, p. 107 and 108, and 117, there are among the Arabic codices some *Homilies of Cyril*.

Venice, in the Biblioteca Marciana, codex CXXII, *Cyril against the Anthropomorphites*. See the note in the *Catalogue of Greek codices of the Marciana*, p. 70. In codex CDXXXVIII, *certain anathematisms* (Catalogue, p. 215). From the number of very many codices which Montfaucon reports in his *Library of manuscript codices*, I shall only make mention of a few. ^D

Rome, in the Ottobonian library, *Orations of Cyril* (I, p. 183 A). Vatican library, and twice in the Ambrosian of Milan, *Works* (I, p. 199 A; p. 495 E, p. 512 B).

Basel, *Cyril of Alexandria on Exodus and Leviticus*; *Theodoret against Cyril*, and *Cyril’s epistle against Theodoret*; *Cyril’s XII anathematisms*, and *against the Anthropomorphites*; and in another codex certain things by Cyril, and an epistle, etc. (I, p. 609 B, p. 610 A). — In the library of St. Vincent, *Works* (II, p. 1194 D). — In the library of Pelliesser, *on Isaiah* (II, p. 1198 E). — In the library of the abbey of St. Theodoric near Rheims, *Homilies on Leviticus* twice (II, p. 1231 E, and 1234 B).

Florence, in the library of St. Mark of the Dominicans, *three Commonitoria and two Epistles to Acacius*, in Latin (I, p. 419 D E). Add Zacharias, *Literary journey through Italy*, Venice, 1762, 4, p. 51, and concerning another codex, p. 55. But alas, there is enough for the present! HARL.]

Latin Editions

Basel, 1524, folio, printed by Cratander, in which edition there exist only the *Commentaries on John*, on *Leviticus* (which are Origen's), and the *Thesaurus*; which were published separately in Paris in 1520 and 1521, folio. FABR. This Basel edition of 1524 contains nothing other than what had previously been published separately at Paris, as noted by Lambacher in the *Civic Library of Vienna*, p. 98, note, who on p. 99 mentions three editions of certain works of Cyril. But in the library of the Erlangen academy there is a large volume in small folio, which [contains] the following

editions, with specific inscriptions for each of the works: 1. A notable work of Cyril, Patriarch of Alexandria, *On the Gospel of John*, translated by George of Trebizond. Jodocus Clichtoveus, in the dedicatory epistle written at Paris in 1508, laments that there exist even in three Latin and two Greek codices of the Vatican only the first four and the last four books of the twelve books of commentaries; after fol. 168, in a new page series 1–19, there is added by Clichtoveus to the explanation of Cyril's commentaries the fifth book; then on p. 38 foll., the seventh book is added; then on p. 52, similarly the eighth book, and so on, where the text of Cyril was lacking. At the end, before the table of errata: Paris, in the printing house of Wolfgang Hopyl, 1508. ^A 2. Cyril's commentaries on Leviticus, digested into sixteen books, etc., 1514. In the end, before the index: Paris, from the book-printing house of Wolfgang Hopyl, a. 1514. And in the same place: This book, with some other works of the same Cyril, is for sale. But concerning the author of this work, see below under index of works that are omitted in the Greek-Latin edition, no. 165. The excellent work of Cyril of Alexandria which is called the *Thesaurus*, comprising fourteen books; and *On the Consubstantiality of the Son and of the Holy Spirit with God the Father*, against the heretics, translated by George of Trebizond, etc. For sale 1514 (this year is noted on the front); the dedication of Clichtoveus was written at Paris in 1513. Sub finem: Paris, a. 1513, on the fourth day of April, by Wolfgang Hopyl, etc. Afterwards an edition emerged, omitted by Fabricius and confused with the edition of 1546; a copy of this is in the library of the Erlangen academy, and at the loc. cit., p. 98, another is reviewed by Lambacher: *Divine Cyril's Works*, divided into three tomes (but contained in one volume): in which you have many things not previously presented in Latin. In the first tome are the *Commentaries on the Gospel of John* in 12 books (or rather 8, to which Jodocus Clichtoveus added the four intermediate ones), translated by George of Trebizond; *On Leviticus* in 16 books (translator uncertain), Basel, in the house of Andreas Cratander, M. D. XXVIII, fol. In tome II is the *Thesaurus*, translated by G. Trapezuntius. The remaining works added in tomes II and III were previously unpublished: 1. The seven books of the *Dialogues with Hermias on the Trinity*, with an appendix of arguments that the Holy Spirit is God, translated by Jo. Oecolampadius; 2. The dialogue *On Adoration and Worship in Spirit and in Truth to Palladius*, translated by the same; 3. *Against Julian the Apostate for the Christian Religion* in 10 books; 4. *On the Right Faith in Jesus Christ to Theodosius* in 2 books; 5. *On the Same to the Queens*, one book, translated by Jo. Oecolampadius. Harl. ^B Basil. 1546, fol., by Hervagius, in four tomes, but which can be contained in one volume. In this are added the 7 books *On the Trinity*; *On the Holy Spirit*; *On Adoration in Spirit and in Truth*; 10 books *Against Julian*; and 3 books *On the Right Faith in Christ to Emperor Theodosius and the Queens* (a); 39 Epistles, 10 Homilies, *Apology to Emperor Theodosius*; *Declaration of the 12 Chapters*; an apologetic for the same and a book to Euoptius; *Exposition of the Nicene Creed* [trans. Jo. Theophilus]; *Scholia on the Incarnation of the Only-Begotten*; 12 Synodical Epistles, and the *Dogmas of Nestorius* as impugned by Cyril and condemned by the Synod of Ephesus. Basil. 1566, fol., by the heirs of Joannes Hervagius (for all five tomes are contained in one volume), commentaries on Isaiah, complexa from the version of Laur. Humfredus. Elias du Pin is mistaken, who writes that this edition is the first Latin edition of Cyril's works, *Bibliotheca scriptorum eccl.*, p. 52. ^C Paris 1573, fol., in two volumes, under the care of Gentianus Hervetus (b), which edition is reviewed by Possevin in his *Apparatus Sacer*. But more complete than the previous ones is the later Parisian [edition] of a. 1605, in 2 volumes, which Bellarmine follows *De S. E.*; for in it were added the *Glaphyra on the Pentateuch* from the version of A. Schottus, and the remaining 16 books *On Adoration in Spirit and in Truth* from the interpretation of Antonius Agellius, not to mention other improvements.

Greek-Latin Edition

Promised Editions

^A nor that I might consider it lost, I petitioned him to grant me the Greek Cyril for my own use; I would not only make it my task that it be brought to the public at his wish, but I would also satisfy him for the price of the codex. But he, having returned thanks for the service, said that so much of his strength still remained that he himself would be able to fulfill his promise. So true is it that there is no one so old who does not despair that he can survive—I do not say a day—but years. Although there was someone in England who would have boasted that he had claimed a great treasure, rather than confirming that he had truly gloated over it. It is certain, however, that Vulcanius not only possessed many unpublished works of Cyril in Greek, but had also translated not a few into Latin, a part of which, bequeathed to the Leiden library [and lauded in the Leiden library catalogue among the codices from the legacy of Vulcanius], later became available also for the use of Aubertus.

2. Of Fronton du Duc, concerning whom Jakob Sirmond wrote in a letter to Sebastian Tegnagel, dated the 3rd before the Nones of September, 1696: "In the *Bibliotheca Patrum Graeco-Latina*, comprised of two volumes, the blessed one has ceased, who was planning other things, as you know: Nicephorus, Theodoret, Cyril of Alexandria, and the Greek-Latin Bibles. Of these, he had clearly completed Nicephorus; he had Theodoret finished in great part. What was missing, I myself intended to supply. He had collected fewer things for Cyril, which, however, might be of use if someone at some point applies his mind to the labor." [Cyril’s works are scarcely worthy of being read, judges La Croze, *Hist. Christ. Ind.*, lib. 1, p. 16. HEUM.] [He had labored much and diligently in the Holy Scriptures, and he urged this work more than the others. But I fear it is not permitted to hope for the future, on account of the new Greek-Latin edition, which has already been begun here, under the care, as I hear, of Jo. Marino, of the Congregation of the Oratory, a learned man, etc. (3) of Conrad Rittershusius, see epistle 352 and 353 among the epistles of learned men to Goldastus, edited from the library of the most illustrious Thulemarius. Jo. Garnier sent these to Marius Mercator, tom. II, p. 43.

IV. In the Paris Greek-Latin edition are contained: Tome I. — α'. *De adoratione et cultu in spiritu et veritate* (Περὶ τῆς ἐν πνεύματι καὶ ἀληθείᾳ προσκυνήσεως καὶ λατρείας), or on the duties of the Christian man toward God, in 17 books, written in the manner of dialogues, in which Palladius and Cyril converse. P. 1— [Congregation of Clerics Regular presbyter, which was first printed at Lyon, but less accurately in 1587 in 4to, then more accurately at Rome, 1588, folio, so that it might compete with the Latin Venetian edition of 1604.]

^B to omit. This work of Cyril is cited by Andreas Salmasius in Anastasius’ *Hodegos*, p. 342; by Ephrem of Antioch in Photius, cod. ccxxix; by Leontius of Byzantium *Against Eutyches*; by Anastasius of Sinai, *Quaest.* 20, 39, and 57; by John of Damascus, *De Trisagio*, tom. I, *Opp.*, p. 400, and in the *Parallels*, tom. II, p. 364; and by the authors of the catenae on the Pentateuch. Nicephorus also mentions it, xiv, 14, as does Photius, cod. xlix; Cyril himself at the beginning of the *Glaphyra*, p. 2. In the ancient Latin editions, only the first book of this work is read from another translation, which begins: *Supervacaneum opinor rogare ex te* (I think it superfluous to ask of you). ^C Aubertus extracted the Greek from the codex of Vulcanius, which he had bequeathed to the Leiden library, and from another of Harlaeus, Bishop of Saint-Malo, whose variant readings appear after the notes of Agellius at the end of the volume. FABR. — The earlier books exist at Oxford in cod. Barocc. n. 291. Catal. In the Vatican codices and those of Harlaeus, Bishop of Saint-Malo in Gaul. Whether the work is genuine to Cyril, is disputed, and against Rivetus, Oudin asserts it for Cyril, 1. c., p. 1015 sqq. HARL.

β'. *Glaphyra* (Γλαφυρά), or polished commentaries (for the most part allegorical and anagogical) on selected places of the Pentateuch, Tome II, part II, p. 1-433. With the translation of Andreas Schottus, S.J. On Genesis, 7 books; on Exodus, 3 books; on Leviticus, 1; on Numbers, 1; and on Deuteronomy, 1. This work is frequently lauded by the ancients. It first saw the light in Latin in the 1605 Paris edition of the Latin Works of Cyril, from the translation of Andreas Schottus. Then, with the paschal homilies of Cyril, it was published by the same Schottus in Greek and Latin at Antwerp, 1618, folio. Aubertus compared the Harlaeus codex with the edition of Schottus and noted the variants of the readings in the final volume. From Nicephorus, xiv, 14, one might suspect that Cyril composed such *Glaphyra* not only on the Pentateuch but on all the books of the Old Testament: "Leading back the *Glaphyra* of the Old Scripture allegorically spoken to Christ and to our Church." In Genesis, the *Glaphyra* of Cyril was translated by Ambrosius Camaldulensis, and he wished to publish it, as Sixtus Senensis attests; for some reason, I know not why, he desisted. FABR. — At Leiden in the public library, p. 345, n. 13, among the codices of Vulcanius: Cyril’s secret Dissertations on Genesis, in Latin. Nicolaus Drumezius, of Bruges, added a Latin translation and notes. Ibid., p. 402, n. 9: places of Holy Scripture which are remembered by Cyril and other Greek Fathers. — At Munich in the Elector’s library, cod. XVIII, Cyril of Alexandria on Genesis, Exodus, Leviticus, Numbers, Deuteronomy. See *Cat. codd. Bavar.*, p. 5. — At Vienna in the Imperial library, cod. LVII, n. 104-107. Commentary on...

^A Genesis, in 3 books; on Exodus, divided into 5 discourses; on Numbers, divided into 5 discourses; on Deuteronomy, divided into the same number of discourses. See Lambeck, III, p. 249 sq. In the Bodleian library, the Cromwell codex, n. 294, Catal., contains Cyril's *Questions and Doubts on the Holy Scriptures*; but the compiler of the *Catalogue of English Manuscripts*, etc. (I, p. 44), adds: "It contains, however, in reality the *Questions on Genesis* by Theodoret, Bishop of Cyrus." And in the Florentine Medicean-Laurentian codex XIX, n. 10, plut. 6, four fragments of Cyril's commentary on Numbers are interspersed among Theodoret's *Questions on Obscure Passages of Holy Scripture*, as observed by Bandini in the *Catalogue of Greek Manuscripts of the Laurentian Library*, I, p. 137 sq. In Oxford, in the library of Lincoln College, n. 1340 Catal., is a work of Cyril on Genesis. In Venice, in cod. 523 of the library of St. Mark, is a part of Cyril’s work entitled *Glaphyra*. See *Catalogue of Greek Manuscripts of the Library of St. Mark*, p. 282. — Ibid., in the Nani codex LXXIX, is Cyril’s *Glaphyra*. See *Catalogue of Greek Manuscripts of the Nani Library*, p. 160. The same is in the Vatican codex. HARL.

Volume II. — ^B On the Prophet Isaiah, 5 books of commentaries, each of which is again divided—the first into 6 discourses, the second into five books, the third likewise into as many books, the fourth into five, and the fifth into 6 discourses. A Latin version by the Englishman Laurence Humphrey is attached, which, dedicated in the year 1562 to Elizabeth, Queen of England, and first published in the Basel edition of Cyril’s works (1566, fol.), was revised by Aubert, who published the Greek from the Vatican codex and the Royal codex, which contained only the first two books. It is cited by Facundus, XI, 7, and also by Leontius of Byzantium *Against the Eutychians*, and by Ephraim of Antioch in Photius, cod. CCXXIX. FABR. — In the Escorial library, Cyril on the four major prophets, and an exposition of Isaiah by Cyril together with excerpts from others, as testified by Pluero in his *Journey through Spain*, p. 164. In Oxford, in the Bodleian library, n. 652 Catal., is a *Commentary on Isaiah*; the same is in the Benedictine monastic codex at Florence, as testified by Montfaucon in his *Italian Diary*, p. 363, and in his *Library of Greek Manuscripts*, I, p. 414 E. — The same is in the Vienna codex LXXVIII, according to the opinion of Lambeck, III, p. 435 sq.; but Kollar considers it spurious; see his notes. The same is also in chapter 1 of Zephaniah, in the Paris public library, cod. 836, n. 4 and 2. Oudin, *

^A in his work, regarding the same [subject], notes that learned men are accustomed to err here, just as happened to a most learned theologian working on another matter, who, in his book *On the various editions of Scripture*, p. 83, says that the pericope of the adulteress (John viii) is set forth by Cyril of Alexandria, as truly belonging to John, without any indication of doubt, and is explained in many ways. FABR. Add Oudin, *loc. cit.*, col. 1025 sqq., who also vindicates this work for Cyril of Alexandria. HARL.

Vol. V — ς'. *The Book of Treasures concerning the holy and consubstantial Trinity.* P. 1-381. *Thesaurus de sancta et consubstantiali Trinitate ad Nemesinum* [Treasury on the holy and consubstantial Trinity to Nemesinus], in 35 discourses, with the version of Bonaventura Vulcanius, who, having died in A.D. 1615, had bequeathed this work in Greek and Latin to the Leyden library, from where it came to Jo. Aubertus. In the Latin editions exists the little-to-be-approved interpretation of George of Trebizond (a) divided into 14 books, which saw the light separately at Paris, 1514, 1520, fol. (b). Leo Allatius, *Diatriba de Georgiis*, p. 375: *Cyril's work, named the Thesaurus*, is attributed to Athanasius of Alexandria in most manuscript codices, under whose name the interpretation of Joannes Baptista Camotius, not yet edited, as far as I know, is in my possession. This work is vindicated for Cyril by the testimonies of Ephraim of Antioch, the Sixth Synod, and many ancients, whom Tillemont cites, vol. XIV, p. 671, and Petavius, *Dogmata theologica de incarnatione*, lib. VI, c. 13, § V, as well as Photius, cod. CXXXVI, who calls it an *“argumentative book,”* and one that ^B *“contends nobly and in many ways against the madness of Arius and Eunomius.”* Nicephorus, *Historia* XIV, 14, says it is the best of all Cyril's writings. The objections of an anonymous author, who published a dissertation on the *suppositum* at Orange in 1645, are refuted by Raynaudus, besides Petavius, p. 134 of his *Erotemata de bonis et malis libris*. In manuscript codices there is not always the same order, nor the same division; whence perhaps for that reason Trebizond is to some extent to be excused. In the Seguierian (or Coislinian) library, according to Montfaucon, p. 302, it is divided into two books, of which the first contains the first twenty discourses, the second the succeeding ones up to the fortieth. Furthermore, the passages which Thomas Aquinas (c) produces from Cyril’s *Treasury* to assert the supreme power in the Church for the Roman Pontiff, and to which Gennadius, or Georgius Scholarius, in his book *On the Primacy of the Roman Pontiff*, Andreas of Colossae, and the Florentine Synod (sess. 5, 7, and 8), and Augustinus Anconitanus in his book *On the Power of the Church*, and Jo. de Turrecremata in his *Summa de Ecclesia* and in his *Apparatus* on the decree of the union of the Greeks in the Florentine council, appeal—Tillemont, vol. XIV, p. 671, and Elias du Pin, vol. IV, p. 44 sqq., confess that Cyril never wrote these and that they were attributed to him (d).

(a) Vulcanius had written these things at the end of the work: I, Bonav. Vulcanius of Bruges, have re-translated from the beginning into Latin this *Thesaurus* of Cyril, formerly translated in bad faith by G. Trapezuntius—who had truncated many things here and there, had given an epitome rather than a true interpretation in innumerable places, had added not a few things of his own, and had wrongly translated no fewer things—and I have preserved the order which Cyril held, which had been changed with unheard-of audacity by Trapezuntius: so that readers may have Cyril’s *Thesaurus* just as it was composed by the author. For I have taken care that no one could justly complain that anything was added or taken away by me; and that I might render Cyril’s meaning as faithfully as I could. Basel, in the year of the birth of the Lord 1576, in the month of January. FABR. — Cf. Catalog of the Leyden Library, p. 344, n. 14 and 10, among the codices of Bonav. Vulcanius. HARL. (b) See above, § III, at the notice of the editions. HARL. (c) In *IV Sententiarum*, dist. 24, qu. 3, art. 2, and *Contra impugnantes religionem*, cap. 3, near the end, and in the opusculum *against the errors of the Greeks*, and in the *Catena aurea* on Matthew xvi; which passage also exists in the mss. of Thomas just as it exists in the printed editions, as Rich. Simon noted from Guiart, vol. III of *Histoire critique du N. T.*, p. 471. (d) Cardinal Bellarmine in *Catalogus ecclesiasticus*.

^A Jean Launoy proves this in part 1, epistles 1 and 2, to Antoine Faure, and in part 5, epistle 9, to Thomas Fortin, defending his earlier epistles against Vincent Baron (or Baronio), ch. 10. Compare our Anton Reiser's *Launoium confessorem*, p. 41 sq., and André Rivet, book IV of *Critici sacri*, ch. 19; John Rainolds in *Colloquy with John Hart*, the Jesuit, ch. 3, p. 315 sq. FABR. — Add Oudin, *loc. cit.*, col. 1028 sqq., who echoed the judgments passed in many words on both sides by Vulcanius, Bellarmine, Rivet, and Ellies du Pin. The *Thesaurus* of Cyril exists indeed at Munich in codex C of the electoral library (Cat. codd. Gr., p. 38). — At Venice in the library of St. Mark, codex CXXII and CCCCXCII. See Cat. codd. Gr. Marc., p. 70 and 260. — The same in codex LXXXVIII Naniano. See Cat. codd. Gr. Nan., p. 175 sq. At Fiesole in the monastery of the Canons, *Thesaurus*, translated by George of Trebizond, as testified by Montfaucon in *Diarium Ital.*, p. 392. The same version at Florence in the Dominican monastery of San Marco, and in the library of the monastery of Santa Croce. See Zachar. *Iter litter. per Ital.*, p. 47 and 99. — At Paris in five Greek codices of the public library. In two Greek codices of the Escorial library, according to Pluer in *Itinerar. per Hispan.*, p. 164. Harl.

E. Nine dialogues to the same Nemesinus, to whom he sent the book of the *Thesaurorum*, and whom he calls *φιλομαθέστατον ἀδελφόν* [most studious brother], in which Hermias (a) and Cyril converse. Pages 383-778. The two final dialogues, *On the Incarnation of the Only-Begotten* and *That Christ is One*, which Cyril seems to have appended to the previous ones after some time had intervened, were first published in Greek with a version and notes by Bonaventura Vulcanius at the end of his book *Against the Anthropomorphites*, Leiden 1605, in 4to (b). In the Latin editions of Cyril, however, there exist only the seven earlier dialogues *On the Trinity against the Arians and Macedonians*, from the version of Johannes Oecolampadius, which first [1528. See above, § III, in *notit. editt.*, then] saw the light in 1546. Joannes Aubertus was the first to give them in Greek from a single codex of the Augsburg library, an apograph of which Matthias Ehingerus had transmitted to him (c). The same Aubertus kept the Latin version of Vulcanius, and in place of the Oecolampadian one, provided a new, or rather interpolated, version. This work is frequently cited by the ancients, as already in Photius, cod. XLIX, under the title *Λόγων πρὸς Ἑρμείαν*, and also *Λόγων περὶ τῆς ἁγίας Τριάδος*. ^{B C} Joannes Garnerius says in his notes to Marius Mercator, vol. II, p. 43, that the eighth and ninth dialogues are not free from every suspicion of being supposititious, and he promised to show this in a dissertation on the books of Cyril. But this dissertation has not seen the light, and I am persuaded that that suspicion is devoid of all plausibility (d). For just as it is customary and standard for the same Cyril to treat the same subject matter repeatedly, so these two dialogues clearly breathe the genius, style, and doctrine of the prior dialogues; the ninth is cited by Leontius of Byzantium *Against Eutyches*; and in the judgment of Garnerius himself, p. 56, regarding Liberatus, the eighth is written with such erudition that hardly any other work of Cyril on that subject excels it or even equals it. To the seventh dialogue, in which he disputes regarding the divinity of the Holy Spirit, there are subjoined, pp. 660-677, many more arguments to prove the same thing.

η. Scholia *περὶ τῆς ἐνανθρωπήσεως τοῦ Μονογενοῦς*, *De incarnatione Unigeniti*. In Latin, pp. 779-800, with those things added immediately thereafter which the volumes of the councils exhibit from the Greek fragments of the Royal Library, published by Joannes Aubertus. It begins: *Τὸ Χριστὸς ὄνομα οὔτε ὅρου δύναμιν ἔχει*. It appeared first from the press of Robert Winter in 1542, in the book of the *Synodal Constitutions*; then in the Latin editions of the works of Cyril, and in the volumes of the councils in part III of the *Acts of the Council of Ephesus*, vol. I of Binus, 1618, p. 364, and also at the end of the book *Against the Anthropomorphites*, published by Bonaventura Vulcanius, Leiden 1605, in ^D rilli, not inscribed *scholia*, but *scolia* (*σχολεῖα*), such as difficult and perplexing passages; although he confesses, which I for my part find more pleasing and truer, that they can also be inscribed *σχόλια*, as *σεμνολογήματα*, or weighty sentences, or additions to other books of the same subject composed by Cyril. The same Vulcanius added corrections, so that from them you may know how much recognition is required even by many other writings of Cyril that are circulated, treated as poorly by both translators and printers as this one. Theodoret in his second dialogue brings forward certain things of Cyril *ἀπὸ τῶν σχολίων*. Anastasius the presbyter, in the *Ecloga τῶν χρήσεων*, ch. 3, praises Cyril *ἐν ἀρχῇ τοῦ α' σχολίου*. Facundus, XI, 7, [mentions] the blessed Cyril in the book which he entitled *Scholia*, under the seventh title. And again by the same...

^A in the book which is called *Scholia*, under the title, "How one is Christ." Andreas of Samosata, in Anastasius' *Hodegetes*, p. 544, *καὶ ἐν τοῖς γεγραμμένοις σχολίοις ἑρμηνεύων τὸν ἐν τῷ Εὐαγγελίῳ στατῆρα*. It is cited also in Act II of the Council of Chalcedon, in Binius' Volume II, p. 169, and by others, whose locations Tillemont has annotated in Volume XIV, p. 667, and Garnerius in Volume II of Marius Mercator, p. 216. The latter exhibits this work complete in Latin from manuscripts, p. 218 sq., in a more amended form, and from p. 258 to 241, in a significantly expanded portion, and he attributes the ancient version—which is the only one we possess—to Mercator, among whose writings he found it in two codices (a). In earlier editions, it is divided into 25 chapters; in the Garnerian, into 35; Photius, in codex CLXIX, read it divided into nineteen chapters.

θ'. Περὶ τῆς ἐνανθρωπήσεως τοῦ Θεοῦ Λόγου, τοῦ Υἱοῦ τοῦ Πατρός. [On the Incarnation of the Word of God, the Son of the Father.] Columns 801, 802. It begins: *Ἡ τῆς θείας Γραφῆς ὀρθοτάτη ἔννοια.* In the Latin editions, it stands in the first place among the homilies, from the interpretation of Wolfgang Musculus; but Aubert maintained the version with which it is read in the acts of the Synod of Ephesus, in Binius' Volume I, p. 376. FABR. — In Mansi's *Collectio* cited, V, pp. 169, 170, and in the general edition of the Councils, the Græco-Latin Vatican edition, a. 1608, Volume I, p. 588. At Vienna, in codex Cæsar. LXXXIX, no. 3, there is the *De recta fide* (*On the Right Faith*) Book II, to the empresses, divided into 43 sections, then the oration—of which this is the discourse—*De incarnatione Verbi Dei* (*On the Incarnation of the Word of God*), and the epistle to the monks of Egypt; it begins: *Ἀφίκοντο μέν τινας*. Finally, Cyril's epistle to Nestorius, with Nestorius' reply. See Lambeck, Vol. III, p. 37, as told in the *Bibliotheca scriptorum S. J.*, narrated by Philippus Alegambe, [concerning] Cyril's *heortastic* or paschal sermons, which were rendered into Latin by him and already ready for the press, but he suppressed his own production so as to give place to Antonio Salmatius, who had translated them. Moreover, ^B Possevinus mentions a Latin version by Federico Metio, bishop of Thermulae. Thirty homilies are counted, but in such a way that it is said the third is missing. Paulus Guldinus S. J., however, from the succession of the paschal months, seemed to himself to have gathered that nothing was missing in the middle, but that what is numbered as the fourth ought to be considered the third, taking time into account, and that the others follow in that manner until the last.

ι'. Συζήτησις περὶ τοῦ αὐτοῦ. [Disputation on the same subject.] Disputation of the same argument by questions and answers, pp. 802–. In the Escorial codex, according to Pluer, *l. c.*, p. 164. HARL.

TOMI V PARTE II. — ια'. Λόγοι ἑορταστικοί, *Homiliæ*, or, as they are called by Alexander Hieropolitanus (b), twenty-nine *Epistolæ paschales* (*Paschal Epistles*), held or sent to the Churches from the year 414 to 443 A.C. to announce the solemn time of Pascha, which it is established was the office of the Alexandrian ^C archbishops (c). Aubert exhibits these on pages 1-350, from the Græco-Latin edition of Antonius Salmatius, doctor of theology at the Ambrosian College in Milan, which had been produced at Antwerp in 1618, in folio, with a commentary on portions of the Pentateuch (d). Andreas Schottus also possessed codd. Gr. Laur., I, p. 59 sq., and 536. HARL.

From p. 350-416, and one in Latin, *De eo quod Verbum Dei factum sit homo* (*On the fact that the Word of God was made man*), which begins: *Profundum quidem et magnum*; and it had already been brought forth at Paris, 1545, in 8vo, pp. 416-417. Vulcanius had also appended this to the book *contra Anthropomorphitas*, p. 201. Morellus edited some homilies of Cyril and Chrysostom, translated by himself into French, at Paris, 1604, in 8vo. Gennadius, c. 57, [writes] of Cyril: "He composed very many homilies, which are commended to the memory for declamation by the bishops of Greece." FABR. Oudin, *l. c.*, col. 1040, treats of the arguments of the individual homilies, and those which first saw the light in Greek in Aubert's edition. — Moreover, in various libraries, Cyril's homilies exist in manuscript. In the Escorial codex of *Homiliæ festivæ*, volumes I and II, see Pluer, *l. c.*, p. 163. And so as not to abuse paper and time, I will name only in general some [libraries] in which are preserved sometimes many, sometimes individual homilies, or [I will name] the catalogues of the ^D codices: At Florence in the Laurentian Medicean library, Bandini, Vol. I, *Cat. codd. Gr. Laur.*, lists sermons on the *Occursum Domini* (Meeting of the Lord), p. 419, no. 32, and p. 442, no. 8; on the *Transfigurationem Domini*, p. 455, no. 25. See *Cat. codd. Angliæ*, vol. I, in codex Barocc. no. 85, and elsewhere, as we have already noted above: in the codex of Rob. Huntington, no. 5819, *Cat. Bodl.*, Cyril's homilies 44, in Arabic. — At Paris in the public library, homilies on the *Occursum Domini* in three codices; on the *Transfigurationem*, in ten codices; on the *Cœnam* (The Supper), in two codices; on the *Parabolam vineæ*, in codex DCCLXXI; on the *Paralyticum*, in codex MDXCV; on the *Purificationem*, in codex MCLXXIII; on the *Laudem B. Mariæ*, in three codices; and from the Vatican library many homilies, written in Coptic. See *Recens. codd. mss. qui ex biblioth. Vatic. procuratoribus Gall. traditi fuere*, pp. 36 and 37, nos. 157 and 160, and p. 38, no. 164. — At Turin in the Royal library, a sermon on the solemnities of the Lord and all his writings, etc.

^A See the Catalogue of Greek Codices at Turin, p. 165 and 217. At Vienna, in the Imperial Library, codex LXXVII, n. 31, five homilies, and n. 40, homily on Paul, bishop of Emesa, and on the incarnation of the Lord, and the latter also in codex LXXXVII, n. 3, for the feast of the Purification, in codex CXLVI, n. 17. See Lambecius, *Comment.*, III, p. 388-392, and 476. And vol. V, p. 260. On the Virgin Mary, delivered at Ephesus against Nestorius. Ibid., in vol. VIII, col. 820. On John. In Patusa’s *Encyclopaedia philologica*, vol. II, there is on p. 322 Cyril’s sermon against Nestorius, delivered at the council of Ephesus; p. 326, On our Savior God and man; and p. 329, on the same subject, a sermon delivered at Ephesus in the church on the feast of St. John the Evangelist. HARL. — Palmar. And on St. Paul, in codices LXX and CXV.

A few are at Florence in the Laurentian codices. See Bandini, *Cat. codd. Laur.*, I, p. 122, n. 34; p. 129, n. 22; p. 544, n. 7; vol. II, p. 114, n. 3; several are in the codices of England and Ireland according to the catalogue in the Bodleian library, n. 26, 85, 86, *Canonical Epistles*; n. 91, 142, 185, 1174, 1220, 1953. ^B Tom. II, among the Gale codices, n. 5905, *Canonical Epistle* with scholia, and the Epistle to the bishops of Libya and Pentapolis. Among the Mori codices, n. 9198. Dublin, n. 277 and 280. — At Turin, in the Royal Library, the epistle to Domnus and the bishops of Libya and Pentapolis in codex CV, p. 197 of the Catalogue. — Paris, in sixteen Greek codices of the public library according to the second volume of the Catalogue, and six Latin ones in volumes III and IV. *Canonical Epistles* (Greek and Latin) with the scholia of Theodore Balsamon, in William Beveridge’s *Pandectae Canonum*, Oxford 1672, fol., tom. II, part 1, p. 176 ff. — Among the epistles, on p. 174 of the edition, there is the epistle to Maximus and others, which is a disputation against those Westerners who said that the tenets of Theodore were consonant with the Nicene formula of faith, and it exists under the name *Exposition on the Creed* in the codices and in Mansi’s *Collectio*, etc., tom. V, p. 383. HARL.

[C] 13. *Sixty Epistles of Cyril and others in Greek and Latin*. Pages 1-213, with the exception of a few that could only be found in Latin, taken from the Acts of the councils of Ephesus and Chalcedon [in *Bibl. Patr.* vol. I, p. 415, Paris edition], etc., as will be noted more distinctly below in the alphabetical index of homilies, epistles, and minor works of Cyril. From these, the Latin editions of the *Works of Cyril* exhibit thirty-nine epistles, from the version of Wolfgang Musculus. From the epistles of Cyril to Nestorius and John of Antioch, certain parts are cited in the second part of the council of Chalcedon, Binnius’s tom. II, p. 349. FABR. — Ceillier, in *Histoire des auteurs ecclésiastiques*, vol. III, p. 288, has diligently reviewed those epistles; Oudin also, ^C in the same place, p. 1040 ff., enumerates very many others that pertain to the history of the council of Ephesus and to the dissensions of Cyril with John of Antioch and other Orientals, and he annotates certain points about some of them; finally, he says that two others can be added to these (epistles), namely, the epistle of Cyril of Alexandria to Bishop Optimus, on the words of Genesis, "Whosoever shall slay Cain, vengeance shall be taken on him sevenfold," etc., edited in Greek and Latin in the *Chronicon Alexandrinum* edited by Matthaeus Raderus; another, inscribed: *Commonitorium on Nestorius*, which Stephan Baluze first brought to light, in Greek and Latin in the *Nova collectio conciliorum*, Paris 1683, fol., p. 377; finally, the prologue of St. Cyril for the cycle of 95 years, in Latin only, by Aegidius Bucherius, S.J., at the end of his *Commentary on the Paschal Canon of Victorius Aquitanus*, Antwerp 1633. ^D Below, n. 150, an edition of 1634 is asserted. Walch also, in *Historia haereticorum*, V, passim, for example, p. 333 sq., 336, 358 and elsewhere, especially on pages 382-410, makes frequent mention of Cyril’s epistles for the purpose of illustrating the history of the Nestorian heresy. Mansi, in the *Collectio amplissima conciliorum*, toms. IV and V, received those that pertain to the controversy of Cyril with Nestorius. Add, vol. I, p. 700, XLV; regarding Combefis's edition of Maximus, vol. VIII, p. 741 of the old edition, and vol. IX, concerning Photius, p. 393, LIV, old edition. In many codices, the epistles are preserved, sometimes more, sometimes fewer, or just one or another. Regarding the Caesarean codices of Vienna, see Lambecius, *Comment.*, in the index to vol. I, IV and VIII, or Nessel’s *Catalogus* in the index, p. 4.

14. *Prosphoneticus* to the Emperor Theodosius the Younger, concerning the right faith in our Lord Jesus Christ. P. 1-42. It begins: *Tes men en anthropois*. Written in the year of Christ 430. See Tillemont, tom. XIV, p. 340 ff. In the Latin editions, the interpretation of John Oecolampadius occurs. With another version in part 1 of the *Acts of the Council of Ephesus*, Rome 1608, and thence in the Biniana edition of 1618, tom. I, p. 20, and Labbeana, tom. III, p. 45, it is cited in the council, session 1 and 10.

15. *Prosphoneticus to the most pious queens*, 3 books. Two books on the right faith to the most religious queens, the wife of Theodosius the Younger, Licinia Eudoxia, and his sisters, Flacilla and Pulcheria. Written around the same time as the previous one. The former is on pages 42-127. It begins: *Semnologema*. The latter is on pages 128-180. It begins: *Tois to theion*. Citations are made on p. 48 sq. of passages of Athanasius from the *De Incarnatione Verbi*, of Atticus, bishop, of Antiochus, bishop, of Amphilochius, bishop of Iconium, from the *De Nativitate secundum carnem*, of Amnio, bishop of Hadrianopolis, of John, bishop of Constantinople, of Severian, bishop, of Vitalis, bishop, from the *De Fide*, and of Theophilus, bishop, from the *Prosphoneticus ad eos qui sapit Origenem*. In the Latin editions, the interpretation of John Oecolampadius occurs. [See above at III, concerning the Latin editions.] But Aubert preserved the version with which these books appeared in part 1 of the *Acts of the Council of Ephesus*, in the Biniana edition (which I now have at hand), tom. I, p. 43 and 90. They are cited by Ephraim and Eulogius in Photius, codex 229, 230, and by Leo the Great, epistle 134. FABR.—Conf. Walch, *loc. cit.*, p. 381 sq.—At Vienna in the Caesarean codex LXXXVII, n. 3, *The second book on the right faith to the empresses*, divided into forty-three chapters; and Lambec...

III, p. 475, notes that he considers this book to have been divided into so many chapters by Cyril himself; on the other hand, in the Graeco-Latin edition of the general councils, Vatican 1608, vol. I, p. 216, it is divided into fifty-nine chapters. In the Paris public library, codex DCCCLXXXVII, n. 3 and 4, there is the *Exposition of the orthodox faith* and a *Work on the Trinity*. HARL.—In the Synod of Ephesus, vol. I of Binnius, p. 311, attributed, as it seems, to Petrus Morinus, whose brief works, if you like, see printed in Paris 1675, in 12°, p. 349, 351, 353. FABR.—At Munich in codex C, *12 chapters on the right faith against Nestorius*. See the Catalogue of Baverian Greek codices, p. 38.—At Vienna in the Caesarean codex CLXI, n. 5, the ninth anathematism from Cyril's twelve [chapters] against Nestorius, with the *Antirrhesis*, or contradiction, of Theodoret, bishop of Cyrus, and an apology of St. Cyril; it treats there of the procession of the Holy Spirit. See Lambec, IV, p. 359. In codex Barocc. CLVIII, chapters 12 against Nestorius. Item in three codices of the Paris public library.—In Mansi’s *Collectio*, etc., V, p. 1. Coll. vol. IV, p. 1419.—De la Croze in *Thesauro epistol.*, vol. I, p. 193 sqq., wrote many things about Cyril and his Apollinarianism, and among other things: "If I judge correctly, the dispute with Nestorius and the quarrels with Orientals had educated him and recalled him to better ways. In some manner he had chanted a palinode, and what might have seemed harsher to the Orientals in the Anathematisms, he had softened and corrected through the use of locutions not accustomed in that manner," etc. Ibid., de la Croze promised a *History of Cyril's Anathematisms*, in which he might remove the opinion from men's minds, which occupied the hearts of many, that those anathematisms were of the Council of Ephesus, i.e., approved in that public judgment; he promises to show that Cyril, even if in an honest way, had later revoked and corrected certain things stated inconveniently and harshly in the Anathematisms. And the Eastern metropolitans and legates to the Council of Chalcedon accused Cyril and his followers in three libelli (in Mansi vol. IV, p. 1403 and 1405, and in the *Synodicon* edited by Baluze, vol. V, cap. 34, p. 805, and cap. 35, p. 808) of the errors of Apollinaris, Arius, and Eunomius. The Orientals did the same in an epistle given at Constantinople to Rufus, Greek in Mansi vol. IV, p. 144. But Cyril denies in his epistle to Acacius, Latin in the *Synodicon* cap. 56, p. 831 sqq., that he ever favored the errors of Apollinaris and others: but bishop Alexander renews that accusation in his response to Acacius, in the *Synodicon* cap. 57, p. 835 sqq. Walch, p. 535, 589, 595; and p. 581, against Tillemont, p. 516, he warns that it does not seem probable that it was demanded by the Emperor Theodosius that Cyril himself condemn his own XII chapters. But whoever wishes to learn more about that quarrel and contention with Nestorius and others on both sides, let him read the entire history set forth by Walch, *loc. cit.*, cap. 2, p. 541 and 670 sqq. He deals likewise with Ibas, first a presbyter, then bishop of Edessa, the chief patron of the Nestorian heresy.

XVI. Five books of contradictions against the blasphemies of Nestorius

XVII. Explanation of the twelve chapters, or anathematisms (c), against Nestorius

of the Council of Ephesus, tome I of Binnius, p. 318(a). It exists also with the version of Marius Mercator in the Mercator of Garnerius, tome II, p. 132. Cyril, in his epistle to the Orientals, is praised by Ephraim in Photius, codex 229, p. 422, 423, 431. [ιθ']. *Adversus impugnationem XII capitulorum a Theodorito editam* (Against the refutation of the XII chapters edited by Theodoret), with the epistle of Cyril to Evoptius prefixed, and that of Theodoret to John of Antioch; as also the same Theodoret’s *anatrope*, or opposition to those XII chapters, pp. 200-240. In Latin editions it exists in the version of John Oecolampadius, under the title of the book to Evoptius. It first saw the light with that version in the *Antidotum adversus hæreses*, Basel 1528, folio. But Aubert preferred the version which occurs in part V of the Acts of the Council of Ephesus, tome I of Binnius, p. 344. It is read also with the version of Marius Mercator in the Mercator of Garnerius, tome I, p. 178. Cyril himself mentions this writing of his in his epistle to Eulogius, p. 134, and in the former one to Succensus, p. 140. Concerning the contention of Theodoret against Cyril, see Leontius *De sectis*, p. 454 seq. Fabr.

^B *Defensio capitulorum XII suorum adversus Theodoretum* (Defense of his own XII chapters against Theodoret), Paris, in codex DCCXXXVII, n. 1, and in codex DCCCLXXXII, in which are Cyril’s epistles to Nestorius and the XII chapters of the anathemas; Theodoret’s epistle to Cyril, by which his first chapter is refuted; Cyril’s epistle to Evoptius, by which the first chapter is defended; the alternating refutations and defenses of the remaining chapters; Cyril’s homily *De incarnatione Dei Verbi*; his *Commonitorium ad Eulogium apocrisiarium*; excerpts from the scholia *De incarnatione Unigeniti*; and Cyril’s two epistles to Succensus. At Florence, in the Laurentian library, codex XII, n. 6, plut. 6, the XII anathemas of Cyril, arranged so that each of them has Cyril’s explanation, Theodoret’s censures, and again Cyril’s defense or reply subjoined: Bandini indicates the order and diversity of certain readings from the published ones more fully in his *Catalogue of Greek Codices of the Laurentian Library* I, p. 118 sq. - Ibid., in codex XXI, n. 8, plut. 4, Cyril’s XII anathemas, with their explanations, by responses to the objections, and finally by Cyril’s defenses; concerning which codex, see Bandini, loc. cit., p. 544, who notes that the first objection is about seven lines longer in the manuscript toward the beginning; but that Cyril's tenth response is longer at the end; that the end of Cyril’s defense against the objections of the Orientals contains them; and, finally, that the objections and defenses of the eleventh and twelfth anathemas are not those which are read in the edition of Aubert, tome VI, pp. 236-240, but those which exist in the *Apologeticus adversus Orientales*, pp. 190-198. ^C At Vienna, in codex LXXVII, in which there are several epistles of Cyril and others pertaining especially to this controversy, and several relations of the Council of Ephesus to the emperors, as well as epistles and other minor works. It reads (n. 48) Cyril’s epistle to Evoptius against the impugnation of the XII anathemas by Theodoret, and (n. 49) Cyril’s XII Anathemas against Nestorius, and their explanation before the Council of Ephesus, as well as the defense of the same against the censures of Theodoret. See Lambecius, *Commentaries* III, col. 392 sq., where, however, Kollar notes that it is an *apologia* for the XII Anathemas against Theodoret, yet there are mingled in it some things taken both from the explanation of these same ones as well as from the *apologia* against the Orientals; and these are altogether worthy of being compared with the edition of Aubert, tome VI, p. 203, inasmuch as even the beginning of the first of Theodoret’s *antirrheseis* could be given more integrally from this codex. In codex CLXI, n. 5, Anathema IX, with the *antirrhesis* of Theodoret and the *apologia* of Cyril: it deals with the procession of the Holy Spirit. See Lambecius IV, p. 359. Harl.

[x']. *Apologeticus ad imp. Theodosium*. Pp. 241-252. It begins: *Ἡ μὲν θεία καὶ ἀκίρατος*. In Latin editions it is read in the version of Wolfgang Musculus. But Aubert preferred that which exists in part III of the Acts of the Council of Ephesus, p. 397. See regarding this *Apologeticus*, written after the Council of Ephesus, Tillemont, tome XIV, p. 501. Fabr. In Mansi, *Collectio amplissima conciliorum*, V, pp. 248 sqq., 257. In the Bodleian library, in codex Laud, n. 1271 of the Catalogue, *Cyrilli quatripartitus apologeticus*. Harl. - [V. Fabricius, *De scriptoribus de veritate religionis Christianæ*, chap. 2, § 26, p. 99. Heum.]

[κα']. *Ὑπὲρ τῆς τῶν Χριστιανῶν εὐαγοῦς θρησκείας, πρὸς τὰ τοῦ ἐν ἀθέοις Ἰουλιανοῦ*. *Pro sancta Christianorum religione, adversus libros impii Juliani*, 10 books, written about A.D. 433(c) to Theodosius the Younger. Pp. 1-336. [La Croze is of a different opinion, *Histoire du Christianisme des Indes*, book 1, p. 16. Heum.] This famous and learned work exists in Latin editions from the version of John Oecolampadius, which first saw the light [1528. See above at § III].

^A Cotelerius, in his notes to the *Monumenta Graeca* (tom. III, p. 557), testifies that this book is titled in other manuscript codices: *Solutions of dogmatic questions proposed by Tiberius the deacon and the brethren*: Ἐπιλύσεις δογματικῶν ζητημάτων ἐπιζητηθέντων παρὰ Τιβερίου διακόνου καὶ τῆς ἀδελφότητος· or *Solutions to the questions brought forward by Tiberius the deacon and the brethren*; or finally, *Cyril to Tiberius*. FABR.

[Note on the notes:] Cologne, 1546. Nicolas Borbonius, royal professor and interpreter (a), who prepared the first book for publication in Greek with his new and better version in 1619, and published it in both languages in his minor works in Paris, 1630 and 1654, in 12mo. The whole work is first seen in Greek and Latin in the Aubert edition, with the first book from the interpretation of Borbonius and the rest from that of Aubert. And thus it was reprinted in both languages at the end of the *Works of Julian*, by the revision of Ezechiel Spanheim, Leipzig 1696, folio.

These books by Cyril also seem to have been translated into Syriac; for they are cited by Moses bar Cepha in part II of his *On Paradise*, pp. 425–429. From the Greek, they are cited by John Damascene in his *Parallels*, and the *Catena Possiniana on Mark*, p. 343, where he cites Cyril "in the third chapter of the work against Julian." The Council of Ephesus, act 10, ^B in Binius, tom. III, p. 93, cites "from the third book of the work against the doctrines of Julian, from the tenth discourse." Nicephorus also mentions it (xiv, 14), as does Theodoret before them in his Epistle 83. Lud. Ellies du Pin, in *On Ecclesiastical Writers*, tom. IV, p. 48, conjectures that only the first book of Julian was refuted by Cyril: "It appears that he only refuted his first book, in which that apostate attacked the Christian religion in general." But he is mistaken, for on p. 52 he writes that the books of Cyril against Julian were published by Nic. Borbonius in both languages in the year 1630, whereas it is established that only the first book was published by him, as I have said. FABR.

In Vienna, in the Imperial codex XIX, no. 14, and codex LXXVII, no. 9, there is a fragment or continuous part of book 1 against Julian. See Lambecius, with Kollar’s note, *Commentaries* VI, part II, p. 242 seq., and vol. VII, p. 299. In Munich, in codex CI of the Elector’s library, there is Cyril against Julian, tom. V. Likewise against the Anthropomorphites. The first volume of book II against Julian, also tom. II, III, IV, V of the same second book. See the *Catalog of Greek Codices of Bavaria*, p. 38. In the Marciana library in Venice, in codices CXXII, CXXIII, and CXXIV, there are ten books against Julian. See the *Catalog of Greek Codices of the Marciana*, pp. 70 and 71. In the Escorial library, an *Acclamation to Theodosius*, and from the refutations against Julian, 10 sections of book II, according to Pluerus in his *Itinerary through Spain*, p. 164. In Paris, in the public library, codex MCCLXI, *Antirrhetics against Julian*, 3 books. HARL.

xx. *Book against the Anthropomorphites*, with a preface of an epistle to Calosyrius (b), Bishop of Arsenoe, whom he calls "most beloved and most dear." Pp. 363–398, with the version of Bonaventura Vulcanus, who first published it in Greek and Latin with notes (which are also at the end of the volume in the Aubert edition).

[Regarding the manuscripts:] Thus in the Laurentian Medicis codex XII, no. 32, plut. 5, *From the solutions of the dogmatic questions asked by ^C Tiberius the deacon*, etc. See Bandini, *Catalog of Greek Codices of the Laurentiana* I, p. 47 sq. — In codex XVII, no. 21, plut. 6: *Solution of the dogmatic questions proposed to the most holy Cyril*. It differs in number and order from those published. In the codex, an epistle is prefixed, "Supplication," etc., handed to St. Cyril by the fraternity; Bandini (l.c., p. 128 sq.) published this epistle, which was missing from the edition, in its entirety in Greek; then, at no. 22, follows Cyril’s epistle to Calosyrius, Bishop of Arsenoe, against those who propose that God is an anthropomorphite. See above at no. VII. HARL.

xxj. *Book on the Holy Trinity*, pp. 1–35; with the version of John Wegelin of Augsburg, who first published it from a manuscript codex of the paternal library and divided it into 18 chapters, Augsburg 1604 (c), in 8vo, with added notes, which, however, were omitted by Aubert. It begins: *Ἐπειδὴ πρώτιστον ἡμῖν τοῖς Χριστιανοῖς*. It has already been observed by many that this book consists of excerpts made by John Damascene from Cyril. See Petavius, *On the SS. Trinity*, p. 472. Similarly, there are excerpts from the writings of Cyril which, having been omitted by Aubert, had been previously published in Greek by Hoeschelius with various homilies of the Fathers, p. 503 seq., Augsburg 1587, in 8vo, and the same Wegelinus also appended them at the end of the book from manuscripts along with his own version, the beginnings of which I will record: *We believe that there is one God of every essence and nature*. P. 119. *In every man born by God*. P. 121. *If he is perfect, they say, the Father is in his own greatness*. Pp. 125–140. The same must be said of the other volume, which the same Wegelinus ^D published in the same place in 1614, in 8vo, in Greek and Latin, along with various works of Damascene, Psellus, and Charitonymus Christonymus Hermonymus (d), in which are *Excerpts of Cyril against the Nestorians*, from the interpretation of the Holy Creed, from the *Thesaurus*, from the book in which he addresses queens, and from the *Dialogues*, *From the discourse by way of question and answer*, from the twelve chapters or anathematisms, from the epistles to Acacius and John of Antioch, and from elsewhere, along with fragments of St. Gregory the wonderworker, Bishop of Neocæsarea, *On the Trinity*, hitherto unpublished, and a metrical corollary, and an index of the whole book; all of which have now arrived for the first time in this edition by the work and study of Wegelinus of Augsburg. Augsburg 1608, 8vo. HARL.

^A sermone *De incarnatione Dei Verbi, quod sancta Virgo sit Theotokos*. These Cyrillian excerpts begin: "Those who divide Christ into two sons." FABR. Cf. Oudin, *l. c.*, p. 1048 sqq.

V. Index of homilies, epistles, and minor writings of Cyril of Alexandria, with the beginnings of each listed in alphabetical order (a).

1. *The light shines again of the holy feast*. Paschal homily XVIII, vol. V, part II, pp. 253-247.

2. *Reverend and worthy of the faith*. Epistle 2, to Nestorius, vol. V, part II, pp. 19-21, from part I of the Acts of the Council of Ephesus, vol. I of Binnius, p. 119. The same is present with the version of Marius Mercator in vol. II of the Garnerian edition, p. 42, and from another ancient version in Baluze’s *Nova Collectio conciliorum*, p. 400, who also exhibits Mercator’s interpretation on p. 640. FABR.—In the Viennese codex *Cæsar.* LXXXIIX, no. 3, this epistle, along with Nestorius’s response (in the *Conciliorum generalium editio Vaticana*, 1608, vol. I, pp. 255 and 256), as well as the aforementioned epistle IX (in the cited ed. *Conciliorum gener.* vol. I, p. 108), and other Cyrillian works are present. See Lambecius III, col. 476. On the epistles of Cyril to Nestorius, and the responses of the latter, as well as several other epistles of Cyril to various persons, Walch treats at length, *l. c.*, p. 385 sqq. HARL.

In the Paris public library, cod. DCCCLXXXVII, no. 3, is the *Exposition of the Orthodox Faith* by Anastasius, Patriarch of Antioch, and Cyril; no. 4, Cyril’s work *On the Trinity*, add below on Damascene, p. 796, vol. VIII, old edition. — In the *Anecdota litteraria*, extracted from manuscript codices, vol. III, there is from the Nanian codex a book by Epiphanius, monk and presbyter, *On the Life of the Most Holy Mother of God*, edited with notes in Greek and Latin by Giovanni Aloisio Mingarelli. In that work, p. 42, Epiphanius refers to and judges the opinion of Cyril, as he wrote it, regarding the genealogy of Christ, believing that the evangelists Matthew and Luke do not contradict one another. Mingarelli, on that passage, p. 85, note 15, observes that nothing of the sort is found in the works of Cyril: he believes, therefore, that those things are attributed to Cyril by Epiphanius which belong to John Damascene, in book IV of his *De fide orthodoxa*, c. 14, p. 272, and that the book of Cyril of Alexandria, edited and published by Aubert with the title *On the Most Holy Trinity*, is nothing other than the beginning of the work of St. John Damascene, *De fide orthodoxa*, albeit interpolated; and he suspects that in certain codices that work of Damascene was once attributed to Cyril. However, he learned from Papebroch that a certain book, *On the Birth of the Virgin*, was attributed to Cyril of Alexandria by Trithemius, whose passage from the *Acta Sanctorum*, vol. I of May, p. xxxv, he repeats. But regarding what Papebroch doubts—that such things were written by Cyril—Mingarelli observes that Trithemius, in his book *De scriptoribus ecclesiasticis*, cap. 134, while cataloguing the books of Cyril of Alexandria, writes only this: *De ortu et laude S. Mariæ liber unus*. Therefore, he says, it is possible that such a little book, attributed to Cyril, actually existed, which our Epiphanius saw, and which St. Damascene copied in some part. HARL.

^C 24. *Συναγωγὴ τῶν ἀναγωγικῶς ἑρμηνευομένων ῥητῶν τῆς Παλαιᾶς Γραφῆς·* Collection of sayings of the Old Testament interpreted anagogically, pp. 1-69; with the version of Gentian Hervet, which occurs in the Latin editions of Cyril of 1573 and 1605. The Greek was first brought to light by Aubert from the codex of D. Ribier. Nor does this *Synagoge* have Cyril as its author in its entirety; but, as the title itself professes, it is *ἐρανισθεῖσα κατὰ σύνοψιν καὶ σαφεστέραν ἀπαγγελίαν ἐκ τε τῶν τοῦ θεσπεσίου Κυρίλλου, καὶ τῶν τοῦ μεγάλου Μαξίμου καὶ λοιπῶν ἐξηγητῶν·* "Briefly collected and more clearly expounded from the writings of the divine Cyril, the great Maximus, and other interpreters of Holy Scripture." It begins: *Κατηραμένη γῆ ἐν τοῖς ἔργοις τοῦ Ἀδάμ.*

(a) That many of these homilies and epistles, pertaining to the Nestorian heresy and controversy, are treated in Walch’s *Historia hæresium*, vol. V, passim and frequently, and in Mansi's *Amplissima Collectio conciliorum*, we have already noted above: nor is there time here to indicate the indices in which the individual homilies and epistles are read, and which I have cited above either generally or throughout. HARL.

^D 3. *Read the memorandum sent from you.* Epistle 8, to the clergy of Constantinople divided among themselves, vol. V, part II, pp. 32-36, from the same Acts, p. 126. And with the version of Marius Mercator, which, however, is fuller in many places in Baluze, p. 641, and in vol. II of the Garnerian edition, p. 49, with the notes of Garnerius. FABR. — In Greek and Latin in Mansi’s *Collectio*, vol. IV, p. 1003, and Mercator’s version, which is said to be correct and preferable to the Greek text as it is now read, *ib.* vol. V, p. 721. HARL.

4. *Things unheard of and excellent.* Epistle to Theodosius the Younger, prefaced to the books against Julian, vol. VII, p. 1.

5. *It suffices that you are so disposed.* Epistle 44, to Valerianus, bishop of Iconium, against those who are of the same mind as Nestorius. Vol. V, part II, pp. 158-171, partially in Part III of the Acts of the Synod of Ephesus, p. 448. Liberatus mentions this, cap. 9; Leontius Byzantinus; Eulogius in Photius, and others as well. See Tillemont, vol. XIV, p. 569.

6. *Again it is necessary that you follow the holy ones.* Homily X paschal, vol. V, part I, pp. 125-142.

7. *Again, the bright things are here for us.* Homily IX paschal, vol. V, part II, pp. 106-125.

8. *Some having arrived from Mount Calamum.* Epistle to Calosyrius, prefaced to the book against the Anthropomorphites, vol. VII, pp. 363-365. FABR. On the Laurentian codex, see Bandini, *Catalogus codicum Laurentianorum*, I, p. 129, no. 22. HARL.

9. *Some have arrived as is the custom in Alexandria.* Epistle 1, to the monks of Egypt (b). Written in A.D. 429. Vol. V, part II, pp. 1-19. In the Acts of the Council of Ephesus, part I, vol. I of the Binnius edition.

(b) See Tillemont, vol. XIV, p. 350. FABR. Mansi *Collectio*, IV, p. 587 sqq. HARL.

a. 1618, p. 9. Ancient version in Baluze’s *Nova collectio conciliorum*, p. 387. [Mansi, vol. V, p. 447.]

10. *To the faithful today.* Homily for the Feast of Palms, or of the donkey’s foal. Vol. V, part II, p. 391-403, first edited by Aubert from a Bodleian manuscript. [n. 119.] FABR. — Certain codices, such as in the Coislin Library, p. 402, attribute this homily to Cyril; others, however, to Eulogius, Archbishop of Alexandria. It exists in Greek and Latin in Combefis’ *Auctarium novum*, vol. I, p. 651, as noted by Fabricius, below vol. IX, p. 129, old ed. HARL.

11. *It was necessary, in Your Piety.* Epistle to Donatus, Bishop of Nicopolis in Old Epirus. Vol. V, part II, p. 155-157, from part III of the Acts of the Council of Ephesus, vol. I of Binnius, p. 446. An ancient Latin version exists in the *Synodicon* against the tragedy of Irenaeus, p. 909. Baluze, *Nova collectio conciliorum*.

12. *Come now, come again, let us rejoice.* Paschal Homily. Vol. V, part II, p. 142-161.

13. *Come again, let us rejoice in the Lord.* XV Paschal Homily. Vol. V, part II, p. 198-210.

14. *I was again informed by your kindness.* 19th Epistle, posterior, written from Rhodes before the synod, to the clergy and people of Alexandria. Vol. V, part II, p. 83, from part I of the Acts of the Council of Ephesus, vol. I of Binnius, p. 165.

15. *I have learned, surely, and through many.* 2nd Epistle to John of Antioch. Vol. V, part II, p. 42-44, from part I of the Acts of the Council of Ephesus, vol. I of Binnius, p. 144. FABR.

16. *It behooved us to be content with those things previously assumed.* Homily spoken at Ephesus when the synaxes were conducted, after Nestorius was deposed. Vol. V, part II, p. 358-361. In the Latin editions, it exists in the version of Wolfgang Musculus. But Aubert preserved the version with which it is read in part II of the Acts of the Council of Ephesus, vol. I of Binnius, p. 219. Another ancient interpretation is in Baluze, p. 548 of the *Nova collectio*.

17. *Although it was necessary more broadly.* Epistle 22, to the clergy and people of Alexandria, vol. V, part II, p. 79, from part II of the Acts of the Council of Ephesus, vol. I of Binnius, p. 217. ^B

18. *If we are indeed knowing.* Homily on the Transfiguration of the Lord; edited in Greek for the first time by John Meursius in *Variis sacris*, Lugd. Bat. 1619, in-4, p. 1-15. In the Aubert edition of the Works of Cyril, vol. V, part II, p. 352-354, in Greek and Latin, who more correctly reads *οἱ μὲν εὖ εἰδότες*.

19. *If we remain silent and if not.* Epistle 9, to Celestine, Bishop of Rome, vol. V, part II, p. 36-39, from part I of the Acts of the Council of Ephesus, vol. I of Binnius, p. 129. FABR. — Mansi, vol. IV, p. 1012 sqq. Better in Constant, p. 1085 sqq., as attested by Walch, *l. c.*, p. 393 sqq., which you should compare, as well as p. 458 sq., and p. 678 sq., concerning Celestine and his other epistles. HARL.

20. *If He is perfect, they say, the Father is in his own greatness.* See above, num. 25, in the review of the works contained in vol. VII of Aubert.

21. *Each of the things concerning our affairs.* Epistle 59, canonical to Domnus. Vol. VII, p. 209 sqq., and vol. II of Labbe’s *Concilia*, p. 1488; and with the scholia of Theodore Balsamon, vol. II of the *Synodicon* of Beveridge, p. 175. FABR. — See the codices already mentioned passim; Oxford in cod. Barocc. CLVIII, Bodleian Library. Turin in cod. CV, in the *Cat. bibl. Taurin.*, p. 193. In cod. Caes. XLIV, n. 34, ep. 1 to Maximus, Deacon of Antioch; 2 to Gennadius; 3 to Domnus of Antioch; 4 to the bishops in Libya and Pentapolis; and n. 3 and 4, in cod. XLV, n. 29. See Lambecius VIII, p. 887 and 914 sq. — In cod. XLV, n. 12, where that epistle is subdivided into three canons. See Kollar, *Suppl. ad Lambec.*, p. 320. Ibid. n. 13, epistle to the bishops of Libya and Pentapolis; both in the *Synodicon*, vol. II, p. 178. HARL.

22. *I learned from the beloved monk Paul.* Epistle 49. Commonitory to Maximus, Deacon of Antioch. *Id.*, p. 192.

23. *He shows evidently.* Epistle 59, posterior, on the faith to Succensus. *Id.*, p. 141-151. But note: the latter part from p. 145 sq. is poorly attached from the epistle to Acacius, p. 145 sq., which was also beautifully observed by Ussher. The ancient Latin version exists in the *Synodicon* against the tragedy of Irenaeus in Baluze, p. 923. See also p. 786 sq. Both of Cyril’s epistles to Succensus also appeared, translated by Dionysius Exiguus, in *Antidoto adversus hæreses*, Basil. 1528, fol. Ephraem in Photius, cod. ccxxix, vindicates the passage from the latter epistle against the Severians, and he also mentions the former. See also the conference with the Severians, or Acephali, held at Constantinople A.D. 532, vol. II of Binnius, p. 661. FABR. The two epistles to Succensus are in Paris cod. DCCCLXXXII, n. 9, and n. 4, the following epistle to Evoptius. HARL. ^C

Epistle to Evoptius. Vol. VII, p. 200 sqq. See above, num. 49, in the review of the works which vol. VII contains. ^D

24. *I read the things from your piety.* Epistle to Evoptius. Vol. VII, p. 200 sqq. See above, num. 49, in the review of the works contained in vol. VII.

25. *I read the memorandum.* Epistle 38, prior, on the faith to Succensus (a), Bishop of Diocæsarea in Isauria. Vol. V, part II, p. 135-141, and from an ancient version in Baluze, p. 918 sq.

26. *Among me and very pleasing.* Paschal Homily. Vol. V, part II, p. 265-269.

27. *Since your piety has written to me.* Epistle 6, to those who, persuaded by vulgar rumors, said that they had resisted Nestorius. Vol. V, part II, p. 30 sq., from part I of the Acts of the Council of Ephesus. Vol. I of Binnius, p. 125.

28. *Since primarily to us Christians.*

(a) Concerning that Succensus, see Tillemont, vol. XIV, p. 570.

See above, no. 23, in the review of volume VII of the works of Cyril.

29. *At a certain time again* (Ἐπὶ καιροῦ δὴ πάλιν τὸ διὰ τῆς). Homily XIX on Easter. Vol. V, part II, pp. 247–257.

30. *Some take exception* (Ἐπιλαμβάνονται τινες τῆς ἐκθέσεως). A memorandum to Eulogius the priest. Vol. V, part II, p. 132, among letters 37, from part III of the Acts of the Council of Ephesus. Vol. I of Binius, p. 444. An ancient version exists in Baluze, p. 597 of the *Nova Collectio*. Liberatus mentions this letter, ch. 9; Eulogius and Ephraim are mentioned in Photius, etc. See Tillemont, vol. XIV, p. 568 seq. There were those who argued that in some places it was falsified. See the collation with the Severians or Acephali held at Constantinople A.D. 532, Vol. II of Binius, p. 661. In this memorandum exists that famous passage, so often cited by the collectors of catenae on the books of Holy Scripture: "Not everything which heretics say is to be fled from and rejected; for they profess many things which we ourselves also profess." FABR. In the Paris public library, cod. DCCCLXXX, n. 7, and cod. MCCCVIII, n. 5, and other Cyrillian manuscripts n. 2, 4, 6, 7. HARL.

31. *On small portions many* (Ἐπὶ μικροῖς σιτίοις πολλούς). Prologue to Homily XIX on Easter. Vol. V, part II, p. 247.

32. *The holy synod was greatly troubled* (Ἐταράχθη λίαν ἡ ἁγία σύνοδος). To the clergy and people of Constantinople. Vol. V, part II, p. 90, from part II of the Acts of the synod of Ephesus. Vol. I of Binius, p. 293. FABR. In the Imperial cod. LXXVII (with many other Cyrillian works) n. 30. See Lambecius, III, p. 388. HARL.

33. *A pious decree upon the Ephesians* (Εὐσεβὲς θέπισμα ἐν τῇδε τῇ Ἐφεσίων μητροπόλει). A petition presented by Cyril of Alexandria and Memnon, bishop of Ephesus, to the Ephesian synod. In part II of the Acts of the council of Ephesus, Vol. I of Binius, p. 242, and in Baluze, p. 498 of the *Nova Collectio conciliorum*.

34. *Let the heavens rejoice* (Εὐφραινέσθωσαν οἱ οὐρανοί, καὶ ἀγαλλιάσθω ἡ γῆ). Letter 34, to John of Antioch (sent via Paul, bishop of Emesa), vol. V, part II, pp. 104–109, from part II of the Acts of the synod of Ephesus, p. 428. It also exists in the Acts of the synod of Chalcedon, Vol. II of Binius, p. 68, and in an ancient version in Baluze, p. 591. This is that most well-known letter of Cyril on the peace of the Church, written in A.D. 433. Ibid., p. 786. Tillemont, vol. XIV, p. 545 seq. FABR. Venice, in the Marciana Library cod. CCCCLX. See the Catalogue of Greek Manuscripts in the Marciana, p. 274. HARL.

35. *The discourse brings us morality* (Ἡθικὴν ὑφήγησιν ὁ λόγος ἡμῖν εἰσφέρει). Prologue to Homily XXVIII on Easter. Vol. V, part II, p. 326.

36. *The time has gathered us here* (Ἡμᾶς ἐνθάδε συνήγαγεν ὁ καιρός). Prologue to Homily XVI on Easter. Vol. V, part II, p. 210.

37. *The divine and undefiled* (Ἡ μὲν θεία καὶ ἀκήρατος). Apologeticus to Emperor Theodosius the Younger. See above, no. 20, in the review of volume VII of the works of Cyril.

38. *The subject about which we are for...* (Ἡ μὲν ὑπόθεσις ἐφ᾽ ᾗ καὶ νῦν). Prologue to Homily ^A XVIII on Easter. Vol. V, part II, p. 235.

39. *The faith of Nestorius, or rather his heresy* (Ἡ Νεστορίου πίστις μᾶλλον δὲ κακοδοξία). A memorandum given to Posidonius, when he was being sent to the Roman council on account of the matter of Nestorius, A.D. 430. From the papers of Sirmond, together with the version by Jean Garnier, published by Steph. Baluze in the *Nova Collectio conciliorum*, p. 377. Paris 1683, folio. It also appeared with the version and notes of Garnier in the *Auctarium* of the works of Theodoret, p. 51. Paris 1684, folio. FABR. — See Harduin, *Coll. concil.*, I, p. 1319; Coustant, *Epp. Pontific.*, vol. I, p. 1093 seqq.; Mansi, *Concil.*, vol. IV, p. 548; Walch, *loc. cit.*, pp. 395 seq., 434–438. HARL.

40. *The soundest understanding of Holy Scripture* (Ἡ τῆς θείας Γραφῆς ὀρδοτάτη ἔννοια). See above, no. 9, in the review of volume V of the works of Cyril.

41. *I am indeed of the number of those who approve* (Ἠὐχόμην μὲν τοῖς τῶν εὐδοκιμησάντων ἴχνεσι). Epistle to Juvenal, bishop of Jerusalem. Vol. V, part II, pp. 65–67, from part I of the Acts of the council of Ephesus, Vol. I of Binius, p. 147. [Mansi vol. IV, p. 1057, and Lat. vol. V, p. 521. HARL.]

42. *Behold again the holy feast* (Ἰδοὺ δὴ πάλιν ὁ τῆς ἁγίας ἑορτῆς). Homily XXIX on Easter. Vol. V, part II, pp. 335–342.

43. *The sacred words are from above* (Ἱεροὶ μὲν ἄνωθεν ὑμνήκασι λόγοι). Homily XIV on Easter. Vol. V, part II, pp. 187–198.

44. *And otherwise, seeing with pleasure the good children* (Καὶ ἄλλως ἡδέως ὁρῶν τοὺς ἀγαθοὺς παῖδας). Epistle to Optimum the bishop, on Genesis IV, 15: "Everyone who kills Cain shall be punished sevenfold." Which exists in Greek and Latin in the *Chronicon Alexandrinum*, pp. 568–577, edited by Matthaeus Rader (Munich 1624, in 4to) and in the edition of Du Cange, p. 241. FABR.—In the Imperial codd. LXIV, n. 18; LXVII, n. 33; LXIX, n. 3; LXXV, n. 1, this epistle is attributed to Basil the Great. See Lambecius, III, p. 298, especially the note by Kollarius, pp. 334, 343; — and also in vol. V, p. 313, in cod. CCL, n. 8. HARL.

45. *To everything there is a season* (Καιρὸν παντὶ πράγματι). Homily V on Easter. Vol. V, part II, pp. 43–60.

46. *It seems that now is the time* (Καλόν, ὡς ἔοικε, μᾶλλον δὲ ἤδη καιρός). Homily XII on Easter. Vol. V, part II, pp. 177–186.

47. *They talk nonsense, as I hear* (Καταφλυαροῦσι μὲν, ὡς ἀκούω). Epistle 4, to Nestorius, written A.D. 430. Vol. V, part I, pp. 22–25, from part I of the Acts of the council of Ephesus, Vol. I of Binius, p. 120. It also exists in the Acts of the council of Chalcedon, Vol. II, p. 60, and with the version of Marius Mercator in Vol. II of Mercator, ^B Garnier's edition, p. 45, and in Baluze, p. 638 of the *Nova Collectio conciliorum*, and from another ancient version in the sixth collation of the fifth synod, Vol. II of Binius, part II, p. 91.

48. *Cursed land in the works of Adam* (Κατηραμένη γῆ ἐν τοῖς ἔργοις τοῦ Ἀδάμ). See above, no. 24, in the review of volume VII of the works of Cyril.

49. *I will use again* (Κεχρήσομαι πάλιν ταῖς τοῦ μακαρίου). Homily XXIV on Easter. Vol. V, part II, pp. 286–295.

50. *I will use again the words of the all-wise Paul* (Κεχρήσομαι πάλιν ταῖς τοῦ πανσόφου Παύλου φωναῖς). Homily XXVI on Easter. Ibid., p. 302–312.

50. *The bright subject of the present feast* (Λαμπρὰ τῆς παρούσης ἑορτῆς ἡ ὑπόθεσις).

ὑπόθεσις). ^A Homily on the Nativity of Christ, which is read in certain manuscripts under the name of Cyril of Alexandria, as in the Caesarean manuscript in Nessel, Part II, p. 28. [See below, no. 175.]

51. *Sweat at times, and of many* (Μόλις ποτὲ καὶ πολλοῖς ἱδρῶσι). Epistle 54, to Proclus, Bishop of Constantinople, concerning Theodore of Mopsuestia. Tom. V, Part II, p. 199 sq. It exists in Greek at the end of the Acts of the Fifth Synod, Vol. II of Binnius, Part II, p. 171.

52. *The most devout and most beloved of God deacon and archimandrite Maximus* (Ὁ εὐλαβέστατος καὶ θεοφιλέστατος διάκονος καὶ ἀρχιμανδρίτης Μάξιμος). Epistle 52, to Acacius, Bishop of Melitene. Tom. V, Part II, p. 197 sq. The Old Latin version exists in the *Synodicon against the Tragedy of Irenaeus*, cap. 205; Baluzius, p. 911 *Nova Collect.*; in Greek at the end of the Acts of the Fifth Synod, Vol. II of Binnius, Part II, p. 170.

53. *I know that the sincerity of your love* (Οἶδα μὲν τῆς σῆς ἀγάπης τὸ εἰλικρινές). Epistle 7, to a certain studious follower of Nestorius, or a zealot. Tom. V, Part II, p. 34 sq., from Part I of the Acts of the Council of Ephesus, Vol. I of Binnius, p. 125. [Mansi Coll. tom. IV, p. 999.]

54. *The blessed prophets, those from above* (Οἱ μακάριοι προφῆται τοὺς ἄνωθεν ἡμῖν). Paschal Homily XXVIII. Tom. V, Part II, p. 326–335.

55. *Those who know well how to struggle* (Οἱ μὲν εὖ εἰδότες ἀθλεῖν). See above: *Well* (εὖ).

56. *Those of the divine priesthood* (Οἱ μὲν τοῖς τῆς θείας ἱερωσύνης). Paschal Homily XXII. Tom. V, Part II, p. 269–278.

57. *Being very saddened and anxious* (Οἱ σφόδρα λυπούμενοι καὶ φροντίζει). Epistle 12, to Acacius, Bishop of Berrhoea. Tom. V, Part II, p. 44, from the first part of the Acts of the Council of Ephesus, Vol. I of Binnius, p. 145. [Mansi Coll. tom. IV, p. 1053, and the old Latin version, Tom. V, p. 517.]

58. *Those who are well-formed and unselected* (Οἱ τὴν εὐφυᾶ καὶ ἀπόλεκτον). Paschal Homily XVII. Tom. V, Part II, p. 222–235.

59. *Those who divide Christ into two sons* (Οἱ τὸν Χριστὸν εἰς υἱοὺς μερίζοντες δύο). See above, no. 23, in the review of Vol. VII of the works of Cyril.

60. *Directing the eye of their own mind* (Οἱ τῆς ἑαυτῶν διανοίας τὸν ὀφθαλμὸν ἀπευθύνοντες). Homily, the fragments of which are read in Eustathius of Constantinople, *Against the Psychopannychites*, at the end of Allatius, *De purgatorio*, p. 571 sq.

61. *Our Lord Jesus Christ when [he spoke] about the* (Ὁ κύριος ἡμῶν Ἰησοῦς Χριστὸς ὅτε τὰς παρὰ τῶν). Epistle 24, to the monk Fathers. Tom. V, Part II, p. 89, from Part II of the Acts of the Synod of Nicaea, Vol. I of Binnius, p. 217.

62. *The blessed prophet David the all-laudable* (Ὁ μακάριος προφήτης Δαβὶδ τὴν παναπόμνιον). Paschal Homily XXIII. Tom. V, Part II, p. 279–286. ^B 63. *The blessed prophet David to those who put their trust in God* (Ὁ μακάριος προφήτης Δαβὶδ τοὺς ἐπὶ Θεῷ πεποιθότας). Homily, delivered at Ephesus before he was arrested and handed over to be kept by the soldiers. Tom. V, Part II, p. 364–366, from Part II of the Acts of the Synod of Ephesus, Vol. I of Binnius, p. 266. Another old version in Baluzius, p. 551 *Nova Collect.*

64. *The blessed prophet Isaiah of those in Christ* (Ὁ μακάριος προφήτης Ἡσαΐας τῶν ἐν Χριστῷ). Brief allocution after the homily *On the Incarnation*, delivered at Alexandria by Paul, Bishop of Emesa. Tom. V, Part II, p. 354–355. In the Latin editions of Cyril, that homily of Paul exists together with the allocution of Cyril, from the version of Wolfgang Musculus. In Greek, with another version, in Part III of the Acts of the Synod of Ephesus, Vol. I of Binnius, p. 427.

65. *The law gave to the ancients the symbol* (Ὁ μὲν νόμος τοῖς ἀρχαιοτέροις ἐδίδου τὸ σύνθημα). Tom. V, Part II, p. 210–222. Paschal Homily XVI.

66. *It is not doubtful that altogether* (Οὐκ ἦν ἀμφίβολον ὅτι πάντη τε). Epistle 45, to Maximian, Archbishop of Constantinople. Tom. V, Part II, p. 157 sq., from Part I of the Acts of the Synod of Ephesus, Vol. I of Binnius, p. 447. [Conf. Mansi V, p. 259. H.]

67. *The dragon did not rest* (Οὐκ ἠρέμησεν ὁ δράκων). Epistle 51, to John of Antioch and the synod gathered at Antioch. Ibid., p. 194–197, from the same Acts, p. 467.

68. *Not of ambition for us* (Οὐ φιλοτιμίας ἡμῖν). Prologue to Paschal Homily XXII. Tom. V, Part II, p. 269.

69. *We came with difficulty* (Ὠψέ μὲν καὶ μόλις ἤλθομεν). Epistle 16, in the name of the Synod of Alexandria to the clergy and people of Constantinople. Tom. V, Part II, p. 78 sq., from Part I of the Acts of the Council of Ephesus, Vol. I of Binnius, p. 157.

70. *Again to us the customary assembly* (Πάλιν ἡμᾶς ἐπὶ τὸν συνήθη θίασον). Paschal Homily XXVII. Tom. V, Part II, p. 312–326.

71. *Again to us of the holy feast* (Πάλιν ἡμῖν ὁ τῆς ἁγίας ἑορτῆς). Paschal Homily IV. Tom. V, Part II, p. 31–43.

72. *Engrafted into every man who has accepted God* (Παντὶ ἀνθρώπῳ ἔμφυτον παρὰ Θεοῦ δεξαμένω). See above, no. 23, in the review of Vol. VII of the works of Cyril.

73. *Of everything useful and necessary* (Παντὸς τοῦ χρησίμου καὶ ἀναγκαίου). Epistle 60, to the bishops in Libya and Pentapolis. Tom. V, Part II, p. 211. It exists also among other canonical epistles with the commentary of Theodore Balsamon, Vol. II, p. 178.

74. *And now to us the short sermon* (Πεποίηται καὶ νῦν ἡμῖν τὸ λογίδιον). Prologue to Paschal Homily XXIII. Tom. V, Part II, p. 278 sq.

75. *We write about all matters* (Περὶ πάντων γράφομεν τῶν πραγμάτων). Epistle 40, to Theognostus and Charmosynus, presbyters, and Leontius, deacon, his apocrisiaries, dwelling in Constantinople. Tom. V, Part II, p. 152 sq., first edited from a royal manuscript by Aubert. The Old Latin version exists in c. 85 of the *Synodicon against the Tragedy of Irenaeus*, which Baluzius published in *Nova Collect. conciliorum* after Christianus Lupus, and Gasnerius in the appendix to the works of Theodoret.

^A of nature. See above no. 23 in the review of volume VII of the works of Cyril. 77. Many calumnies have arisen against us there. Epistola 26, to the bishops Theopemptus, Potamon, and Daniel, who were serving in Constantinople. Tom. V, part II, p. 91, from part II of the Acts of the Council of Ephesus, vol. I of Binius, p. 297. 78. Much more than [expected] is the synod. Homily on the Meeting of the Lord, first edited by Aubert from the royal manuscript. Tom. V, part II, p. 385–392. FABR. In Venice in the Nanian codex LXIII, no. 7, Homily "On the Meeting of the Lord," etc. It begins, "Rejoice greatly, daughter of Sion." It begins this way also in the Laurentian codex XVII, no. 32, plut. 9; but here it is attributed to Cyril of Jerusalem, and is included among the works of Cyril of Jerusalem in the edition of Thomas Milles, p. 318. See Bandini, *Catalogus codicum Laurentianorum* I, p. 419. In codex XXXI, no. 8, plut. 60, however, it is ascribed to Cyril of Alexandria; and Bandini [notes that] the same sermon is read in the previous codex. The same sermon is assigned to Cyril of Alexandria in the Imperial Codex CXLVI, no. 17, and contrary to the attribution to Cyril of Jerusalem in codices XI, no. 7, and CLI, no. 36. See Lambeck, *Commentarii* IV, 260, and VIII, p. 156, and p. 307. HARL. 79. Manyfold and in many ways is the God of the universe. Homily XX (Paschal). Tom. V, part II, p. 257–264. 80. I think it appropriate and now to speak. Epistola 29, to Maximianus, bishop of Constantinople. Tom. V, part II, p. 95–98, from part III of the Acts of the Council of Ephesus, vol. I of Binius, p. 411. 81. We expected the coming of the honorable Nestorius. Epistola 20, to Comarius (a) and Potamon, bishops, and Dalmatius, archimandrite, and Timothy and Eulogius, presbyters. Tom. V, part II, p. 84–86, from part II of the Acts of the Synod of Ephesus, vol. I of Binius, p. 211. 82. How God was contained, being uncontainable. See above no. 10 in the review of the works of Cyril contained in volume V. 83. Sound the trumpet in Sion. Homily VIII (Paschal). Tom. V, part II, p. 92–107. 84. Boasting of the world. See above no. 15. 85. The law has a shadow of the things to come. Homily XII (Paschal). Tom. V, part II, p. 161–177. 86. We suffer with you, brothers. Epistola 58, to Domnus, bishop of Antioch. Tom. V, part II, p. 208 seq. It stands also among the canonical epistles of the Fathers with the commentary of Theodore Balsamon. [See at no. 21.] 87. The word is composed now for us. Prologue to Paschal Homily XXIX. Tom. V, part II, p. 335. 88. The things written by your holiness. Epistola LXI, to Aurelius (Augustine) and others at the Council of Carthage. Tom. V, part II, p. 212 seq.

^B 89. The bright and great [works] of deeds. Epistola 23, to the clergy and people of Alexandria. Tom. V, part II, p. 88, from part II of the Acts of the Synod of Ephesus, vol. I of Binius, p. 247. 90. We shall read the usual [things] and now. Prolegomena to Paschal Homily XVII. Tom. V, part II, p. 222. 91. The power of love toward God (al. Christ). Homily to John, bishop of Antioch, who had withdrawn, that is, the schismatic. Tom. V, part II, p. 361–364. In Latin editions it exists in the version of Wolf. Musculus; but Aubert exhibits it with the interpretation which was added in part II of the Acts of the Council of Ephesus, vol. I of Binius, p. 254. 92. The zeal of your piety. Epistola 17, in the name of the Alexandrian synod to the monks of Constantinople. Tom. V, part II, p. 80 seq., from part I of the Acts of the Council of Ephesus, vol. I of Binius, p. 158. 93. The [festival] of our holy keeping of the feast. Homily VI (Paschal). Tom. V, part II, p. 60–81. 94. The highest of human renown. See above no. 14. 95. Our [festival] and divine feast. Homily I (Paschal). Tom. V, part II, p. 1–16. 96. The renown and glory of the saints. Homily, spoken at Ephesus, on the day of St. John the Evangelist. Tom. V, part II, p. 352–354. It exists in Latin editions of Cyril from the version of Wolfgang Musculus. But Aubert preferred it as it is read in part I of the Acts of the Council of Ephesus, vol. I of Binius, p. 394. It is also held in Latin from an old version in Baluzius, p. 545 *Nova Collectio*. Confer concerning this homily Tillemont, vol. XIV, p. 453. 97. The pleasant and sweet [things] to the lovers of God. Homily on the Holy Supper. Tom. V, part II, p. 360–379. Edited first by Aubert from royal and Vatican manuscripts. FABR. In Moscow in codex V, no. 17. See Matthaei, *Notitia codicum Mosquensium*, p. 7. HARL. 98. [The things] from your God-pleasing [self]. Epistola 57, to Atticus the bishop. Tom. V, part II, p. 204–208, from Nicephorus XIV, 27. Fabr. Florentine in codex Laurent. XII, plut. 6, no. 33, Atticus's letter to Cyril of Alexandria, and no. 34, Cyril's letter to Atticus. See Bandini, *Catalogus*, I, p. 121 and ^C 122. HARL. 99. The [things] from your holiness. Epistola 56, to Acacius the bishop, concerning the scapegoat, *de hirco emissario*. Tom. V, part II, p. 121–132, from part II of the Acts of the Synod of Ephesus, vol. I of Binius, p. 438, cited by Theodoret and Ephraim in Photius, codex CCXXIX, p. 416. 100. The divine and heavenly proclamation. See above no. 15 in the review of the works of Cyril contained in part II of volume V. 101. The venerable and divine proclamation.

(a) Comarion [is mentioned] in an old version in Baluzius, p. 483 *Nova Collectio conciliorum*. Vol. IX.

^A xxxIII. Paschal Homily. Vol. V, part II, p. 342-350. 102. Zeal for piety. Epistle 48, to Gennadius, presbyter and archimandrite, concerning the fact that one must sometimes wink at the rigor of the law for the sake of a greater benefit. Vol. V, part II, p. 191 sq. 103. Our Lord saying clearly. Epistle 15, to Nestorius regarding excommunication, written in the name of the synod gathered in Egypt. Vol. V, part II, p. 67-77, with twelve chapters, or anathematisms, appended, to be approved by Nestorius if he wishes to be received. From part I of the Acts of the Council of Ephesus, Vol. I of Binius, p. 151. In the same Acts, p. 159, exist in Latin the twelve anathematisms of Nestorius, set against an equal number of Cyril’s, and with the refutation of Marius Mercator, in Garnerius’s *Mercator*, Vol. II, p. 116. Moreover, that epistle of Cyril with the version of Marius Mercator is found in Garnerius’s *Mercator*, Vol. II, p. 69, and in another old version in Baluzius, p. 412, and in another, p. 679 of the *Nova collectio conciliorum*, which also exhibits Mercator’s version on p. 644. It is read also in Latin in the sixth collation of the fifth synod, Vol. II of Binius, part II, p. 96, and it was published from the version of Dionysius Exiguus, Paris 1628, in 8vo, and in *Antidotum adversus hæreses*, Basel 1528, folio, under the title of the book *Contra Nestorium*. FABR.

See above, number 17, in the review of the works contained in the Greek-Latin edition of Vol. VII. This memorable epistle is read in Mansi’s *Collectio conciliorum*, Vol. IV, p. 1069 sqq., and the oldest version, which Mercator is said to have made, ibid., Vol. V, p. 725; the version of Dionysius Exiguus (6th century), which Mansi pronounces to differ little from Mercator’s version, Vol. IV, p. 1085, where it is published in Latin; a third, ancient version, ibid., Vol. V, p. 502; a fourth, published in the *Synodicum* of Lupus and Baluzius; a fifth, in the Acts of the fifth ecumenical council in Mansi’s *Collectio*, Vol. IX, p. 311 sqq. In Vienna, in the Imperial Codex LXXV, in which many epistles and other works concerning that controversy are collected, the Anathematisms are at n. 49. See Lambecius, III, p. 393, and the note of Kollarius there. In Codex XLIV, n. 40; XLV, n. 49; LI, n. 19; LII, n. 9, with an anonymous appendix on the opinions of the heresiarchs. See Lambecius, VIII, p. 896 sq., 937, 993, and 1002. In Florence, in the Laurentian Codex XII, n. 6, plut. 6, the 12 Anathematisms of Cyril, so arranged that each of them has an explanation by Cyril, a refutation by Theodoret, and again a defense, or response, by Cyril; Cyril’s epistle to Evoptius is prefixed. In Codex XXI, n. 8, plut. IV, it differs, however, from the printed editions. See Bandini, *Catalogus codicum Græcorum Laurentianorum*, I, p. 118 and 544. In Paris, in the public library, in Latin Codex MCDLVII (in which there are many of Cyril’s epistles and other works), n. 8, and in Latin Codex MCXXIII, n. 1. See *Catalogus codicum bibliothecæ Parisiensis*, III, p. 117 and 240.

^B In Munich, in the library of the Elector, Codex LIII. Cyril’s Anathematisms, with an apology against the Orientals; however, the first, second, fifth, and sixth anathematisms are missing. See *Catalogus codicum Græcorum Bavaricorum*, p. 16. And in other codices already mentioned here and there. HARL.

104. The love of learning and labor. Epistle 47, to Anastasius, Alexander, Martinianus, John, Paregorius, presbyters, and Maximus (or Maximinus), deacon, and the rest of the monk Fathers. On the holy Nicene Creed. Vol. V, part II, p. 173–191, from the third part of the Acts of the same Ephesian council, p. 457. In the Latin editions it is read in the version of Joannes Theophilus, with the report of the Oriental synod to king Callimorus subjoined, concerning the deposition of Cyril and Memnon, bishops of Ephesus, from the Acts of the conciliabulum of the Orientals. Another old version is in the fifth collation of the fifth synod, Vol. II of Binius, part II, p. 70. See also Tillemont, Vol. XIV, p. 640. FABR. In Florence, in the Laurentian Codex XXI, n. 7. See Bandini, *Catalogus*, I, p. 544. HARL. See above, number 8, in the review of the works contained in the edition of Vol. V by Aubertus.

106. I see a bright gathering. Homily at Ephesus against Nestorius, *when the seven went to the holy Mary*. Vol. V, part II, p. 355-358. In the Latin editions it exists in the interpretation of Wolfgang Musculus; but Aubertus preferred another version, with which it is read in part II of the Acts of the Ephesian synod, Vol. I of Binius, p. 221.

107. Bright for us is the word and full of grace. Encomium on the Holy Mother of God Mary. Vol. V, part II, p. 379-385, first published by Aubertus from a royal manuscript. [See Lambecius, Vol. VIII, p. 820.]

108. Again, bringing time, speaking on the same [theme]. Paschal Homily XXV. Vol. V, part II, p. 296-302.

109. I fear death, for it is bitter to me. Homily *On the Departure of the Soul* and on the second coming of Christ. Vol. V, part II, p. 404-416. It appeared in Greek at Paris by Wechel, 1538, in smaller format, with the hours and liturgy of Mary, as Gesner also noted in his *Bibliotheca*. It exists also edited in Greek at the end of the *Horologion* of the Greeks, Venice 1535, 8, 1553, 1611, 12. In the Latin editions of Cyril it exists from the version of Sebastian Castellio, which Aubertus also preserved. Caspar Ursinus Velius also translated it. FABR. St. Cyril’s discourse on the departure of the soul and on his second life, translated by C. Ursinus Velius. A certain tome of the same Ursinus on the Gospel of Luke (Luke XVIII, 13) rendered into verse (52 hexameters), etc. Vienna in Pannonia by the house of Jo. Singrenius, 1521, min. 4. See Denis, *Wien’s Buchdrucker-Geschichte*, p. 224 sq., and Lambacher, *Bibliotheca antiqua civica*, p. 99. In the library of Podle, Codex Baroccianus CXLVII. HARL.

110. Rejoice in the Lord always, again I say, Rejoice. And it runs for us also. Paschal Homily II. Vol. V, part II, p. 16-31. (A) See Tillemont, Vol. XIV, p. 358, 369, 372.

111. Rejoice in the Lord always. . . Behold, for us also through the same. Paschal Homily VII. Vol. V, part II, pp. 81-92. ^A

112. By your philanthropy, Savior of all. Epistle 18, the former, written from Rhodes before the synod to the clergy and people of Alexandria. Vol. V, part II, p. 81, from part I of the Acts of the Council of Ephesus, Vol. I of Binius, p. 165. [See Lambeck, III, p. 390, n. 39.]

113. A greeting to brothers is a valuable thing. Epistle 55, to Acacius, Bishop of Melitene. Vol. V, part II, pp. 109-120, from part III of the same Acts, p. 431. The ancient version in Baluze, p. 599 of the *Nova Collectio*, in Paris public library codex MCDLVII, n. 82. Liberatus mentions it in ch. 9, Leontius of Byzantium, and others. See Tillemont, Vol. XIV, p. 568.

114. While I was tarrying in Aelia. Epistle 55, to the clerics and Lampo the presbyter. Ibid., p. 198. In Greek at the end of the Acts of the 5th Synod, Vol. II of Binius, part II, p. 170. The ancient Latin version in the *Synodicum* against the tragedy of Irenaeus, c. 206, Baluze, p. 913 of the *Nova Collectio*, and in the fifth council, collation 5, Vol. II of Binius, part II, p. 69. Pelagius records some parts of it in his third epistle to the bishops of Istria.

VI. Index of those things which exist in Latin only.

115. To an incomparable woman. Epistle of Cyril to Rabbula, Bishop of Edessa. Vol. V, part II; Binius, Vol. II, part II, p. 70.

116. The Lord our God is rich today. A fragment of a homily given at Ephesus, in part III of the Acts of the Synod of Ephesus, Vol. I of Binius, p. 381.

117. Those who are confirmed by piety. Another fragment in the same Acts, p. 423, and in Baluze, p. 596, *Nova Collectio*.

118. We are of great joy. Epistle of Xystus, Bishop of Rome, to Cyril. Vol. V, part II, p. 172, from the same Acts, p. 456.

119. Now the same men as if from sleep. John of Antioch and the synod to Cyril. Vol. V, part II, p. 192 sq.

120. A deep and great thing indeed. Homily on the fact that the Word of God was made man. See above, no. 12, in the review of works contained in part II of Vol. V of the Aubert edition. [Other parts in Mansi V, p. 287.] ^C

121. I have been satisfied again. Epistle 30, to Juvenal, Flavian, Arcadius, Projectus, Firmus, Theodoret, Acacius, bishops, and Philip, presbyter. Vol. V, part II, p. 99, from part I of the Acts of the Council of Ephesus, p. 413, and in Baluze, p. 583, *Nova Collectio*.

122. Concerning the glory of the ecclesiastical body. Epistle of Xystus, Bishop of Rome, to John of Antioch. Vol. V, part II, of Cyril, p. 175.

VII. Index of writings with Cyrilline works in the common Graeco-Latin edition.

123. Acacius, Bishop of Beroea, to Cyril. Vol. V, part II, p. 63. Begins: I have encountered your letter regarding the piety of your godliness. Part I of the Acts of the Council of Ephesus, Vol. I of Binius, p. 146. Fabr. — In Mansi *Collectio* IV, p. 1055, and Latin Vol. V, p. 518, in which collection the rest also occur here and there; in Latin codex of the Paris public library MCDLVII, n. 14, Vol. III cat. HARL.

124. Alypius, who calls himself a presbyter of the Apostles, to Cyril. Vol. V, part II, p. 92. Begins: Blessed is the man whom God deemed worthy. Part II of the Acts of the Council of Ephesus, Vol. I of Binius, p. 304.

125. Atticus to Cyril on the restoration of St. Chrysostom to the diptychs. Vol. V, part II, p. 201, from Nicephorus XIV, 26. Begins: We have fallen into those things which we should not have foreseen. ^B Confer Tillemont, Vol. XIV, p. 279 sqq.

126. Epistle of Celestine, Bishop of Rome, to Cyril. Vol. V, part II, p. 40. Begins: In our sadness, the things through our son Posidonius. Dated the Ides of August, under the consulship of Theodosius XIII and Valentinian III; from part I of the Acts of the Council of Ephesus, p. 151. FABR.

127. John of Antioch to Cyril. Vol. V, part II, p. 83. Begins: It stings me no moderately, from part I of the Acts of the synod of Ephesus, Vol. I of Binius, p. 167.

Of the same to Xystus the Roman, Cyril of Alexandria, and Maximian of Constantinople. Ibid., p. 99. Begins: Both zeal and purpose. From part III of the same Acts, p. 421. [Mansi V, p. 285 sqq. and 661.] ^D

Of the same to Cyril. Ibid., p. 102. Begins: *Oporun ex ioato* [Needs to be treated as primary]. In the same Acts, p. 425.

Of the same, another epistle to Cyril. Ibid., p. 153. Begins: We have reached you, O master. First edited from a royal MS by Aubert.

128. Maximian, Bishop of Constantinople, to Cyril. Vol. V, part II, p. 94. Begins: Let your desires be satisfied, from part I of the Acts of the Council of Ephesus, Vol. I, p. 410. [Mansi V, 257.]

129. Nestorius to Cyril. Vol. V, part II, p. 21. Begins: No moderate Christian savagery. From part I of the Acts of the Council of Ephesus, Vol. I of Binius, p. 120. It also exists in Garnier’s *Mercator*, Vol. II, p. 44. [Latin in codex Paris. MCDLVII.]

Another: The insults against you from your admirable letters. Ibid., pp. 25-29, from the same Acts, p. 122. And in Garnier’s *Mercator*, Vol. II, p. 57, and in Baluze, p. 635, *Nova Collectio*, and from another ancient version in the sixth collation of the 5th synod, Vol. II of Binius, part II, p. 92. Fabr. Both epistles of Nestorius in Mansi *Collectio*, Vol. IV, p. 885 and 891. Latin, p. 491 and 715. HARL.

130. Paul of Emesa, sent by John of Antioch, a libellus offered to Cyril. Vol. V, part II, p. 100. Begins: Our most pious and victorious kings. From part III of the Acts of the Council of Ephesus, p. 422. Fabr. Latin in codex of the Paris public library, Vol. III, Catal. MCDLVII, n. 77. HARL.

131. The rescript of Theodosius the Younger to Cyril.

In part I of the Acts of the Council of Ephesus, ^A in the volume of Binius, p. 162. It begins: *Μέλει πλεῖστον θεοσεβείας ἡμῶν* [Great is the concern of our piety]. [Mansi IV, p. 1109; Lat. V, p. 529.] Other, p. 164. *Ἤρτηται τῆς εἰς Θεὸν εὐσεβείας* [It depends on piety toward God].

VIII. Published writings of Cyril, which are missing in the Greco-Latin Paris edition.

132. *Epistle to Optimus, bishop of Antioch in Pisidia*, which begins: *Καὶ ἄλλως ἡδέως* [And otherwise gladly]. See above in the Index, num. 44.

133. *Commonitorium*, given to Posidonius, which begins: *Ἡ Νεστορίου πίστις, μᾶλλον δὲ κακοδοξία* [The faith of Nestorius, or rather, his wickedness]. [See above in the Index, n. 39.]

134. *Libellus*, by Cyril and Memnon, bishops of Ephesus, offered to the Council of Ephesus. See in the same Index: *Εὐσεβὲς θέσπισμα ἐν τῇς*.

135. *Fragment of a homily*, which begins: *Dives est hodie Dominus noster* [Rich is our Lord today], in part III of the Acts of the Ephesian Synod, volume I of Binius, p. 381. Another, p. 423. *Those who are firm in piety*, etc.

136. *Epistle to the clerics of Constantinople*, fuller than in the version of Marius Mercator. See above in the Index: *Ἀνέγνων τὸ ὑπομνηστικόν* [I have read the memorandum].

137. *A richer collection of the sayings of Nestorius*, from the Latin version of Marius Mercator, volume II of the Garnerian edition, pp. 103-106.

138. *A significant passage* where the scholia of Cyril on the Only-Begotten are more abundant; the same Joannes Garnerius provided it from a manuscript. See above, num. 8, in the review of the works contained in volume V of Aubert.

139. *Epistle to Acacius of Beroea*. In the *Synodicon* against the tragedy of Irenaeus, c. 56, p. 831 sq., in Baluze, *Collectio nova conciliorum*, pp. 758-762; in Latin. It begins: *Decentem se etiam nunc curam* [The care that is fitting even now...]. Add: your holiness. See Tillemont, Vol. XIV, p. 519, seq. FABR. In the *Synodicon* many things are found collected regarding the disturbances of the Orientals after peace had been made. HARL.

140. *To Acacius of Melitene*. Baluze, p. 917, and from another version in collation 5 of the Fifth Council, vol. II of Binius, part I, p. 70, where it is also reported that Cyril wrote to Theodore of Ancyra, and Firmus, bishop of Caesarea in Cappadocia. And in the 3rd epistle of Pelagius II to the bishops of Istria. It begins: *Latere tuam non oportuit sanctitatem* [It ought not to have been hidden from your holiness].

141. *To Rabbulas of Edessa*, in the same *Synodicon*, p. 812, edition of Baluze. It begins: *Piissimo et amatore Christi imperatore dirigente* [With the most pious and Christ-loving emperor directing]. FABR.

142. *To the same*, p. 889. It begins: *Dominus meus religiosissimus Beronicianus* [My most religious lord Beronicianus]. And p. 915. It begins: *Piarum sanctionum quæ nuper* [Of the pious decrees which recently...]. Add Tillemont, Vol. XIV, p. 619. *To provide eternal life from the earth*.

143. *To Theodosius*, Baluze, p. 894. It begins: *Litteras a tua perfectione transmissas* [Letters transmitted by your perfection]; and p. 916. It begins: *Ego quidem abstersisse a se* [I indeed to have wiped away from himself]. In Greek and Latin in Garnerius's *Auctuarium* of Theodoret.

144. *To John of Antioch*. Ibid., p. 914. It begins: *Egre- ^A gius quidem zelus religiositatis vestræ est* [Truly remarkable is the zeal of your religiosity].

146. *To Mosaus, bishop of Antaradus*. Ibid., p. 917. It begins: *Ego quidem semper tuæ religiositatis* [I indeed [have] always [of] your religiosity].

147. *Epistle to Nestorius*, translated from the Arabic, in Eusebius Renaudot, *Historia patriarcharum Alex.*, p. 109. It begins: *Non credidi verum esse quod de te* [I did not believe it to be true what [was said] about you...].

148. *Fragment from a sermon on the faith*. Ibid., p. 927. It begins: *Ego contemperatum non recipio* [I do not accept what is mixed...].

149. *Fragment from an epistle to the monks of Puenens*, against the errors of Origen. *Conciliorum*, vol. V, edition of Labbe, pp. 657-660.

150. *Preface to the Paschal cycle of 95 years* (established A.C. 436. See Tillemont, Vol. XIV, p. 623 sq.), edited in Latin by Aegidius Bucherius in *Doctrina temporum*, pp. 481-484. Antwerp, 1634, folio. [But it is more complete in codex B. publ. Paris. DCIX, n. 4. V. Cat. codd. Paris., III, p. 51.] Sigebert of Gembloux, c. 24 *De scriptoribus ecclesiasticis*, mentions that cycle, which consists of five nineteen-year cycles.

151. *Liturgy*, translated from Arabic into Latin by Victor Scialagh. Augsburg, 1604, in-4, and from there in the *Bibl. Patrum Paris.*, A.D. 1654. Vol. VI. Villalpandus, in chapter 11 of Ezekiel, p. 312, says that S. Cyril should be considered of the greatest authority in that liturgy which Victor Hacurensis, a Maronite, recently converted from the Egyptian language into Latin, and which Verserius ^C had in the vernacular. This liturgy, written in Arabic and Coptic, was on parchment among the manuscript codices of D. Abraham Hinckelmann. FABR. — In codex Coislin. in Montfaucon's *Cat. bibl. Coisl.*, p. 188, that liturgy is attributed to Jacob, brother of the Lord. — In Seb. Renaudot's *Collect. liturgiar. Orientalium*, vol. I, Paris, 1716, 4, p. 38, and Renaud. note p. 315 sqq., Cyril of Alexandria's liturgy [is] among the three liturgies of the Coptic Jacobites, converted from Coptic: in vol. II, n. 20, p. 275, notes p. 285, among the liturgies translated from Syriac codices into Latin. Add Abraham Ecchellensis in the notes to the catalog of Chaldean and Syrian books of Ebed Jesu, chap. 29. V. Renaudot ^D apud Montfaucon in *Palæogr. Græca*, p. 314, concerning the liturgy which is called that of St. Mark, in Egyptian-Greek character, which indeed Renaudot notes ibid. is the same as that which exists in Coptic under the name of Cyril. — Paris in the public library among Oriental codices, according to the cat. of Paris codices, vol. I, p. 54, 57, 60, 72 and 73, liturgy of Cyril, in Syriac, in codices XXXII, n. 2, LXVI, XCIV, n. 5. — Coptic, in codex XXVI, n. 3, with Arabic translation, and codices XXXI, n. 3, and XLI, converted from the Greek language into Coptic; the Arabic version occupies half the part. — Oxford in the Bodleian library, n. 5291 Cat. among the codices of Thomas Marshall, and n. 5878 and 5879, among the Huntington codices. Coptic and Arabic. HARL.

152. *Fragment from a homily* [to those who dare to say that it is not necessary to offer for those who have fallen asleep in the faith], against those who deny that it should be offered.

^A A certain bishop of the province of the Cilicians. Another letter of Rabbulas to Cyril, against Theodore of Mopsuestia, in the 5th collation of the Fifth Synod. It begins: *Jam vero quidam unitatem*, tom. II of Binius, part II, p. 70, and in the epistle of Pelagius II to the bishops of Istria. Ibid., p. 128.

154. The epistle of Emperor Theodosius (a) to Cyril, dated 19 Nov. A.D. 430, in part I of the Acts of the Council of Ephesus, tom. I of Binius, p. 162. It begins: *Μέλει πλεῖστον θεοσεβείας ἡμῖν.* Another, p. 164, *Ἤρτηται τῆς εἰς Θεὸν εὐσεβείας*, in Latin from the old version in Baluze, p. 708 of *Nova Collectio conciliorum*. Another rescript regarding the restitution of Cyril and Memnon of Ephesus, which Baluze provided, p. 655, after Cotelier, tom. I *Monumentorum*. It begins: *Ἡμεῖς τὴν τῶν ἐκλησιῶν εἰρήνην.* [Mansi collect., tom. IV, p. 1109, and Lat., tom. V, p. 529. Harl.]

161. An encyclical epistle of Pope Zosimus, which Marius Mercator calls a *tractoria* against the Pelagians, sent to Cyril and other bishops A.D. 418, the fragments of which are in Augustine, epist. 190 (old edit. 1574), c. 6, and in Prosper in the appendix to the epistle of Celestine to the bishops of Gaul.

162. That of Hypatia (falsely, as it seems) in the name of Cyril. Ibid., p. 926. It begins: *Legens historias temporum.*

155. Isidore of Pelusium, who venerated Cyril as a father ^B (b), [wrote] eleven epistles, which have appeared frequently among the Isidorian works and contain grave admonitions. Two are also cited by Facundus, II, 4, which are book 1, epistles 310 and 370.

IX. Writings which are borne under the name of Cyril of Alexandria, but which were omitted in the Greek-Latin Paris edition.

163. A book against the Jews, with questions.

164. A short *anagoge* of those who flourished before the law. These two exist in the two most recent Latin editions of Cyril’s works, Paris 1573 and 1605. I do not know, says Bellarmine, if they are Cyril’s. But the matter is of little moment, since they are very short and light brochures.

156. Two epistles of Pope Sixtus [VI] of Rome to Cyril, with the version of the same Cotelier, in Baluze, p. 658. The first begins: *Ἤσθην ἐπὶ τοῖς δηλωθεῖσί μοι δι' ἐπιστολῆς.* The second: *Χάριν ὁμολογοῦντες τῇ περὶ ἡμᾶς τοῦ Θεοῦ φιλανθρωπίᾳ.* Cotelier had edited them, tom. I *Monumentorum Ecclesiae Graecae*, p. 42 and 44. Add Tillemont, tom. XIV, p. 509 seq., 550.

165. Sixteen homilies on Leviticus, which it is permitted to find in the Latin editions of Cyril from the old version of Rufinus, and Jodocus Clichtoveus published them from the codex of Jacobus Faber under the name of Cyril. Paris 1521, fol. But indeed learned men have assigned them to Origen, in whose Latin collections of works they are already frequently printed. See Sixtus of Siena, book IV of *Bibliotheca sancta*. FABR.

157. The epistle of Tranquillinus of Antiochene Pisidia, Helladius of Tarsus, and other bishops to Cyril on behalf of John of Antioch, in Baluze, p. 696, in Latin. It begins: *Nota quidem recte glorificationis est fides.*

166. Nineteen homilies on Jeremiah, which Balthazar Corderius edited in Greek and Latin at Antwerp, 1648, in-8. But those were rightly vindicated for Origen by Michele Ghisleri, except for the last one, which is neither Origen’s nor Cyril’s, but a book of Clement of Alexandria, which has been published more often since that time under the name of its true author: *Quis dives salvandus.*

158. A short epistle of Acacius of Beroea against the chapters of Cyril. Ibid., p. 756, in Latin. It begins: *Permanemus in fide sanctorum Patrum.* You will read this epistle, approved by Emperor Theodosius, p. 746. ^C

159. The epistle of Acacius of Melitene to Cyril on peace (A.D. 433). It begins: *Quoniam didici, quod per gratiam Dei.* Ibid., p. 785, and from another interpretation, p. 918. [In *Synodico*, c. 83, p. 860, and cap. 213, p. 998.]

160. Epistles of Rabbulas, bishop of Edessa, to the Egyptian (Cyril). Ibid., p. 896 seq. It begins: 167. Anastasius of Antioch and Cyril of Alexandria,

Exposition of the Orthodox Faith

^A IV, p. 206 [a]. Theodore Beza translated it into Latin and edited it in both languages, together with the five books of Athanasius *On the Trinity*, four books of Basil *Against Eunomius*, and the Latin writer Phoebadius *Against the Arians*. Geneva, printed by H. Stephanus, 1570, 8vo. [See Beza’s preface and Kollar, cited below in the note. H.]

168. *Catena on Mark*, which in certain codices is attributed to Cyril of Alexandria, but in others more correctly to Victor, a presbyter of Antioch, as I said in the previous volume [VIII, p. 653 sq.]. I do not know whether this is different from the rather thick commentary on Mark, prefixed with the name of Cyril of Alexandria, which Combefis in his *Bibliotheca Concionatoria* writes was brought from Italy by Raphael du Fresne together with other books.

169. *Apologies, or Moral Fables*, edited in Latin by Balthasar Corderius, S.J., Vienna, 1630, in a smaller format. These seem to be the work of a younger and Latin writer, as Cornelius a Lapide suggests in *Ecclesiasticum*, p. 23, and they were published under the title *Mirror of Wisdom* at Paris, 1502, 8vo, by John Petit. This four-part fable also saw the light in German, translated by B. S. M., Frankfurt, 1564, 8vo, *Spiegel der Weisheit*.

170. The iambic poem *On the Property of Animals and Plants*, edited under the name of Cyril of Alexandria in Greek at Rome, 1590, 8vo, has as its author George of Pisidia, to whom it is correctly attributed in other editions, as I said in the previous volume [p. 614 and p. 613 note].

171. *Alphabetical Collection of Greek words differing in accent or spirit*, is attributed by others to John Philoponus. See volume VI, p. 321, n. 5.

172. The ancient *Graeco-Latin Glossary*, which Henry Stephanus testified was found at the end of certain of Cyril's writings, has also been accustomed to be attributed by some to Cyril of Alexandria. And in the edition of ancient glossaries by Charles Labbé, *Συναγωγή*, Paris, 1679, fol., it is inscribed: *Glossaries of Cyril, Philoxenus and other ancients*. [See above, vol. VI, p. 631 sq.; ibid., p. 199 sq. A specimen from the Glossary of Cyril of Alexandria was edited by the learned Chr. Fr. Matthaei in *Minor Greek Glossaries and other Greek Anecdota*, etc., vol. I, Moscow, 1774, 4to. — In the Vatican codex, *The Lexicon of St. Cyril and meanings of many words, Greek and Latin* [b]. — Add: Augsburg, *Fragment of Cyril’s Lexicon*, according to Reiser in his *Index of Manuscripts*, p. 35. — Montfaucon, in ^B his *Palaeographia Graeca*, p. 72 sq., notes several things about Cyril’s Lexicon from a former royal codex. — In the Bodleian Library, in cod. Barocc. XCV, *Cyril’s Lexicon* compiled by Anthony the philosopher, in alphabetical order. — At Venice, in the library of the codices of St. Michael, there is Cyril’s Lexicon, concerning which Mittarelli discourses learnedly in his *Catalogue* of that library, p. 306 sq., and after citing the codices of others from various libraries, he says that, although in almost all manuscript libraries this Lexicon bears the name of St. Cyril, Archbishop of Alexandria, it is nevertheless ascertained that its true author is a certain Cyril who lived after the year 1200, whose Lexicon, along with other Greek lexicographers, was produced by Charles Labbé. Aldus also edited *Cyril’s Dictionary*. See *Diaries of the Literati of Italy*, vol. XXI, p. 457, etc. — At Milan in the Ambrosian library, witness Montfaucon in *Italic Diary*, p. 17, and concerning other codices of Cyril’s Lexicon. — At Munich in codices CCXLIX and CCLIX, *Cyril’s Lexicon*. See *Catalogue of Bavarian Greek Codices*, p. 84 and 85. Harl.]

X. Unpublished Writings of Cyril

173. *On Ezekiel*. Marcus Velserus, in a letter to Bonaventura Vulcanius, dated 1601: "A wide field of industry still lies outside that (Thesaurus of books), especially in interpreting Ezekiel, for it is easy to estimate that it would make a huge volume." My friend (Jacobus Pontanus) was also preparing to tackle Ezekiel, but, being warned of his own accord, "he will resist your reverence," concerning Cyril’s *Symbols (Scholia)* on the Catenas on Ezekiel, both those edited by Villalpando and those unpublished, which are preserved in the Coislinian and other libraries. FABR. — From Cyril’s commentaries on Ezekiel, two fragments in cod. Laurent. XII, n. 9, plut. 6. See Bandini, *Catalogue of the Medici Laurentian Codices*, I, p. 119. Harl.

174. *He dictated also on Daniel*, says Sixtus of Siena, *and on Hosea, and many homilies on Habakkuk*, which are preserved in the Vatican Library.

175. *Homily on the Nativity of Christ*. See above in the Index, 50°. FABR. — Theodotus wrote that homily. And Fabricius himself, below, vol. IX, p. 270, n. 11, attributed that homily (which exists in Hardouin’s *Collection of Councils*, I, p. 1654, and is mentioned in the Acts of the seventh synod, action 6) to him. And under the name of this Theodotus exist two homilies on the Nativity of the Lord, in cod. MCLXXI, n. 14, in the public library of Paris. ^C [Perhaps that one which Oudin unearthed, tom. I, p. 1663, which opinion of mine, if it is very likely, could have Cyril as its author for its former part; and the reason will be clear why this latter exposition of faith is more complete and bears the name of both Cyril and Athanasius prefixed. So far Kollar. — Augsburg, in Greek codex, *Questions and Answers on the Faith*, by Cyril, Damascenus, Athanasius, Nilus, Maximus. See Reiser’s *Index*, etc., p. 39. — In the Bodleian library, n. 688, *Catalogue of English Codices* I, in codex Laudianus XXXVI, n. 14, *Apostles' Creed and of Cyril of Alexandria; some questions and answers on the faith of the Holy Trinity*. HARL. [On the chronicle, or chronological compendium, in iambic verses, which in the Madrid codex is wrongly ascribed to Cyril of Alexandria, but in other codices is said to have been excerpted by George of Pisidia and Cyril, see above, vol. VII, p. 472 sqq., and p. 533, concerning the new appendix of Byzantine history edited by Foggini. HARL.]

(a) Page 455, cod. CLXXXVIII, n. 12, ed. Kollar., who in note A corrects Oudin’s error (Comment., tom. I, p. 1664), concerning this little book and its authors, as if Cyril and Anastasius were said to be debating in this codex: likewise in cod. CCXIV, n. 7. See Lambec., V, p. 91, and other codices already cited passim. In other imperial codices (in vol. III and IV) there are Anastasius's responses to various questions. See the index to those volumes, s.v. Anastasius. — *Interrogations and questions on the divine nature*, in the Escorial codex, according to Plüer in *Itinerarium*, p. 164. HARL. (b) See below, col. 113.

^A In the Vienna Imperial codex X, no. 12, it is attributed to Cyril. See Lambecius, *Comment.* vol. VI, part 1, p. 82 ff.; but Kollarius in a note, where he treats this homily at length, observes that it is entirely different from that homily of St. Cyril which is of much the same argument, but is found only in Latin in the Paris edition of Cyril's works, a. 1638, vol. V, part II, p. 416. HARL.

176. Symbolic fragments of Cyril of Alexandria are found in unpublished Catenas on the Epistle of James and I Peter and John. See Montfaucon, *Bibl. Coislin.*, p. 263. FABR. See above, vol. VIII, p. 693, 695 and 696, concerning the Catena on the Epistles of Paul. Thus, Cyrillian fragments occur in Catenas on the Epistles of Paul, on the Catholic Epistles, on the four Gospels, on the Psalms, on Job, and on the Proverbs of Solomon in the codices of the Laurentian Medici Library in Florence. See Bandini, *Cat. codd. Græc. Laur.*, I, p. 363, 102, 159 and 161; p. 91, no. 24; p. 52 and 297. HARL.

177. *Cyril on the difficult expressions of Holy Scripture*. A manuscript in various libraries, to which is joined *An interpretation of Hebrew names and expressions in the Holy Scriptures*. See, if you please, what I said above, lib. IV, cap. [36, vol. VI, p. 199 ff.] FABR. Paris, in the public library, cod. DCCCXLVIII, no. 2. An interpretation of the Hebrew words of Cyril of Alexandria arranged in alphabetical order. HARL.

A manuscript of the same name which begins: "Δασας, ἐβλαψας· ἀασάμην, ἐβλάβην· ἀάσατο, ἠγνόησεν, ἥμαρτεν· ἐφθόνησεν, ἀάπτους, ἀπροσπελάστους." FABR. In the Marcian Library in Venice, cod. DLXXVIII, there exists a Lexicon of Cyril of Alexandria, the beginning of which is: "Aa, σύστημα ὕδατος," different from that which Fabricius cites in this place. See *Cat. codd. Gr. Marc.*, p. 304. HARL.

^C [That certain things are falsely attributed to Cyril, we have already noted here and there. Thus in the Vienna codex CLXXXVI, the *Spiritual Anagogae on the Hexaemeron*, in twelve books, in which Cyril himself is cited, and which in the preceding Vienna codex CXXXXV is attributed to Anastasius of Sinai. See Lambecius, IV, p. 437-439, and Fabricius below, in vol. IX, p. 328 ff., old ed. — In codex CCXLVIII, no. 5, *A Disputation of Jews with St. Athanasius and Cyril concerning the adoration of the Holy Cross and sacred images*, in Lambecius, *Comment.*, V, col. 287, where however Kollarius in a note teaches that this little work is by a certain anonymous author who attempts to refute the Jews according to the mind of Athanasius and Cyril. Add above under § III in the notes on the codices of vol. VII, p. 472 ff. and p. 614. To apocryphal works must also be referred the little work *On measures and weights*, which is attributed to Cyril of Alexandria in the Paris public library codices MCCCLXXIII, no. 15, and MCCCLXXXIX, no. 12. HARL.]

^D XI. *Lost writings of Cyril* (a).

179. *Antirrhesis* against Andrew of Samosata, who had written against the XII Chapters. Ephraim, in Photius cod. CCXXIX, p. 414, cites Cyril in the *Antirrheses*. Walch, *l.c.*, p. 682, suspects that by this is to be understood Cyril’s *Apologeticum* for the XII Chapters in Mansi *Collect.*, vol. V, p. 19. Add no. 18, above, in the review of works which volume VII of the Aubert edition contains. HARL. 180. *A book on the defect of the synagogue*. Gennadius, cap. 57, *De scriptoribus eccles.* 181. *Against the Messalians*. Tillemont, vol. XIV, p. 645, 669. 182. *A book containing the acts of the synod against Nestorius and his followers*, which, together with the book written against the blasphemies of Nestorius, Cyril testifies he had sent to the one in charge, in his epistle to Eulogius, p. 134. See Garnerius, vol. II, to Marius Mercator, p. 345, and Tillemont, vol. XIV, p. 405 ff. 183. *On Psalm CVIII*. St. Ephraim in Photius, cod. CCXXIX, p. 420, first edition. FABR. Fragments in an exposition of Psalm 103 in the Vienna codex CLXXXVIII, no. 22. See Lambecius, IV, col. 457 ff. — In Catenas on the Psalter, in Vienna codices X, XIV, and XV, concerning which see Lambecius, vol. III. At Oxford in the Bodleian library, no. 710, 2; 1982, 1; 2328 *Cat.* Add to no. 176, above. HARL. 184. *Commentary on the Gospel according to Matthew*. Facundus, XI, 7, cites it. The eleventh and twelfth books of the Acts of the Sixth Synod of Constantinople, action X, and the Second Council of Nicaea. Cyril's symbols are most frequent in the Catenas on Matthew. It is cited also by Leontius of Byzantium *against Eutyches*, and the *first book* by Ephraim in Photius, p. 429, cod. CCXXIX. Another passage, p. 432. ... Patrum *Corderiana* and the *Catena Aurea* of Thomas Aquinas. FABR. Concerning Catenas on Matthew and Luke, see above, vol. VIII, p. 669 ff., and in Catenas on Matthew and others in Vienna codices XXIX, XL, XLII, XLV, XLVI, LXXVII, at the end, concerning which see Lambecius *Comm.*, vol. III, etc. HARL. 186. *A book against the Epistle to the Hebrews* is cited by Facundus, XI, 7, by Theodoret in the *Dialogi*, and by Theodore in the book *"That the Father is always begetting."* Ephraim of Antioch also mentions an interpretation by Cyril on the Epistle to the Hebrews, in Photius cod. CCXXIX. Alexander of Hierapolis, in an epistle to Acacius of Berrhoea, in Baluze's *Nova Collect. concilior.*, p. 762, and the author of the *Synodicon* against the tragedy of Irenaeus, cap. 218, brings forward some things from it; *id.*, p. 928, just as Leontius of Byzantium does more things *against Eutyches*. From the sixth volume, Anastasius, p. 188 *Hodegi*. 187. *Three books against Diodorus of Tarsus* (b), as the authors of the Nestorian dogma, and another book *On the Incarnation*... defenders of the faith, in order to answer the Acephali, denied that those books were Cyril's.

^A I refer [to this] in the review of the works which the seventh volume of Aubert contains, in which are contained the uncorrupted testimonies of the ancient Fathers, that is, of Felix, Pope of Rome, Dionysius, Bishop of the Corinthians, and Gregory the Wonderworker, surnamed *Thaumaturgus*. Liberatus mentions this in his *Breviarium*, c. 10. Leontius of Byzantium also mentions it in *De sectis*, *praxis* or lesson 4, page 448 seq., and 8, page 530 seq., where he argues that Dioscorus, Cyril's successor, dared to insert certain things into them. "For Dioscorus, having become the successor of the blessed Cyril and having found his writings, perhaps did not hesitate to place into them certain things which he wanted." Consult the collation of the Catholics with the Severians or Acephali, held at Constantinople in the year of Christ 532, in the second volume of Binius, page 559. Facundus also cites this, [book] III, 3, and VIII, 6; and the fifth synod, action 5, in the second volume of Binius, part II, page 65 seq., where there are several fragments, and page 72, where there is mentioned Theodoret, who defended Theodore against Cyril, and page 73, where there are certain things from the second book of Cyril, *On the fact that Christ is one*, against Theodore. And from the first book, page 74 seq. Consult Tillemont, vol. XIV, pages 793 and 643 seq., where there is also a mention of Theodoret's work, similarly lost, in which he responded to Cyril's objections, which Leontius mentions, page 532.

188. Against the Synusiasts, or Apollinarists, [it is] praised by Ephraim of Antioch in Photius, *cod.* CCXXIX, page 416 of the first edition. Photius, *cod.* LIV.

189. In the *Logos against the Arians*. Ibid., page 432.

190. *To the Emperor Theodosius against the Pelagians*.

191. Various epistles, such as the *Epistle to Acacius*, Bishop of Scythopolis, which Ephraim cites in Photius, *cod.* CCXXIX, page 416.

192. The same, page 420, praises Cyril's *Logos on Apathy* and *Logos on the Passion*, the *Logos on the Faith*, which is inscribed *Interpretation of the Faith* (fragments in the *Synodicon*, c. 217, page 1008), page 413. It is uncertain whether it is that which is mentioned by Gennadius, c. 57, *On the faith against heretics*.

Timotheus Aelurus [is said] to have corrupted many of the writings of the divine Cyril that had not yet been published in full, by sowing adulterous dogmas into them; Theophanes reports this by common report, page 95, and Nicephorus, XV, 16, *Historia*. The same Nicephorus denies the truth of the report that some have spread, that certain books of Chrysostom were destroyed by Cyril, XIV, 28.

XII. Index of those to whom, or against whom, Cyril wrote. The Greek numbers refer to the writings of Cyril listed above; the Arabic numbers refer to the alphabetical index of epistles and minor writings.

Acacius, bishop, 99. Melitenes, 52, 113. Bishop of Berrhoea, 57. Egypt, monks of, 9. Alexander, presbyter, 104. Alexandrian clergy and people, 11, 17, 89, 112. Anastasius, presbyter, 104. Andreas Samosatenus, ^A θ'. Anthropomorphites, ^A κβ'. Apollinaris, 60. Atticus, of Constantinople, 98. Aurelius (Augustinus), 88. Caelestinus, bishop of Rome, 19. Calosyrius, bishop of Arsinoe, ^B κ', and 8. Canonical Epistle, ^B κα'. Charmosynus, presbyter, 75. Comarius, bishop, 81. Constantinopolitan clergy, 3. Clergy and people, 32, 69. Monks, 92. Dalmatius, archimandrite, 81. Daniel, bishop of Damiatta in Egypt, 77. Domnus, bishop of Antioch, 86. Donatus, bishop of Nicopolis, 11. Eulogius, Alexandrian presbyter, 30, 81. Euoptius, 24. Gennadius, presbyter and archimandrite, 102. Hermias, ^C ς'. Joannes of Antioch, 15, 34, 67, 91. Joannes, presbyter, 104. Julian, emperor, ^C κα'. Juvenalis, bishop of Jerusalem, 41. Lampo, presbyter, 114. Leontius, deacon, 75. Libya and Pentapolis, bishops of, 73. Martinianus, presbyter, 104. Maximianus, archbishop of Constantinople, 66, 80. ^D Maximus, deacon, 104. Of Antioch, 22. Memnon, bishop of Ephesus, 33. Monk fathers, 61, 104. Nemesinus, ^C ς', ^D ς'. Nestorius, seq., and 2, 47, 105, 106. Leontius of Byzantium, in *De sectis*, page 452, mentions the three epistles of Cyril to Nestorius, to the third of which he subjoined the XII chapters. 77. Nestorius' zealot, 55, 27. Optimus, bishop, 44. Eastern bishops, ^C η'. Palladius, ^C α'. Paregorius, presbyter, 104. Paulus Emesenus, 34, 64. Posidonius, 39. Potamon, bishop, 77, 81. Proclus, of Constantinople, 51. Epistles written from Rhodes, 14, 112. Succensus, bishop of Diocastum, 25, 25. Theodorus of Mopsuestia, 51. Theodoret, ^C ι'. Theodosius Junior, emperor, ^C ια', κ' and 4, 37. Theodosius' wife and sisters, ^C ιε'. Theognostus, presbyter, 75. Theopemptus, bishop of Cabasa in Egypt, 77. Tiberius, deacon, ^C κβ'. Timotheus, presbyter, 81. Valerianus, bishop, 5.

CARDINAL ANGELO MAI PREFACES TO THE UNPUBLISHED WRITINGS OF ST. CYRIL EDITED BY HIMSELF

(Bibliotheca Nova Patrum, Vol. II, Rome 1844; Vol. III, 1845, in-4.)

I. The Imperfection of the Editions of St. Cyril. — As often as I would leaf through that general edition of the works of St. Cyril of Alexandria, published by Aubert and Gallus in seven volumes, I often wished that a new one might be prepared, which would be as much fuller and better than Aubert's as his appears to have surpassed other lesser and older editions. For one can hardly fail to see that this edition has a notable flaw: the Latin translation of the Greek text has various authors, numbering nearly twenty. The result is that Cyril’s mode of expression does not strike the ears or eyes of a Latin reader as coherent or uniform, and indeed, gross and manifest errors on the part of the translators stain the Latin pages. Moreover, Cyril often lacks the necessary notes, whether critical or exegetical, and the material itself quite frequently cries out for proper breathings, chapter divisions, and the like. Furthermore, the Greek context is sometimes marred by foul errors; the indices of the subject matter are either meager or, in some places, non-existent; and finally, any apparatus by the editor, any introduction, or any history or assessment of the individual works is sought in vain. Therefore, although Aubert’s merit is not light—for he was a modest and honest man—on account of this mass of volumes which he constructed with such great labor, it was nevertheless to be hoped that some Maurist monk might have undertaken to adorn Cyril with the usual splendor, learning, and study of his congregation; that this may one day be achieved in better times is my pious wish.

II. The Recent Search for the Writings of Cyril. — Having spoken briefly and, I hope, impartially about Aubert’s edition, I have yet to mention its chief shortcoming—namely, the total lack of many of Cyril’s shorter works, which were scattered in printed books, partly in Greek and partly in Latin, and escaped Aubert’s notice and diligence. Fabricius (B. G., lib. v, cap. 22, n. 8, new edition, vol. IX, p. 487 ff.) accurately catalogs these, and they should, of course, be sedulously collected by a new editor. Nor should one stop there; rather, the writings of Cyril must be searched for in the acts of the councils, especially Ephesus, in ancient apologetic works, in panoplies, in the accounts of writers or bibliographers, and primarily in Photius, as well as in ancient authors such as Marius Mercator, Facundus, Liberatus, Anastasius, Leontius, and the rest who were, in particular, pugnacious opponents of Eutyches, Nestorius, Dioscorus, Severus, and other sects of this kind. What shall I say of the Greek chains on both Testaments, which display so many of Cyril’s riches? I was certainly seized by the desire to gather together both the greater writings and even the smallest remains of Cyril into a single corpus, covering the whole of Cyril in about ten volumes. This would not have been an unpleasant task, had enough leisure been available, or had I decided to put aside my other cares. Since that was not pleasing, I did not, however, wish to abandon Cyril, by whom I am delighted almost above all others. Instead, I omitted any concern for his edited works and turned myself rather to investigating whatever of that great man I had found—not by mere conjecture, but by certainty—to be still unpublished and contained in the Vatican codices. Since I have, as I think, done this successfully, and the result has exceeded my hopes, it will be easy for future scholars eventually to produce a complete Cyril, augmented both by the previous editions and by these additions of ours. I personally have come into possession of such an abundance of material that I have presented it in two volumes, not without my own translation, the first of which is now to be described.

III. Cyril on the Trinity. — Holding the episcopate of the city of Alexandria, in which in previous years Arius had propagated his most wicked heresy, Cyril did nothing more intensely in his writings and sermons than to refute with all his power the poisonous writings of that heresiarch and his followers, especially the more recent ones.

^A The chief and greatest of Cyril’s books on this subject is the *Thesaurus*, in which, as in a vast arsenal, those weapons are contained which are also evident in this lesser opusculum on the Trinity, which Cyril composed—as he himself says in the following *On the Incarnation*—in a plainer, more concise manner, adapted to the use of the common people. Another notable writing of Cyril’s on the Trinity consists of seven most brilliant dialogues addressed to Hermias, which likewise demonstrate the author’s fertile genius and infinite zeal for orthodoxy. A third little work *On the Trinity* was first published under Cyril's name by Wegelin; yet scholars have long since taught that this is almost nothing other than an interpolation and a compendium of the work *On the Orthodox Faith* by John of Damascus, and therefore it should be adjudged away from Cyril. But besides these works specifically entitled *On the Trinity*, Cyril fights for this chief dogma throughout his volumes, and indeed even in the famous commentaries on the Epistles of Paul and on the Psalms, which we have published at this time. Now there has come into my hands an unedited opusculum of Cyril’s, I believe, *On the Trinity*, in a very rare Vatican manuscript; this study clearly differs from that which Wegelin published under the same title under Cyril's false name. Cyril says in chapter 3 that, after he had sufficiently contended against the blasphemies of the heretics—specifically the Arians—(for instance in the *Thesaurus*, in the commentary on John, and elsewhere), he is now writing this opusculum for the devout faithful, so that he may set forth the divine dogmas in a didactic manner, beyond the hazard of any controversy. In reality, he fulfills this promise abundantly: for with such clarity and theological skill he unfolds and transmits the most high mystery of the Trinity, as befits a teacher specially instructed by God. He illustrates and confirms the three divine Persons individually with their own proper arguments: this opusculum, which is without doubt worthy of being preserved in cedar, terminates in twenty-eight chapters.

^B *On the Incarnation.* — There follows, with equal theological merit, another treatise taken from the same manuscript, *On the Incarnation of the Lord*, comprised of thirty-five chapters and entirely different from Cyril’s other writings on this subject. In this he does not neglect the refutation of heretics, none of whom he names more recently than Eunomius. That calumny, however, imposed upon Cyril by later Monophysites regarding the single nature of Christ asserted by him, is so evidently dissolved in this writing [ἀποδεικτικῶς] that no one would dare to whisper against it any longer. Although Cyril handles the polemical portion in this study diligently, he is nevertheless most expansive in explaining the kindness of God toward men, which the work of the incarnation demonstrates; so that he may inflame the Christian people with a reciprocal love for God, and confirm them in the faith—which he defines most excellently as a pious obedience toward God and His revelation, with all controversy and even curious examination omitted, an investigation for which certainly neither the common people nor the great mass of mankind is suited.

^C *On the Theotokos.* — The third place in this our volume is occupied by Cyril’s copious oration, in the manner of a booklet, by which it is shown that the blessed Mary is in truth and most correctly called the Theotokos. This unedited oration existed in the ancient Vatican manuscript 1434, as well as in the more recent Ottoboniano 30; finally, I know it is contained also in the Barberini manuscript 253. Cyril had addressed this matter more than once, even if cursorily, yet not carelessly, in his first sermon against Nestorius, as well as in his dogmatic epistle to the Egyptian monks, which is the first in the order of his epistles. He celebrates the Virgin magnificently, and calls her Theotokos every third word in the oration delivered at Ephesus before the synod. Add the passage from his first oration *On the Faith to the Queens* (Opp. t. V, part II, p. 47 sqq.). But indeed, a remarkable thing came to me, as I said in the note to chapter 13, in a double testimony of the Emperor Justinian in the epistle which I published, so that in addition to the style and Cyril's accustomed and solemn doctrine, the Imperial authority is also added, which removes every scruple of doubt. And indeed Cyril himself narrates that he discussed this argument explicitly in his letter to Maximus, in Baluze’s *Nova Collectio Conciliorum* col. 915, in these words: “The first chapter is that the holy Virgin is the Mother of God.” Unless perhaps he is thinking in that place of his first sermon against Nestorius: for he explained that dogma later, as it is now read in our discovery, much more abundantly. I shall omit commending this brilliant oration of Cyril’s with words, for it needs no praise; in its conclusion, moreover, a vehement exhortation is made to retain orthodoxy. I cannot refrain from mentioning a fact which is very honorable to our Cyril, and at the same time adds a new endorsement to this writing. For two most illustrious Fathers, who criticized Eutyches,

^A Pope Leo in several writings, and Peter Chrysologus in one epistle, evidently claimed the beginning of the aforementioned Cyrilline oration for themselves. Leo, indeed, in his last sermon edited by the Ballerini, in which he refutes Eutyches, begins with Cyril thus: "As it is the duty of skilled and prudent physicians to prevent the ailments of human weakness, and to show how things contrary to health may be declined, etc." The rest also correspond, except that Cyril mentions the providence of God, while Leo mentions the providence of pastors. Now Peter, not indeed in the aforementioned epistle, but at the beginning of Sermon 44 (ed. Seb. Pauli), imitates Cyril in like manner: "A skilled physician, as often as he desires to confer full medicine upon those exhausted by various languor, opens up the deep causes of diseases, etc.; he sets forth most numerous kinds of remedies, the powers of herbs, and speaks of the qualities of medications."

*Dialogus.*—In the fourth place, we have placed on the same subject a dialogue of Cyril with Nestorius, found in Vatican codex 790, where it is inscribed by name with Cyril as author: nor does here the custom of speaking certainly deviate from Cyril, as his long dialogues with Hermias and with Nestorius himself clearly show. Certainly a very lucid refutation of the arguing Nestorius is made here.

*Epistolæ* 4.—It is established by manifest proofs that many of Cyril’s epistles have perished. And would that Aubert had not been so sluggish in their edition, who did not even remember to count them, let alone to illustrate them with some scholia or historical titles! We have found four unpublished ones in Vatican codex 1431, and also partly in Ottoboniani 1262, which we have wished to accompany not only with a Latin translation but also with some annotations.

*Homilia de incarnatione Domini. Alia homilia.*—There follows with us a homily on the incarnation of the Word of God, which existed only in Latin; but in Greek it was taken by us from both aforementioned codices and clothed in a new garb of the Latin language. Likewise, that shorter homily which is subjoined regarding the ejected Nestorius, found in Latin only in the Ephesian acts, was discovered by us in Greek in the Vatican codices 504 and 508, and this also we have rendered again into Latin.

*Homilia de vinea. Conciuncula de ^B Ægyptiis martyribus Cyro ac Joanne.*—I had formerly edited in the *Spicilegium Romanum*, Vol. V, in Greek, St. Cyril's homily on the evangelical parable of the vineyard, which the Lusitanian Achilles Statius had once sent to Pope Gregory XIII in print, derived from the very codex of Statius surviving in the Vallicelliana library at Rome. For Statius was the founder of that library, and his image with an inscription stands there for the perpetual memory of the matter. Now, therefore, lest Cyril’s homily be lacking a Latin translation (for the ancient and thin little book of Statius is hardly found anywhere, and is not at hand for me), I have decided that this writing of Cyril should also exist in both languages, with myself as translator. And because I had begun to occupy myself with Cyril's homilies, I also took care that three short addresses of the same on the Egyptian martyrs Cyrus and John, which St. Sophronius offered to me in his history of the aforementioned martyrs—which I have edited—should be placed in this appropriate spot, not without some annotations.

*De homiliis aliquot.*—Although the homilies of St. Cyril were very numerous, according to the witness of Gennadius (ch. 57), and so famous that they were committed to memory by Greek bishops as an example for oratorical exercises (just as, indeed, among the Latins, the sermons of St. Augustine, a contemporary of Cyril, excelled in number and celebrity), yet I shall not speak of them generally after other bibliographers, lest I appear to be doing what has already been done. I shall only mention a few, which either whole or as fragments I have edited, or have observed still preserved in codices. These are: ^C SS. MM. Cyro et Joanne in Greek, and likewise in Latin, translated by Anastasius the Librarian. (Exactly of this kind are those three little addresses of St. Augustine on the miracles of St. Stephen, in the Maurist edition, vol. V, p. 1275.) 3. Fragment of a homily, *That Christ should not be called a man-bearer, but God incarnate*. 4. Fragment of a fourth homily or sermon against the Arians. 5. Fragments of *Prosphonetici* to the Alexandrians. 6. Several parts of homilies in the commentaries of Nicetas on Luke.

^A 7. The homily *On the Parable of the Ten Virgins* is ascribed to Cyril in the Syriac Vatican codex 97; however, it is read in Greek under the name of Chrysostom in the Greek Vatican codex, and it exists in Montfaucon’s edition among the spurious works (vol. VIII, p. 45 ff.), albeit with many variations. 8. The homily *On Listening to the Liturgy* is likewise ascribed to Cyril in another Syriac Vatican codex 200, though I am not yet persuaded that Cyril is its author. 9 and 10. I have mentioned previously that I had observed two homilies ascribed to Cyril, concerning the Ascension of the Lord and concerning the three Babylonian boys and Daniel, in Greek and partly also in Coptic in the codices; however, I have not dared to put my faith in them. Yet later I obtained other testimonies concerning the same: thus it is possible that I may have occasion to consider them at another time. 11. A certain homily *On Easter* is attributed to Cyril in one Greek codex, but to Chrysostom in another. 12. Cyril’s homily *On the Dormition of the B. V. Mary* is in the Arabic Vatican codex 170 (*Script. vet.* vol. IV, p. 311). 13. The same Cyril’s *Homily on Repentance* is in the Coptic Vatican codex 59 (*Script. vet.* vol. V, part 2, p. 154). 14. Fragment of a *Homily on the Consummation of the Age*. See on Matthew xxiv, 29. 15. *Against the Eunuchs*, from the Chronicle of George Hamartolus and John Siculus. Finally, I have found in no codices the third paschal homily, or epistle, which some consider lost; nor perhaps did any such exist. I count it happy, however, that I chanced to obtain an unpublished and elegant Latin interpretation of the seventeenth paschal homily by Arnobius, which I have placed in the fifth volume of the *Spicilegium Romanum*. As for other homilies of Cyril which I have seen occasionally written or mentioned in codices, but which I have not yet sufficiently weighed or explored, I refrain from speaking of them. Finally, I have seen a tract *On Easter*, which in the editions is attributed to John Philoponus, inscribed to Cyril in one Vatican codex, though in another codex it is attributed to the aforementioned Philoponus.

IV. *Commentary on Luke*.—But behold, there is continued in our volume another work of Cyril’s of far greater bulk, which occupies 332 pages, namely, the commentary on the Gospel of Luke, which we have compiled with truly grave labor and expenditure of time from twelve Vatican codices of catenae: so that those relics of Cyril, which we had previously published in Greek from scarcely four codices years ago, now much increased and emended from so many codices, with our translation and scholia added, we present as a work of proper scale. These are the codices, which we designate in the margins of the book by the letters A. B. C. D. E. F. G. H. I. K. L. M. ^B 1. Codex A. Vatican, membranous, very large, in folio, of the thirteenth century, containing Nicetas’s catena on Luke together with much of Cyril. II. Codex B. Palatine Vatican, bombycine, in folio, of almost the same age as B, yet containing a different catena. We have also inspected a copy of this codex, which is corrupt at the beginning, made by a modern hand. III. Codex C. Vatican, paper, in folio, where there is likewise a dense catena of the Fathers on Luke. IV. Codex D. Vatican, membranous, in folio, of about the twelfth century, also a catena. V. Codex E. Vatican, paper, in folio, containing not so much the sermons of Macarius Chrysocephalus as a catena on Luke from the Fathers, with their names accurately cited. That work of Macarius is called also the *Alphabet*, because there are as many sermons as there are letters of the alphabet: otherwise, in the Vatican codex only sixteen are extant, that is, up to the letter π. VI. Codex F. Another Vatican codex, paper, in 4to, which contains only a moderate part of the aforementioned Chrysocephalus. VII. Codex G. Queen of Sweden, Vatican, of about the twelfth century, with a catena. VIII. Codex H. A most noble Vatican codex, of almost the eleventh century, which, however, in its large bulk, contains only a part of the Nicetan catena. IX. Codex I. Ottobonian Vatican, membranous, ancient, with a distinguished catena on all the prophets, having also a few passages of Cyril that are stated explicitly to have been drawn from his commentary on Luke. X, XI, XII, which are K. L. M. to us, have provided us with very meager relics of Cyril on Luke. We have also examined two Latin catenae on the Gospel of Luke, one of the divine Thomas Aquinas, the other of Balthasar Corderius: wherever they had anything more of Cyril, we have provided this in Latin in the annotations, so that the text of Cyril, in this language at least, might be filled out somehow. But those, I say, are very slight additions. However, we have not infrequently, almost against our will, refuted the interpreter Corderius in many places for his ignorance of his own fragments.

*The same commentary found in Syriac*.—A catena of the Greek Fathers on Luke recently— [id. (a) Cf. Luke iii, 4, homily on St. John the Baptist; vi, 13, *On the choosing of the apostles*; — xii, 19, *On the rich man planning to enlarge his barns*; — xix, 13, *On the distribution of talents*; — xxiii, 33, *On the passion of the Lord.]

^A I received the work edited at Oxford in 1841 by the care of the distinguished Mr. Cramer from a Gallican manuscript, late, after I had already completed my own work on Cyril: otherwise I would have used it at the proper time in several places, if for nothing else, at least for collation. But now, having examined it, in the parts of Cyril it presents, I immediately recognized that only a slight portion of my book was contained there, since that one comes from a single, not very copious manuscript, whereas my book proceeds from twelve manuscript catenae, some of which are very copious. For where our quaternions run full, the Gallican codex sometimes had nothing at all—for instance, in chapters I, XVI, and XXIV—or barely single fragments, as in chapters III and XV. Added to this is the fact that in the published book Cyril is interspersed with other Fathers and is clarified by no Latin interpretation or scholia. While I recount these things historically, I certainly do not wish to detract anything from the excellent Oxford book, to which all honor is owed by me and is further rendered, on account of the utility of the sacred subject, the splendor of the printing, and the editor's strenuous diligence and skill.

But behold, another thing has strongly moved me and filled me with joy, which was announced by the public journals: that the complete commentaries of Cyril on Luke, translated into the Syriac language, have recently been brought from Egypt to England. If that exemplar contains no gaps and was skillfully crafted by a Syriac interpreter, it will represent Cyril’s work, finally whole, ordered, and pure, at least in a foreign idiom. For no learned person is unaware what the inconveniences of catenae are (although the peculiar and most true praise of these is that they are accustomed to cull the better sap of each work). Eclogarii, of course, excerpt parts of works at their own pleasure, place them where they wish, and sometimes even violate them with interpolations. Since our volume, however, is not fashioned from one, but from twelve manuscript codices, it can hardly be that all the parts retain their proper place after the license of the eclogarii and the discrepancies among the codices; a thing which ^B only the entire body of the work will provide. If, therefore, our Greek texts arrive in England before the publication of the Syriac book, I believe they will be of great use in interpreting Cyril; just as, conversely, the English book would have been of great use to us for ordering and refining our Greek texts, if (which was not possible) it had reached us in good time. A similar example of this matter is the *Theophany* of Eusebius, found in a Syriac codex also these last years, whose Greek fragments—previously published by me—the distinguished interpreter and editor Mr. Lee did not possess; we, however, having received his book, greatly augmented and revised our Greek texts by examining the Vatican codices anew; on which matter we have spoken sufficiently in the fourth volume of this *Bibliotheca*.

Now let no one object to us that we publish Cyril from catenae and not from a proper, complete codex: for beyond the fact that no other procedure for carrying out the work was available, we have done nothing unusual. For observe how Origen on Genesis, on Proverbs, and on the Psalms was somehow restored by Huet solely from catenae, and in the same way, catenae supplied a great part of the Hexapla. Catenae alone provided Theodoret and Athanasius on the Psalms to Sirmond and Montfaucon. We have the sufficiently copious and excellent explanations of Chrysostom on Jeremiah nowhere except in Ghisleri’s catena. We ourselves, assisted by the aid of catenae, brought to light Eusebius on Luke, Polychronius on Daniel, and Didymus on the second epistle to the Corinthians. Finally, what kind and how great a fruit can be gathered from this edition of Cyril, every reader will perceive for himself, and our index of matters will also partly demonstrate, especially in dogmatic matters, regarding the divinity of Christ, original sin, divine grace, and the sacraments of baptism, penance, and the Eucharist—concerning which last dogma, especially, there is a divine passage of Cyril (at chapter XXII, verse 10, at the end), which no heresy, either present or future, will undermine. But of the commentary of Cyril on Luke, enough has been said (a). It remains for us to speak of the rest of the contents of the volume.

V. *Against the Synusiasts and others.* — There is, among the Syriac codices of the Vatican library, a very ancient one, marked with the number 140, written in the eighth century, as it seems to Assemani, which contains an apology for the Council of Chalcedon by John of Caesarea, who was famous between the fifth and sixth centuries.

(a) We previously cited ancient testimonies for Cyril’s commentary on Luke: the Latin catenae of St. Thomas Aquinas and Corderius; likewise the Greek Vatican ones on the prophets where we found a few fragments cited; then some Vatican scholiasts. Also the Vatican catenae on Luke, the number of which we have now increased to XII. Finally, there is the Syriac codex, of which we spoke above. Now, behold, as I write these things, I chance upon another testimony of John Cyparissiota, *Decad* VI, *Bib. PP. Lugd.* Vol. XXI, p. 420, who says through the interpreter Turrianus: "St. Cyril of Alexandria says in his explanations on Luke: We say that the transfiguration (of the Lord) took place, not indeed that the human body lost its figure, but that it was clothed with a certain splendor," etc., up to *could endure it*. Which passage has now appeared in Greek in our edition, Luke IX, 29, with only such slight variation as either Cyparissiota or our eclogarii have made in the customary manner. Add John of Caesarea in our annotation to verse 22 of chapter XI of Luke.

^A against his contemporary Severus, patriarch of Antioch, the ringleader of the Acephali and a most pestilential teacher of the whole Orient. John, therefore, as an adversary—accustomed as it is known he was to abuse Cyril—strikes him with these very weapons, reciting many, that is XLVI, passages of Cyril from works now lost, against the Synusiastae, and against Diodorus of Tarsus and Theodore of Mopsuestia, and not least from the commentaries on Matthew, Luke, and Paul; these I have very willingly set forth in this volume, at least in Latin: especially because I had already discovered the original Greek fragments of the six books against the Synusiastae and against Diodorus and Theodore, the truth of which John of Caesarea later confirmed.

^B Parts of the commentary on the Canticle of Solomon. — It is a most well-known and universal rule of the Holy Fathers that the Canticle of Solomon should be understood only in a spiritual sense concerning Christ and His Church; for which reason, whoever dares to depart from this most fitting norm of all the Fathers is deserving of grave censure. Yet behold, our Cyril also, in explaining this Canticle, does not deviate from the accustomed and solemn usage of the Church; whose lost commentary—the fragments of which in Greek I had edited some years ago in the Catena of Procopius (AA. class. t. IX)—I now present conveniently in this collection of Cyril’s unpublished works, having again collated the Vatican codex and added a Latin translation. Nor are there missing from these some singular readings of the sacred text, beyond the exceptional piety of the author and the testimony concerning the sacrament of the holy chrism (at verse 12 of chapter IV). I have taken care to append to these parts of the commentary five other fragments of Cyril of a different subject.

^C Against Julian. Against the Eunuchs. On the Repudiation of the Synagogue. Many minor fragments. — I have not neglected even the minor fragments of Cyril, as many as existed among the works edited by me or in the codices. Therefore, first I took nineteen particles in part from the Vatican codex 1431, in part from the Colonna codex, and from my Leontius and Anastasius. Then twenty-five other particles from the lost books against Julian, cited by John the Eclogarius, as is mentioned in the "Monitum." Furthermore, there is a notable segment of the great Cyril in our possession against the Eunuchs, regarding which we speak in the "Monitum," as also of the specimen of the younger [writer] which follows. Finally, a fragment from the book on the Repudiation of the Synagogue, regarding which also in its own place in the "Monitum." And we have wished all these to be enjoyed with the convenience of a Latin translation.

PREFACE OF THE SAME TO VOLUME III

^D I. Cyril sought in the catenae of the Old Testament. — This second volume of the unpublished writings of St. Cyril of Alexandria proceeds, the Greek text of which we have drawn from the codices, but the Latin translation we have made with hurried effort for the sake of public use; and, meager though it may be, yet we have provided it with a cohort of annotations suitable for the matter, especially for dogmatic issues. Our efforts, therefore, at investigating Cyril were directed principally toward the unpublished catenae of the Fathers. But in the manuscripts containing commentaries on the Octateuch and the historical books of the Holy Scriptures, we thought it scarcely worth looking for Cyril; because, aside from the fact that Cyril’s *Glaphyra* on the Pentateuch is already published, a copious catena of the Fathers was famously produced in the previous century by the Leipzig presses, which also contains Cyril, just as he is in the Vatican catenae. [(a)] Yet, for the Books of Kings, we have not only observed a distinct and quite different catena of the Fathers in Venice, in the codex of Cardinal Bessarion, but we have also transcribed thence whatever was unpublished of Cyril by our own hand, and have included it in this volume. It is certain that Cyril wrote on Job; otherwise, I have found nothing in the Vatican codices beyond the catena that Junius edited. Concerning Cyril’s very extensive commentaries on the Psalms, I shall speak below. On the Proverbs, I have scarcely discovered one fragment of Cyril; on Ecclesiastes, nothing. Cyril’s labors on the twelve minor prophets have succumbed to time; likewise on Isaiah: but Ghislerius published many of Cyril’s fragments on Jeremiah in a catena. On Ezekiel, a Vatican catena, otherwise immense, offered us scarcely eight meager fragments of Cyril; and on Daniel, three. That Cyril wrote on Ezekiel is beyond all doubt: for besides the fragments found by us in the catenae, Bandinius [in his] *Catalogue of Codices*...

(a) The Leipzig Catena, after a diligent collation made with the published editions, supplied us with nothing unpublished.

^A Gr. Laurent., vol. I, p. 119, mentions two other very brief [works] in a miscellaneous codex, which are different from ours. What more? Leo Allatius, in his *Enchiridion*, p. 38, in order to show that the Holy Spirit is the Spirit of the Son, cites Cyril’s explanation on Ezekiel (τὴν ἐξήγησιν τοῦ Κυρίλλου εἰς τὸν Ἰεζεκιήλ). Yet this precious and most desirable writing of Cyril has never been discovered by me. I was more fortunate regarding the *Song of Solomon*, for which book I included not a few of Cyril’s remains in the previous volume. I pass over the deuterocanonical books of Tobias, Wisdom, Ecclesiasticus, and Maccabees, which the ancient Fathers rarely or scarcely touched upon with their own labors; although our Cyril does indeed, not once, praise Wisdom and Ecclesiasticus as divine Scriptures. To the book of Wisdom, the kingly hand of Matthæus Cantacuzenus added a Greek commentary, excerpts of which we have provided dispersed in another volume among the scholia to Nicephorus.

II. Item in New Testament catenae. — Now, in the New Testament, regarding Matthew, a moderate number of fragments is read in the catenae of Possinus and Corderius, out of the ample tracts of Cyril that have perished; but I too had gathered new fragments of Cyril from the Vatican codices and had almost printed them. However, having meanwhile received the Greek catena of the learned J. A. Cramer of Oxford, I diminished much from the Vatican [collection]; yet so that more than twenty fragments still remained unpublished ^B by me (a). Having sought out new remains of Cyril on Matthew, I deemed it not for me to think of his commentary on Mark; because in that work, which Possinus once published in Rome with Barberini type, Victor of Antioch (as it is certainly inscribed) claims as author that no one besides himself had written commentaries on Mark. But in truth, not even in the Vatican codices is any Greek explanation of Mark read, except that which I said was edited under the name of Victor; which, moreover, occurred to me much more fully and with variations in codex Vat. 756, and also in Ottobonianus 113, in which both specimens the work is not attributed to Victor, but to Origen. Yet in the Ottobonianus, another is also named as the author of this writing, Leontius of Ætolia. Indeed, on fol. 49, where the work begins, the title holds itself thus: Ωριγένους πρόλογος εἰς τὴν ἑρμηνείαν τοῦ κατὰ Μάρκον ἁγίου Εὐαγγελίου. Then in the margin it is ascribed: 'Αλλαχοῦ Λεοντίου ἀπὸ τῆς Αἰτωλίας. Behold, however, the learned Englishman Cramer in two recently discovered Parisian codices, and also in the Bodleian, observed this commentary on Mark entitled under the name of Cyril of Alexandria, and exhibited it in his series of catenae in Greek with additions, and he discussed that title or author modestly and learnedly at the end of his preface. ^C Nevertheless, we narrate these things only historically; for we do not wish to interpose our own judgment among these four names: Origen, Cyril, Victor, and Leontius. Although, if it is rather a catena from diverse Fathers, as it seems sufficiently evident, than the lucubration of one man, no one will now be surprised that the names of the authors vary in the titles. We bring forth, therefore, nothing of Cyril to the Gospel of Mark; seeing that the additions which were in the Vatican codices do not bear the name of Cyril, nor are they unknown now after the Oxford book. But behold, finally, the great and undoubted lucubrations of Cyril on Luke, which we ourselves edited in the previous volume. On the Gospel of John exists a great commentary by Cyril in twelve books; but because the lacuna of the seventh and eighth books had been fulfilled somehow only by the help of the Gallican catena, there were found by me other supplements, which neither Aubert nor Corderius had in their excerpts, and [which] diminish the aforementioned loss. Regarding the Acts of the Apostles, I had prepared fragments of Cyril unknown to Œcumenius; but those I finally omitted, except for one, after I learned of the recent accessions to that book from the catenae. Lastly, regarding the Apocalypse, I have nothing of Cyril to offer.

III. Fragments of Cyril on the Catholic Epistles. — That Cyril had also adorned the Catholic Epistles with his commentaries was sufficiently established by Montfaucon in *Biblioth. Coislin.*, p. 163, where he recounts that in a very ancient and wonderful codex, CCII, of the fifth or sixth century, there exist scholia ^D of other Fathers, and also of Cyril, which, however, he does not himself recite. But indeed, Cramer gives several in the catena to the Catholics recently edited at Oxford. I truly, when I had searched in vain in the Vatican for commentaries on those Epistles under the name of Cyril, finally in these days found double scholia of Cyril on the first Epistle of John, which by good fortune Leo the Patrician and Prefect of the Caniclei saved in his unpublished summary exposition of both Testaments, of which Leo Allatius once [wrote] *De Engastri-*

Engastrimytho*, chaps. 9 and 20, recorded three passages which pertain to the books of the Old Testament. Indeed, in the Viennese codices 157 and 230, as cited by Lambecius, this same work of Leo the Patrician is preserved. I myself have discovered two Vatican codices of the aforementioned work, one of which, being more complete, provided the twin scholia of Cyril that I mentioned. (Another of a different kind—Leo’s *keimelion*—also happens to be in my hands, but its description demands another time and occasion.) Now, etc. This Roman editor presents two fragments, which we exhibit in their proper place. See on 1 John 1, 5, and II, 13.

4. There remained, therefore, for me in the Old Testament, the book of Psalms; in the New, the Epistles of Paul, for which parts of the divine Scripture I found, by God, a splendid explanation by Cyril. And, to speak first of the Pauline Epistles, I had quite good fortune in the one to the Romans, in both to the Corinthians, and also in the one to the Hebrews; in the others, although it is known that Cyril at least partially illuminated them, I found nothing except for individual fragments on Galatians and Colossians. Therefore, to dwell on the four Epistles I mentioned, a very precious Vatican codex, belonging almost to the XII century, supplied me with excellent parts of the Cyrillian commentary on Romans and I and II Corinthians; these I diligently transcribed, instructed with notes as need required, and provided with a Latin translation, and printed them in the first part of the volume. Regarding the principal doctrines of Cyril, I advised the readers both in the notes and in the index. I truly enjoyed great pleasure while I was extracting such a large portion of the most excellent Cyril from that codex; and I accomplished this shortly after the year 1841: for within this eight-year period, up to 1849, I was adorning these five volumes of the *Nova Patrum Bibliotheca*, with labor repeatedly interrupted due to other occupations. In the meantime, however, I received from England the *Catenae* of the Fathers, which were printed in Greek only by the famous J. A. Cramer in the years 1841 and 1844: where, as pertains to the Epistle of Paul to the Romans and to the first to the Corinthians, I saw that my Vatican parts of Cyril, which I had already printed, agreed here and there with those of the contemporary editor in England (although Nicephorus also provided us with a tract of Cyril unknown to the *Catenae* at ch. X), though not so, however, in the second to the Corinthians, where the Vatican parts of Cyril have nothing similar in the English book: for Cramer’s codex of Cyril for this Epistle was entirely lacking in such careful attention. But, in fact, even in the previous Pauline Epistles, my edition differs sufficiently in this regard, that it presents Cyril separately from the swarm of other interpreters, and with a Latin translation, which the English book possesses none of. Finally, regarding the Epistle to the Hebrews, the Vatican codices supplied me with nothing of Cyril; I remembered, however, that I had once seen at Milan in the Ambrosian library a sufficiently ample codex (E. 63, part. inf.), in which a *Catena* of Greek Fathers on the Epistle to the Hebrews was contained. Therefore, when I had decided, with the kind consent of the local authorities, to take from it whatever was Cyril’s, I suspected that the *Catena* edited by Cramer might perhaps agree with that Milanese one, and upon examining the book, it was discovered that, of the two *Catenae* edited by the learned Englishman on the aforementioned Epistle—the first being complete, the second only half due to the defect of the Parisian codex from which it was taken—it was discovered, I say, that this second one is complete in the Milanese codex, by whose aid I was finally able to obtain the long-desired supplement of Cyril. For which reason I requested of the R. D. Canon Joseph Robbiato, who is excellently skilled in the Greek tongue and highly fit for reading codices, to extract for me the parts of Cyril missing in the Parisian codex: while he was most studiously doing this, he correctly recognized that very many segments from that commentary of Cyril pertained to his published works, even if with notable variations—with many things obviously omitted or abbreviated, and some things changed, as is accustomed to happen in excerpts of this kind. But nevertheless, there were also many tracts contained in the codex, which do not seem to occur in any editions of Cyril.

Whether Cyril himself repeated his own writings in different places of his own works, or whether that fact should rather be attributed to the authors of the *Catenae*, is rightly debated. Certainly, whoever will leaf through the ample volumes of Cyril will not rarely discover the same matter—especially the dogmatic—in many places, inculcated by the author in almost the same words or at least with the same thoughts, for instance in the *Thesaurus*, in the books *De Adoratione in Spiritu et Veritate*, in the *Glaphyra*, in the dogmatic treatises to Theodosius and to the Queens, to Hermias, against Nestorius, and finally in the *Homilies*. Thus, it is possible that while Cyril was commenting at perhaps a later date on this Pauline Epistle, he at times…

^A abused what he had written earlier—or that if he had perhaps written on that Epistle before, he may have irrigated those books he then had in hand with several streams from it. From this, it seems to have happened that the same tracts sometimes reappear under the titles of different books. Nevertheless, the compilers of the *catenae* without doubt used these same authoritative texts of Cyril, as the circumstances required, for various passages of their own studies. Not to be too wordy regarding a most certain matter, I shall relate one example that I have discovered at this very time. For the Vatican and Milanese codices affirm with a solemn title on their frontispieces that both the *catena* on Luke which I have edited, and also this one on the Epistle to the Hebrews, have one and the same author, Nicetas. Now, when I had published in Cyril’s commentary on Luke (ch. vi, 13) a passage from a homily of Cyril which begins *Τούτους προανετύπου*, down to *τὴν ὑπ' οὐρανόν*, behold, Nicetas now repeats that same tract of Cyril from that selfsame homily in the Milanese ^B codex in the *catena* on the Epistle to the Hebrews (ch. ix, 2), though only half of it, down to the word *πανσύνετοι*. Thus, having received this first part of Cyril’s passage from the unedited portion of the codex sent to me from Milan, I nonetheless omitted it, lest I be seen as a *βιβλιολάθης* (book-forgetter) by my readers.

Although I have said that many of the places of Cyril cited in the Milanese codex pertain to his published works, as the learned Robbiatus has observed, especially to the *Glaphyra* (which places we have for that reason passed over), let no one suspect that Cyril’s commentary on the Epistle to the Hebrews is imaginary, as if the authors of the *catenae* had scraped it together entirely from other writings of Cyril. For, besides the fact that in the codices themselves—whether Parisian or Milanese—there are many segments which do not appear at all in the other works of Cyril, the truth of the Cyrillian commentaries on this Epistle is asserted by ancient and most certain witnesses, which Fabricius (B. G. ed. nov. t. IX, p. 495) has produced; these are Facundus of Hermiane, Theodoret, Theodore Abucaras, Ephraem of Antioch, Alexander of Hierapolis, the author of the *Synodicon* against the tragedian Irenaeus, and Anastasius Sinaita in the *Hodegetos*. Furthermore, we ourselves have edited four specified places of his commentary from Anastasius the Presbyter (*Script. vet.* t. VII, pp. 8-10, 18-24). In the same place, two others ^C from Leontius (pp. 130, 140). Finally, others in *Script. vet.* t. VIII and IX, as we have said on the preceding pages. Likewise, there are several fragments of his work in the Syriac codices of the Vatican. Nor do we argue that this work was of mediocre importance, both from the known richness of Cyril and because Leontius cites his second volume, and Anastasius Sinaita his sixth. And now it appears that it will be worthwhile for some future editor of Cyril’s works to piously collect the scattered remains of this commentary, like the limbs of Absyrtus; tracing at least those footsteps which we have pointed out with an intent finger; namely the codices, the ancient witnesses, the published *catenae*—Oecumenius not even being omitted—and finally the collection collated by our own cares.

Now, I must speak more precisely about the plan I have adopted. By reading it, I easily discovered that the *catena* of the Parisian codex, which, as I have said, pertains only to the middle of Paul’s Epistle, consists in large part—as far as Cyril is concerned—of passages from his widely circulated works, even though the editor says nothing about those which are edited or unedited. Nevertheless, a portion seemed new, or at least now edited for the first time. Therefore, the plan of the Parisian codex is continued in the Milanese codex, which is itself stitched together from parts that are in one instance edited and in another unedited (as far as could be known by scrutiny). Since these things were so, it seemed right to me to weave together the new parts of Cyril (as far as one may believe), from both the Parisian and Milanese codices, into one series, to translate them also into Latin, and to include them aptly in this volume of mine, which is composed entirely from Cyrillian writings. This is especially ^D because the renowned Robbiatus, having collated the part of the Parisian codex with the complete Milanese codex, supplied me with many beautiful emendations that ought to be made in the Parisian book.

This *catena*, from which we have excerpted Cyril, appears anonymous in the Parisian codex, for the renowned Cramer provides no author's name. But the Milanese codex explicitly inscribes it to Nicetas, Bishop of Serrae, in these words: *Συναγωγὴ ἐξηγήσεων ἀπό τε θείων Πατέρων καὶ τῶν ἄλλων διδασκάλων εἰς τὴν πρὸς Ἑβραίους Ἐπιστολὴν τοῦ ἁγίου ἀποστόλου Παύλου, συλλεγεῖσα παρὰ τοῦ ἱερωτάτου μητροπολίτου Ἡρακλείας κυρίου Νικήτα τοῦ τῶν Σερρῶν*. And by another hand at the bottom of the page thus: *Ἀπὸ ἑρμηνείας παρὰ τοῦ Σερρῶν*. Soon follows a prologue, about which likewise Cramer says nothing, but it in its entirety

as established by Theodoret and Chrysostom, the published books demonstrate. Wherefore, some lacunae left in the Oxford edition could have been filled, and the errors of the Parisian codex, or of any scribes whatsoever, could be removed. It is sufficiently established that Cyril distributed his commentaries into discourses (λόγους), as his commentary on Isaiah is effectively arranged, and likewise the Thesaurus: although these discourses should rather be called sections of the commentaries. Certainly, Severus of Antioch in our possession cited the third and seventh discourse (λόγον) of Cyril’s commentary on II Corinthians (a). Moreover, the general title of these exegetical works of Cyril was sometimes *hermeneia* (interpretation), sometimes *hypomnemata* (commentary).

5. *Cyril’s Commentary on the Psalms*.—After the commentaries of Cyril on the four Epistles of Paul, I began to think about his labors on the Psalter. For, happening to compare Balthasar Corderius’s catena on the Psalms with a certain Vatican manuscript, I immediately recognized that many parts of Cyril were missing from Corderius’s edition. Therefore, I decided to take from the Vatican codices only those segments of Cyril which did not appear in the three volumes of Corderius’s catena. Having undertaken this purpose, I began to examine the Vatican catenae on the Psalms as they presented themselves, and I found so many manuscripts of them that they completed the number twelve for me; which manuscripts I designate in the margins of my book with the letters A, B, C, D, E, F, G, H, I, K, L, M. And indeed, the name of Cyril is written perpetually in individual places in the codices, as I have said in the note to verse 9 of Psalm XLI. To these is added a unique Veronese folio, of which I shall speak shortly. For while the work had begun and progressed, in truth, a little further, and as unpublished material of Cyril abounded in plenty and beyond all expectation, I began to regret that I had decided to print the supplements of Cyril separately from Corderius’s catena, when, on the contrary, I should have inserted the parts of Cyril rather among the much richer and more excellent wealth of my own book; by which deed I would have restored nearly the entire commentary of Cyril on the Psalms into a single series. For such is the abundance of the Cyrilline material in the Vatican codices that it far exceeds and overwhelms the snippets previously published. Now, because it was not possible to change my intention once the work was underway, it remains that only then will the entire commentary of Cyril on the Psalms be connected in one series (b), when all the works of that most holy man, partly still dispersed or confused, are edited with a new and better apparatus; which I prophesy will happen, and which I sufficiently urged in the prologue of the previous volume.

6. *Codices from which Cyril was drawn*.—These are the Vatican codices of the catenae on the Psalms from which we have drawn Cyril. I. The codex which I call A, outstanding among the others, parchment, of the 13th century, in folio. It contains the catena of the Fathers on the Psalms by Nicetas, with a prologue prefixed, which we have willed to stand before our Cyril. This is the same codex from which Felckmann long ago brought forth new fragments of the great Athanasius on the Psalms, which can be seen in the edition of Montfaucon. But because this codex extends only as far as Psalm LXXVI, it is sufficiently established that another volume of equal size is missing, which I strongly doubt still exists anywhere. II. Codex B, paper, of the 15th century, in folio, divided into two large volumes, with a most copious catena of the Fathers on the whole Psalter. Wherefore this must also be considered among the most noble. III. Codex C, bombycine, in quarto, 14th century, which besides the catena also has an appended paraphrase; yet so that from Psalm XXXVI to LI and sometimes elsewhere it lacks a company of scholia. IV. Codex D, parchment, in folio, 11th century, very noble, with a continuous catena, with Hexaplaric variants in the margin, and with a great *isagoge*, from which Montfaucon published three of Origen’s minor works read in other codices before his most famous restoration of the Hexapla. V. Codex E, parchment, in folio, 14th century, catena on the whole Psalter. VI. Codex F, in quarto, parchment, of the 11th or 12th century, with elegant writing, a catena on all the Psalms. VII. Codex G, in folio, paper, recent, catena from Psalm LI to the end of the Psalter. VIII. Codex H, in folio, paper, divided into two volumes, which was once the property of Gibertus, Bishop of Verona, a dense catena from Psalm LV to all the rest, which greatly agrees with that outstanding codex B. IX. Codex I, parchment, in folio, 11th century, catena from the first Psalm to the fiftieth; wherefore there is hardly any doubt that two other volumes of equal size have perished or are hidden somewhere. Indeed, this codex is by far the most useful, because it contains more spacious excerpts of the Fathers than almost all the others.

^A X. Codex K, parchment, folio, 12th century, a complete catena on the Psalms, together with that introduction of which I spoke regarding Codex D. In this introduction there are also the arguments of Theodoret regarding the Psalms, much fuller than the published ones, although they have certainly been interpolated from time to time. XI. Codex L, parchment, in 4to, of the 12th or 13th century, a catena on the whole Psalter, with the aforementioned introduction. Otherwise, this codex abounds with errors. XII. Codex M, paper, folio, 15th century, a catena on the whole Psalter. The Fathers cited in these catenae are more than fifty, namely: Anastasius, Andreas (of Crete), an anonymous author, Antiochus, Apollinaris, Arethas, Arsenius, Asterius—sometimes without a qualifier, sometimes labeled as an Arian—Athanasius, Basil, Cassian, Clement, Cyril of Alexandria, Cyril of Jerusalem, Cyril the presbyter, Didymus, Diodorus, Dionysius, Dorotheus, Ephrem, Epiphanius, Evagrius, Eulogius of Alexandria, Eusebius of Caesarea, Gennadius, George, Germanus, Gregory of Nazianzus, Gregory of Nyssa, Hadrian, Hesychius, Jerome, Hypatius, John Chrysostom, John Damascene, Isidore, Maximus, Metaphrastes, Methodius, Metrophanes, Nicetas David, Nilus, Olympiodorus, Origen, Philo the Hebrew, Photius, Severus, Scholia, Theodoret, Theodorus—at times without a qualifier (perhaps the Heracleote), at times that of Antioch or Mopsuestia—Theodosius (whose certain scholia on Daniel we once published), Theodotus, Theophilus, and perhaps some others. Besides these, the Hebrew text, the Septuagint Interpreters, Aquila, Symmachus, Theodotion, and the Fifth and Sixth Editions are sometimes cited. From these, every learned man sees what treasures of doctrine lie hidden in these codices, which could serve to augment the editions of individual Fathers, or even to be brought forth into the public light for the first time. We, meanwhile, have excerpted Cyril of Alexandria alone from among so many, and we have recorded with laborious diligence the identifying letters of the individual codices in the margins of our book for the perpetual demonstration of the truth.

7. *Cyril’s Veronese fragment and other matters.* — I spoke earlier of intending to speak about the Veronese fragment. The matter stands thus: In the year 1844, after I had already printed Cyril on the Epistles of Paul at Rome, and had partly put his commentary on the Psalms to the press as well, having made an excursion through Northern Italy during the autumn holidays, I first collected at Venice fragments of Cyril on the books of Kings from the noble Marcian codex. Then, coming to Verona, I visited the distinguished library of the Right Reverend Canons, and inquired of the librarian whether anything of Cyril’s was preserved there. He immediately offered me a leaf, preserved there among the codices, which, upon eagerly inspecting, I recognized to be the very preface of Cyril (which was missing in the Vatican codices) to his commentary on the Psalms, which I, as I have said, had already begun to print as an acephalous work at Rome. Therefore, having been granted by the Right Reverend Canons permission to have a copy of this little gem made with identical type-forms, just as it now appears in our plate (a); I soon thereafter read there also a manuscript index of the capitular codices, compiled by Scipio Maffei, in which under number 119 that most learned man, the former possessor of the Cyrillian leaf, writes thus: «It is not a codex that I describe here to you, reader, but a single little page of a parchment codex, and indeed a very thin one. It was torn away, no doubt, to great detriment and no profit, from an excellent and highly-valued little book. The person who sent it to me promised that he would soon give me many similar ones, which I think are to follow; but for many years I have been looking in vain. It is written in larger letters, with accents added by the first hand; it smacks of the seventh or eighth century. Lest the little page fly away and perish, I have seen to it that it be diligently sewn into the beginning of the recently-mentioned codex.» But hear what it contains. (Here Maffei writes out the fragment, then continues saying:) Whoever has at some time worn through his works will recognize best from these few words that it is the genuine offspring of Cyril: for he will immediately detect that peculiar style of speaking, and as it were a special language, which Photius (cod. XLIX, p. 38) rightfully and deservedly attributes to Cyril: *A discourse worked over, and strained into a peculiar ideal, and as it were a dissolved and broken-up poetry.* His oration is elaborate, and twisted into a peculiar form, and as it were a free poetry released from meter. You see phrases remote from common usage, and poetic words which you might not find just once in other works of Cyril, for example, ^B *eukleia* and...

[a glorious choir] in the seventh book on Genesis (in *Glaphyris*, ed. Aubert, p. 238). Now, I believe this work is not only unpublished but forgotten by the learned commentators on the writers (Maffei rightly says "unpublished," but he is wrong that it has been "forgotten"). Moreover, it is evident from a recently transcribed manuscript (or folio), from a chain translated by Daniele Barbaro, and especially from the Corderian chain, in which it is cited more than a hundred times, that Cyril wrote on the Psalms; the first passage (in Corderius) containing the argument of the fourth Psalm sufficiently shows that his expositions are taken from a special treatise on the Psalms. ^A Thus Maffei, who had already written in his second dissertation on the fragments of Irenaeus (Venice ed., vol. II, p. 4): "No one has said that St. Cyril of Alexandria wrote on the Psalms, and yet it is concluded almost most certainly from a fragment of some famous manuscript, which is superior to nothing." However, it is clear that Maffei, while writing these last words, had not yet consulted the chains, nor Fabricius and certain others who had mentioned Cyril's lost commentary on the Psalms. So much for my literary good fortune at Verona. Therefore, having returned to Rome, I immediately reconstructed the first leaf of Cyril’s work on the Psalms, so that I might place the Veronese prologue at the beginning, as law and justice required. And this was the fruit of my Venetian and Veronese journey. But I did not go to Milan and Florence in vain: for I obtained new additions to Cyril there, perhaps if not in his own hand due to the inconvenience of time, certainly through the favor of friendly men.

8. *The Lexicon under the name of Cyril.* Now, because we have presented in the printed specimen the title of a certain Cyrillian Lexicon, it remains for us to say a few words about this Vatican manuscript, which is quite old and noble. Although, therefore, this Glossary is inscribed to Cyril, Archbishop of Alexandria, nevertheless it should be considered the work of some Cyril the grammarian rather than of that most holy prelate; and since this book has been published more than once, just as it has appeared variously in different manuscripts, its mere mention may suffice for me. This very spacious Lexicon extends in a manuscript of no small size from fol. 1 to 154. ^B And this Vatican Cyrillian Lexicon is indeed of a common type: otherwise, Fabricius (B. G., new ed., vol. IX, p. 493) says that there exists in various libraries also *Kyrou eis tas aporoumenas lexeis tes hagias Graphēs*, "Cyril on the ambiguous words of Holy Scripture"; to which is usually joined his *Hermēneia onomatōn kai lexeōn Hebraikōn en tais theiais Graphais*, "Interpretation of Hebrew names and words in the divine Scriptures," arranged in alphabetical order. Indeed, several such interpretations from the Hebrew occur in the commentary on the Psalms that we have by Cyril, and also from the Syriac, in the same fragment of Cyril regarding the changing of Abraham's name, which we obtained from a Florentine manuscript. Perhaps, therefore, Cyril was using his own Lexicon, not that of Philo or Origen, as we sometimes thought. Nor would anyone easily persuade himself that Cyril, who consumed his whole life's time in the study and explanation of the sacred Bible, had not also compiled lexicons for himself by his own effort, which he could conveniently use in expounding the sacred code; or which had been written down for him spontaneously, as often happens, by the one laboring at the task.

Having said these things about the Cyrillian Lexicon, let us proceed to the remaining parts of the Vatican manuscript which we had begun to describe. Namely, from page 154 to 163 is *Ioannou Philoponou peri tōn diaphorōn sēmasiōn diaphorōs tonoumenōn*—"Joannis Philoponi on words signifying differently due to the diversity of accents." ^C Thereafter, certain rhetorical lexicons up to fol. 177. There, however, begins: *Lexikon endiathetōn Graphōn ekteithen para Stephanou kai Theodorou, kai heterōn lexigraphōn Kasianou kai Logginou philosophou*—"Lexicon of Scripture of both Testaments (i.e., put into the canon) edited by Stephen and Theodore and other lexicographers, Cassian and Longinus," up to fol. 212. (I have seen the *apospasma* of the lexicon of Cassian and Longinus in another Vatican manuscript as well.) Then *lexeis iatrikou bibliou; peri botanōn hermēneia*, namely, a medical and herbal lexicon, up to fol. 215. Shortly after other smaller and perhaps lighter things, at fol. 255: *Theodosiou grammatikou Iōannē tō theophilestatō presbyterō kai en Christō adelphō, peri tōn en tois kanonesi tōn hagiōn heortōn*—"Theodosius the grammarian to John, most beloved of God the presbyter and brother in Christ, on the canons or meters of holy solemnities." Lastly, there are the canons or meters of Cosmas the monk and also of John (Damascene) with odes. Cosmas is indeed that Philogregorius and famous melodist, whose ample commentaries on the poems of Nazianzen we published some years ago in *Spicilegium Rom.*, vol. II (a). Truly ^D

if the occasion were to arise to speak of the Greek lexicons, which lie in great numbers hidden in the Vatican codices, a wide field would open for our discourse; and this perhaps would be a not-to-be-despised supplement to those lexicons which Photius enumerates in his *Bibliotheca* from codex CXLV to CLVIII. In truth, certain things in these Vatican codices are excellent, though their content often coincides with Suidas and the etymological works; but this is not without much variety, whether of vocabulary or of examples, with the result that we can obtain even outstanding fragments of lost works, like the filings of the purest gold. But we shall perhaps deal with these at another time.

PREFACES TO THE GRECO-LATIN EDITION

—

TO THE MOST EMINENT CARDINAL OF THE HOLY ROMAN CHURCH, ARMAND JEAN, DUKE OF RICHELIEU, PEER OF FRANCE.

I offer you, most eminent Cardinal, the monuments of the great Cyril, and at long last I pay the debt of a name which my mind has long desired to set forth. I had hardly turned my mind to this work when you pushed me into this task, as I had been enrolled among the king’s interpreters, by your grave judgment concerning me and by a certain necessity of duty. What remained, except that, having completed it, I should honor the debt of gratitude due to Your Eminence with a public testimony of a mindful heart, and by the inscription of your name add authority and glory to this edition? For what it means to present to Your Eminence that unconquered subduer and triumphant victor of heresies, no one can fail to interpret, unless he does not understand how great you are, and what manner of role you sustain in this kingdom and in the Church of God. ^A One hundred and thirty years have passed since Jodocus Clichtoveus, a theologian, first recommended his *Commentary on the Gospel of John*, translated into Latin by G. Trapezuntius, under the patronage of G. Amboise, a most magnificent cardinal. Happy was he in the auspices of such a great man offered to him at that time; but I am happier now in yours. For although in Cardinal Amboise there were very many high qualities, the greatest prudence, experience in the most important affairs, and authority and amplitude almost unique, yet in you all these things so excel that you appear at last to have perfectly expressed what he had previously successfully adumbrated. ^B This is certainly extraordinary, that with an incredible knowledge of divine and human things you possess the greatest ability for deserving well of letters, and you abound in all the resources necessary for their defense and adornment. Since Almighty God has bestowed these upon you more amply than upon any of our contemporaries, he seems at the same time to have declared that there is no one from whom they seek or hope for more effective aid than from you. ^C Hence it ought to seem a wonder to no one that, among so many cares of the public sphere, your mind—that huge mind, contemplating great things—should be repeatedly recalled to the best thoughts of assisting and amplifying these [letters], and should revolve and execute those things which, if God inspires, will surely bring it about that those disciplines which have made you such a great man, having received through you their ornaments, will be understood by all for what they are and how great they are. ^D And so, while almost all branches of learning call you their own at this time, and know that you are placed as much above them as you are for them, theology nevertheless claims you by a special right: for if you were to add to those magnificent foundations an arsenal against the heresies of old, truly no one will provide better and more certain weapons than Cyril—no longer just ours, but wholly yours; whether one looks for force and acumen in discourse, or variety and abundance in argumentation, or a vehement and accurate method of disputing combined with Christian gentleness and modesty: in which virtues he so excels, that the other Fathers of Greece do not envy him this praise. For who ever confuted heretics and their followers more sharply, if they remained in their error, or, if at any time they inclined themselves toward the desire for peace, led them more gently to the true and sincere confession of faith? In the face of the stubborn Nestorius, how much and what unconquered strength of spirit he applied to the affairs of the Church, which were in a state of turmoil! But truly, toward John of Antioch, Theodoret, and other bishops of the opposing parties, when they had returned to soundness of mind, he showed himself so fair and placable that he sent to them the book of the *Emissary* and those which he had written against the apostate Julian to be examined. By these engines of the Christian militia

the most valiant leader formerly overturned the strongholds of the gentiles and heretics. And, ^A if, under your auspices, most eminent Cardinal, it should one day be transferred to the outer regions of the world, it will go forth with those same distinguished arms against the Nestorian remnants and other monsters of that kind, which the East has long nurtured, or which the West, not many years ago, brought forth in an unlucky birth. Since it is their intent to overturn the divinity of the Holy Spirit and Christ the Lord, the head of our faith, they will not feel in vain the force and assault of that keenest of champions, who once, with incredible courage, laid low so many enemies of Christ God. Nor are the innovators to be considered any safer from him: for since God has endowed you with the spirit and mind to refute them strenuously, and you do not begrudge marking the intervals of your most weighty affairs with this holy leisure, you will surely do a thing most useful for deciding those points which are controversial in religion, if by your beneficence, through the amplitude of your spirit, old monuments of that kind from the holy Fathers are studiously sought out. For from these is best discerned what was the primitive faith, what the form of discipline, and what the ancient rites, and hardly any innovation can arise in the faith which cannot be destroyed by their authority. This, indeed, is the most beautiful task that awaits you, most eminent Cardinal, and one most worthy of the far-reaching degree you hold in the kingdom of the Franks and the Church of God, among your greatest and countless praises. Let others wish you other triumphs: I, for my part, will not cease to wish you these above all, whose fame—inscribed not only on earth but also in heaven—might make you immortal from a mortal man.

E. T. D. JOANNES ALBERTUS.

TO THE READER

He who has brought the lucubrations of the Greek Church Fathers to light only in Latin, although they have profited the Church not a little by their labor, yet seem to have brought some harm to posterity, because not a few Greek codices which they used have perished, through the eventual neglect of men, in silt and darkness, even though the opportunity for a Latin version was present. Many Church Fathers have long since felt this loss, nor would Cyril have been exempt from it, had not studious men already extended a helping hand to him in his peril. Among whom, would that Antonius Agellius, Bishop of Acerno, or Bonaventura Vulcanius, learned interpreters, or Andreas Schottus and Jacobus Pontanus of the Society of Jesus, or Antonius Salmat., doctor of theology from the Ambrosian College, or Nicolaus Borbonius, professor emeritus of the Greek language, who labored happily in translating this author, had brought to an end the work they had begun! Surely, such a great doctor of the Church, having found such interpreters, would appear far more brilliant and adorned. But whether they were not abundant in the leisure necessary for so thick a work, or whether they abandoned this burden, distracted by other studies or occupations, they labored only on the head, as they say, and left the other parts of the body imperfect. Since I grieved over this above all, and had entered upon that way of life where leisure was available, I undertook—however conscious of my own mediocrity—the plan of this edition, thinking that, as in a wealthy house, so in the Church of God there is also a place for earthen and wooden vessels, if only they be of use. For I understood how poorly Cyril had been treated by not a few interpreters in many books, in the cleansing of which to spend effort was not only not useless, but highly necessary. Indeed, it cannot be said how much license G. Trapezuntius assumed for himself concerning him, with many things reduced to epitome and often wrongly translated. As Bonaventura Vulcanius first discovered concerning the *Thesaurus*, so I myself later found in actual fact that he was no more religious in those *Commentaries on John*. Nor is OEcolampadius a much happier interpreter, as will easily appear to anyone reading the books *On the Trinity* and *Against Julian*. Yet I would not wish them to lack their own praise, nor myself to be considered so accurate that I do not confess that very many things remain which require the effort and judgment of the more diligent. Therefore, if you notice anything amiss for which I am at fault, it is of your humanity to forgive; and the more justly should pardon be hoped for, because it was quite difficult not to stumble over so long a span. Add that when I was revising the work, and had begun to note certain things, it was struck out and practically extorted from my hands by the constant importunity of the booksellers, who objected that their own interests were perishing, and in that name were, in a way, dragging the work into judgment. But so that it may not be hidden from you through whom I have made progress, and with what helpers I have embellished this edition, know that gratitude is owed primarily to the most illustrious N. Rigaltius, who kindly communicated to me all the codices of Cyril that were stored in that choice treasury of the King: and likewise to the most illustrious Cardinal Barberino and S. Onuphrius, eminent in all praise of learning and humanity, by whose authority the most reverend Father Horatius Justinianus

the latter two books of the Commentary on the prophet Isaiah and the eighth book on the Gospel of John from the Vatican. For, that you should not be ignorant that the fifth and sixth books on John are owed to the most illustrious and most reverend Lord Charles de Monchal, Archbishop of Toulouse—a man deserving, in the matter of letters, more than can be told—who procured them for us from the secret archives of the most learned Lucas Holstenius; and, furthermore, it was zealously recommended by Nicolas-Claude Fabri de Peiresc, a most distinguished councillor of the King in the Senate of Aix, whose death all good men attest with their own longing and grief as the extinguishing of a most brilliant light of letters. Thereafter, others competed to lend their hand to this work. For the celebrated man Erycius Puteanus, born to assist letters, took care that the *Thesaurus* along with its interpretation, and the seventeen books *On Adoration in Spirit and in Truth*, which Bonaventura Vulcanius had once bequeathed to the Academy of Leiden, should be brought here. And from his own library, the most illustrious Lord de Harlay, Bishop of Saint-Malo, kindly provided two codices, one of which contains a *Catena* on the Gospel of John, compiled from the commentaries of Cyril and other Fathers, and the other encompasses the *Glaphyra* on the Pentateuch, along with the books *On Adoration in Spirit and in Truth* and the *Thesaurus*. From Augsburg, Matthias Ehinger, then its most diligent custodian, sent the books *On the Most Holy Trinity*, transcribed by his own hand in a difficult time. Finally, the most illustrious Lord Riberius, Count of the Sacred Consistory, a man most famous for the glory of his integrity and erudition, provided us with *Collectanea* excerpted from Cyril and other Fathers. To all of these I owe as much gratitude as the Church will receive benefit from the writings of the most holy doctor. It would be a long task to recount the rest who, while I was laboring in this course, offered or provided me their help. Certainly, the outstanding zeal of the distinguished men P. Junius and D. Rous ought not be passed over in silence in helping and embellishing our edition; they sent me some homilies and various readings on them from the most well-stocked library of the Oxford Academy with such speed that they seemed in some way to have anticipated my request. Nor will Nicolas Bourbon, most adorned with gifts of candor and talent, pass by in silence; he kindly handed over to us brilliant fragments of the intermediate four books on John, taken from the *Catena* of the most illustrious Lord Bishop of Saint-Malo, with whose help we corrected many spots in the fifth and sixth books, whereas otherwise only a single exemplar was available, contaminated, that I might not dissemble, with infinite errors.

Regarding the order of the books, know this: that we have not followed throughout that which the Latin copies preferred, but we have established the most convenient order, as much as the nature of the volumes allowed. We have given the first place to the books *On Adoration in Spirit and in Truth* together with the *Glaphyra*, because, with the consistency of legal types with evangelical truth set forth, they open a plain path to the knowledge of both Testaments and usefully prepare souls for reading it. Furthermore, we do not present all the various readings to you, as neither do we present the corrections and animadversions in those places of Scripture whose version is less in agreement with the Vulgate Latin, because the copies to the margins of which I had noted them were lost through the extreme negligence of the workmen. These things, reader, I wished to warn you of in a few words. For what remains, I ask you to take my study in good part, and to pursue the one wishing you well with the same spirit.

ADMONITION OF ANTONIUS AGELLIUS

Prefixed to the Latin edition of the books *On Adoration in Spirit and in Truth*. (Rome 1588, fol.)

When I had sent the books of the blessed Cyril *On Adoration in Spirit and in Truth* to be printed in Lyon, they were so poorly received—not only by the negligence of the printer, but also by the fault of the corrector—that they were full of countless errors, and, what was more annoying to me, they were sprinkled with little annotations added to the margins which I had neither sent, nor made, and they were so inept and absurd that in some places they did not even spare the name of the most holy and most learned man, the author. When I saw this, I cast aside the entire thought of that Lyon impression. But afterward, as learned men who were bound to me by benevolence were urging me—and especially as the most illustrious and most ample Cardinal Carafa, by whose order and will I had translated them, was approving that I should amend the faults of the previous impression—I undertook a second voyage, as is said, and I recalled that impression to the anvil, and took care that the books be printed anew, more corrected. You have, reader, the cause of this Roman impression. Now I must explain the method I followed in translating.

For when I saw that in translating the writings of outsiders the fidelity of the translator is required, and that it is abundantly satisfied if, just as is usually the custom in exchanging coins, an assessment of the meaning of equal value is returned, lest words be scrupulously counted; I thought that I should enter upon a certain middle path, so that I might render the author's meaning in such a way that I would neither, looking only to that, despise the words, nor on the other hand, by clinging more than necessary to the words, be obscure. Nor indeed did I only seek out those Latin words which are found among the supreme authors of the language

for that overly anxious and scrupulous method of writing ^A in matters pertaining to religion cannot always be maintained. For the interpreter is bound by a certain religion of words, to such a degree that if he wishes to translate more elegantly, and does not use certain specific and solemn terms, he generally obscures the meaning while seeking perhaps more sophisticated expressions in place of the discarded Christian vocabulary; he often fails to convey the simplicity of the Christian writer, which is free of artifice; and sometimes, which is the main thing, he may violate certain decrees of our faith. Therefore, I have endeavored to translate the author’s meaning in such a way as to use simple words, and ones by no means alien to Christian usage; and I have taken care, as much as I could, that in reading this, the Christian reader would not find the character of the author’s morality lacking. So much for my method of interpretation. Now, a few things must be said about the author of the work.

That this work is Cyril’s, I think no one who is versed in reading his writings will doubt; and this can be known not only from the inscription, which is noted in all the manuscript books I have been able to see, but also from the style of elocution, which is most similar to his other books. For Cyril, like all writers, has a certain form and countenance of speech, which, as often happens in the very appearance of the human face, one cannot easily find in another: and this is perceived in Latin as well, but more easily and certainly in Greek. A second argument is added, that the same opinions and dogmas which he uses in these books are also read in his other books, about which there is no controversy ^B. Indeed, it would be long, nor is it necessary, if I were to pursue all those points: it will be enough to mention one or two examples to demonstrate the matter. Not to wander too far: the point he made in the first book, that the Holy Spirit proceeds substantially from the Father and the Son, does this not prove Cyril is the author? From among the Greek doctors, no one has stated this dogma more clearly; for we read the same opinion both elsewhere and in the book of the *Thesaurus*, chapters 2 and 3; and likewise in book XIV, chapter 1, and in *John*, book X, chapter 23. Furthermore, Cyril thinks that the insufflation of the Holy Spirit into the human body formed from clay, as we read in the second book of Genesis, brought it about that the human soul was adorned by the gift of the Holy Spirit. He placed this opinion also in his book on the Gospel of blessed John, II, c. 3, and book XII, c. 56. The blessed Thomas does not sufficiently approve of Cyril’s opinion in part I, q. 91, art. 4, and in the little book which he wrote against the errors of the Greeks, he acknowledges it as Cyril’s own. But as he is accustomed to interpret the opinions of the Fathers most modestly into a right sense, so that he seems to defend them rather than to reproach them, moved by reverence for so great a Father, he excuses it, saying it was put forth by him allegorically. It can also be excused and defended in another way, since Cyril seems to have arrived at that opinion to ^C repel the blasphemies of Marcion and Manichaeus, who said that by that insufflation, the spirit of God was put into man, and that it was changed into the human soul. Cyril, detesting this, denies that the Spirit was changed into the soul; and asserts that this insufflation served for the adornment of the soul, not for the animation of the body. He does not, however, deny that through the power and efficacy of the Spirit that body was quickened with a living soul; but he asserts that the soul was infused almost simultaneously by the power of the Spirit, and straightway decorated by the gift of the Holy Spirit. This he said clearly in his commentary on the Gospel of blessed John, book II, chapter 3. But the excuse for Cyril’s opinion is a matter for another work; now it is enough to have shown that this is Cyril’s opinion. Yet in the first book of this work this opinion is stated; whereby it is indicated that this work is truly Cyril’s.

The expositions of divine Scripture, which are brought forward in his other books, where usage arises in these books, are placed the same way; which very fact reveals it to be the same work. I am neither able to recount them singly, nor would it be for an idle man: and it is easy for anyone who wishes to extract them from the index of Holy Scripture, which is placed at the end of the work, and to compare them with each other. Furthermore, among the works of Cyril, a little book is found which is inscribed *Collectanea*; in it, many places of Scripture are explained in a more sublime and anagogical sense, most of them taken almost word-for-word from these books, such as that about Moses excusing his slowness of tongue, about the age of Aaron, about the rod turned into a serpent, about the lack of water by which the Israelites, having been freed from Egypt a little before, were first vexed and tested, about ^D the battle joined against the Amalekites, with Joshua as leader and Moses as spectator.

Furthermore, in the Greek chains on the Pentateuch, especially those which are in the Vatican library, how many things, and I might almost say everything, have been taken from these books? So that you may see these books inserted there almost entire, and cited by the name of Cyril. Finally, the authority of the Patriarch Anastasius of Antioch, a most holy and learned man, who would not be moved by it? For he brings forward testimony from these books in his work *Deductorium*, in the twentieth interrogation. The passage, however, which he cites against the vanity of auguries is taken from book VI. From all these things it is surely evident that the work belongs to Cyril, and I do not think this matter should be revoked into doubt by anyone. But lest anyone be offended when he sees that the testimonies which are brought forward from Scripture do not in some places agree with the Latin edition, he must be warned by me that this happens not only in Cyril, but in the books of all the Fathers, both Greek and the ancient Latin ones. For they all use the Scriptures of the Old Testament [(a) Cyril himself provides the argument second to none, at the beginning of the *Glaphyra* on Genesis (p. 2), saying: "However, it must also be known that since we have written seventeen books on Worship and Adoration in Spirit and in Truth, and have embraced in them a great abundance of contemplative matters, we have deliberately omitted and left unexamined the chapters inserted into this work; though occasionally it happens that we mention one of them for necessary reasons." — Edit. Patr.]

^A using them according to the translation of the LXX Interpreters. But because the ancient edition of these interpreters has long since been lost among the Latins, I have taken pains to ensure that the passages cited from the Old Testament in these books should harmonize with the reading of the ancient Fathers of the Latin Church: and in this matter, I have been assisted especially by the books of Augustine, in whose *Questions* not a few things from that old LXX interpretation are read.

In the New Testament, however, I have retained the Latin Vulgate edition everywhere; unless where the author had read otherwise, or presented an exposition that could not harmonize with the Latin edition. In those places, lest I should dissent from the author’s meaning, or render it more obscure, I was compelled to depart somewhat from the Vulgate; but these places are not many. I have wished to warn you of this, reader, lest if you should see anywhere that I have translated differently from how it stands there, you might think that I intended to criticize the Vulgate edition. Another reason also arose why it was necessary for me to do this: lest, if I had translated the testimonies of Holy Scripture differently from how the author had set them down in Greek, I should strip away no small character and mark by which this work could be proven to be Cyril’s.

For since in those books which have been published for so long, and are without doubt believed to be Cyril’s, some passages of Holy Scripture are read in a singular and peculiar manner of the author, and are found in the same manner in these books which we are editing; that is certainly no light indication that these books are by the same author, and deservedly to be ascribed to him as being marked with such certain signs. The matter will be made clearer by an example. ^B Cyril is accustomed in his books to cite that verse of Psalm XLVII [XLVI] in this way: *The strong ones of the earth have been greatly exalted*; and not only to cite it, but also to append an exposition consistent with this reading. In this way, certainly, this verse is read in his *Commentary on John*, book XI, chapter 29. And yet it is cited in the same way also in this work, in book I, and even in book III. If, therefore, I had placed what was in the Latin edition: *The strong ones of the earth have been vehemently exalted*, I would not only have obscured the author’s meaning in large part, and hindered the exposition, but also removed no light indication by which the author of this work could be recognized. There is no need to bring forward more examples of this matter here, since at the end of the work I have added some passages of Scripture gathered by observation, from which one may seek, if anyone desires more.

In these books, however, he hands down almost the entire mystagogy of secret understanding, in which he seems to excel most of all; so much so that there is almost nothing in the books of Moses pertaining to the shadow and image of future things which is not explained here; so that just as he inscribed those books in which he discussed theology as the *Thesaurus*, so you could call these books another *Thesaurus*, as it were, of anagogy and tropology.

Although the mysteries of almost all the books of Moses are opened in these books, he has not followed the same sequence in explaining them that Moses kept in writing them, but has kept a certain order of his own, so that he first prescribes certain arguments for himself, then gathers and explains various passages of Scripture consistent with those arguments from different books of Scripture. Thus in the first book, when he discusses the fall of man into sin, and teaches by what method he can return from sins and vices to better fruit, he endeavors to make clear what he had proposed, having gathered testimonies of Holy Scripture from all sides and explained them according to the method of allegory. He maintains the same method in the second, when he shows that the law does not have sufficient strength for justifying man. The same in the third, in which he teaches that men are justified in Christ, and that in his baptism especially sin is removed. Nor does he follow a different method in the fourth and fifth, in which he declares that fortitude is necessary not only for enduring inconveniences, but even for trampling upon earthly affections and pleasures.

He observes the same in the sixth, in which he argues about charity toward God, and about those precepts which pertain to His love; and also about those things by which His love is violated: these are perverse and false opinions about God, and what proceeds from such false opinions; of which kind are the deceptive observations of the stars, omens, auguries, the summoning of spirits, divinations, oracles, superstitions; all of which are akin to idolatry, and flowed from it: to these, the excuses of fate and fortune, the vanity of genethliacs, and the marking of times. He maintains the same path in the seventh and eighth, when he discusses other precepts which touch upon the love of one’s neighbor; and also in the ninth and tenth, when he treats of the tabernacle and its instruments, its construction, use, laws, dedication, and offerings.

In the eleventh and twelfth, however, he gathers from various places of Scripture those things which pertain to the priesthood and its laws, to the vestments of the priests, their consecration, and sacrifices. In the thirteenth, he weighs what Moses set forth concerning the Levites, their census, ministries, and laws. The fourteenth follows, in which, the tabernacle now having been built, he has prefaced that those who come before the sight of the Lord must be clean, and that vitiated men must be kept away from the holy things, and he mentions those laws which Scripture taught in various places concerning lepers, those with fluxes, the unclean in soul, the crushed, those who have been castrated, and the spurious. To these he adds the Moabites, the Ammonites, and likewise those who are unclean from the impurity of their practices and a way of life that is little chaste, such as harlots, fornicators, adulterers, and prostitutes, whom Scripture calls ἑταιριζομένους. Then he discusses clean and unclean animals, and explains what each of these signifies through allegory.

Now in the fifteenth, because it was not enough to have said who the unclean were, unless it were added by what method they might be cleansed, he gathers all those things which were established by the old law for their purgation and cleansing. And because this cleansing was done through whole sacrifices, he discusses perfect animals suitable for sacrifice. Furthermore, because the rites of sacrificing varied according to the diversity of the uncleanness, it was necessary to commemorate whatever the law had established concerning the difference of leprosy and other kinds of uncleanness. But because it is of little worth to wash away the stains of sins unless holiness is also added to the purgation, through which we consecrate ourselves to God, in the sixteenth book he arranges all those things which the law had instituted concerning gifts and offerings, and also what concerned that sacred census which was paid according to age, and what concerned a great vow, ^C

was called a Nazarite, concerning the observances pertaining to this kind of vow, was sanctioned in the old law in various places. In the final book, he proposes the celebration of festival days as a kind of reward for those who are sanctified. Therefore, whatever there was regarding the various festivals, and regarding those things which were ordained to be observed on feast days, he gathered into this book. Since all these things were adumbrated in the books of the Old Testament as if by more obscure forms, and were observed carnally by the Israel according to the flesh, this Father in these books brings it about that he teaches us, who are Israel according to the spirit, to observe them spiritually, and with a certain brush of discourse he shapes those shadows toward the truth; and he demonstrates that that carnal and figural worship can be perfected by true worshipers of God in spirit and truth. This was the reason that he prefaced this work with this title: On Adoration in Spirit and Truth. This is what I had to advise you, reader, concerning these books. If you have been helped at all by this labor of mine, I shall consider myself most amply satisfied if you return the favor by your prayers to God for me. Farewell.

VETERUM TESTIMONIA (TESTIMONIES OF THE ANCIENTS) CONCERNING SAINT CYRIL OF ALEXANDRIA

Idatius’ Chronicle. Olympiad ccciv. At the same time, Cyril was shown to be presiding as bishop at Alexandria, and the heretic Nestorius, a Hebionite, had appeared at Constantinople, as shown by the letter of Cyril himself to him, both destroying the heresy and setting forth the rule of faith.

Prosper of Aquitaine’s Chronicle. In the consulship of Felix and Taurus. Nestorius, bishop of Constantinople, seeks to introduce a new error to the Churches, preaching that Christ was only a man born from Mary, not also God, and that divinity was conferred upon him for his merit: against which impiety the chief industry of Cyril, bishop of Alexandria, and the authority of Pope Celestine prevail.

Gennadius, On Illustrious Ecclesiastical Writers, (ch. 57). Cyril, bishop of the Church of Alexandria, published treatises on various hypotheses. He also composed very many homilies, which are commended to the memory of the bishops of Greece for declamation. Moreover, his books are *On the Defection of the Synagogue*, *On the Faith Against Heretics*, and with a peculiar intention he composed a book against Nestorius which is titled *Elencos*, in which all the secrets of Nestorius are laid open, and the things betrayed are refuted.

Sigebert, On Illustrious Ecclesiastical Writers, (ch. 24). Cyril, bishop of Alexandria, wrote five cycles of nineteen years, which make ninety-five years, in which the first and last term of Easter is found; yet the entire variety of Easter is not, however, limited thereto.

Photius in the *Bibliotheca* (page 311). ^A Leguntur Cyrilli Thesauri. Epicherematis refertus est liber, pugnatque valide ac varie cum Arii et Eunomii furibunda rabie. Etenim et logicis argumentis sapienter illorum destruit amentiam, quibus dum S. Scripturæ adnectit attexitque testimonia, quam sit illa doctrina futilis omni ex parte divulgat. Adhibet idem unda quoque S. Scripturæ testimonia, ut quo se fastuosi vertant, obsepti undique atque conclusi non habeant. Est autem inter omnia ejus scripta liber hic maxime perspicuus, iis potissimum qui logicorum argumentorum sensum capere possunt.

Idem page 38. ^B Lecti sunt B. Cyrilli Alexandrini adversus blasphemias Nestorii libri v. Servat in his quoque suum dicendi characterem et sermonis proprietatem. Clarior vero est quam ad Hermiam scribens,

et quam in libris De adoratione in spiritu. Sermo illi confictus, et ad propriam dicendi formam contortus, ac veluti solutum numerosque negligens metrum. Vide eumdem pag. 378 et 379 de libris contra Nestorium, de Epistolis, et scholio de Incarnatione Unigeniti.

llbrackethMartyrologium Romanum die 27 Januarii. Sancti Cyrilli, Alexandrinæ urbis episcopi, qui catholicæ fidei præclarissimus propugnator, doctrina et sanctitate illustris, quievit in pace.

llbrackethGræci in Menologio, 9 Junii. Apud Alexandriam natalis S. Cyrilli, ejusdem civitatis episcopi, viri eruditissimi, et catholicæ fidei propugnatoris egregii: quem summus pontifex Colestinus idoneum judicavit cui suas vices in Ephesino concilio delegaret. ^A

llbrackethIidem Græci in Menæis, eodem 9 Junii. Flammis sancti Spiritus mente illustratus, sol irradians, velut radios, oracula edidisti; tua dogmata in omnes orbis fideliumque fines emisisti, cœtus omnes illuminans, o beatissime, ac divine, tenebrasque hæreseon persequens, vi viribusque illius qui e Virgine natus eluxit. Eloquentia et facundia orationis tuæ, o sanctissime Cyrille, Ecclesia tota exornatur, et speciosa venustate tua pie decoratur; tuamque sanctam translationem sacro ritu honorat, o celeberrime, sacerdotumque omnium decus, Patrum coryphæe, synodi sanctissimæ propugnator acerrime. Tuis igneis dogmatibus, o præsul sapientissime, omnem sarmentosam aridamque hæreseon materiam concremasti; sententiarum tuarum profunditate, o sacratissime Cyrille, impiorum perfidorumque hæreticorum demergitur exercitus; tua doctrina, o beate, diebus singulis exornatur tota fidelium Ecclesia, quæ eximie te honorat, prædicat. Repletus es illustratione sancti Spiritus, o Cyrille, præceptorum Christi custos, atque ab affectibus et passionibus perpurgatus, divinissimæ Trinitatis vere factus es habitaculum. ^B Uti zelo, ita libertate loquendi plenus, o gloriose Cyrille, orthodoxæ doctrinæ præsidens, hæreticas mendacesque impiarum hæresum linguas dissolvisti. Hæc, et complura alia ibidem Græci in Menæis, mensis Junii die IX, et in concil. Ephesini et Chalcedonensis actis. Vide præterea Evagrium lib. I Histor., cap. 3, et Socratem lib. VII, c. 32 et 33; Nicephorum lib. XIV, cap. 35; Liberatum in Breviario, aliosque pene innumeros.

llbrackethS. Anastasius Sinaita in Hodego (cap. 5). Sancta hæc synodus (Ephesina) quod Christus tam divinitate quam humanitate æque perfectus esset, in duabus inconfuse et inseparabiliter unitis naturis, unum Dominum est professa: confirmata Nestori, in priore Ephesino concilio, auctore Cyrillo, damnatione; quo quidem B. Cyrillo collaudato, eidem hoc edidit elogium: Cyrillo, æterna memoria. ^C

llbrackethIdem, eodem libro, cap. 8. Adducamus eum ipsum Cyrillum, lumen illud Patrum celeberrimum, et beatissimum, docentem apostolice veritatem naturæ humanæ in Christo.

llbrackethIdem, ibidem, cap. 10. Cyrillo æterna memoria, sicut et Chalcedonensis synodus dixit. Etenim nullus sanctorum Pa^Dtrum

that most holy, indefectible, and eternal, and indelible benefit ^A of the natures of Christ, just as the divine Cyril has preached. For the blessed Fathers have assigned [that there is a] number; and the most blessed Cyril, along with the number, has clearly taught that the natures even after the union are preserved indelibly and remain always, etc. May it be well with you, O light, torch, and pillar of truth, Cyril. I will say it again: eternal is the memory of Cyril, who does not permit us to go astray from the truth.

^B Eulogius, Archbishop of Alexandria, in his oration against those who slander the holy Fathers and the Council of Chalcedon. From Photius, *Bibliotheca*, CCXXX.

Ardent as he is in his study of the truth, Cyril not only willingly and most pleasantly acceded to these and similar things asserted by the Scriptures, but he also lauded Paul of Emesa—who had been sent by him to preach to the public assembly—for the sentiment that he held in common with himself and with Cyril who had sent him, and he extolled him as holding the same opinion.

*Idem, ibidem.*

Cyril, learned and pious and not in the least vacillating, teaches one nature of the Word, and that [nature] incarnate, etc. For he thinks many things, and does not believe the meaning to be in words and names; rather, he compares and adapts the words and names with his mind.

NOTICE ON THE BOOKS *ON ADORATION IN SPIRIT AND TRUTH*

The following books have derived their name from the fact that Cyril attempted to solve in the form of a dialogue the difficulty concerning by what reason, since the Old Law was abrogated through the New Testament, Christ said (Matt. v, 17): "I came not to destroy the law, but to fulfill it," and (John iv, 24): "In spirit and truth must one adore the Father." To this end he teaches excellently that the precepts of the Mosaic law, which were observed carnally by Israel according to the flesh, must be observed spiritually by us, who are Israel according to the spirit (Rom. ix); hence he shapes those shadows of the ancient law—with a certain brush of discourse—toward the truth, and demonstrates that that carnal and figurative worship can be performed by the true worshippers of God in spirit and truth. Although the mysteries of almost all the books of Moses are opened in these books, Cyril did not follow the same sequence in explaining them that Moses kept in writing them, but rather preserved a certain order of his own, so that he first proposes certain definite arguments, then gathers and explains various passages of Scripture from different books of Scripture that are convenient to those arguments. Therefore, after he has discoursed on the fall of man into sin, he adds that man ought, as it is equally glorious and useful, to bid farewell to sins and pass over to honesty, to shake off the yoke of the devil and follow the divine law, inasmuch as it calls us to true liberty (book I); this, however, is possible for man only through the grace of Christ, and not by the Mosaic law (books II and III), while at the same time it is required that man have a firm will and strength of mind (books IV and V). And he teaches that the beginning and foundation of human salvation is faith in the one true God along with his love (book VI), to which he rightly joins the love of neighbor, and recommends this highly (books VII and VIII). Having finished these, he considers the laws concerning the tabernacle, the priests, and the levites; and first, indeed, he refers all the laws pertaining to the tabernacle and its various parts, as well as to its construction and sanctification, to the Christian Church and its institutions (books IX and X); then, whatever had been established regarding the priests and sacrifices of the ancient law, he excellently shows to be fulfilled in the priesthood of the New Covenant (books XI and XII); and what is contained in the Old Law concerning the levites, he explains one by one regarding those who have given themselves to the divine ministry in the New Testament (book XIII). Hence, turning to the assembly of the faithful, he shows that the purity of heart and life, long ago prescribed in the law, is necessary for all who come before the sight of the Lord in the church (book XIV), and at the same time he declares from the rite of the sacrifices of the Old Testament by what manner man may be purified and sanctified more and more through Christ (book XV). But when the perfection of justice consists in man offering himself to God in all things as a living host, holy and pleasing to God, he teaches that we should be rightly instructed in this also from the offerings of the Mosaic law (book XVI). But if a man, by that reason, having entered the Church of Christ, has dedicated a life pure and perfect from stain to God, he will obtain as a supreme reward in eternal beatitude what the solemn festivals of the Jews prefigured by the will of God (book XVII). This most ample work, arranged with a certain singular art, is deservedly called a treasury of allegorical expositions and moral truths, in which the whole Mosaic law is skillfully explained in a mystical sense, and the beginning, progress, and end of the spiritual life conducted through the grace of Christ are described.

INDEX OF THE BOOKS ON ADORATION IN SPIRIT AND TRUTH

BOOK I. ^A Concerning the fall of man into vices, and the captivity of sin; concerning the calling, and the conversion which takes place through repentance, and the return to a better life.

BOOK II. That we can by no means escape death, which is from sin, and the tyranny of the devil, unless through the sanctification which is from Christ. And that justification is not in the law, but in Christ.

BOOK III. On the same.

BOOK IV. That he who has been called by God to justification, and redeemed, ought to follow God; and that, having shaken off the softness which leads to vice, he must strive for a pious and noble life.

BOOK V. Item, concerning the fortitude which is in Christ.

BOOK VI. That we ought to cleave to Him alone who is God by nature, and to love Him with all our soul and with all our heart.

BOOK VII. Concerning love toward the brethren.

BOOK VIII. Item, concerning love toward the brethren; and of him who steals a calf or a sheep.

BOOK IX. Concerning adoration in spirit and truth; and concerning the holy tabernacle, that it is a type of the Church of Christ.

BOOK X. Concerning those things which were in the holy tabernacle.

BOOK XI. ^C Concerning the priesthood; and that the legal priesthood was a type of that which is in Christ.

BOOK XII. Concerning the priesthood.

BOOK XIII. Item, concerning the priesthood.

BOOK XIV. That it behooves those who wish to approach the churches to be pure and washed from every stain of sin, and thus to present themselves before God.

BOOK XV. ^D That we must be presented to God pure and with the stains of sin washed away; and that our purification consists again in Christ.

BOOK XVI. That it behooves us to offer to God spiritual sacrifices and oblations.

BOOK XVII. Concerning the holy festivals.

OF OUR HOLY FATHER CYRIL, ARCHBISHOP OF ALEXANDRIA, ON ADORATION AND WORSHIP IN SPIRIT AND TRUTH. BOOK ONE

^A1 Concerning the fall of man into vices, and the captivity of sin, and at the same time concerning the calling and conversion which comes through repentance, and the return to a better life.

CYRIL: To ask where or whence you have come, I think, would be superfluous. For you would say, I am well aware, without hesitation, that you have come from your house and to us. PALLADIUS: It is true. CYRIL: But what is this book, pray, that you have in your hands? PALLADIUS: It is an Evangelical book, written by Matthew and John. CYRIL: And do you think it ought to be carried about anywhere and by anyone? For one who has gone out from his own doors, Palladius, cannot easily attend to its study while on the way. Such labors as these are sweeter at home and in leisure. PALLADIUS: You speak rightly. But I have come to converse with you. I bring this sacred book because, although I have labored over it long and much, I have been unable in any way to grasp what our Lord Jesus Christ meant when He said in Matthew: "Do not think that I have come to abolish the Law or the Prophets. I have not come to abolish, but to fulfill. For truly I tell you, until heaven and earth pass away, not one iota, not one stroke, shall pass from the law, until all is accomplished." ^B And in the