Tactics, or a Book on Military Affairs

who nourished me with the milk of divine streams.

Other iambic verses of the same: Illustrious things are destroyed by time which consumes all; useful and excellent things have perished, knowledge has died away, reason is extinguished, the mind has vanished, contemplation has departed, piety and religion have fled, justice is absent, and right, and every good thing. Deceit now speaks freely, falsehood reigns, and tyranny and violence. Envy approaches every divine work, the mouth of impiety is opened wide. Charybdis greedily swallows errors, and each one vomits forth doctrines of blasphemy.

EPIGRAMS OF LEO THE PHILOSOPHER

I. *On the book of Mechanics.* The book of Mechanics exists; Cyrinus wrought it, with his brother Marcellus aiding the labor.

II. *On the book of Paul the astrologer.* Paul, an eminent man, taught me the prophetic mysteries of the divinatory art of Phoebus, being an astrologer.

III. *On the books of Proclus and Theon.* The book of Theon and Proclus, those all-wise men, the book of heaven and earth, contains the measurements. Theon measures the heaven, and Proclus the earth; therefore Proclus measures the earth, and Theon the heaven. Both are equally worthy of praise, both have received a reward for their words in turn. Theon, taking the learned theses of Proclus, demonstrates by these the courses of the stars; but Proclus, taking the demonstrations of Theon, by these analyzes and sets forth his own theses. But O wise pair, hail to you greatly! Hail, most excellent Theon, all-wise head, who now adornest the city of Alexander! Hail also to you, Proclus, whom all proclaim the noble blood of Sarpedon.

IV. *On the book of Leucippe.* The discourse of Clitophon reveals a bitter love, but the life of the chaste Leucippe strikes everyone with admiration; how, having been struck, wounded, left for dead, and—what is greater—having died three times, she endured. But if you also wish to be chaste, my friend, do not marvel at the embellishments of the discourse, but first learn the context of the narrative; for it decorates with a bridal veil those who wisely desire it.

V. *On your words:* With the purple of your discourses, Porphyry, you stain your lips, and adorn your mind.

VI. *On the months of the Romans.* The first month of the consuls, the second cuts the furrow, the third stirs the race of the Ausonians to war.

The fourth announces the time of spring with rose-red fingers. I am the creator of roses. And I bring white lilies. He is the harvester. But my wings awaken the Nile. He exists as the one beloved by Bacchus, the author of strife. I fashion sweet wine, the delight of mortals. I bring a pleasant feast for the name of each light. I have learned to strike the lyre and awaken the sleepers.

VII. As I am this book, within I am in labor, friend, ^A a deep character and exceedingly intricate. It requires, at any rate, a Delian diver. But if one should dive into my depths and excavate every abyss accurately, he will receive the foremost prizes of the geometers, and he will be called a wise man without dispute. And of these, Plato is the witness and sponsor.

VIII. Observe the form of the most ancient men, ^B dweller of Sicily, Corinthian, who once drank the much-famed waters of Syracusan Arethusa.

IX.

On a one-day theater, that is, a hunting-theater, in which men fight with wild beasts.

OF LEO THE PHILOSOPHER: CANCRI.

I, a wise man already being above, joy of those above, smile, ^C speaking of the things below; if I am above commotions, already I am a wise man. O you, without beginning, I have stained your law with disease. To you, the light, Photius is wise. In mind, Leon, not profitable, is a wise man whose thoughts are folly. I am sick, you who are the remedy, Jesus, save me. Wash away my transgressions, not only my face. Your holy lips, O Sun, all joy flows from them. Have the common law as your steward. In the tomb, and you have dived into the light, what? Blameless, heal the disease, heal the body. The flesh which you took, King, within as you grew, you twisted. You are mine, O honorable one, mine.

Eat, a great bean-eater, O my race, in which I am in the midst. Bring up the shrouds, I am sick, O Savior, with fever, save me. You will say, Thomas in Samos is a new priest. The King was consumed by whatever I wore away. Legally the abbot Sabbas chose the hyssop. Speak, your blood, Damian, drank. Wise things and not, one earth and a tomb. The fool said: Orphan, drink. In all things you are beautiful, you are beautiful... (sic) The beggar bound the skin in a way. A wise man cast the wet, took grain. Bring me, O wise one, a cloud, bring me.

IMPERIAL POEM OF LEO IN IAMBICS ON THE MARTYRDOM OF ST. CLEMENT

Of Leo, who holds the scepters in his right hand, ^D Always reigning, of whom he also provided a discourse, Offering a gift of speech to him who gave the shedding of blood, Having received the inheritance of the Lord as a recompense, To Clement who turned away heresy by his contest, Master priest, bless for me this speech.

FRAGMENTS OF THE PHILOSOPHER LEO

Wishful to praise the athletic contests, I see for myself a great struggle of words, etc.

Another fragment of the same poem

And even at this very Word, offered in sacrifice, Having poured libations, they cut off the hair of Clement, That hair which the life-originating hand of the Master Wove into an undefiled crown; Seeing IT honored, the choir of angels, Turning at the sound of the songs, Cried out in celebration of the strength of the struggle.

FRAGMENTS OF LEO’S HOMILY ON ST. TRYPHON

This was the struggle of the crowned athlete; this was the trophy of the truth. ^B The multitude of martyrs jubilated; the gates of heaven received the soldier of the truth with the grave splendor of victory. The Bestower of crowns crowned his fair head with a diadem; He confessed him a participant of the kingdom before the Father, in return for the confession he had given before men unto Him. He clothed him in the garment of incorruptibility, for he had seen the fabric of corruption rent apart in the struggles he had undertaken for His sake.

... Thus, you who are still fascinated by invisible beauties—the beauty of Him whom nothing escapes—receive the miracles as if they were gifts of love. But now, having loosened the bonds of the flesh, and with the brilliant bringing of your struggles having come to the Lover, you are rewarded with more majestic gifts, as the reward for your labors is added to your former prize. Now, with those choirs who, being light, fulfill the liturgy, ^C you celebrate the festival with others as one immaterial before the great Light, revered by them for the way you are seen to be formed by the sufferings of the Master. And while previously they marveled at your soul as they considered its beauty when it was still covered by the density of clay, now, clearly seeing your virtue, they are increasingly drawn by the winch of desire. Now you enjoy that sweetness of which you once received a pledge during the bitterness of your torments—not a sweetness hoped for, but one actually present. But in these things, the blessed soul, infused by the divine, rejoices above.

FRAGMENTS OF LEO’S HOMILIES ON ST. DEMETRIUS

Nothing invites one so much to rejoice. Let us, therefore, celebrate and be glad on this holy day, on which the noble soldier of Christ, the great martyr Demetrius, having ceased from his labors, migrated to the blessed rest; in which, having put to shame his adversaries before the Bestower of the prize, he stood ^D and was adorned with the crown of glory upon his renowned head.

... God, in the midst of the gods, received the athlete, welcoming him as a co-heir of His own glory. O blessed sight! O sweet enjoyment! O glory and exultation, to which the sufferings of the present age are not worthy. Thus, then, the martyr, having shaken off the obstacles of his earthen shell, flew up to the immaterial abodes. He found there the end of his passion; he saw clearly, he who could not bear to remain in mirrors, but even while still finishing his course below, had his mind lifted up to things above. He inherited the glory for which he had set aside human glory; he was numbered with the angels, whose way of life he had emulated; he was gladdened by the choirs of the Patriarchs, whose footsteps he had followed.

THE TACTICS OF EMPEROR LEO, OR A BOOK ON MILITARY AFFAIRS

TO THE MOST ILLUSTRIOUS AND MOST POWERFUL LORDS, THE STATES GENERAL OF THE UNITED PROVINCES OF BELGIUM, FATHERS OF THE FATHERLAND, JOANNES MEURSIUS DEDICATES AND CONSECRATES THIS WORK.

Most illustrious and most powerful Lords, I bring forth into the light Emperor Leo, now discoursing on military affairs in his own language, whereas hitherto he has acted only through an interpreter, and I offer him to you. Some perhaps will criticize me, as if this were inopportune, while arms are silent during a truce; to these, indeed, I shall reply that their reasoning is not sound. For when even in the profoundest peace it is necessary to think of war—as it is known to the wise men of old—what sane man, with arms laid aside for only twelve years, would call the contemplation of war alien from so short a time of truce? Certainly, weapons should be studied in peace, so that the knowledge of them may be ready and useful in war. Moreover, this Leo reached out to you of his own accord, deeming himself owed to you, who, most experienced in the long practice of military affairs, would know how to hold honor for arms and their teachers. For who among mortals today is ignorant of the war, most grave, which has been waged for so many years under your auspices, directed by the most illustrious Prince Maurice of Nassau, whose virtue, even greater than any praise, and his incomparable merits toward your republic, no age shall ever obliterate? Let us unfold the monuments of all histories, let us review the wars of all centuries; no one will find anything that can be compared with this of yours. And so posterity will scarcely be able to believe it when it reads what has been recorded in the best of good faith. It will marvel that a peaceful people, ignorant of military service through a very long peace, dared to take up arms against the most powerful king of the entire Christian world; it will marvel that from such small beginnings, it arrived at that greatness, fuller of courage than of hope, Through various chances, through so many difficult things.

Among which, as your singular prudence always shone forth, so too did that invincible constancy with which, under arms, you never failed to hold the helm, and kept your mind unshaken even in the most afflicted circumstances. Doubtless, this you always considered: that it belongs to the united Belgians both to do and to suffer brave things for public liberty and its protection. Truly, it is a vast benefit which your subjects have received from you, nor is it easily to be estimated; and that must be consecrated by some eternal monument, lest posterity be ignorant of it. So that this may be done, I shall contribute as much as depends on me; I shall shortly lay it before the eyes of all in my History, which, as I consider it the greatest honor to me that I adorn it by your command, so I also consider that equal thanks are to be rendered to you by that name. But because I judged myself unable to do this sufficiently, I appointed this emperor, so that what my insignificance might subtract from your merit, he himself, with all his majesty, might supply. And here I stop, humbly venerating that eternal Divinity, most illustrious and most powerful Lords, that He may bless you and your councils, and with a kindly hand set the seal upon so excellent a work, confirming these truces with peace, of glory to Himself and of safety to your republic. Leiden, the fourth day before the Ides of February, 1672.

KIND READER, You have the Tactics of Leo. They appear complete, except for a few paragraphs, from three imperfect codices: one of which I used from the library of the King of France, another of the Elector Palatine, and the third of Joannes Pistorius, a man most prompt in assisting literature. The Royal codex was mutilated at the beginning and the end; the Palatine in the middle and the end; the Pistorian only in the middle. In the Palatine there were only the first eleven Constitutions along with XIV, XV, and XVI.

And so the XVII, XVIII, XX, and XXI were supplied from the Pistorian [manuscript]. There remained then the XII and XIII, which appeared in neither; these, as soon as I had arrived in Paris, I copied from the Royal [manuscript]; whence also I filled many gaps which were present throughout the X, XI, and those later ones which I had received from the Pistorian. I would have wished to see also the English [manuscript], from which John Cheke prepared his version, which I present here, so that you might not desire anything. In some places it was better than ours; in others, again, ours were better than it. To point this out one by one, it did not seem worth the effort, as you yourself would easily and incidentally notice while reading, if you were to compare them. You will also find some passages sufficiently corrupted which could certainly have been amended from Cheke’s codex, but because I did not possess it, I thought it better to abstain from uncertain conjecture. Some things, however, whose correction was obvious, I amended while I was working with the printer, and I have appended them at the end. Use these, then, and enjoy them, with the same candor with which they are communicated to you by me, if you ask me to publish other things that I have. Farewell, and whoever you are, think on Eternity.

INDEX OF TACTICS

OF THE MILITARY PREPARATIONS: INDEX

TACTICS OF EMPEROR LEO

PROOEMIUM

PREFACE

^A ...the splendor and fruit of our greatness, nor does anything among the things desired and held in honor by men delight our Majesty as much as the peace and prosperity of our subjects, and the establishment and restoration of civil affairs to a better state through them. Just as, on the contrary, nothing so distresses and grieves our heart as the misfortune of those under our hand, and the diminution and decline, through neglect, of the goods surrounding them. For if, in the case of even one man committed to our care, progress toward the better brings us unspeakable joy, while a decline toward the worse brings a pain of soul that is insurmountable, what must we not suffer for so many myriads who, after God, are dependent upon our providence, whose concern and care we owe, for whom we keep watch by night and contemplate by day, that they may be preserved free from every annoyance and injury, and may duly enjoy every joy and ^B prosperity? But while a small decline in other matters concerning the state is perhaps perceived, we do not consider the damage as great. But when the art of strategy has failed, the affairs of the Romans have fallen as much as the experience of the present time places before the eyes of all as plain to see. For all men, honored by the image of God and by reason, ought to embrace peace, and cherish love for one another, and not arm murderous hands against their own kin. Since, however, the man-slaying devil from the beginning, and the enemy of our race, being powerful in sin, has contrived to make men wage war against their own nature, it is absolutely necessary that men should confront his machinations brought about through men, and not deliver themselves to nations that bring war, but seek their own salvation through the science of military discipline, and preserve themselves safe from the incursions of the enemy, and inflict upon them what they are worthy to suffer, so that, once the wickedness of the nefarious men has been cut off and the salvation of all secured, peace may be loved and maintained among all. ^C For as long, it seems, as matters regarding war were in good order for the Romans, the empire did not fail to receive divine assistance for many years, and the labor of the best men, joined with good order, confirmed the splendor of victory all the more. But now that the tactical and strategic establishment has been neglected for no small time—not to say has fallen into complete oblivion, so that even those attempting to command do not understand things that are ready at hand—^D for as long as there was a preservation of order in war for the Romans, the empire did not lack divine protection, and the labor of the best men, joined with the preservation of order, brought greater splendor to victory; but now that both the system of drawing up battle lines and the imperial art have lain neglected for a long time, so that I might add that they have fallen into deep oblivion, with not even the commander himself learning things that are at hand...

and we see varied perturbations brought in. For since this art, which was the parent and producer of many goods and great things, by which the ancient Roman republic once flourished, has once collapsed from its former standing, we see that divine benevolence has also departed, and the victory accustomed among them has slipped from the hands of the soldiers. For by the ^A gradual neglect of order and discipline in war, the courage of the elite has also, as it seems, diminished. At one time we blame the laziness or cowardice of the soldiers, at another time we find fault with the inexperience or timidity of the generals. Sometimes we neglect the understanding of the ancients because it is obscure. Desiring therefore, with God’s help, to recover this most useful science, and to recall it, as it were, after it had been driven out of our Roman state, we have not hesitated ^B to undertake this labor ourselves with such great zeal, so that the utility derived from it might be brought to all in common.

For since we have diligently studied the ancient and modern writers on military affairs and imperial strategy, and have diligently applied our efforts to other histories that entrust feats of war to memory in prose, and if besides there is anything in human hands suitable for military use, and whatever in our own age, through moderate experience, seemed to bring some moment to the state of our affairs, we have examined these in the undertaking of all our operations and the management of our affairs, and we have, as it were, harvested what was best among them. And what brought a certain manifest and evident utility, I have embraced in the fewest words possible, and deliver it in the place of a promulgated law, pursuing the substance of things more than the ornaments of words, so that by prescribing a certain compendious discipline of military affairs to our prefects and to those to whom the care of military matters is committed, they may easily perceive how ^C it is possible for those who wish and desire it to proceed to greater and more lofty things by a certain order and rank. In all this treatment of matters, we have applied no elegance of speech or ornament of words; we have followed the weight of the subject, the clarity of speech, and the simplicity of expression as much as could be done. Whence we have sometimes added Greek terms for military matters, sometimes we have used Latin words, and we have not rejected other expressions already accepted in military usage, so that all might recognize these things clearly and distinctly. We have removed all treatments of matters that were not at all necessary, whatever was superfluous or useless, so that a certain compendious and expedited method of military affairs and expeditions—useful not only in word, but approved by the very deeds and actions of the ancients, and transmitted even to our own times, although not at all by the deeds by which the Roman empire once flourished, yet by speech and letters—^D might be preserved. But as much as in the things to be said, the

^A result has been shown to be useful, thanks be to Christ, the giver of all good things, the King of the universe and our God, who has also bestowed grace upon our words. And if anyone, through this very study and experience, discovers something better than these things, thanks be also in this case to the all-good God, and may indulgence be granted to us for the sake of our zeal.

Indeed, it is altogether necessary for those who wish to command as generals to spend time in both tactical and strategic exercises, whether more or less. For wars are not decided by a multitude of men and boldness, as some of the ignorant suppose, but rather by the favor of God and by strategy and order, which must be cared for more than the gathering of an untimely multitude; for the former ^B brings both safety and benefit to those who use it well, but the latter brings destruction and costly waste.

For just as it is not possible to cross the seas in a merchant ship without the art of navigation, so neither is it possible to engage in our wars honorably—nor to finish them once engaged—without military and strategic art, by which it is possible, with God, to overcome not only an enemy ^C of equal and matching number, but also one exceeding in number by far. Just as, therefore, we have commanded you to listen attentively and diligently to the present treatise, which, as has been said, is like some other simple military law that we are dictating to you.

It is necessary, therefore, first to describe the science of military tactics. And what a commander is, and then what kind of person the commander ought to be, and how it is necessary to deliberate. Next, to arrange the division of the army into commanders and the commanded, and the other equipment, and the construction of weapons, and the arming of each of those fighting. In addition to these, the training of the commander before the ^D true struggles. Then the penalties that have been set down must be read out; then to speak about making a journey, both in one’s own territory and in enemy territory; concerning the so-called *touldon*, and indeed also concerning the *aplekta*. Concerning the preparation and the orders, and what must be done before the day of battle, and what is required on the day of battle. And further, concerning sieges; then also what is owed after the war, and the unexpected onsets through ambushes, both our own and the enemy’s. And in addition to these, the studies of the various formations of foreign nations and of the Romans. Then, in addition to what has been said, to set forth moderately concerning naval battle. And in addition to all these, I shall gather together certain tactical and strategic maxims specifically, which, it is clear, the conciseness and ready method of the chapters do not allow to be set forth in their proper places. Instructed in these things, one who, as commander, abounds in wisdom and speed of intellect...

we hope will become even wiser. And first of all, it must begin from here.

CONSTITUTIO PRIMA. On military affairs and the commander.

1. Military science is the knowledge of the movements of war. Now, the movements of war are twofold: for some occur on land, others on the sea. ^A

2. Tactics is the art of the commander concerning the drawing up of battle lines, weaponry, and military movements.

3. Strategy is the joint exercise, that is, study and training, of good commanders, along with strategems, that is, the gathering of trophies. ^B

4. The purpose of tactics is to move against the enemy through all possible stratagems and actions.

5. Military utility consists in engaging the enemy with an orderly and arranged battle line.

6. The goal of tactics is to arrange the army as faultlessly as possible.

7. Perfect preparation for the enemy is twofold: one by land, which is infantry, and one by sea, which is naval. Concerning naval affairs, we shall speak later. As for the multitude of men who assemble for wars, the one part is fighting, that is, martial; the other is unwarlike, having come for the needs of the former. The martial part, then, is the soldiery that is drawn up against the enemies. The remainder is unwarlike, such as physicians, servants, merchants, and others who follow for the sake of these services. Of the fighting part, that is, the martial army, one portion is infantry, the other is cavalry. And the infantry is strictly that which stands on the ground, while the cavalry is that which rides on horses. There was also at one time that which was upon scythed chariots, and upon elephants carrying towers filled with men. ^C But there is no account of these things for us now, because of their uselessness and the complete inactivity of such equipment.

8. Tactics having thus been described in moderation, it is necessary also to define what a commander is, and who is worthy of such an undertaking.

9. A commander, therefore, is he who possesses the greatest power of all, under the king, over the province committed to him. ^D

10. A commander is the chief leader of the military theme under his hand, appointed by the Emperor; he approves some of the leaders under him by his own vote if they are sent from the Emperor, and he designates others by his own authority.

11. It is the duty of a commander to excel all those under his command in wisdom, bravery, justice, and temperance.

12. Administration of the province assigned to him is to be referred to him, as much as relates to military, private, and public affairs.

13. ^A To receive the unorganized army and set it in order properly, according to the tactical arrangement suitable for the time. 14. The purpose of the commander-in-chief is to increase the theme [province] under him, and to preserve it unharmed both from enemies and from other wrongdoings, disorders, and dissensions. He must humble the enemies by every method—whether by war or by unexpected incursions—and as for what he plans to inflict upon the enemies, he must guard against suffering the same things from them. 15. The final goal for a commander-in-chief who has fared well in all things is to enjoy both divine and royal favor; but if he should neglect what is fitting and appropriate to his affairs, he must expect the opposite to befall him. Since, therefore, the image of the commander-in-chief has been sketched out, it is necessary, as if by means of wealth, for us to depict his quality, and to show clearly who and what sort of person he ought to be when he is appointed as a leader to such authority. ^B

CONSTITUTION II. On the sort of person the commander-in-chief ought to be.

1. We therefore command the commander-in-chief to be temperate in his body, self-controlled in his diet, sober and vigilant, frugal and simple in his needs, enduring of labors, sensible and prudent, hating the love of money, of good reputation, neither young nor old, capable of speaking off-the-cuff in the midst of the people—and if it should happen, also a parent of children—not loving commerce or anything of that sort, nor small-minded so as to desire even trivial things, and simply noble in soul—and if possible, in body also—and in all things magnanimous. ^C

2. He must be temperate, so that he is not dragged off by the pleasures of nature and abandon the care and diligence required for essential matters.

3. He must be self-controlled, since he is about to obtain such great authority. For the unbridled and licentious impulses, when they have gained power through the authority to do whatever they wish, become uncontrollable toward desires.

4. He must be sober and vigilant, so that he may be watchful during the most important operations. For at night, when the soul is most at rest, the mind of the ^D commander-in-chief is often both corrected and perfected.

5. He must be simple and unencumbered as to his needs; for extravagant and plentiful cares consume both time, making it useless, and the expenses necessary for the upkeep of the commanders.

6. He must be enduring of labors, so that he is not the first among the troops to seek rest, but rather becomes for them an example for enduring labors with nobility of spirit.

^A 7. Circumspect and prudent. For it is necessary for the commander to cast his gaze everywhere by the rapidity of his mind; for unexpected disturbances often arise, and demand the immediate invention of present aid.

8. Despising money. Indeed, the lack of avarice in a commander is proven when he stands at the head of affairs without being open to bribery and with greatness of mind, and for the sake of virtue alone offers offices of the subject-matter under him without charge. For many are both brave in soul and robust in body against enemies, but when they look upon gold, they are blinded and darkened in their minds. For greed is a terrible weapon for a commander, and the most effective for overcoming and casting him down.

9. Neither a young man nor one heavy with age; since the young man, on account of his age, has an untrustworthy and unstable mind because of his youth, and the old man is weak in body and neither of them is altogether secure: the former, so that he may not fall into error because of thoughtless boldness, like one who is brash; the latter, that he may not, by reason of natural physical weakness, fail in the things that must be done. The best election, therefore, is of one of constant and middle age, being neither young nor of advancing age.

10. For power and strength exist in one who has not yet grown old, while prudence and stability exist in one who has passed beyond adolescence. For those who admire strength of body without mental prudence, or conversely praise a prudent soul without strength of body, have grasped no good end. For prudence, if deprived of strength, has accomplished nothing; strength, if stripped of prudence, accomplishes nothing at all.

11. ^B We know that a commander beloved by his subjects becomes more reputable; for he will greatly benefit those who are governed. For those whom men love, they quickly obey when they command, they do not resist when they speak or promise, and they fight alongside them when they are in danger. Such a thing is love, that one lays down his life for the beloved.

12. We prefer a father of children to one without children, though we do not reject the one who has no children, if he is a good man. For the commander who has children, if they are infants, becomes much more fervent in the pursuit of the affairs of life, struggling for the sake of the love and well-being of his children. If, however, they are of mature age, having become counselors, fellow-commanders, and faithful ministers, they help to bring to completion the tasks undertaken for the common safety. ^D For this reason, a father seems to be preferred to one without children.

13. Skilled in speaking and addressing the people; for I consider that he greatly benefits the army thereby. For if a commander, when the army is drawn up for battle, [encourages it] through his speech from the tower, for many it becomes a terrible thing, and he makes them disdain even death itself.

^A 14. If a setback should occur to the army, the consolation of a speech revives the spirit; and a general’s speech capable of comforting the misfortunes of an army is far more useful than the physicians who take care of the wounds. For they cure only those who are wounded by their remedies, and perhaps over a longer period of time, whereas he, immediately, makes both those in pain and those who are exhausted more cheerful, and raises up the strong to courage and greatness of soul.

15. We say that a man is illustrious because the masses are indignant at being subjected to base men. For no one willingly endures having a worse man as his master and leader. ^B

16. It seems to me that there is an absolute necessity for the general who is found to possess all the virtues we have mentioned to be also illustrious. For such great virtue does not allow a person to remain unknown for long.

17. We say that one should not appoint a general who is wealthy for the sake of his money, if he does not have these virtues, nor should we overlook a poor man because of his poverty, if he is a good man. We do not reject the wealthy man because of his wealth, but if he does not possess the virtues appropriate to a general. Nor do we choose a poor man because he is poor, but because he has a warlike and noble soul. For we do not reject anyone because of fortune, but rather we judge both of them by their character. ^C

18. A wealthy man who is also good differs from a noble poor man as much as gold-plated and gilded armor exceeds that which is bronze and iron; for the former excel in splendid decoration, while the latter fight with the active strength itself.

19. I call a poor man noble, if he is not a profiteer or a bribe-taker; for it is never profitable to appoint as general a profiteer, even if he happens to be most wealthy.

20. Furthermore, neither should one appoint a miserly person or one who is openly obsessed with profit, or a merchant, or anyone else practicing something of that kind; for such people are necessarily narrow-minded, obsessed with profit, and anxious about the accumulation of money, while possessing none of the noble pursuits. ^D

21. If a man is a descendant of illustrious and renowned ancestors, one should value this, yet one should not absolutely require such nobility; if it is absent, one should not on this account judge the general as unworthy, if he is well-possessed of the art of generalship.

Constitution 3

22. ^A Just as we examine all animals by their own deeds and habits to see whether they are noble or sluggish, so too must the nobility of men be judged not by their ancestors, but by their own deeds and achievements. For how is it not unseemly and ignorant that common soldiers should be honored for their own prowess and struggles—not for those who are glorious through their ancestors, but for those who have personally performed some glorious deed—while generals are chosen because of their ancestors, even if they themselves are useless?

23. Nay, rather, it is through their own virtue ^B and not by lineage that men are rendered glorious. If such men also possess glorious ancestors, the general is fortunate; but if the virtues are absent, even if these ancestors are present, he is ineffective.

24. Perhaps someone might think that those who have nothing from their ancestors to boast about will be better generals. For those who are glorified because of their birth, and possess the reputation derived from them, are often more sluggish and indifferent; but those who possess no reputation from their ancestors, wishing to compensate for this paternal obscurity through their own zeal, set about their tasks with greater eagerness to face danger. Just as the poor strive more laboriously than the well-off to acquire the necessities and comforts of life, seeking to make up for what is lacking in their fortune; so too do those who have not inherited a reputation from their fathers strive to acquire a reputation for themselves through their own deeds.

25. ^C For these reasons, then, let a general be selected who is noble and wealthy. But let not a poor man be rejected if he possesses virtue, even if he does not descend from brilliant and illustrious ancestors.

26. ^D To summarize: the general should, if possible, be handsome in body, brave, industrious, quick-witted, valiant, zealous, ready to face danger, and above all, godly and most diligent in divine matters.

27. He should be temperate regarding the pleasures of the body, but ravenous and insatiable for praise in honest undertakings.

28. He should be sharp and shrewd in discerning what is necessary to act upon in uncertain situations.

29. He should be most successful at inferring hidden matters from those that are apparent.

30. He should be skilled in equipping and arraying an army.

31. He should be adept at stirring up the fallen spirits of the army with words, filling them with good hopes, and making them ready to face danger.

32. He should be a most constant guardian of appointed and agreed-upon matters.

33. He should be secure, so as not to be led astray by men who are powerful in speech, who wish to draw him toward the worse course of action.

34. Regarding wealth, he should be sparing and frugal for his own pleasures, but generous and open-handed in benefiting those under him, and especially in expenditures for the common good. ^A

35. Therefore, the general who is appointed, such as our discourse has portrayed him in nature, character, and habits, must also be, upon his appointment to command, good, affable, ready, and imperturbable.

36. He should not be so mild and gentle as to be treated with contempt, nor so fearsome as to be hated; so that neither through carelessness does he relax the strictness of the army and bring about contempt, nor through fear does he alienate the people from his own love.

37. The other things that such a man must practice in the occasional and timely administrations, and whatever he must guard against, we have now condensed because of the length, but in the breadth of the tactical work being issued by us, we shall mention them point by point, as far as we are able. ^B

38. We hope that a general such as this, and one who maintains himself in this manner, once chosen by our majesty, will enjoy both the favor of God, and our goodwill, and the salvation of the public, and good repute among all, and prosperity in his life in Christ, the only eternal and unending King. But having thus completed the description of the general’s condition, come, let us set him as it were before the eyes of our reign, and through this following exhortation of ours, let us set forth those things which are most necessary and suitable to the military and imperial art. ^C

39. Before all other things, O general, we offer you this first exhortation and command: that you take care of godliness and justice, and that you look constantly before your eyes to God, and fear Him, and love Him with all your heart, and with all your soul, and after Him, us; and that you perform His commandments, and from this acquire His favor, so that—if I may speak more boldly—in a time of emergency, as a friend to a friend, you may pray with confidence, trusting in the common Master of all, and having the hopes of salvation, you may ask this of Him in a friendly manner. For He is unfailing who said: "He will fulfill the desire of them that fear Him, and He will hear their prayer and save them." ^D

40. For you must know that there is no plan that can be rightly accomplished without divine favor, even if you seem to be of great prudence, nor is it possible to prevail over enemies, even if they are thought to be weak, because all things are contained in the providence of God, and even those things that seem the most trivial are governed by His providence.

41. For just as a ship's captain, even if he is most excellent, if the winds are not blowing favorably, is unable to act...

^A possesses the art, yet has it almost in vain, but if one joins the art to it, he successfully doubles the ship’s speed with safety. Thus also an excellent general, if he puts on the benevolence of God, and employs order, strategy, vigilant wakefulness, and care well, and governs the army entrusted to him safely, can also fight against the complex judgment of the enemies. For the providence of God will both teach what is for one’s advantage and will bring matters to a good end. Such a man, therefore, being pious regarding faith and just regarding his actions, acting as if upon a good and unshakable foundation, will build up other goods.

42. Become mild and untroubled to those who encounter you. For the savage nature of a character is hateful and to be shunned. ^B

43. Be frugal and simple regarding diet and clothing, for luxury exhausts necessary expenses to no purpose.

44. Be vigilant and diligent in undertaking necessary business, and not slothful and careless. For diligence and perseverance easily set right even very difficult matters, and he who is contemptuous of a matter will be despised by it.

45. Do nothing regarding great and necessary matters without counsel. But if you have taken counsel later, perform what has been decided without any delay or hesitation, just as physicians do in cases of illness. ^C

46. Show yourself equal to your subjects in all things, doing nothing with iniquity or partiality, which they call respect of persons, but treat all things equally and justly according to the nature of justice.

47. Do not be slack and careless because of pride in dealing with those who have committed offenses out of malice or negligence, under the pretext of seeming to be good; for it is not good to cooperate with malice and sloth, especially in times of crisis and necessary matters; nor again, for the sake of showing severity, perform your execution of penalties rashly and indiscriminately; for the former brings contempt and disobedience, the latter brings reasonable hatred and its fruits. For better is fear with justice, and a reasonable execution of penalty after the cause has been made clear, which is considered by the wise not as a punishment, but a correction for those who think rightly. ^D

48. Before all things, when arming for war, take care that the beginning of such a war is just, and never lay unjust hands upon enemies, unless they first, because of their accustomed impiety, have begun a campaign and invaded our territory.

49. For since we always cherish peace both toward our subjects and toward the barbarians for the sake of Christ, the King and God of all, if the nations are content and remain within their own borders and promise to do no harm, then you also restrain your hands from them, and do not pollute the earth with blood, either civil or foreign; for what you reproach them for, that—

as regards the innocent who have laid no hands on anyone, nor committed any injustice—they themselves, if they have done nothing against the subjects of our empire but have remained peaceable, will rightfully reproach you if you make war upon them. ^A For it is fitting that we, who as far as lies in our power make peace with all men, should also establish peace and abstain from war with those nations that wish to be tranquil and attempt to do no injury to us or our subjects, since we prefer peace to all other things.

v. But if the opposing party is not wise, but is the first to begin injustice, ravaging our land, then, when a just cause is laid before you—for an unjust war is being initiated by the adversary—take up the conflict against them boldly and with zeal, ^B as they have provided the cause and have laid violent hands upon our subjects; be of good courage then, for you will have the God of justice as your helper, and by undertaking the struggles on behalf of your brothers, you will have a splendid victory with your whole army. For this reason, therefore, we exhort your excellence to observe in all things that the beginnings of war be made justly, and only then to arm your hands against those who act unjustly.

va'. Endeavor in all things and at all times to show yourself to be better than your subjects, and especially in your faith in God, in piety, and in the other virtues. For the multitude of those who are governed is accustomed to conform itself to the thoughts of their leaders, ^C so that, according to the old proverb, deer may not rule over lions, but lions over deer.

vb'. And these, General, are as it were in summary the dictates of our imperial constitution, which our requirement for brevity does not permit to be dilated further. It is permitted to you, however, upon inquiry, to obtain greater and more sufficient benefit from the clauses contained in this our book, and furthermore from those things which we have gathered at length in the parallel single book of the Tactics.

vg'. Therefore, keeping these things, be eager to increase and add to your good deeds, so that by multiplying what is commanded with your zealous intent, you may have first God as the praiser of your actions, ^D and then also our imperial power, receiving from both rewards worthy of your toils.

CONSTITUTION III.

On how one ought to take counsel.

Since it is necessary that counsel should precede every action—for the management of affairs without prior deliberation is not safe, even if from time to time someone may boast that he has succeeded as if by a sudden stroke of fortune.

2. Therefore, we enjoin you, before other things, that for every action—especially those of a military nature—you consult beforehand with those of your commanders who seem to you qualified for this matter, such as the tourmarchs and the rest. And when the plan has been confirmed by discussion, proceed with zeal and diligence to bring to a close the task you have deliberated upon, provided that nothing contrary occurs, as is often the case. I shall now explain to you what the nature of counsel is and how you may safely carry out a plan. 3. Counsel is a deliberation concerning whether to do something or not. If it is not to be done, you must immediately desist. If it is to be done, you must consider the manner of execution, or the "how"; the time, or the "when"; the place, or the "where"; the subject, or the "what" is to be done; the person who is to undertake this and bring it to a conclusion; and the reason, or the cause, for which the action is being undertaken. ^B 4. Let the one who is deliberating with himself first keep his mind free from all other matters, and especially from those pertaining to the affair about which he is deliberating, whether hatred, friendship, or any other passion. 5. Then, do not choose only what seems easy and confine your attention to that, but foresee all things that can potentially happen; for perhaps, after the affair has begun, something else may suggest itself to you that is more advantageous, which you previously overlooked. ^C 6. If you choose not to deliberate by yourself, but wish to include others in the discussion, prepare yourself likewise to be dispassionate, just as if you were deliberating alone. Include as consultants those who are experienced in the matter, far-sighted and discerning, fellows in your struggles and successes, clever at devising plans, and faithful—men who will not give in to you out of favor, nor to the one who is undertaking the task, nor to one another, but who speak what they truly see, possess integrity in their opinions, are free from bias, and offer no influence of their own, but at that very moment seek only what is most advantageous. ^D 7. For there are some who, seeing their own private advantage in a matter—for the sake of others they love or care for—direct the judgment of the case toward that end; and because they are persistent, they divert the entire counsel away from the common utility toward what they themselves desire. 8. For secret and hidden matters, take on those who are faithful, temperate, and taciturn, and who are under their own control and not that of others, since such secret affairs, in order to remain more secure, have no need of a multitude for their knowledge. 9. Deliberate late, if the necessity requires speed; but when you have deliberated, if nothing stands in the way, act quickly. 10. And choose the time, as has been said, and likewise the place…

and construct that which is appropriate to the matter; yet do not refer the judgment concerning these things to yourself alone, but to all who share in the matter with you. And consider what you ought to do, and deliberate with many, but communicate what you decide to do with few; and when you have chosen the better counsel, keep it to yourself, so that it may not become apparent to the adversaries and ^A you become well-laid open to their plots.

11. Diverse matters often bring with them multiple objectives. Perhaps any circumstance will become manifest in every part, if the opinions of each of the councilors are brought together into one during the deliberation.

12. All ought to incline and run together toward a truthful and impassive discussion, and toward the care and concern for the one who has convened them.

13. Let the end of the deliberation for you be the finding of what is to be done, how it is to be done, and where, and when; and if you do not act, for what reason you do not act.

14. In those matters about which you deliberate, and in the objectives that fall within the council, it is necessary that two things run together: that it be possible, and that it be useful; for if these two are not present, the council is understood to be weak and futile from the outset, and its irrationality is seen as if before one’s eyes.

15. For if what you deliberate upon is not useful to you, you will not only not benefit, but rather you will suffer harm. But if, on the other hand, you are not able to perform what has been deliberated, the consideration is futile, arriving at a senseless end due to the inability to act. Above all, it is necessary to guard against the harms that are easily encountered in matters; for the many are ready to delight themselves with concerns, but are not accustomed to foresee the harm that falls out.

16. Therefore, an all-around circumspection is most useful here, and a calculation ^B of all things that are possible to happen in the investigation; for thus you will not betray yourself to blind rashness, nor, being enticed by the desires of the actions, will you fall into manifest dangers.

17. Again, being timid and without courage is not harmless; for he who fears irrational mistakes, and who handles the things that seem opposed to you unreasonably, often neglects the matters that are advantageous to you, and withdraws from their execution.

18. Thus, therefore, having gone through the matter of the council in a few words, O commander, we shall next begin the tactical matters of warlike works and actions. ^C

CONSTITUTION IV

On the division of the army, and the appointment of officers.

1. We command, therefore, your Excellency, according to the custom from above and from the beginning, to choose the soldiers and their officers, whom you judge to be capable for the needs of war. You shall choose soldiers from all ^D of the territory subject to your command neither the young, nor the old, but brave,

^A strong, vigorous, courageous, and wealthy, so that while they are engaged in the expedition, or in the gathering of the host—which today we call the *Fossaton*—in their own service, they might have others at home to work the land and provide the equipment and other things necessary for the soldier; and so that they may meanwhile have homes free from all other public service. For we do not wish our fellow-soldier (for so we call the man who has conducted himself bravely in war for the sake of our reign and this Christ-loving Roman Commonwealth) to be subject to any other labor of any kind whatsoever, except only for the public tax.

2. Let the entire army under you be divided into *tagmata*, or what are called *banda*, and let it be further subdivided into *dekarchiai*. Let them also be organized into so-called *kontoubernia*. These shall consist sometimes of five, sometimes of ten men, that is to say, by *dekarchia*, or one *kontoubernion*, or two.

3. Let the whole army be enrolled in this manner into *tagmata* and *dekarchiai*. Let there be appointed over them officers for the *banda*, for the *droungoi*, for the *tourmai*, and for the other necessary ranks, who are most capable—that is, those whom we find to be both faithful and well-disposed to our Roman Commonwealth, and who are also attested to be brave. Nor is there anything to prevent them from being wealthy and prosperous, or noble in terms of both lineage and the virtue of the soul. They must possess nobility so that they may be prompt in the swiftness of the moment to act upon what they are ordered; and prosperity, so that they may be able, out of their own abundance, to provide for their soldiers, if need be. For a small contribution given by the leading officers to those under their command renders the rank and file most well-disposed and friendly toward them, and prepares them to fight alongside them unto the end in the dangers ^C that naturally fall upon them.

4. Let those among them who are of higher standing and more honored be assessors to the general. Let them be present and participate in all deliberation, and be partners, if the need so requires, even in the most secret and concealed counsel. For it may happen that even the best man might ponder within himself what is useful, and think that what he himself has invented is, without any doubt, the best. For the opinion and counsel of any individual, if it is solitary and of one man alone, looks only to its own invention; but if the counsel of other men is added, that counsel is examined; its quality becomes clear, and once approved by many, it is believed to contain nothing slippery or uncertain.

5. It is fitting, therefore, that the general—so that we may once again admonish you concerning these same things—should neither have so unsteady a mind that he is entirely distrustful of himself, nor, conversely, be so stubborn and solitary as not to wish to learn from others some better thought. For he needs to recognize that if he either attends to the advice of all others in everything, trusting nothing to himself, he often falls into frequent errors; or if he relies on no one else, but trusts only in himself, he will often ^D fall shamefully.

^A Since this is the case, we shall first simply recount for you the appointed commanders, and then, to speak succinctly, we shall define their insignia.

5. The first head is the general, and after him the *merarchai* [division commanders], then the *tourmarchai*, then the *droungarioi* [battalion commanders], then the *komites* [counts], that is, the commanders of the so-called *banda*. Then the *kentarchoi* [centurions], following them the *dekarchoi* [decurions], that is, the first of the so-called *akia* [files]. Then the *pentarchoi* and next the *tetrarchai*, who are also called *ouragoi* [rear-guards] because they are stationed at the very end of the file in the depth or thickness of the battle formation. For the man at the very end of the whole file, that is, of the line, stands as if at its tail. These, then, are the titles of the commanders. ^B There are also other officials assigned to each *tagma*, or *bandon*, such as *bandophoroi* [standard-bearers], *salpinktai* [cavalry trumpeters], that is, *boukinatores*, attendants, physicians, and *dipotatoi*, as well as *mandatores* [messengers] and *parakletores*, who by their words stir up the army to the struggles; those before us, and those more recent than the others skilled in the art of war, called them in Latin *cantatores*. And there are others aside from these appointed for daily emerging needs, such as the *scribones* and the rest. For these are the names known to the current state, while the ancient ones have been passed over in silence; these we shall note in their proper place.

6. The general is therefore called the head and leader of the army. The *hypostratēgos* [lieutenant-general] is he who fulfills the second rank after this man. ^C I suppose that our predecessors called the *stratēgoi* [generals] *hypostratēgoi*, because the emperor is the lord of all, and the *stratēgos* is in his stead for each *thema*. And for this reason, the *stratēgos* used to be called *hypostratēgos*, while he who was sent as the head of all in the place of the emperor, having the *stratēgoi* of the *themata* as his own *hypostratēgoi*, was properly called *stratēgos*. Which is best.

7. But now, no one is known as *hypostratēgos* unless he is the one called *merarchēs*, and sometimes the *tourmarchēs* is also called *merarchēs*, that is, the one entrusted with a part of the command.

8. ^D The *droungarios* is called the commander of one *moira*, which is ordered under the part of the *tourmarchēs*. For the *tourma* is the assembly consisting of three *moirai*, or *droungoi*. A *moira*, or *droungos*, is the group consisting of the *tagmata*, or the multitude of men called *komites*.

9. The *komēs* [count] is the one leading one *tagma*, or *bandon*.

10. The *kentarchos* [centurion] is the commander of one hundred men, that is, the *hekatontarchos*, who is also placed under the *komēs*.

^A 12. The *dekarchos* is he who is the first of ten; just as the *pentarchos* is he of five, who also stands in the middle of the file. 13. The *tetrarchos* is also a guardian, called the *ouragos*, and the one who stands last in the file. For a denser division of commanders reveals more courageous and brave soldiers, and makes them easily obey and execute what is commanded. 14. And the *bandophoros* is he who carries the sign of the *bandon*. 15. The *despotatoi* were formally called what are now called *skribōnes*, who, following the battle line, receive the wounded in battle as physicians, and care for them. 16. The *mandatores* are those who quickly carry the orders from the commanders to the soldiers. 17. The *lochagos*, that is, the commander of a *maniple*, is said to be the first in the file according to depth; he is also called the *primanus* and *epistatēs*. 18. The *sekoundos* is said to be the second in the file, who is called the *epistatēs*. 19. The *ouragos* stands behind the whole file, that is, at the tail of the rank. 20. The *koursōres* are called, that is, the vanguard, those who run ahead of the battle line in the onset of war, and who attack the fleeing ^B enemies swiftly, whom they call *proklastai*. 21. The *diphēnsōres* are those who follow these, but do not run out and break the formation, but march in orderly fashion to the defense of the *koursōres*, if it should chance, as is likely, that they happen to be turned; whom one might justly call *endikoi*. 22. The *minsōres* are called those who measure and establish the *aplekta*, that is, the *fossata*, whom they now call *minsōratōres*. 23. Others, the ancient Romans called *antikēnsōres*, whom, as I suppose, they now combine with the *minsōratōres*, and do not name separately. These are they who go ahead on marches, and reconnoiter the suitable roads and places in which the *aplekta* should be formed, and examine ^C what kind of places these are. 24. The *skoulkatōres* are called scouts, who, learning the situation of the enemies, make a report. 25. The *plagiophylakes* are those appointed for the guard of the flanks of the first rank. 26. The *hyperkerastai* are those appointed to surround the flank of the enemy.

27. Insidiæ, or ambushes, are those who are prepared to lay a trap against the line of the enemy. 28. The *notophylakes* (rear-guards) are those ordered to march behind the entire line. 29. The *touldon* is the baggage and the total necessity of the soldiers, that is, servants, pack animals, and other beasts, and whatever other gear is drawn along for the service of the camp. 30. The expedition of the general is divided into certain officers, such as the count of his court, ^A the *domestikos* of the *thema*, and, to speak simply, the rest of the servants customary to his expedition, whom we deem it superfluous to enumerate. 31. For the *protonotarios* of the *thema*, the *chartoularios*, and in addition the *praitor*, that is, the judge of the *thema*. The one is the official of the civil administration, the other is in charge of the general’s registration and inquiry. He settles the disputes of those who come into court; and although they ought to obey the general in some matters, nevertheless, as it pertains to the accounts of their own private administrations, we wish them to relate to our reign, so that through them we may more safely know the established states and the administrations of both civil and military affairs. 32. Therefore, general, you shall divide the whole army into various *tagmata* (battalions), and appoint over them leaders, as has been said, who are prudent, brave, ^B and suitable to them. 33. From the *tagma*—that is, the *bandon*—select the centurions, prudent and brave in courage; then the *dekarchoi* (leaders of ten), and those also brave and hand-to-hand fighters, and if possible, skilled in archery. And after the *dekarchoi*, select the *pentarchoi* and *tetrarchoi* likewise. And then the guards of the *akiai*—that is, those appointed to watch the depth of the lines of the battle array—who are also called *dekarchiai*, two from each *akia*, so that the picked men of each *akia* come to five. And arrange the rest who remain in the *akiai*, the old and the young mixed together, as many as there be according to the measure of the multitude of the army. 34. ^C Having set these remaining ones, then distribute them variously according to the quality of each—that is, his nature and strength—putting the best at the front, and the others, without distinction, at the rear and in the middle. 35. Two watchful and prudent *mandatores* should be chosen, and two *bandophoroi* (standard-bearers) from each *tagma*. And let such selection and arrangement be done in the *kontoubernia*, that is to say, in the *akiai*. 36. And where, as is likely, there are no servants, you must assign the weaker of the soldiers to the pack-saddles—that is, to three or four pack-saddles—one man, and another of the well-regarded soldiers among them, useful for… ^D

a sign, whom the whole troop, that is to say the pack-animals or baggage, must follow.

^B37. You shall also designate how many, and which units should be drawn up on the right of the bandum, and how many, and which, on its left.

38. You shall organize the mess-units (contubernia) either into five, as has been said, or ten men, or into four, eight, or sixteen, just as you may understand to be useful for the time, so that, being tied together by habit, and fighting for one another in battles, they may become more useful for bravery. Each mess-unit should also have some common usage among them, as we have already explained.

39. Moreover, you will act prudently if you join friends with friends and brothers with brothers, and this most of all in the very battle line. For when the person near to him who is in danger is a very dear friend, it is necessary that he who loves should fight more spiritedly and eagerly for the sake of the friend who is loved. Furthermore, since he is ashamed not to repay the kindness to the man who holds the line so bravely for him, he cannot desert this benefactor or turn his back without shame.

40. But as we have already said, the mess-units should be formed from older and younger soldiers, so that the older ones, if placed by themselves, might not be weak and feeble, and the younger ones, being inexperienced in affairs, might not be found to be more prone to confusion. For the former, even if they are elderly, are nevertheless experienced; while the latter, even if they are young and brave, are nonetheless ignorant and inexperienced.

41. Thus, with the battalions (tagmata), that is, the banda, being divided in this way, it is necessary to set over them officers called counts (comites), and each battalion should be composed of three hundred men as a median method. You shall not ordain that a battalion have more than four hundred men, even if you have a very large army, nor less than two hundred, however small the army may be.

42. You will gather these battalions into chiliarchies, or the parts known as drungoi. And you will set over them useful and brave drungarios, who are superior, if possible, in wisdom and good order, and in nobility and wealth; those whom the ancients once called chiliarchs.

43. These parts, that is, the drungoi, you will assemble into sections, or turmai, and by the decision of our majesty, leaders (merarchae) shall be set over them, whom we formerly called strategelatai, but now, by custom, we call tourmarchai. And these men must be prudent, orderly, virtuous, and experienced; if possible, they should also be literate, and especially the one who is over the middle section, whom we call the hypostrategos, who must, if the need arises, fulfill the position of the general in all things.

44. These sections ought to consist of three parts, over which three tourmarchai shall be set, each one the ruler of his own part, so that of the entire army the

^A highest division is formed, into three equal parts, that is, tourmai, namely the center, the left, and the right. These ^B comprise the entire army which is placed under the command of the general.

45. It is necessary, as has been said, that a tagma should consist of no more than four hundred men, that is, the bandon of the comes; nor a droungos of more than three thousand; nor a tourma of more than six thousand.

46. If it should happen that the army is larger than the stated measure, it is better that those kept outside the sections, or the tourmarchiai, be stationed in a second line, that is to say, drawn up behind the front-line battle formation, in order to provide support and to serve as a guard for the flanks, and as rearguard, and for ambushes—that is, hidden detachments—and for the encirclement of the enemy.

47. Furthermore, neither the tourmai nor the droungoi should be made larger, so that, by being too large and extended over too great a space, they do not become disobedient to commands and end up in confusion.

48. But I will also advise you of another useful thing: that you should not strive to make all the tagmata—that is, the banda—entirely equal, so that your army does not become easily countable to the enemy ^C by the number of its banda, which often causes great disasters. This, however, must be diligently observed: that neither more than four hundred nor fewer than two hundred men be placed in a bandon or cohort.

49. Therefore, it is often not useless, if you prepare two banda in each individual tagma, for them to appear at the time of the engagement with the enemy, in order to strike terror into the adversaries. It is necessary that there be detached from each bandon for the necessary duties, as has been said, mandatores who are vigilant, intelligent, quick, loud-voiced, and, if possible, capable of calling out in different languages.

50. Also, buccinatores, who sound the accustomed signals at the right time. Samiatores, archers, arrow-smiths, and the rest who belong to the customary establishment.

51. You shall also detach some whose duty it is to gather up items that are found after they have been lost, and to return them to their owners.

52. Just as it is necessary, in the case of the touldon of the cavalry, to appoint ^D officers whose duty it is to stand over it, so also for the touldon, that is, the wagons, of the infantry force, you shall appoint some to whom those of the so-called karagos are bound to obey.

53. For "karagos" is the name given to the defensive perimeter made by means of wagons, caltrops, and other machines for the safety of the army.

54. In each division, it is necessary that there be one supreme officer, and that some sign, just as with horses, be applied to each order, so that they may be easily recognized and noted by their own people. ^A

55. We have also well mentioned the infantry formation. For it is necessary to outline the division of this also, and to appoint the officers and commanders, both greater and smaller, who are stationed within it, and to declare their titles, just as we have received this regarding it from the ancient tacticians, and as the younger ones down to our own time have handed down their arrangement and constitution.

56. For the ancients, having a great multitude of soldiers, who were once called hoplites, but now are called scutati—though this name, on account of the great negligence of military discipline and the art of war, is almost unknown to all—from these scutati, they made cohorts of sixteen contubernia, that is, of two hundred and fifty-six men, each contubernium being of sixteen men, in square form and number. There is found, however, in them a phalanx of infantry of four thousand ninety-six men, which they call a pedestrian battle-line, and their commander, a general. ^B

57. But they used to make the perfect battle-line of sixty-four cohorts, one thousand and twenty-four contubernia, sixteen thousand three hundred and eighty-four men. Of light infantry, however, such as archers, javelin-throwers, and slingers, eight thousand one hundred and ninety-two men, so that the light-armed line is half of the line of the scutati, or heavy-armed. Of the cavalry, however, who are drawn up with these, and are intermingled with the pedestrian line, four thousand ninety-six: and the commander of these was called general. ^C

58. And these they used to divide in this way. The cohorts of the scutati they would station in front as a vanguard against the enemy, and they would divide this into four parts, so as to form the right, the left, the right-middle, and the left-middle.

59. But the cohorts of the light infantry, because they were swift and light, they would station either in front for the pursuit of the enemy, or at the flanks, or at the rear of the first battle-line, or as need required, about which we shall speak in the appropriate place. ^D

60. The cavalry they would separate into two parts, and station them at the flanks of the infantry battle-line as helpers and swift attackers of the enemy.

61. So that I may not, by recounting everything, be overly minute concerning the loche, that is, the maniples, and the orders, and the officers...

because these terms have already fallen out of military usage, and because they are obscure and incomprehensible to all soldiers, and that we may not waste time in vain, I shall pass over these and pursue those things which are more necessary for use, and are more certain and more compendious for understanding. For those organizations—both the regulations for the cavalry and for the foot—were, as it seems, suited to the size of the army, because so many and such valiant soldiers were then available. ^A

62. But now, O general, since there are fewer soldiers in the army than there were in the past—and they do not even have the standard, or rather they have a much smaller number—it is not easy to define the size of the *tagma*, or cohort, whether for cavalry or infantry, so that they may not, as is likely, either exceed the number of 256 men and cause disorder ^B or, in turn, be added to other cohorts inopportunely and, being disorganized, be found useless.

63. But you should form the *tagmata* according to the number which the need of the multitude and the amount of men present allow, according to the strength of the force available at the time. And each of them should have its own *bandum*, and a commander, that is, a count, who is noble, wise, brave, and able to fight hand-to-hand.

64. However, you must carefully keep the *akia*—that is, the files—of each infantry *tagma* consisting of 16 men for the labors of battle, and form the line of battle according to the size of the available army.

65. And you should divide this line into four equal parts, ^C as many as the number of *tagmata* and *akiai* dictates, as I have also said above: that is, into a right part, commanded by the right *merarchēs*—or *stratēlatēs*—whom we call *tourmarchēs*; into a left part, commanded by the left *tourmarchēs*; and similarly into the other two middle parts, in which the general's own *bandum* will also be stationed.

66. Moreover, it is necessary to keep a few extra men, both *scutati* (shielded soldiers) and *velites* (light-armed soldiers) in reserve, and to have a separate officer for them, appointed by you at the time, so that if need arises, they may run to help at the extremities of the battle line outside the cavalry, or at the wagons, or in other places, together with their own officers.

67. If the army consists of fewer than 24,000 infantry, ^D you must not form the battle line into four parts, but into three, and the general's *bandum* should be stationed in the middle part, to which the remaining *banda* are bound to obey.

68. First, you shall separate out the *velites*: those who know how to shoot with bows, or are able to learn, who are swift and younger, and capable of leaping wherever they wish. If they exceed 24,000, you shall select half of them; if they are fewer than 24,000, you shall take a third part of each number. And then they shall be ordered, as

...and as we said above, into decarchies, and to appoint over them useful decarchs, and one officer called an archisagittator, that is, an archer-commander.

[d] 69. But you must divide the remainder of the two parts, or the half, into *akiai* of eighteen men, both old and young. *Akiai* are called, as I have said, what are termed contubernia. And those two of them who are the most inferior, or rather all who are over sixteen, ought to busy themselves with the wagons and other necessary chores; but the sixteen ought to stand in the battle line, and the *lochagoi*, as they are called, who are brave and useful, ought to be set over them. ^B

70. From these sixteen, it is necessary to constitute the most useful ones at the front and at the rear of the *akia*, or *lochos*. For the ancients used to call the *akia* of sixteen men a *lochos*. And you must set them in the first place, and in the second, and in the third, and in the fourth, and in the sixteenth, and the fifteenth, and in the fourteenth, and in the thirteenth, so that even when the depth—that is, the thickness—of the *akia* is divided up to four men, its tail and its front exist in full strength. But the remaining eight, who are weaker, are to be placed in the middle.

71. You shall name these sixteen one by one from *primes* and *seconds*, or *prestites* and *astites*. Two among them, however, shall be binominal, and the first shall be called *lochagos*, or first leader of the *manipulus*, or *protostates*; but the other shall be called *decarchos* and *second*, or *astes*, and so on similarly, so that the entire battle line may be drawn up from *prestites* and *astites*. ^C

72. But that they may be able to be commanded more easily, and live amongst themselves in a fitting manner, it is better to divide them into only two *contubernia*, so that the first, or *prestites*, may be with the *manipularis* prefect, and the seconds, or *astites*, may be with the decarch; so it will come to pass that, although they are separated in the cultivation of daily life, in the battle line they are gathered together, and these sixteen obey the counsel and command of the *manipularis* prefect. In this way the battle line is best preserved, and they will be most easily obedient.

73. It is useful, however, if it can be done, to order the *contubernium* of shield-bearers not only according to virtue or strenuousness, but also according to age, so that those more advanced in age, if they are placed in front, may make the *manipulus* more compliant and obedient. But that we may not refer everything only to strenuousness or to age, it is necessary that those who are more spirited and noble be placed in the front and in the tail, that is, in the furthest *contubernium*, ^D while the weaker ones are placed in the middle, in the manner which we have described.

74. Therefore, for this reason, the ancients also [derived] from the sixteen...

^A men of the infantry the depth of the *akiai*, that is, the files in battles, since this measure is sufficient, which it is not necessary to exceed, and in times of need it is orderly and quickly divided, and reduced down to a single man. So much, then, we have determined concerning the division and establishment of the army, and of the greater and lesser commanders appointed over them.

CONSTITUTION V. Regarding the equipment of arms.

1. We command, however, now to your excellency, that you take care of the arms and equipment pertaining to the wars, both infantry and cavalry, so that these may remain intact, and prepared for the need pressing at the time.

2. This you should do, partly by yourself ^B and partly through your commanders, both greater and lesser, for the arming and service of the soldierly force which is under your command.

3. For example, bows with their cases, arrows with quivers, swords sharpened and embossed, shields, and other large shields, which are called *thyreoi*, other smaller shields of the infantry ^C which were once called *peltai*, other round iron shields embossed, [and] small spears of eight cubits. There were once for the Romans and Macedonians spears up to sixteen cubits in length, which our current need does not require. For the weapon [must be] proportionate and useful according to the strength of each of those handling it: javelins, double-headed axes, and other double-sided axes, on one side like a sword ^D and on the other side like the point of a spear, with their own leather cases and belts, *parameria*, and large single-edged knives.

4. Loricae reaching to the ankles, pulled up by straps and rings, with their leather cases, and if possible all of linked chainmail. If not, some of them [may be] of horn material or of dried buffalo hides, over-the-lorica garments, iron *klivania*, or also of other material, as has been said, complete helmets; iron greaves and gauntlets, or also of other material, for those who do not have linked iron neck-guards, lined inside with wool and outside with linen. Those made from *kendoukla* are of sinew, and they themselves [serve] in place of loricae for those who do not have iron ones. The soldier should wear a wide *kendouk* with the arms. [Provide] tubes with small arrows and their quivers, slings; large saddle-bags; fire-throwers and tinder, leather straps; iron moon-shaped sandals with their nails; files, awls; horse frontlets, iron horse breast-plates, made of *kendoukla*; neck-guards for horses similarly.

^A 5. Great *flamula* and small *flamula* for the lances, standards dyed in various colors, small cooking pots, large sickles, axes, billhooks, double-headed axes, adzes, and caltrops bound together with certain straps, which are hung by certain nails.

6. Light wagons, and those prepared for every necessity, to be used for all tasks, namely: for hand-mills, saws, bores, hammers, shovels, baskets, hair-cloths, and if any other thing can be devised by the commander out of some lighter material for the external guard and circuit of the encampment, that is, the camp.

7. Other wagons having arrow-throwers, *manganica* rotating on both sides, skilled ballista-men whom they call *manganarii*, engravers, and coppersmiths with their tools; ^B other wagons full of weaponry, other wagons carrying provisions, and besides these, surplus wagons as many as the need requires; furthermore, pack beasts, that is to say burden-bearers, and pack horses, and other instruments similar to these, which the encampment, that is to say the camp, requires for its own use.

8. For sieges, you ought to have various *manganica*, and foldable wooden ladders, and any other mechanical devices you are able to devise.

9. If one is near rivers or lakes, small boats, either made from hides or fashioned by nature in some way. You will also devise and prepare tents and *ategias*, that is, coverings with their own proper apparatus, by which you may be able to repel the force ^C of rains and heat.

10. It behooves those who are naval commanders to prepare ships that are armed—some for fighting, some for transporting horses, some for carrying supplies—together with all the necessary panoply and equipment for them.

11. Of the preparations enumerated above for you, some of which ought to be provided by you, and some by the officers and soldiers under your command, some of the arms you will have for the repelling of the enemy, some for the protection of the soldiers who are fighting, and some for their other use and service.

12. And you shall take care, most especially of the weapons of war, so that they are always preserved bright and sharp to terrify the enemy. You shall diligently prepare all these things, so that they may be in readiness for the use of war for those who arm themselves with courage against the enemy; ^D and you shall by no means make the time in which the battle line ought to be drawn up a time for preparing weapons. These things, and if any others have been omitted by us due to forgetfulness, you must necessarily prepare; but if you are able to devise anything more, thanks be to God and to your own shrewdness.

13. Before all things, and after all things, the fear of God...

a quick intellect, and an earnest purpose in every time, place, and circumstance, and readiness for all things, we enjoin you to possess. ^A 14. We have explained to your dignity, as far as our memory has hitherto served us, the preparation of arms. Regarding the infantry and mixed formations, we shall speak later. Now, however, we shall explain how you ought to arm each individual cavalry soldier in training and, essentially, in time of war, and what things it is necessary to bring with you to war.

Constitution VI.

On the equipment of cavalry and infantry.

1. It is necessary, therefore, that soldiers be armed by their own commanders, and that those things which are suitable and adapted to the use of an encampment—whether for winter ^B or summer—be prepared for the necessary needs of the expedition, so that everyone, both commander and soldier, according to individual character and strength, may have an equal proportion; and especially their commanders, from the tourmarch down to the centurion and the quartan, and in particular yourself and the following you have under you.

2. It is necessary for each man to have such equipment: zabae reaching down to the ankle, pulled up by straps and rings, with their coverings. They must also have iron helmets, shiny, with small crests ^C on top at the peaks. Bows for each, according to his own strength and not beyond it, but rather even slightly lighter, having wide bow-cases so that, in time of deployment, they may draw out the bows if it is possible for them; and they should have extra bowstrings in their pouches. Quivers with arrows and their suitable coverings, capable of holding thirty or forty arrows. In the bow-belts, files and awls. They must also have cavalry lances, long, having straps in the middle with streamers. They must also have swords hanging from their shoulders ^D according to the Roman custom, and other parameria, that is, side-swords worn at the side.

3. Those younger men who do not know how to shoot shall have spears with complete shields. And if some acquire iron sleeves, which are called chiropsella, it will be very useful. They should also have small crests on the croups of the horses, and small streamers above the zabae at the shoulders. For the more handsome a soldier is in his equipment, the greater the alacrity that comes to him, and the greater the terror to the enemy.

^A 4. If possible, they should have clibania, which are called cuirasses, and these should be bright and splendid; and podopsella, or pernicteres, which are called greaves [ocreae], and superioricas, to be put on if necessary.

5. Furthermore, you shall compel all younger Romans up to the age of forty to carry a bow and quiver, even if they know little or nothing about shooting arrows; for since the archery art began to be neglected and despised, many disasters have often come upon the Romans.

6. You should also have two spears, so that if one fails, you may immediately use the other. To those who are less experienced, give lighter bows; for although they may not know how to shoot, in time they will endeavor to learn, which is most essential.

7. If it can be conveniently done, let them have rhictaria, that is, javelins, to cast at the enemy. Thus you shall arm the cavalry soldier. ^B

8. Horses, and especially those of the commanders and other select men, should have frontal guards and breastplates, made either of iron or of padded tunics [cenducla], such as those made of sinew. And their chests and necks should be covered, and if possible, their bellies, by means of small hangings from what are called the chair-trappings [eletra] of the saddle; for these often save horses from great dangers, and through them, the riders themselves. Those who are in the front line of battle should have these above all.

9. The saddles should have thick and large saddle-cloths [episelia]. And their bridles should be suitable and strong. ^C

10. On the saddles should be two iron stirrups, a lorosacon, a hobble [pediclum], and a saddlebag, in which, when the time calls for it, it is possible to carry supplies for two or three days; and four tuphia for the rear, and vertical ones, and a horse-tuphion, and similarly a submentum [under-chin strap].

11. A cavalry soldier must by all means have a double-edged sword [tzicourin], with one edge long like a spear-head, and sharp, hanging at the saddle in a leather sheath.

12. The garments of the soldiers, whether they be of linen, wool, or other material, should be wide, so that they are not hindered when riding, and furthermore, they should cover their knees and appear more decorous. ^D

13. It is necessary also to have very wide padded tunics [cenducla], which also have wide sleeves, so that when they are armed and wear their zabae and bows, if, as often happens, it happens to rain or the air is damper, they may keep their armor dry and not be hindered when they wish to use their bows or shields. Padded tunics are also very necessary on reconnaissance and watch duty; for the zabae do not appear

^A from afar to the enemy when they are covered by them, and they resist the impact of arrows.

14. We also command that in every contubernium, they have sickles and axes for necessary use.

15. It is necessary that the commanders of the cohorts, or soldiers, and the more powerful among the thematic banners, be forced to procure for themselves servants, whether slaves or free; and that carefully, at the time of the roga and the adnomium—that is, the registration of names—their servants and their wagon be recorded and inquired into, so that, by showing contempt for the youths who are servants, they may not be forced in time of war ^B to separate them from the soldiers themselves for the *tuldum* (that is, the baggage train) to be guarded, and so become fewer those who fight in the actual battle.

16. But if some, as is likely, are not well-off enough to acquire servants, it is necessary to assign one servant to serve three or four of the lower-ranking soldiers.

17. The same method should be followed for the pack animals, which are in great need, as necessary, for their zabae and their tents.

18. We also command that the heads of the banners of each cohort be of the same color, and that the flamula of each turma or drungus—that is, the cohort of a thousand—be of one color as well.

19. In order that ^C every cohort may easily recognize its own banner, it is necessary to add other distinct signs and marks to the heads of the banners, known to the soldiers, so that from this they may be recognizable by the turmae, by the drungi, and by the banners.

20. All the signs of the turmarchs must be differentiated and clear, so that they may be recognized from a great distance by those organized under them.

21. We command you, O general, that a wagon also be brought, in addition to the baggage train, specifically for bows and arrows, so that if, as is likely, some are short of weapons, they may be replaced from them.

22. Besides the ox-hide cases ^D for the zabae, the soldiers must have other light cases made of skin, so that either in time of war or on a raid, they may be carried behind the cruppers on the loins of the horses. And if it happens—as often occurs and heaven forbid—that upon a retreat they must disappear for a day, those who have the supplies will not have naked zabae [exposed], and they will not be ruined. Furthermore, they protect the soldiers by being constantly placed upon them.

23. Nor will we pass over this in this instruction: that the commanders of each cohort should make assessments in the winter time, or in any other time of leisure, whether the soldiers abound in

region, so that they may buy the necessary supplies, it is clear how many horses, and what kind, and what chariot each of the soldiers needs. ^A In order that you may prepare these things, commander, at the appropriate time for them to be purchased from merchants, and that neither the local inhabitants be harmed thereby, nor the soldiers, if it should so happen, be in want or lack the necessary items and arms. Since, therefore, we have armed the cavalry soldier, we shall next say how you must also provide the necessary armament for the infantry soldiers.

24. Since, therefore, the infantry line of battle was of old divided into three parts by the ancient tacticians—that is, into the armed soldiers whom the moderns have called ^B *scutati* (shield-bearers), into the light-armed soldiers whom they even now call by that same name, and into the *peltastae*, the name of whom those of our own time do not know, and it seems to me that, having joined them to the light-armed, they recorded only two ranks of infantry, the armored and the light-armed—we have undertaken to define these ranks.

25. You will, therefore, arm the infantry *scutati*, who were of old called the armored, so that they have a *spatha* (long sword), a spear, and a shield, which, when need demands, is long and large—that which is called a *thyreos*—but in all cases perfectly round. The shields of all should be of the same color, whether by number or by battalion. They should also wear a helmet with a small crest fitted on top, slings, and double-edged axes, of which one ^C edge is like a *spatha*, while the other is like the point of a spear, and which are carried in leather cases; or they have other axes, one edge of which is sharp and the other round; or yet other axes that are double-edged in the manner of pikes. The picked men of the line should also have *zabae*, that is, hauberks, if possible for all; if not, at least for the first two of the lines. Against the shoulders—that is, the points of the *zaba*—they should have small streamers, and they should have *chiro-manica* (gauntlets), which are called *manicella* or *chiropsella*, of iron or wood, and similarly greaves, which are called *podopsella* ^D or *chalcotuba*, especially those who are stationed at the heads and tails of the lines.

26. You will arm the *scutati* in this way, as has been said; but those who are called the light-armed in this manner: quivers worn on the shoulders, having large cases that hold thirty or forty arrows each. Wooden tubes with small arrows, and small quivers, which are thrown over a great distance by bows, and are useless to the enemies; and

^A *virittas*, which are called *rhictaria*, meaning javelins, which those who are unskilled in archery—or who are lacking, as is expected, in bows—ought to possess. They should also have small, round shields, slings, and axes similar to those previously mentioned, which are also to be carried in leather cases. The garments of all the foot soldiers should be short, reaching down to their knees, and if possible, they should possess corselets. Their footwear should not have pointed tips in front. But it is necessary that their shoes be reinforced with a few small nails, which they call *carplia*; for this is useful for various purposes, especially for making journeys. Also, it is useful that their hair be cut short, and that they not be allowed to have full heads of hair.

27. But in this way you shall supply and protect the foot soldiers with arms. For their service and keeping, you shall prepare agile, swift, and sturdy carts, one for every decarchy (that is, a *contubernium*), and no more, so that many may not be occupied with them and remain idle. ^B Each cart shall have a hand-mill, a pickaxe, an axe, a hatchet, a saw, two crowbars, a hammer, two shovels, a basket, haircloths, a sickle, axes, *bardoucia*, and clubs (perhaps the soldiers may have need of these too), as well as caltrops tied together with thin ligatures and held together by an iron nail, so that they may be easily deployed. Prepare other carts holding crossbows and their arrows, and ballistae—that is, the so-called *manganica* (or *alacatia*)—which are turned in a circle, and choose a special commander for the *manganarii*, the engravers, and the coppersmiths.

28. Other carts shall carry the armament for each count of the soldiers. Still other carts, some ten or twenty, shall carry flour, hardtack, arrows, and extra bows.

29. ^C Each *contubernium* shall have pack-horses or beasts of burden, if possible; if not, then one for every two *contubernia*, so that if the occasion arises to separate the foot soldiers from the carts and to take a position in advance, they may carry with them sufficient provisions for eight or ten days, until the carts, which are accustomed to travel more slowly, subsequently arrive to join them.

30. It does not seem useless to me to mention, even briefly, the ancient armor of the foot soldiers and the cavalry, just as Aelian ^D and the rest of the tactical writers have handed down. For among the ancients, the generals used to divide the equestrian order into two different types of armor: one...

they called cataphract, that is, armored, and the other they called non-cataphract, that is, unarmored.

^A 31. They used to arm the cataphract cavalryman in every way, both the man himself and his horse. They armed the man with lorikia, and clibania, that is, cuirasses, whether of iron or woven from horn, and with parameria. They armored the horses with side-guards and forehead-guards, that is, they covered the sides, heads, and necks of the horses with clibania or lorikia or some other material.

32. Of all these, both the cataphract cavalry and the non-cataphract, some possessed contaria, that is, spears, which are now called menaula, but which the ancients used to call lonchai. Those of the cataphracts who were these would engage the enemy in hand-to-hand combat, while others hurled their weapons from a distance; these they called acrobolistae, that is, light skirmishers. Among those who possessed contaria or lonchai, some, as has been said, were those who grappled with the enemy, fighting at close range with their spears or contaria. Among those who were thus engaged in the battle, some possessed thureoi, that is, large, oblong shields, while others fought without shields, using only their contaria. ^B And the former were called thureophoroi, while the latter were specifically called doratophoroi, for they called the contarion a doru (spear).

33. They called the cavalry acrobolistae, that is, those who strike and fight from a distance. Of these, some used smaller spears, that is, rhictaria, and others used bows. Some of them would cast their rhictaria from a distance, either riding straight forward or circling around; these they called hippacontistae. Those who shot with bows they called hippotoxotae. Some of them used light contaria, and having cast one or two, they would subsequently close with the enemy, either by continuing to fight with the spears they still possessed—that is, their light contaria—or by using their spathia (swords), and these they called velites. Some of them also carried small axes, having a sharp edge all around, like teeth when they are sharpened. And this is how the ancients armed the cavalry array, as far as I could sum it up in brief.

34. As for the infantry array, we find it described by the ancients as follows. They used to divide their armament in three parts, as we have mentioned above. And the one they called hoplites, the second peltastae, and the third psiloi. And they made the armament of the so-called hoplites the heaviest of all the infantry, ^C after the Macedonian fashion, that is, the way that Alexander of the Macedonians used to do.

35. For indeed, they made for them large, round, oblong shields, which they called thureoi, and swords, which they called parameria, and cuirasses, and helmets, that is, lorikia, and clibania, and shields.

^A Thus they armed the heavy infantry.

36. They armed the light infantry with the lightest equipment of all: for they had neither breastplates—that is, clibania or lorikia—nor greaves—that is, podopsella or chalcotuba—nor thureoi or heavy shields—that is, the large scutaria—but they fought with missiles thrown from a distance, such as shooters of arrows, or those throwing rhictaria, that is, javelins, or throwing stones, some by hand, others with slings. They had sturdy tunics instead of lorikia and clibania and the rest.

37. The sort of troops called peltasts, which the more recent tactical writers have not explained (I suppose, as I said above, because they mixed them with the light infantry), also possessed an armament, but one lighter than the others. They had a pelta, which is a small scutarium, and their spears—that is, their kontaria—were much shorter than the so-called sarissas of the ancients. Now the sarissas were long spears up to fourteen cubits, and even up to sixteen cubits. These were most characteristic of the Macedonian armament. The armament of the peltasts seemed to hold a middle position between the light troops and the so-called heavy infantry, being heavier than the light troops ^B and lighter than the heavy infantry.

38. The heavy infantry also used a Macedonian bronze shield, not very hollow [(86)]—that is, a large, round scutarium with a flatter curvature—and its measure was three spans, that is, dodrantes. There was also a spear not shorter than eight cubits. The longer one was extended to the limit of what a man could easily handle with his own strength.

39. That Macedonian phalanx, that is, the battle line, seemed to the enemy to be insurmountable because of the construction of its ranks. For every armed man stood at the time of the engagement, the battle line being condensed ^C at each man's station, occupying a space of two cubits, holding the sarissa—that is, the long spear—which, as some have said, was sixteen cubits long, but in truth is fourteen cubits. Of these, four cubits are taken up between the hands to the rear. The remaining ten cubits extend forward in front of the bodies. So much, then, concerning the armament of the individual soldier have we collected and described from the ancient and modern tactical writers, so that, having knowledge of these things, you may choose what is useful to you. ^D

CONSTITUTIO VII. On cavalry and infantry training.

1. Next, O commander, I shall speak to you briefly and moderately concerning their training, which ought to take place before the military engagements, so that you may prepare them to become accustomed to

^A the true dangers by means of training exercises. For the person who is without training is found to be completely ignorant and blind regarding sudden and unpracticed initiatives.

2. During winter, or at any other time when there is a truce in war, or a cessation of incursions against enemy territory, you must train the army and make the soldiers combative, and as it were habituated to hardships through practice; do not allow them ^B to be idle or slothful. For idleness renders the body soft and weak, and slothfulness makes the soul cowardly and unmanly. For daily pleasures entice and corrupt even the most courageous. And when, after a long period of relaxation, they come again to endure hardships, they do not face them willingly, nor will they endure for long, but they flee immediately before even gaining experience of military hardships. And if they encounter danger, they easily retreat again, being unable to bear the labors and dangers. Therefore, I judge a general to be good when he prepares and arranges all things and all matters pertaining to military use when the necessity of military hardships does not press. Exercise the army with such labors and practices:

3. First, every soldier as if in practice, the heavy infantry, that is to say the shielded ones, or those who wear full armor, should be exercised among themselves in individual combat with shields and rods.

4. To throw from a distance the *richtaria*, and the *matzymarbulum*, which is now called the *saliba*, or *tzicurim*.

5. You shall exercise the so-called light-armed soldiers ^C thus, in the quick shooting of arrows from a distance at a high spear.

6. To throw from a distance the *richtarin* and the sling.

7. To jump and run over both level and uneven ground. You shall exercise the cavalry to shoot arrows quickly. For speed makes the arrow ready to be launched and to strike with force. This is among the things that are necessary, and of benefit to those who ride horses.

8. And furthermore to shoot while on foot from a distance quickly, whether at a spear or at any other target.

9. To shoot from a horse, while it is running, quickly: to the front, to the rear, to the right, to the left. To jump onto horses.

10. To shoot quickly while the horse is running, one or even two arrows, and to place the bow, strung, into the *corytus* (bow-case), if the *corytus* is wide enough; if not, into a half-*corytus* made suitably for this purpose, and immediately to take into their hands the spear carried on their shoulders. ^D Afterward, however, when they have placed the bow strung into the *corytus* and have taken up the spear, they are to place the spear on their shoulder again immediately, and take up the bow without delay.

11. ^A For two men to advance toward each other, to retreat and charge again, and to maneuver, after the fashion of what is called the *paracontarion*.

12. It is good for some of them to exercise the soldiers even while on the march in their own territory, and to practice doing these things on horseback. For from this, the march is accomplished without hindrance, and the horses are less worn out.

13. If it should happen that the army has a long stay in an expedition [camp]—that is, where the whole army is gathered at its own time—it is better that not a single man should be idle, but that they be habituated, as has been said, to labor. Sometimes they should be exercised manually in the aforementioned manner, sometimes as if in battle formation and against one another, and sometimes they should be busy cleaning and polishing their weapons. ^B For idleness not only makes them slothful and cowardly, but also prepares them to contemplate certain empty and seditious things, and leads them astray. But if they are practiced in voluntary toils, they will easily endure the involuntary ones as well, and will be habituated to obey what is commanded to them.

14. And you shall exercise them not only as individuals, but you shall also habituate them in general to know their own ranks, and to remain in them, and to become familiar with one another by sight and by name, and to know under which commander each soldier is, in which *bandon* he is, and with how many men he is arranged.

15. ^C And they must know the swift orders given by the commanders with orderliness. For example, [those concerning] extensions, whether according to breadth or according to the length of the battle line. Likewise also contractions, that is, tightenings into density. And [those concerning] inclinations, to the left and to the right, and the changes of the ranks, the intervals of the stations from man to man, and their partial thickenings or thinnings, and the mutual encounters and counter-actions, that is, of those coming or going, and the divisions of them according to their ranks—that is, the orders—and their measurements.

16. And you shall arrange the phalanx itself—that is, the whole formation—when, as has been said, it is contracted in depth, and when it is extended in length, and the so-called *antistomos* or double-mouthed battle, ^D when the so-called *ouragoi*—that is, those behind the whole line—having turned toward those encircling them, fight face-to-face as front-rankers, and behind them likewise, half of the rank turns around towards them, and again, the recalls and restorations from such movements.

17. For the soldiers who are habituated to all these things are, so to speak, carried swiftly and spontaneously toward the formation. But those who are unhabituated and untrained in these things are [thrown] into great confusion, and with difficulty are restored to the pressing needs of the formation.

18. And having divided the army, let them join in battle with each other without iron weapons—that is, with spears without blades, or with arrows likewise, or, as we have said,

with sticks or reeds or rods instead of spears. If the ground where they are exercising has clods of earth, order them ^A to throw these at one another in the engagement exercise. Sometimes, moreover, let them use in the fight what are called *charzania* or things similar to these.

19. Having shown them steep hills, order them to ascend at a run and take possession of them, it being understood that other soldiers are stationed ^B on those hills.

20. And whenever you train some of the soldiers, withdraw them and hand over the aforementioned weapons to others. And those who remain and have acquitted themselves well in the exercise you shall praise, while those who have performed unskillfully and effeminately you shall rebuke and urge on to correct their faults.

21. For from such study and exercise the army is not only accustomed to labor, but also remains healthier, and enjoys its food and drink more pleasantly, even if it is plain and meager, than it does luxurious banquets. Their body also becomes stronger and firmer if it has been accustomed to sweats, heats, exposure to the sun, frosts, and stormy weather. ^C

22. Similarly, you shall exercise the cavalry by causing them to dispute, and to compete, and to pursue, and to engage in skirmishes and harassing actions—that is, archery or javelin-throwing—and everything else that I shall more broadly explain to you hereafter.

23. These things are to be done in level and open places, and at the feet of mountains, as far as is possible for them to approach rugged places.

24. And while this seemed necessary to the ancients, it seems to me necessary not only that the horses be accustomed to running in level places, but also in high, wooded, and rugged ones, so that they may cross these places in formation. Likewise, they must also be prepared for downhill slopes. For if they are accustomed to such places, neither the men nor the horses will be surprised or harmed by any terrain. ^D

25. Furthermore, do not accustom the horses to drink frequently in the summertime. For this reason, it is not even useful to pitch camp near rivers.

26. And order them to draw up in battle at difficult and inaccessible places, and allow the formation, as it is structured, to ascend those places as the terrain allows for each one in formation, and likewise to descend.

27. Whoever, therefore, sparing their horses, neglects such exercise of theirs, to that extent they betray their own safety.

28. Following this, it is necessary, even if only moderately and in a few examples, as we previously proposed, to more broadly explain the military movements and the so-called commands of the ancients, so that you may pre-train the army in these as well, and rouse them through both...

words and deeds for the methods of warfare. For after the training of each individual infantryman and cavalryman, you must also train every unit, or bandum, by itself in this way:

29. Since the cohort of cavalry consists of so-called lines (akia), or ordines, and stands in orderly fashion, the commander (mandator) shall declare the orders to them in this manner:

30. ^B "When the engagement takes place, let no one leave, no one move forward, until you have pursued the enemy. If you depart from the view of the front line, watch the unit; pursue, not as a cowardly soldier, but as a brave soldier; and do not cease due to any exhortation or for any other reason. Guard your station, soldier. Guard it also, you, standard-bearer, when you have defeated an enemy, so that you may pursue him. If you depart from the view of the battle line, do not charge too hard across the field, so as not to scatter your formation."

31. This is the exercise of the cavalry unit by itself: to move in an orderly manner, as if in battle line, or at a run toward a certain mark, and to consist (halt) there. And when you wish to move them, you must signal by the voice alone, or by the trumpet, or by the gesture of the banner, and thus set them in motion. When, however, you wish them to halt, you must signal by the voice, or by the clatter of the shield, or by the touba, which they now call a bucinum, or by the tauræa; and this is one type of movement.

32. Another is to march evenly, first at wider intervals, and you command: "Proceed evenly."

33. Another is to close up by the flank, most appropriately. Likewise, to close up by the rear. The term *sphingesthai* (to close up) means to become dense, so that they press close to one another both by the flanks and by the shoulder. You command: "Close up by the flank," that is, file-leaders to file-leaders, quintarchs to quintarchs, tetrarchs to tetrarchs. And let all close up, as has been said, bringing side to side. They do not close up toward any side part, but toward the middle space, that is, toward the standard-bearer, so that they may be on this side and that of him. For such densing is accomplished quickly ^C and in good order.

Just as the file-leaders are aligned with each other at the front, so it is necessary for the tetrarchs, that is, the rear-guards, also to be aligned behind the order. For if they are closed up according to the ratio, even if those in front desert their station during the engagements, they are prevented by them from turning back or retreating.

34. Another type is when they close up toward the rear. For the battle line must be closed up not only with regard to its width, but also with regard to its depth, often having the shoulders themselves connected to one another. ^D

^A 35. There is another kind of maneuver: that after the precise compression and tightening of the side-ranks, they should walk in a gathered formation when the shooting of arrows begins. The commander gives the order: "Strike!" And while the decarchs and pentarchs lean forward, covering their own heads and part of the horses' necks with their shields, and carrying their lances upon their shoulders while remaining hidden behind their shields, they should advance in good order at a moderate pace—that is, with a measured movement called *kalpa*—and not run violently, lest by the speed of the charge the formation be dissolved before close-quarters combat, which is dangerous; meanwhile, the archers who are providing support from behind should shoot their arrows.

36. There is another kind of maneuver: to pursue at one time with a charge, as "coursers" (whom people now call *proclastai*), and at another time in organized formation as "defenders" (whom we now call *vindices*). If one must give an order as if to coursers, one should say: "Charge with speed!" And they should perform this charge for the space of one mile. But if as defenders, one must give the order in this way: "Follow with the formation!" And they follow in an organized manner.

^B 37. There is another kind of maneuver: to withdraw slightly and turn around again. And when one wishes them to withdraw, the leader cries: "Strike and fall back!" And when they have withdrawn to the distance of one or two arrow shots, he should address the defenders again with these words: "Turn and charge!" And immediately they will turn themselves back against the enemy. They should do this not only straight ahead, but also to the right, to the left, and back toward the second line; and not only in the actual turning movement, but also by wheeling around at an interval, and at once charging together as a single body against the enemy. During training, it is necessary to hold the lances themselves raised high and not slanted to the side, so that the horses are not hindered in this exercise and struggle.

^C 38. There is another kind of maneuver: to move in an organized way to the left and to the right, which is appropriate for flank-guards and outflankers—that is, for those stationed on the right wing to circle the enemy's battle line. The commander gives the order: if he wishes them to move to the left, "Shift to the left!"; if to the right, "Shift to the right!" And thus they shift. If it is one *bandon*, they do it; if more, when one part has shifted, the others do the same in turn by *bandon*.

39. There is another kind of maneuver: to turn at times in the places where they are standing, and at other times changing the front of the battle line. For if any sudden movement occurs...

^A by the enemy at the rear, that is, when they are attacking from behind, command: "Convert." And as they stand in their places, they watch to the rear, only the banner-bearers with the commanders moving to the rear front. But if a great force of the enemy appears from behind, command: "Transmutate." And then they shift by banner.

40. It is necessary to drill and train not only for extension in length, but also to drill and march them "drungisti," that is, in close formation, in straight lines and various circles, first for the sake of retreats and counter-turns, then for sudden incursions against the enemy, and finally for the ability to quickly assist the needy. For if the regiments are accustomed in this way, they are ready to be drawn up as "coursors," that is, skirmishers or vanguard-fighters, and as "defensors," that is, avengers or supporters, and for every need.

41. Such training is to be diligently applied in most cases, although not everything must be known by the soldiers (for not everything should be made public, so that it might not be known to the enemy). By these mentioned nine movements, their regiments become ready for every need, whether for coursors, or for defensors, or for flank-guards, or for outflankers, whenever the need arises for some of them to be detached, becoming accustomed to every kind of formation. ^B

42. It is also necessary that the banners be accustomed to mutual harmony and order, as in a battle line. But as has been said, let not the whole deployment become evident to the enemy. For it is never useful to arrange the entire formation at once before the battle—that is, into first and second battle lines, or flank-guards, or those called outflankers, or those who attack stealthily "drungisti," or ambushes, that is, secret traps—for such things are rather strategic maneuvers against the enemy than matters of formal training, which it is not profitable to make public during drills. But one should act at that time according to the present need that requires it.

43. It is fitting, therefore, whether the banner of a count, or drungs, or a turma is being trained separately, or whether it is part of the deployment of a large army, that those being exercised be divided into three parts. ^C And if it is a single banner being trained alone, place the majority of them in the rank of coursors. From ten cavalrymen ^D on a single file, place them on this side and that, with equal horns, in the rank of defensors; and place a few other cavalrymen at a distance in front of their sight, so that they might appear to be preparing to do battle with them.

^A 44. Now when they move out as if for battle, with the charge of the cursors, and separate themselves from the defensors, and having run in a straight line for one or two miles, they should return to the halfway point of that distance, and by bending sometimes to the right and sometimes to the left, run in such a way, doing this for a third and fourth time; then again drive in a circular formation, and after this, running forward into the space between the defensors—from where they had first departed—they should drive with those who are in the formation of defensors, as if to meet those who were pursuing them.

45. Do the same when a drungus is being exercised; divide the cohort into cursors and defensors, and again change them around, so that you make those who were cursors into defensors, and the defensors into cursors, that they may be ready for every necessity. ^B

46. You should act similarly when a turma is being exercised, whether in the first or second battle line. Note above all these circular incursions of the cursors where there are different and varied banda or cohorts, so that these may be divided into two groups and run in contrary motion to one another, and meet each other, one running on the outside and the other on the inside, so that they may not be an impediment to the cavalrymen.

47. Furthermore, you must also exercise the flank-guards and the outflankers—that is, those who are to be stationed on the right side to surround the enemy—separately with them, that is, exercising them in dense and simultaneous incursions. But for the reasons mentioned above, do this as secretly as possible. ^C

48. So when you have drawn up your men against an opposing enemy battle line, take care that they are equal to them and are not surrounded by them. In close-quarters engagements, ensure that the enemy is surrounded by your men, by sending a few cavalrymen by way of simple mess units—up to the multitude of one or two cohorts—as if they were positioned against the enemy, so that the outflankers may direct their attention against them first, either to outflank them or to circle them. Then, having gathered together against them, they should themselves suddenly and secretly issue forth in a mass with a swift charge and attack the enemy from the rear, that is, from behind.

49. These exercises, therefore, are simple. But they exercise many cohorts generally, and each cohort suitably in particular, and our battle line is not at all revealed to the enemies. These forms of exercise are to be handed down in writing to your turmarchs and to the other cohorts which are exercised separately. ^D

50. Train them in such exercises not only in the plains, but also in trackless and rugged terrain, on steep and rising ground, and on sloping and descending terrain; and it is useful to exercise and train the troops even in the time of heat and hardship.

For no one knows when a battle will occur, and what will come of it.

51. Exercise must be conducted as if it were the war itself. Therefore, we have also spoken here about what is useful and necessary in time of war. For becoming accustomed to dangers makes the soldiers much more courageous. ^B

52. Since we have treated the training of the cavalry in part, it is necessary to likewise define for you the training of the infantry regiments, as much as we have gathered both from the ancient tacticians and from the more recent writers on military affairs.

53. Let the companies of the infantry regiment be arranged first, as we indicated somewhere above, so that some are set on the left of the *bandon*—that is, the commander—and some on the right. ^C When the commander advances along with the standard-bearer and the messenger, let the *lochagoi*—that is, the front-rank men or the decarchs—follow as they were appointed, first those from the left side, and then those from the right.

54. When they have arrived at the place of exercise or battle, let the commander stand, and after him the standard-bearer, and anyone else according to custom. They—the companies—set themselves in line on this side and that as they were defined, first at a wider interval, so that they may not collide with one another, 16 deep—that is, in thickness—and having the light-armed troops behind, and with the points of their lances looking upward, so they may not be obstructed by them. Before the front march the messenger and the *campiductor*—that is, the guide of the ways; the one scouting the terrain and guiding, the other giving commands according to the mind of the commander.

55. If it is a regiment that is being trained, let the commander of the regiment walk in front with the messenger and the *campiductor*. But if a *tourma* is being trained, let no one walk in front except the *tourmarches*, mounted, with two messengers, two *campiductors*, one *strator*, and one *spatharios*—that is, he who carries the arms of the commander—until they reach the neighborhood of the engagement or the battle-line; ^D then certainly, in the line of battle, he enters safely into the place where his *bandon* has been drawn up.

56. Let him not engage with the enemy, nor should you sound a trumpet for each part, except for the *merarches*, whether the division has one *tourma* or two or more, even if it happens that there are many trumpets, so that the commands may not be prevented from being heard due to a tumult arising. And the heavy-armed infantry—that is, the shield-bearers—are arranged in this way.

57. The light-armed troops, that is, those once called *akrobolistai* (skirmishers), are arranged in different ways, [now called archers].

For sometimes they are placed behind each file of shields in proportion to the number of men, that is to say, one archer for four shield-bearers, so that for every group of four, one archer may be found behind them. Sometimes one shield-bearer and one archer stand alternately within the depth of the files. Sometimes they are placed on the files and on the wings—that is, on the projecting ends of the battle lines—which is to say, inside the cavalry, and often even outside of them, at a short distance, to defend those standing further inside, if there be many light-armed troops. 58. Those who carry *richtaria*, or *tzikouria*, or *bardoukia* (axes, hatchets, or maces), are to be placed either behind the files of shield-bearers or at the ends of the battle line, and not in the middle. All slingers are to be placed at the very ends of the battle line. Now, we shall arrange the archers and the remaining javelin-men ^B behind the files for the sake of the exercise, or as the need for it requires. 59. The cavalry are to be stationed at the wings of the infantry battle line. Those cohorts among them that are the most courageous, with their officers, are to be stationed more to the outside. If there are many cavalry—that is, more than twelve thousand—their depth is to be ten men. If they are fewer than this standard, the depth is to be five. There should also be some extra men stationed behind in support, further out than the wagons, so that if any of the enemy appear from the rear, they may drive them off; if not, they may also be added to the flanks. 60. They are themselves to be arranged first at a wider interval, so that if occasion arises for the army to shift its position, ^C they are not hindered. 61. You are to instruct the cavalry not to ride too far after the enemy, nor to be separated from the infantry battle line by a long distance, lest by chance an ambush be set and the enemy turn back against them, and the infantry, deprived of their protection, suffer some injury. If they are very hard-pressed and scattered, they should withdraw to the rear to safeguard their wagons, which are drawn up behind the infantry line, and should not ride beyond them. If they cannot resist even in this way, they must dismount from their horses and defend themselves on foot. 62. If the army wishes to be drawn up for battle but not to engage on the same day, and the adversaries charge against the cavalry and they cannot withstand them, they should not wait for them standing at the wings of the battle line, but rather withdraw to the rear—that is, to the ends of the line and the wagons. ^D If this happens, a greater interval is needed in the middle, so that as the cavalry withdraw, as is likely, they are not crowded, and the enemy's arrows do not harm them. 63. These things must be done especially when the time of battle arrives; for it is for this reason that the exercise is conducted.

^A 64. Since these arrangements have been described, it is fitting for us to set forth and clarify for you the formations and commands of the infantry rank, just as we did for the cavalry. 65. When the parts of the army’s battle line have assembled for exercise, the campiductor shall command these things: "With silence, fulfill all commands. Do not be disturbed. Maintain your station. Follow the cohort. Let no one desert his cohort. Pursue the enemies." Having spoken this, they will move so quietly and calmly that not even a whisper will be heard from anyone. 66. They must also be accustomed to these things—to move and stand, to be thinned out, that is, to have the depth of the contubernia divided, to march evenly and in an orderly fashion to the front, that is, directly—by voice or by nod, or by some sign, and to draw together ^B and condense in various and different ways, both in length and in depth, to walk in phulkon, and thus to form up as if they were in the very battle line itself. 67. They must also be exercised in this way: sometimes with rods, and sometimes with drawn spathai, that is, swords, to be divided into a diphalangia, that is, a double line, and to return again to their original formation; to incline to the right and left, and to move on the wing, that is, the right side, to advance forward, and to return again to their original formation; to guard twofold from either side, and to return again to their original formation; to shift to the right and left, to be thinned out and widened, that is, to have the depth of the contubernia spread out, and to turn to the rear, ^C and to return again to their original formation. These formations are performed because of the various circumstances that arise. 68. Therefore, they move and stand by voice or by nod through some sign. When he wishes to move them, the campiductor indicates it by the bucina or by the staurea, or by his voice, and they move. But when he wishes them to stand, he indicates it by the touda—which is a small bucina—or by his voice, or by a nod of the hand, and they stand. It is necessary to be accustomed to voice and sign because of the great clamor of chariots, or of dust, or of the mist that often arises. 69. The contubernia are thinned out, that is, divided, when they ^D have a depth of sixteen men, and you wish to extend the length of the battle lines, either for the sake of some display or because you wish them to be equal to the rank of the enemies; and you command: "Go forth." And they go out, separating one after another. And the depth of the contubernia is thinned out, while the length of the battle line is increased. And the depth becomes eight men. But if you wish the depth to be of four, you say again: "Go forth"; and they all go out likewise in one direction, either to the right or to the left. And one must be careful about this.

70. Let them be commanded to march evenly and in order. Since they sometimes get ahead of the others in the line of battle and march unevenly, you shall command them with the words: "Equal the front," that is, let the front be equal, and it will be equal at once. ^B

71. The exercise [of the army] is contracted, that is, made dense, when it is about two or three arrow-shots away from the enemy's host and wishes to engage the fronts of both armies; it contracts and densifies the front toward the middle space, both in length and depth, to such an extent that those drawn up in the forward part and those who were on the flanks are, as it were, held within the circuit of the wagons. This formation can take place whether the army is standing or moving.

72. It must also be commanded that the rearguards, that is, the last or tail-men, often incite those who are in the rear, and urge them on for every military necessity, so that none, as usually happens, remain behind out of fear.

73. They march in close formation when the arrows begin to be cast at the same time by the enemy and by us, and those who are drawn up in front do not wear *zabas*, that is, lorica or helmets. When it is commanded to them, "Densify," then those who are drawn up in front densify their shields until they have approached one another, covering their bellies down to their calves and knees with their shields, that is, the so-called "protection" ^C; those standing behind them hold their shields up over them and, resting them against those in front, cover their chests and their faces, and thus they engage the enemy.

74. But when the dense line of battle has come within an arrow-shot of the enemy, and the conflict is about to be joined in earnest, I say: "Ready," that is, prepared. Let another immediately take this up and shout: "Help," and let all respond evenly and in unison: "God." At that point, let the light troops shoot their arrows higher. The shield-bearers who are stationed in the front, when they are near the enemies, if they have *matsoukia*, *tzikouria*, or *rhiktaria* [maces, battle-axes, or javelins], let them throw them at a lower level. But if not, let them wait until they come to close quarters, and then, throwing their lances, that is, their *rhiktaria*, let them draw their swords and fight in good order, remaining in their rank and not running after the enemies if they, as is likely, retreat. Those standing behind them, covering their own heads with their shields, support those in front with their lances. ^D

75. Those who are in the front of the army must carefully look to themselves until they come to hand-to-hand combat...

from the nearby area, so that they might not be pierced through by the enemy, especially if they do not have leg armor or bronze greaves. ^A

76. They are divided into a diphalangia, that is, a double phalanx, when the battle line is marching in a straight line and enemies appear both in front and behind. If the files consist of sixteen men and the enemies approaching in the line of sight have drawn near and are about to begin the battle from close quarters, one gives the order: "Divide into eights." The eights then stand, and the [other] eights turn around and move to form the diphalangia; they are divided, and the eight who stand hold the depth, either at eight or at four. One gives the order: "Secundi, stand firm, and you of the phalanx, march out." The secundi are those formerly called secundi, or epistatae. The secundi—that is, those placed under the decarch—turn around and march out to a distance of up to three hundred paces, that is, strides, so that the arrows shot by the opponents might not be able, from either side, to harm the backs of those facing them, but rather would fall in the intervening space. Then one gives the order: "Turn back," and when they have turned back, if need be, they are restored to their previous formation. ^B

77. If, however, as is likely, the greater force of the enemy is coming by the rear—that is, behind the battle line—and the wagons are not following, the secundi (that is, the epistatae) stand, and the primi (that is, the protostatae) go out, and the lochagoi [also] go out.

78. The use of the diphalangia occurs when the wagons are not following, or having followed, have been dispersed by the enemy. It is absolutely necessary that these accompany every prepared infantry army, unless perhaps an equestrian army is forced to go on foot, and at such a time is in need of wagons or some other material to the rear.

79. They incline to the right and left when someone wishes to draw the battle line to one side, whether to extend the line, as is likely, and outflank—that is, encircle—the enemies, or so as not to be outflanked—that is, encircled—by them, or because of the suitability of the place, or to pass through a narrow place. If one wishes to move it to the right, one gives the order: "Incline to the spear." And all the heavy infantry turn that way. Then one gives the order: "Turn back," and they are restored. If one wishes to incline to the left, one gives the order: "Incline to the spear and move," and the others are observed in the same way. ^C

80. The amphistomos (double-faced) movement is when, as is likely, the enemies suddenly attack from before and behind, and the battle line does not have time to divide into a diphalangia. One gives the order: "Keep the rank of the files." Half of them position themselves against those coming from the front, and the other half turn around to the rear. Those standing in the middle cover their heads, as it were, with their shields.

81. They are moved to the right and left when... ^D

^A necessity demands it, if you wish to transfer the army to the right or left. Command them with these words: "Transfer to the right," that is, *Transfer te ad dextram*; or again, "Transfer to the left," *Transfer te ad laevam*. Once one cohort has moved across, the entire battle line shall move to that side.

82. They are thinned out, that is, widened, when they are densely packed and you wish to divide or stretch them out, as appropriate, and extend the battle line in length, or because you wish for them to be more superior. And you command: "Widen to both sides," and they are widened. This formation can be performed whether the army is marching or standing, with the two horns bending outward, whether it be a single turma or the entire army.

83. They are deepened, that is, the ranks are doubled, when they are standing four men deep and you wish to double that number, and to strengthen them for the engagement, fittingly according to the depth of the enemy battle line, and you command: "Enter," and they become eight. If you wish to make them sixteen, you command again: "Enter." And as they enter into their own places one by one, they are doubled and become sixteen, all falling into one side, just as they went out. But if you wish, as the case may be, to make the depth of the ranks thirty-two, which is hardly necessary, you command: "Manipulus under manipulus," and thus they are doubled, and the battle line itself is densified, and its length is reduced.

84. They are turned around when, as the battle line is marching in a straight line, the enemies no longer appear in its sight, but at the rear. Then, if you wish to transfer the front, that is, the *lochagoi* or leaders, of a file of sixteen men to the rear, command in this manner: "Change place," and as the *lochagoi* or leaders pass ^B through the depth of the ranks, with many others following them, they stand in a battle line, thus turning the front to face the enemies. This is fittingly done before the densification of the army. But if it has already been densified and this cannot be done conveniently, as mentioned above, say: "Convert," and just as they stood, they turn, looking only towards the very extremity of the battle line, with the *lochagos* or leader no longer looking ahead, but with the sixteenth man—the *ouragos* (or file-closer)—now standing in the front.

85. These exercises, therefore, can make the soldier ready and capable at the time of war, and before the time of war, without iron arms but with other equipment suitable for exercise, they can accustom them to all forms of military movements and to follow commands skillfully, without confusion or clamor, especially when the companies are divided against one another into two opposing battle lines, whether the exercise is performed by one cohort or by several.

86. I am not unaware that other commands and movements for training are also handed down by the ancients, and by others, and most especially by Aelian and Arrian, with whom others agree as if with one voice. But ^{C D}

...so that I might not extend the discourse to such a length, ^A I shall mention those things in a single chapter, and for the rest, I shall be silent about the multitude of them, partly because of the obscurity and uselessness in them, and partly because they have been taken from there—as if culled by us—and stated here along with the discoveries which the more recent writers have found through experience. And so that we may not seem to be unrefined, and to repeat in an obscure manner things which have already been clarified ^B here.

87. For with Aelian the following terms and movements are mentioned: the one called *klisis* (declinatio), and he divides this *klisis* into two. He calls the one toward the shield *klisis*—that is, toward the *skoutarion*—and the other toward the spear—that is, toward the *kontarion*. There is also some movement with them, and *metabole* (commutatio), and *epistrophe* (conversio), and *anastrophe* (reversio), and *perispasmos* (biflexio), and *ekperispasmos* (triflexio), and *zygount* (jugare), and *stichein* (decuriare), and to return to the straight line (dirigere), and *exelissein* (evolvere), and *diplasiazein* (duplicare). Also mentioned are *epagoge* (inductio), *dexia paragoge* (dextra traductio), *plagia phalanx* (obliqua phalanx), *orthia phalanx* (recta phalanx), *loxē phalanx* (incurva phalanx), *parembole* (interjectio), *protaxis* (præpositio), *entaxis* (impositio), *hypotaxis* (suppositio), *epitaxis* (postpositio), *prostaxis* (appositio), and *parataxis*.

88. The movements are, then, of this number. The commands are as follows: Go to arms. Stand by the arms. Let no armed man depart from the phalanx. Be silent and attend to the one giving the command. ^C Up with the spears. Lower the spears. Let the rear-guard commander direct the squad. Maintain the intervals. Incline toward the spear. Incline toward the shield. Advance. Keep thus. Return to the straight. Double the depth. Restore to the former position. Wheel the Laconian movement toward the spear. Restore to the former position.

89. But these things, because of both the obscurity and the lack of utility, we have for the time being passed over, caring most of all for brevity and clarity.

90. The things we have said beforehand regarding the training of infantry and cavalry, both for the individual soldier and for the divisions and regular formations, are sufficiently contained in this summary. It is appropriate, however, and suitable to the undertaking at hand, to also insert the penalties for soldiers who transgress, so that they may know them and not, through ignorance, fall into the punishments established for such actions. ^D

Constitution 8. On many military matters.

^A 1. Not only in the time of actual conflicts, but also in the time of training, all officers and military cohorts must be assembled, and these military laws, which contain these penalties, must be read out:

2. If a soldier opposes his pentarch or tetrarch, let him be disciplined; if a tetrarch or a pentarch opposes his own decarch, let him be disciplined in the same way; if a decarch [opposes] the pentarch, [let him be disciplined]. But if anyone of the cohort dares to do this against his own comes, let him be punished capitally. ^B

3. If, however, one is injured by someone, let him report to the officer of the cohort; if he is injured by the officer himself, let him report to a higher officer.

4. If anyone dares to desert 25 beyond the time of the *comeatus*, that is, the leave of soldiers to their own homes, let him be condemned to perpetual separation from the army.

5. If any dare to form a conspiracy or faction against their own officer for any cause whatsoever, let them be subjected to capital punishment, especially the primary authors of such sedition and conspiracy. ^C

6. If anyone is entrusted with the guard of a city or castle and betrays it, or departs from it against the will of his officer, let him be subjected to the supreme punishment.

7. If anyone is convicted of having wished to surrender himself to the enemy, let him be subjected to the supreme punishment. Not only he, but also the one who knows of this, since he knew of it and did not report it to the officer. ^D

8. If anyone, having heard the orders of the decarch, does not observe them, let him be disciplined. But if he offends through ignorance of the orders, let the decarch himself be disciplined, because he did not announce them to him.

9. If anyone finds a beast of burden or any other kind [of animal], small or large, and does not disclose it and hand it over to his own officer, let him be disciplined, not only he himself, but also he who is privy to it, for both shall be disciplined as thieves.

10. If anyone causes damage to a taxpayer and does not compensate him voluntarily, let him pay him a double penalty for the damage.

11. If anyone, while receiving leave during opportune days, neglects his own arms, and the decarch does not compel him to acquire new ones 26, or does not report this to his own officer, both let the soldier and the decarch be disciplined.

NOTES. (25) To desert. In the codex, it seems to have been *mageusai*. Mistakenly. Rufus in *Leg. milit.*: "If someone dares to desert beyond the time of the *commeatus*, he shall be expelled from the army." Among later Greeks *bageuein*, to desert, is to wander, to err. Suidas: *bageuein*, to wander. See our Glossary. (26) And the decarch does not compel him to acquire [new ones]. The rest is missing, or something of the sort.

^A 12. If anyone does not obey his own commander, let him be punished according to the laws.

13. If anyone does harm to a soldier or a citizen, let him restore double to him.

14. If the army is in winter quarters, and the commander or soldier does harm to a citizen while passing through, and does not properly compensate him for this, he shall be compelled to restore double to him.

15. If anyone, in time of war, without a *commeatus* (27), that is, a discharge from the army, dares to dismiss a soldier, let him pay a penalty of thirty *nomismata*. In time of winter quarters, let him do so for two or three months; but in time of peace, let the time of discharge be granted to the soldier according to the distance of the province. ^B

16. If anyone, having been entrusted with the guarding of a city or a fortress, betrays it, or departs without any necessity pertaining to life, when he could have defended the place, let him be subjected to capital punishment.

17. These penalties are to be read out also in time of training when the soldiers are gathered together, and at any other suitable time, for the information of the soldiers and their commanders.

18. And the rest of the penalties, which it is necessary to observe in time of war, should also be prescribed to them.

19. After the cohorts have been organized, these things are also read accordingly:

20. If a soldier, in time of battle and war, leaves his rank or his cohort and flees, or leaps ahead of the place where he was stationed, or despoils a corpse, or runs off in pursuit of the enemy, or attacks the baggage train or the camp of the enemies, ^C we order that he be punished capitally, and that all his goods, as is fitting, be taken from him and given to the common stock of the cohort, as he has broken the rank and endangered his own comrades (28).

21. If, in time of public battle or conflict, a rout—which God forbid!—should occur without any reasonable and clear cause, we order that the soldiers of the first cohort that flees and retreats from the battle line, or rather from its own part, who were assigned to the fight, be decimated and shot with arrows by the remaining cohorts, as they have broken the line and become responsible for the rout of the entire wing.

22. But if it should happen that some of them, as is fitting, are wounded in that very conflict, we hold them to be free of such a crime.

23. If the loss of a cohort should happen at the hands of the enemy, which God forbid, ^D without any reasonable and clear cause, we order that those entrusted with the guard of the cohort be punished and become the most miserable and despised of all their subjects. But if it should happen that some of them were wounded while fighting, we wish these to be free of this penalty.

NOTE.

^A 24. If it happens (which God forbid) that there is a rout of any squadron or battle line, and they neither run to the defenders, nor do those who are routed and put to flight hasten to the camp, but out of some contempt fly off to other places, let those who do these things be punished as betrayers and despisers of the rest. ^A 25. If a soldier throws away his arms in battle, we command that he be punished as one who has stripped himself and armed his enemies. ^B 26. If any of the commanders disarms a soldier, or excuses him, or he does not enter the camp at the appointed time, or when he has entered, keeps him occupied in his own service, so that he neglects his rank and his arms, apart from what has been established by our office, let him be corrected, and let him be fined: a general, one libra of gold; a turmarch, thirty-six nomismata; a drungary, that is, a commander of a large regiment, twenty-four nomismata; a count, that is, a commander of a regiment, twelve nomismata. 27. Having thus ordained as much regarding military penalties, I shall next set forth for you how it is proper for the army to march, both as a whole and in parts, both in our own territory and in that of the enemy, and with what order.

CONSTITUTION IX. Concerning the march of the army.

^A 5. If you expect war, cause the army to proceed in formation, whether it is traveling by *drungoi* (that is, millenary cohorts), or by *turmai*, or in complete battle lines. For to have them in order is very useful not only in enemy territory but also in our own; it makes the soldiers safer and more well-trained.

6. Accustom every *drungos*, or millenary cohort, to have their own baggage follow behind with their own insignia, and not to be mixed with those of others. For when the enemy is neither present nor expected, it is necessary to travel either by *drungoi* or by *turmai* in our own land, and not to gather the whole army into one place, so that it may not easily be starved, nor the whole multitude become easily visible to the scouts of the enemy, as is likely to happen, nor be crowded for grazing.

7. When the enemy is approaching, as if for a battle within six, seven, or even ten days, and you are about to pitch camp, if the journey is through unknown places and there are no local guides present, you shall send ahead *metatores*—that is, measurers—to occupy the sites beforehand, if there is no fear of the enemy, to mark out one day before the perimeter of the entire army where you intend to camp, and to distribute the proper measure with fair proportion to each *turma*. ^B

8. The *anticensores* should do the same. Their duty is to learn the strength and abundance of water and fodder.

9. If the march is to take place through very rugged places, or over precipices, or through impassable or thick terrain, prepare a multitude from the army and send them ahead, so that they may level out and prepare a straight road as far as possible, so that the horses are not exhausted. Those chosen for this task should not be subject to guard duty or other tasks.

10. While the army is marching, your Excellence should lead the way as the commander of the entire army, preceding it for the sake of honor and for fear of the penalties, with your entire retinue and your companies; ^C however, the baggage of all should go behind.

11. To this format each *tourmarch* or *drungarios* (that is, the minor tribune) should proceed, keeping the same order, whether they are marching united or separately. In the crossings of rivers or other unknown places, send ahead *anticensores* to examine the places first, and thus report the state of the place to you, so that you may send through suitable officers and carefully secure the crossing. ^D

12. If the places are very treacherous and difficult, you yourself ought to cross first, then

you must stand by and wait until all have passed through without harm. ^A

13. For we know that our father of immortal memory, King Basil, did this when he led his forces against the Syrian city of Germanicia and had anticipated the river called the Paradise; having placed lamps in the middle, he himself stood there, and by his own presence and assistance easily and safely led the whole army across, for he often extended a hand to those in distress and rescued some from dangers.

14. We command you, O general, to do this if the enemy is not near those places. But if they are approaching, then you must remain in your own position, and each commander must look after his own portion until all the soldiers under him have passed through safely, so that, by everyone rushing to get ahead of the others, they may not fall into disorder and be trampled, for from that, perhaps, some harm might result. ^B

15. When you are making the crossing of the army through the land of our subjects, command the soldiers to spare and avoid the cultivated areas; whether they are fields, vineyards, or gardens, they must not pass through the middle of them, so that you may preserve our subjects and farmers unharmed, in accordance with the law previously set forth to you by us.

16. And if possible, pass through on a long detour by way of uncultivated places. But if necessity compels you to pass through such cultivated areas, you must command the commanders of each battalion to stand and keep guard until the soldiers stationed under them have passed through, and to hand over such places unharmed by those passing after them, and thus take their departure. ^C

17. Each succeeding commander shall do the same thing in his turn, and every officer shall do likewise. For in this way your good order, that of the commanders, and that of the army will be preserved, and the harvest of the farmer will be kept safe.

18. When the fatigue [(40)] of war is near and expected, or the crossing is difficult and wearisome, if wild or tame animals appear along the way or come into view, you must forbid [(41)] your soldiers from hunting or chasing them, because from this a commotion and shouting arise, and their horses are [(42)] trampled without any necessity. ^D

19. When it is a time of peace and no necessity of war is expected, then hunting is very useful for the soldiers.

20. If you are leading a small army, as is likely, and intend to operate against the enemy, do not lead them through inhabited places, neither in your own territory nor in that of the enemy, lest perhaps scouts easily become aware

^A of your movements and report them to the enemy; rather, endeavor to pass through other, unknown places; and this you shall do within your own territory, whenever you are moving your army.

21. When you are conducting your journey of the army in enemy territory, you must ravage, burn, and cut it down. For a deficiency of money and a lack of crops make the enemy weaker and the war less intense, just as, on the contrary, an abundance of these things incites and increases their power against us.

22. If you are going to camp for a long time in enemy territory, ravage so much and such things of the region as you will not have need of, but keep the necessary provisions for the troops with you for their expenses ^B.

23. When you have all your forces together, do not linger, neither in our own country nor in any other subject to our dominion; for you will consume your own crops, and will harm friends more than enemies. Lead them away quickly, if the situation in your own country is secure, and bring them into enemy territory. For if the enemy land is rich, fertile, and wealthy, you will have food and abundance in plenty. But if it is not of such a kind, you will at least preserve your own country intact, and you will find many things in the enemy territory, although it may not be very fruitful, that are nonetheless suitable for feeding your army.

24. When you are in enemy territory, do not permit ^C your soldiers to go forth in disorder for the sake of plunder. For often, being schemed against by the enemy, they suffer great and severe losses.

25. You will also take care, while traveling with the army in your own territory, regarding the market and trade, both by land, if it should happen, and by sea, so that their arrival being without danger, they may bring the cargo necessary for supplies ungrudgingly and without fear.

26. When you intend to make your passage through narrow places, or lead the army through mountainous and difficult enemy country, it is necessary for you to send forward a part of your army, and to preemptively occupy the passes and the entrances to the narrow ways, or what are called "clefts" (clausurae), so that the enemy, by arriving first and taking their stand upon the heights or the narrow paths, may not prevent you from ^D making the transit, or bring danger upon the army through the narrow passage.

27. The same you should also take care for when you yourself fear an incursion of the enemy into your own country, that you may preemptively occupy the narrow parts of the road, and prevent the entry of the enemy by sending some force of soldiers, or cause them much trouble in the passage of the narrow ways.

^A 28. If you are about to complete a long journey of many days, whether in your own territory or in the enemy’s, first habituate the soldiers so that, while they are in your own territory, they may keep their own order in the companies, which are also called messes, and hold their station, and follow those who go before, so that when they come into enemy land, they may not be taken by surprise by unexpected incursions. Being less perturbed, they will not run confusedly toward one another, remaining without protection for themselves, and they will not receive many evils from the enemy, both because of their own disorder and because of the enemy’s onslaught. By this customary preservation of order, they will be fit for all tasks that arise, and prepared for battle itself, especially if they have some signal and recognize one another by sight.

29. You must keep the march of the army short, and lead the ranks through such regions where they will not be crushed ^B or restricted by the narrowness of the places, but where they can be extended in length from the flank; for those who are enclosed in such places are easily surrounded by traps and oppressed by the sudden intervention of the enemy, and are hindered from undertaking any notable action.

30. If the enemy encounters them from the front with better-ordered forces, your men will easily be routed and scattered, just as when you are surrounded by the enemy in war.

31. If the enemy attacks from the flank into the middle of the forces, they are easily broken apart and the forces separated. For if those who are marching wish to turn back to form a phalanx, and to draw up a battle line on both sides, the battle will be weak, because this cannot be done by them immediately. ^C

32. If they appear from the rear, the destruction is just as obvious as it would have been if they had attacked those who are in the front of the march.

33. It also happens that if some relief is sent, it proves difficult and useless; for when those in the rear strive to bring help to those in the front, or conversely those in the front wish to run to the aid of those in the rear, this movement is slow and late, and it is usually unable to happen in time.

34. A compact and square march, which is oblong but does not have too much of that shape, but is well-proportioned, is for every occasion and outcome firm, useful, and safe. ^D

35. For often they fall into doubt when the first ones descend from mountainous places into level ground; for seeing those behind moving up, they imagine them to be an incursion of enemies, so that they hasten to attack as if they were foes, and some even come to blows against their own side by a small margin.

36. Take and arrange the entire baggage train, the servants, the pack animals, and all the equipment in the middle of the forces.

^A 37. If you see or fear an attack from the rear, make the rearguard just as strong and ready as those placed in the front of the march, so that there is no difference between those in the rear and those in the front regardless of what may happen.

38. You must also send forward some horsemen to scout out the roads, especially when you are traveling through wild, wooded, or hill-enclosed terrain. For often the hidden ambushes of the enemy lie in wait, and by catching their opponents unawares, they utterly destroy them.

39. In open and flat places, the eyes can easily survey everything; for a great cloud of dust raised during the day often signals the approach of the enemy, and fires lit ^B at night shine forth and reveal the enemy.

40. If you do not intend to deploy your forces for battle, lead them only by day. But if you are in a hurry and are eager to arrive more quickly, lead them also by night, if you judge that to be safe.

41. Before the time of battle, proceed with relaxation and leisure; however, once you appear in the sight of the enemy, attack immediately, having well deployed your force in advance. For often, focusing on these matters before the battle begins brings fear even to brave men and consumes the strength of their bodies with anxiety.

42. As for narrow and difficult places extending over a long distance in the enemy's country, ^C infantrymen in particular have no difficulty in passing through them. We will speak of these a little later.

43. We do not permit the horsemen to wander about incautiously or at random in the enemy's country, especially in the summer, unless necessity requires it. If a place extends for only a short distance, up to one mile, and the infantry can pass through there, it is possible for the horsemen to travel through them safely on foot.

44. By narrow and difficult passages, I mean those that have one and only one way through. For if there are other passages, or if others can be devised, the crossing can take place without hindrance.

45. If, therefore, the time comes for narrow crossings, and the army is going to return through the same places, if they are thick with trees and not of immense length, ^D cut them down, clear them, and widen the area at the time of your march as much as possible. But if they are narrow and craggy, so that they cannot be widened as we have said above, occupy them in advance with some infantry force, and leave sufficient, safe protection on the higher ground of these places, or if it chances to be necessary, through horsemen until the return; or do both in the more necessary places—that is, cut, clear, and leave support according to what is feasible.

46. Those who make their passage through narrow places, whether with the pack-train or with booty, should divide themselves into two phalanxes, or battle-lines, and proceed on foot in an acute formation on the flank. An acute formation, ^A that is, the *orthia paragoge*, is when the front is narrow and extends in depth to a great length. This should be done especially when the booty is in their hands, whether they are infantry, for whom the traversing of thickets and impassable places is easier, or horsemen dismounting from their horses, keeping the pack-train and the baggage in the middle.

47. In such times and places, after the diphalangia—that is, the double battle-line which has a strong body of men in front and rear, like the edges of a sword—you must designate some for the protection of the pack-train and the booty, which, naturally, is always with them. And ^B others, those who are quick or specifically assigned for this task, should be made more numerous and effective by being placed in reserve on the four sides of the diphalangia, as the terrain permits, following along and warding off those of the enemy who might, as is likely, come up against them and cause disorder. Thus it remains unbroken and undistracted for the protection of the pack-train and the booty, and those ^C assigned to it are not distracted by those coming against them. For it is not possible for those who are arranged in the diphalangia to guard the booty with order and at the same time engage with the enemy who are, as is likely, attacking them. For this reason, it is necessary to have men in reserve outside the diphalangia on the four sides, and in particular the strongest ones to the rear. For thus one will be able, at every occasion, to traverse difficult and rough places easily.

48. The horses of the infantry soldiers who have dismounted and are walking, if other soldiers are not nearby, do not keep near the infantry, but lead them safely in a middle place, so that if by chance a sudden, unexpected fear should arise, the infantry, if they find them near, do not ^D rush to seize the horses they are already in the battle-line; for this would certainly not happen without great misfortune.

49. But if it happens that they are carrying off captives or booty, and the enemy is pursuing them, you must skillfully arrange the captives in bonds and the rest of the booty, once tied together, into one or two parts, and place them before you against the enemy, where you think the incursion of the enemy will be, so that you may use them as a shield or bulwark, either to keep the enemy from throwing javelins out of a desire to avoid damaging them, or if they do throw, they destroy them rather than the soldier.

50. If, indeed, the army finds itself in need, as is likely, and in an unexpected crisis, and is caught in narrow places, and it is impossible to make a withdrawal from there without danger, then it is better by common agreement to abandon either part of the booty or even the whole booty to the enemy, and to withdraw safely without loss, rather than to risk everything for the sake of the booty.

CONSTITUTION IX.

51. Should they not be willing to come to an agreement with you in this manner, then you must slaughter the captives themselves in the sight of the enemies, and indeed you must either remain in that place and lay waste and ravage the region on all sides, or else consult your own safety and, with your battle line drawn up, consider your exit and escape.

52. By all means, O general, let it be your aim in such narrow passes, and especially in those which occupy a long distance, not to attempt to force a passage for the army, particularly in the summer season, because of the density of the woods and the enemies who are especially harassing [you], until they themselves are driven off and appear, or the higher ground above the pass is seized in advance by you.

53. These things are for the cavalry expedition; but on a march of the infantry, in level places, it is necessary to station cavalry to the rear and in front of them as guards, and for no infantryman to appear outside the guard.

54. The camps ought to be made in close proximity, so that the infantry may not be seen walking a long distance.

55. The wagons accompanying the infantry should proceed according to the divisions of the battle line, whether in column or in battle array, first toward the position of the right wing, then the left, then after those the left-center, and then the right-center; and they should not move in a confused or intermingled way.

56. If the enemies are near, the hoplites should each carry his own arms while marching, and not leave them in the wagons, so that they may be ready for battle. And in pressing times, as the units are ordered in the battle line, so they should march, and not confusedly or dispersedly; so that, if the need arises to form a line of battle, they may be ready to take their positions for it.

57. If there are many of the enemies' cavalry, and they are approaching, the army should not attempt to change camp continuously or to make marches before the joining of battle, but two or three days beforehand, it should occupy the place where the engagement is likely to take place, and there safely pitch camp.

58. If you are about to make an incursion into enemy territory with an infantry army through woody and difficult and narrow places, or if you intend to mount an attack against them in such, you ought not to have many cavalrymen, nor have wagons—or much baggage—nor many arms, such as hauberks, and helmets, or clibania [thoraces], or anything of that sort, but the scutati should only have their shields and longer lances; while the so-called light-armed soldiers should have short shields and swords, and small axes, and lighter quivers, throwing-weapons, small javelins, [other] axes, and anything else of an equally light and useful nature. You must certainly have many axes, and carry them on the pack animals, for emergencies.

59. You shall not place the infantry line of the shield-bearers directly or only in front, as is done in level and open ground, but you shall divide them into two or four parts—that is, each contubernium should be two or four men deep, in proportion to your multitude and the present need; and these divided parts should proceed separated from one another by the distance of a stone's throw. ^A

60. If cavalry 51 or a pack-train are present, you must place the pack-train immediately behind the infantry, then the cavalry behind the pack-train, and behind them a few light-armed shield-bearers as rear guards, on account of the unexpected attacks 52 that, as is likely, might occur from behind.

61. Send some of the light-armed troops out from the battle line as far as a signal, with a few cavalrymen; and place others to the sides, here and there, to oversee and scout whether any ambushes 53 are placed there, and to fell trees round about in such a suitable manner that, if the need ever arises, they may be pushed by hand and, falling across the passageway in the narrow places, deny entry and cause great trouble to those hastening to cross. ^B

62. You must investigate these things with light-armed troops and a few cavalrymen, and drive away any enemy ambushes that might have been placed along the way; and only then should you lead the marshalled battle line through that place.

63. Wherever the places are more open, the cavalry and scouts should go ahead and perform the lookout duties; but where the places are dense and difficult, the light-armed infantry should do so. ^C

64. Do not arrange the light-armed troops in a straight line as you do the shield-bearers, but place the light-armed javelin-men in groups of two, three, or four, along with their shields, so that if the need arises, the same men may both defend themselves with their shields and cast their javelins; and have one archer in each of these small detachments, by whom the others will be well protected.

65. Do not lead such drungoi 54 in a single battle line, or straight ahead, but let them proceed in order one behind the other, so that they may protect each other’s rears; and if it happens that those in front are delayed by the enemy or are distressed by the difficulty of the terrain, then those coming up from the rear, having unexpectedly reached a higher position ^D than where the enemies are stationed, may come to their aid. For it is always necessary for the light-armed troops to hasten to occupy the higher ground against the enemy.

66. Furthermore, command the light-armed troops not to stray further from the battle line than the range at which a trumpet can be heard; for if they are deprived of help, they will, as is natural, be heavily oppressed. [alt-version omitted]

66. If the four parts are moving in front toward the horn, and a narrow place is found such that they cannot pass through it as four parts by themselves, you should divide them into two parts, forming a diphalangy.

67. But if not even two can fit, you lead them as one arrangement toward the horn, in a single formation, with the remainder of the light-armed troops following in order, always taking the lead as has been said.

68. After passing through the narrow place, you are to lead them again in four units—that is, parts—just as they were arranged toward the horn, that is, toward the front.

69. If a multitude of enemies appears in front or from the flanks—whichever side you perceive that the enemy decides to turn—you shall turn that part to the front, that is, to the beginning of the battle formation; this means: if they appear at the left of the battle formation, while this highest part of the formation remains in its rank, the other three parts should arrive and be arranged with it in their proper places.

70. If they appear on the right, they make their faces turn into the same manner, and so do they.

71. If they appear in front of the middle parts, either one of them or two, and the terrain slopes to the right and they are establishing themselves toward the front, the other two parts arrive and are arranged in the same way, and the formation becomes oblique toward the front.

72. And if the terrain allows, pass the light-armed troops through to the enemies in an orderly fashion, so that with them the cavalry can also surround the opponents; but if it does not fit, pass them through in a coherent and dense formation.

73. The deep and light-armed ranks, that is, the shield-bearers, are to be arranged so that they may also make crossings through trees easily, and, if the need arises, they may be thickened.

74. If the terrain does not accommodate them, the battle formation must stand firm, and you must send the light-armed troops toward the enemies, and provide support for them from those nearby, both by a few shield-bearers and by cavalry.

75. You must also give orders so that, when, as is predictable, a clamor arises during the march as if enemies are appearing, the men should by no means become confused and run toward that part, but the shield-bearers should hold their place while the light-armed troops of each part run toward the shouting, and those in the front should not readily go to the flanks, nor those on the flanks to the front, without the commander's permission, but each part should support its own in the time of such a clamor as the need arises, and so that if they are pressed, as is likely, they may flee to the battle formation of the shield-bearers and not be crushed by the enemies.

76. Safe and suitable marches of the infantry can therefore be made if, as we said, in denser and impassable places, they are drawn up into a deep, that is, narrow and long formation—whether into four parts or two, as the places allow. But in more—

spacious locations, the front is extended in width, with the contubernia ^A arranged in a wider spread in terms of width, and denser in terms of depth.

78. Know for certain that in dense forests, those who throw javelins by hand—through *rhictaria* or *menaula*, that is, longer spears—are more necessary than archers or slingers. Therefore, it is fitting that many of the light-armed troops be trained in these weapons or javelins that are thrown by hand.

79. Archers are more useful when drawn up in the battle line, and especially in rugged, steep, narrow, and exposed places.

80. Javelin-throwers are most useful outside of the drawn-up battle line in dense places. And these things are to be observed while performing marches.

81. Before everyone has encamped, never break up the battle line—neither on a foot expedition nor on a cavalry one—until the camp ditch has been fortified on all sides and the scouts have gone out.

82. Everyone must know the signals, so that when ^B they recognize the sound of the customary trumpet, they halt, and at the customary sound of the other trumpet, that is, of the movement, they move. Having thus prescribed for us regarding the march of the army, we shall next set forth for you the rule regarding the so-called *tuldos*.

Constitution X.

On the *tuldos*, that is, the baggage train.

1. You must necessarily take care of the *tuldos*, or baggage train: it must not be scattered rashly or by chance, but must be placed in safety wherever it is left.

2. Nor again should it be brought along into battle without forethought; for it happens that there are servants in it who are useful to the soldiers, and children, or their kinsmen. And if it is not in safety, the soldiers are occupied by anxiety for it, and become uncertain and ^C divided in their judgment during the battles.

3. For indeed, to every prudent man, apart from his own loss, the prosperity of the enemy is also a source of pain. Therefore, when he looks upon his own loss with his eyes, he either abstains from war entirely or becomes more sluggish in fighting.

4. Especially when the *tuldos* is being brought along and a public battle is expected, we do not advise bringing along a multitude of *pallikaria*—that is, of those who serve the commanders and soldiers—neither in our own land when a battle is expected, nor in a foreign land when marching; rather, they should be few, and these as firmly fortified as possible.

5. So many, that is, those who are sufficient to manage the ^D *contubernia* and govern the pack animals. This will be done both for recognizing their variety and for perceiving the system of the battle lines.

^C

[Avoiding] excessive nature, untimely expense, and distraction. 6. ^A During the time of battle, if an infantry army is present, it is clear that they should be left behind with [those responsible for] them, whether the war is being fought in one’s own land or in another’s. It is safe for them to be in the *fossatum*, just as we shall explain to you in the section concerning the *aplekton*. 7. Even the pack animals themselves and the remaining baggage, which are called *adestrata* ^B, should be left behind with the *tuldum*. 8. In incursions or other raids, the soldiers should have them [ready], perhaps even up to the very day of the engagement, well-protected and in good order. 9. But at the time of the engagement itself, we do not consider it necessary to have the *adestratum* near the battle line, but that it should be left behind in the *fossatum*. For it often happens that, when a disturbance occurs, they are easily captured, ^C because they are guarded by a few young servants. 10. If an infantry army is present, and the battle is expected to take place immediately—whether in one’s own land or in the frontier regions between our own and the enemy’s—and there is no delay, then leave the *tuldum* behind in a fortified place, where there are sufficient pastures and water available, about thirty or fifty miles [distant]. Leave behind the useless *tuldum*, the extra horses, the tools, and other goods that are not needed on the day of the war, and transport everything else. 11. Appoint some men in the intermediate space between the *tuldum* and the battle, men known to all, neither obscure nor wicked, and place them at intervals, ^D and point out the locations to the commander of the *tuldum* (for it must always have its own commander), so that depending on the outcome of the battle, they may notify those in the *tuldum* whether they should remain in that same place, move to another place that seems suitable, or transport themselves to the army. 12. When moving from the *tuldum* into battle, take along the *adestrata*, that is, the pack animals, and have either double covers or double tents—that is, a double tent, one for shelter, if need arises, and the other for a tent, or what is called a *kamarde*. 13. [Bring] also a supply of *paxamation*, or biscuit, or some other light food, twenty or thirty pounds, and then set up camp at the *fossatum* wherever...

^A you wish, and in the trench, when they contend with the enemy in battle, or when they set out to engage them.

14. Strengthen this *fossatum* with a structure of stones or bricks, even if you are to remain there for only one day.

15. Let every *bandon* carry with it fodder or straw for one day, so that if, as is likely, the affairs of war turn out adversely, when the army returns in haste, it may remain in the same *fossatum*, having fodder for the pack animals for one day, and not be forced—in such confusion—either to graze them or to go harvesting, and be readily harmed by the enemy, or to search in the countryside for expenses with the enemy pressing close, or even to pass through in such need of both themselves and their animals, and [consequently] be exhausted.

16. But if they do pass by, and you have no need of it, you shall assign certain men to burn the fodder, and thus proceed forward on account of the enemies who are feared to be following behind you.

17. On marches, when enemies are approaching, it is necessary always to keep the *tuldum* in the middle, so that it might not be left unguarded and be harmed.

18. As we have already said above, do not conduct marches mixed with the *tuldum*, but distinct and separated, so that the *tuldum* marches separately behind its own division, and the soldiers [march] separately, [ready] for battle.

19. And always [ensure that] the *tuldum*, as we have mentioned to us above, has its own leader, so that he may order it, and direct it, and lead it thus: either in front of the battle line, if you are returning from enemy territory; or behind the battle line, if you are invading enemy territory; or on one side or the other, if you fear for either flank; or in the middle, if you suspect all directions equally. We have thus, O general, set forth for you in brief these matters regarding the *tuldum*, whether it is in wagons with an infantry army, or on pack animals with cavalry, or [in] some other such baggage with a mixed retinue, so that, as far as is possible for us, our exhortation to you may lack no essential point. Following these, we shall now clarify for your excellence the matters regarding the so-called *aplikta*.

CONSTITUTIO XI. Concerning *aplikta*, that is, camps.

1. It is necessary, therefore, that you fortify these *aplikta*—that is, the *fossata* (for the *fossatum* is properly called the *aplikton* of the entire army)—securely, as much as you can. If you can conveniently pitch camp in spacious and open places, do so; if not, do not [act] negligently, but pitch camp carefully, firmly, and densely. Above all, you must avoid those places which have something nearby that is higher and more elevated, lest the enemy, taking possession of it unexpectedly or by night, do you great harm from that spot.

^A

2. When, therefore, you are encamping in enemy territory, surround yourself with a deep trench, even if you intend to remain there for but a single day, as has been said. For such an encampment is irreproachable and secure against all unexpected and sudden incursions of the enemy. You shall also station guards, even if you think the enemy is far away, as if they were close at hand.

3. Where you intend to make a long-term encampment—meaning that you do not fear an enemy incursion, but wish to ruin the enemy’s country—choose suitable places that are not dense, that is, those not containing woods, mud, or marshes, and stagnant waters. For such places, because of the exhalations and the foul odors from the ground, are unhealthy and bring plagues and destructive diseases upon the armies; frequently they have afflicted many with sickness and destroyed many, so that the army becomes not only meager as a result, but even weak and ineffective. ^B

4. It is useful and life-saving for the army not to remain in the same encampment for a long time, unless they are wintering, in which case they fortify the encampment in the form of a city because of the season. For the foul excrements of the bodies, produced always in the same places, give off corrupted vapors and transform all the healthfulness of the surrounding air into unhealthiness.

5. In winter quarters, however, absolutely, as has been said somewhere above, drill the camps and conduct military exercises, that they may become accustomed to labors and avoid idling ^C and sloth.

6. You must take care of the safety of the encampment not only when you are secure from the enemy, but also that they may have a large and diverse supply of all necessary things, especially when in the "expeditum"—that is, in the gathering of the entire army at the time when it is necessary to remain for a longer period.

7. You shall also take care of the merchants, so that they are not aggrieved by being treated unjustly, and so that they do not fail to bring in supplies of necessary goods.

8. If some hostile expectation causes anxiety, fortify with pits, or stakes, or a full trench—which some call a "fossa"—or with caltrops, or with structures whether made of wood or stone, or otherwise, as you are able to devise. ^D

9. Have watchmen outside, and also wagons for entrenchments, if they are available—it is very effective. You shall also fix a palisade, which is called "stabarousai," whether sparsely or more densely, as your strength allows, either with solid timbers or with felled trees.

10. For the encampment must always have protection, unless it is in our own territory, or is being made for the sake of exercises, or for some other necessary reason for the movement of the general.

11. You shall especially take care also of the neighboring regions

^A under our empire, that they are not harmed by the soldiers, and especially by the farmers. For these two professions appear to me to be most necessary for the constitution and preservation of a nation: agriculture, which nourishes and increases the soldiers, and the military art, which defends and protects the farmers. Other professions appear to me to be inferior to these. For this reason, it is always necessary to take care of these and to provide for them at all times, so that the soldiers, being justly nourished, may perform valiantly, and the farmers, not being harmed, may send them forth with appropriate prayers.

12. If enemies are approaching, and war is expected, if you have anticipated them and are staying in a camp, O general, and you are awaiting the enemy, it is necessary there to prepare and store up fodder, or straw, or barley for the animals for one or two days, as we have already prescribed for you in the chapter *On the March*. ^B And again, if from there you wish to move to another camp and offer battle from there, it is necessary to carry fodder and straw for at least one day, and to store it thus in the camp that is being established; for perhaps the servants assigned to servitude will not be permitted by the enemies to go out on that very day and gather fodder, nor to loose the animals for pasture.

13. If the enemies are drawing very near, it is not unreasonable, while marching, as has been said, for each man to gather the fodder that ought to be stored; for often after pitching camp, the servants are not permitted ^C to go out and gather fodder, especially when many of the enemy's cavalry are found to be nearby.

14. For how is it not right to look often to a second turn of fortune, and to observe the adversities arising from that, and to secure beforehand the things to come, so as not to repent later, and especially concerning the supplies of food for a few days for both soldiers and animals, and to make strong camps in suitable places where possible—whether by a river's water, or a rugged terrain, or some other fortification—to defend the camp in a time of need?

15. Among the necessities for an infantry encampment, you shall set up their ^D carriages and wagons all around as a rampart for the camp, whether it happens to be an infantry army, or also if they are also among cavalry, or a mixed force; and you shall build, as I have said, if the location permits, and make a trench on the outside, five or six feet in width and seven or eight feet in depth, and you shall throw the earth of the trench to the inner side; and on the outside of this trench you shall place caltrops and small pits containing stakes fixed within, which must be known to the entire army, so that they may not be harmed by them through ignorance.

16. The perimeter of the camp, or the fortification, shall have four larger and public gates, and in addition several small side-gates. And near each gate, that is, each exit, some officer shall pitch his camp for its protection. But inside near them

you shall place the tents of the light-armed troops, that is, the javelin-throwers and archers, ^A at a distance of three hundred or four hundred feet from the carts. Thus, let the remaining tents be arranged so that when the enemy shoots their arrows, the tents placed in the middle may not be struck, but the arrows may fall in a suitable place.

17. In the middle of the camp, there shall be a cross-shaped road, forty or fifty feet in width, and on this side and that, let the tents and encampments be placed, following a path, in a certain series and order with a small distance between them, and let each tourmarch camp in the midst of his own men.

18. As for you, the general, you shall be in one part and not in the middle of the road, so that you may not obstruct the passage or be bothered by those passing by. The cavalry, if the occasion allows, shall camp in the middle of the camp, and not at the edges. ^B

19. You shall assign the more capable of the counts with the regiments under them to the gates of the camp, so that after the evening masses, no one may dare, without the general’s permission, to enter or leave the camp until the given signal.

20. The nocturnal watch of the cavalry shall be done safely while they are inside. Each tourmarch shall assign his own messenger to remain in the general’s court. Similarly, the drungaries, that is, the tribunes and counts, shall send their men to the tourmarch’s tent, so that through them everyone may quickly know what needs to be done.

21. You, general, shall have around you trumpeters with both small and large trumpets, and when the customary trumpet sounds in the evening, they shall cease from labor, and after dining, they shall chant the Trisagion hymn. ^C

22. You shall also appoint some of your own trusted men to patrol the watch and command silence to all, so that no one may dare to call his companion by name with a shout; for many are the good things that come from silence. Often, scouts of the enemy have been detected and captured in the army in this manner, just as many evils often arise from shouting and tumult.

23. You shall also forbid dances, especially in the evening, and any other game, which not only cause unseemly and tumultuous disturbances of order, but also provide useless labor.

24. If you intend to move the army from the encampment to another place, and wish to keep it hidden from the enemy, or plan to seize some strong place before the enemy, ^D

to choose flight because of the harms which might arise from the enemy, and you do not wish to be forced to come to the necessity of fighting, make many fires, and depart; for if the enemy sees these fires, they will think you are in the camp, and thus you will achieve what you desire.

25. We know that our own commander Nicephorus did this when he was sent by us into Syria with a great army; for when he had made a great haul of plunder in the middle of enemy territory, and a great number of enemies had gathered against him—whom Apulpher, ^A the eunuch and commander of the Saracens and the barbarian forces, had assembled—he nonetheless, having ravaged the enemy land in this fashion, carried off his captives and the entire plunder safely, having pillaged the hostile region.

26. ^B Regarding the expedition against the Bulgarians, another device was also thought up by him for the protection of the camp, which must by no means be forgotten; for it was recognized as being both light to carry and necessary for defense. It was as follows: taking two wooden shafts of equal size, about three spans in length or a little more, he joined them in the shape of the letter ^A (that is, lambda); and adding to the junction of the two legs another beam or shaft of five or six spans, acting as a *menaulos*—that is, in the manner of a spear—he created a tripod, standing firmly due to the bracing of the legs together. At the top of that *menaulos*, as it were, a large and broad iron point was inserted, projecting from the tripod, as has been said, two spans or a little more; and thus, when he wished, he would gather those wooden caltrops together, ^C and at the same time had them for fortification and as weapons in the necessary times, whenever the enemy cavalry attempted to make an incursion and assault upon our camp; they would be hindered by this sort of palisade, and the attackers were often wounded, since it could easily be picked up, carried, and planted. Often, too, when a trench was not being dug, he nevertheless always had these weapons ready for safety.

27. When you intend to move from the camp with security, orders must be given by the herald the evening before, and again at the break of day on the day of the movement, the trumpet ^D must sound three times, and then you must move, and the officers must march out in order, followed first by the heavy infantry, then the wagons, if there are any, and whatever else is being carried for the use of the army.

28. The use of caltrops is very necessary in camp; for if the place is found to be rocky, or they are unable to dig, or time is lacking, the caltrops, when properly placed, provide the same function for the army in the encampment that the trench itself provides.

29. We know that the ancients handed down different positions and shapes for trenches [alt-version omitted] in the placing of camps; but laudable is the...

rectangular oblong shape, both because it is orderly and because it is necessary.

30. For the sake of demonstrating the army and for display, ^A sloping ground and ground facing heights will make the camp appear to hold more troops than level and uniform ground. Therefore, if there is a need for display, choose sloping areas, especially if they also have the resources needed for more essential requirements.

31. Choose uneven ground for camps, as has been said, and do not remain in one spot for a long time, unless it is necessary on account of the purity of the air or the presence of supplies, or some other necessity holds you there.

32. Furthermore, the natural necessities of the men, as has been said, should not be provided inside the trench, but outside, on account of the foul odor, ^B especially if the camp must remain in one place for any reason.

33. In times of necessity, if the river is brief—that is, small—you should include it in the middle of the camp's palisade and trench, so that it is accessible to those in the army.

34. But if it is rough and large, it is necessary to make it run along the flank, so that it serves as a fortification for the army.

35. When a river of moderate size is flowing by, one must not lead the horses to drink from the upper part, so that they do not disturb the water with the movement of their feet and make it muddy and useless, ^C but rather lead them to the lower part.

36. If the river is small, you should water them using vessels, and not allow the horses into it to disturb it.

37. Do not make the camp near a hill which the enemy can climb, lest they easily rain down arrows from there upon those in the camp.

38. If the enemy is not near, but far away, a journey of many days' distance, do not make it a practice to make camp near water, especially for cavalry, so that neither the horses nor the men, having become accustomed to constant drinking, should the occasion of thirst arise, be unable to endure ^D when they need to hold out.

39. Nor should the infantry encamp with the cavalry before the enemy draws near the trench, but rather outside, yet near the trench, so that they are neither cramped nor appear easy to count to the scouts. Test a few days before [the enemy arrives] what amount of space they take up, and how they intend to encamp, and if the time comes for them to enter with the cavalry.

40. If the enemies are drawing near, ^A ensure that the cavalry join the infantry, and that they encamp together in the designated places.

41. In time of war, you must plan for your encampments in strong positions, and take care of necessary supplies, not only as has been mentioned for the sustenance of the men for a few days, but if possible, for the pack animals as well, on account of the uncertainty of war; and be diligent in examining [the area] so that you may be able to secure the water for all [your men], for in time of war you may find that the enemy needs it too. And if there is a plain in which the engagement of the battle is likely to take place, you must strive by all means to have behind you either a river, or a lake, or some other fortification of that kind.

42. Make the trench (fossatum) strong, ^B and leave inside it a sufficient number of instructed soldiers, so that the general of the enemy may not plot against the camp and destroy those inside. The wagons should follow in order.

43. If the terrain is difficult and uneven, leave the baggage train—that is, the wagons and similar equipment and the rest of the supply train—in the trench with a few of the wagoners for their protection, and draw up the battle line in a suitable place near the trench.

44. For if the places are difficult to pass, especially if the enemies are cavalry, the unevenness of the terrain is enough of a fortification for the battle line; for if the wagons were to follow in such places, they would not be useful to the troops being drawn up, but would be found to be difficult to maneuver.

45. You will also take care regarding the oxen of the wagons, so that when they follow the battle line, if there is a need to wait, the wagons may not be thrown into confusion by the noise of the enemies or by the arrows ^C being shot, as is likely, causing disorder and disturbance to the battle line. But either place shackles or chains on them so that, as has been said, even if some of them are wounded by arrows, they may not disturb the infantry; therefore, they should not be stationed too close to them.

46. If, as is likely, there is a need to assist an area being harassed by enemies, or to reach a location more quickly to capture it, and the wagons cannot keep up, so that the needs [of the moment] are not delayed, leave the rest of the supply train and the trench in a strong position. Take the infantry and their rations—if such a need arises—and prepare them to be carried either by pack animals or on horses designated for this, ^D and [take] the caltrops as well, and thus set out with the army.

47. For then, even if it is a time of encampment, with the ditch having been dug as required, and the caltrops set in place, or a structure built inside, or a rampart made of wood, the trench will have as much security as it ought to have had with the baggage train (carago). We call "carago" the wagons and the fortification of the trench made by them.

48. If it happens that the cavalry are more numerous, [and the infantry few, and thus it seems]

that the baggage must remain in the trench, do not let all the infantry stay inside the trench; but let some keep watch within the trench itself, and let some stand in order before the gates and the trenches of the camp. Thus, if a rout of the cavalry happens, and the infantry are not yet inside, they themselves, by receiving them, give them support and the freedom either to turn back against the enemy, or to enter the camp in good order, and not be crowded at the gates during their entry and placed in danger.

49. It is necessary for you to command the leaders of the divisions under you so that they may make an assessment during the time of winter quarters, and through the tourmarchs disclose how many horses and what kind of arms the soldiers assigned under them lack, so that you may necessarily prepare to have these ready at the appropriate time, and the soldiers may receive them. ^B And especially provide for archery, so that if possible, even those who do not do military service at home should carry bows. For the neglect of this chapter has brought great harm and laxity to the Roman army as a whole, as I have said elsewhere above. Let these things then be said by us regarding the encampments. It is also logical now to order you concerning the preparation for war—that is, one or two days before, and often even many days before, as the need requires—both as to what things you should do and from what you should abstain, and what it is proper for you to command to your officers and soldiers.

CONSTITUTION XII

Concerning preparation for war.

1. When, therefore, the time of war is expected by you, O general, and you assemble the already trained army, it is good not to draw them all up together into one battle line, especially if it is large and significant; and do not, through an untimely multitude, throw the good order of the battle line into confusion, so that it cannot, because of its size and number, be well-governed according to orders; but divide the extra army and make a second line.

2. For when a general cavalry battle is imminent, if anyone draws up the whole army in one single line before the eyes of the enemy, and does not look toward the reverse turns of fortune, nor studies, that is, [does not prepare] another battle line, this man, it seems to me, is inexperienced in affairs, and obviously throws himself into danger.

3. For indeed, it is not the multitude of bodies, nor rash boldness, nor a simple attack that decides or brings success in war, as some of the inexperienced think; but after God, through strategic skill and judgment, along with the zeal of the army, war is brought to a successful conclusion.

4. ^D By strategic judgment and wiles—for example, at different times, whether by day or night, or in winter or clear weather, or again in different locations, that is, through ambushes, or narrow passes, and through sudden attacks—or by many other and different methods so that you may deceive the enemy, in order that...

^A you may achieve victory over them without a public war. For this is both salutary and highly necessary, so that through your own intelligence, prudence, courage, and art, you might defeat your enemies.

5. And these things, indeed, come through schemes and stratagems. But through science you will succeed in war, if you divide or combine the army in various and safe ways according to the proper order, and marshalling it with military discipline, you may thus carry out your operations against the enemy.

6. And you will not only preserve yourself safe from the schemes or plans of your enemies, but you will even more devise and wage war against them yourself. Whence also the ancient generals observed this as useful, namely, the preservation of order. And for this reason they divided the whole army into tourmai and droungoi—that is, into thousand-man cohorts—and into tagmata (or cohorts), centuries, contubernia, ^B and other parts suitable for wartime use, and they marshalled them accordingly.

7. For it is not proper to draw up the army into one single battle line and to entrust the judgment and management of such a multitude of cavalry to one moment, especially when you have a very large multitude of soldiers under your command. But if you draw up the army as custom dictates and as seems most convenient for you, you will well manage various and diverse situations.

8. For we see many and various adverse events occur when one gathers all one’s forces into a single battle line, especially those who carry counter-weapons or spears, for when there is a huge number of these in the army, they will occupy a great interval of space.

9. Then, also, when uneven terrain occurs, we find that the battle line is uneven and unruly, because it is so long and its parts do not agree ^C with one another, and because of this, even before the battle has begun, it becomes easily broken and disordered due to the lack of order.

10. Furthermore, if it should ever happen that the enemy exceeds the length of our battle line—that is, if they suddenly rush against our flank to encircle us—the rest of the battle line, which is destitute of protection from the rear and sides, with no one to assist the line, necessarily ^D comes to total destruction.

11. But even in the very joining of the battle, due to the length of the battle line, we often see that some of the regiments with their bands or cohorts secretly desert the battle; and this provides for all the others an excuse to flee miserably. For once these are turned toward flight, there is no stopping the flight, nor any hope of recall. For no one is present who is about to summon them back or to gather them together once they have, as has been said, set out in flight.

12. And if, perchance, they think that with success...

they have one advantage—that everyone is drawn up into a single battle-line, that is, to appear to the enemy from afar as a perfect and massive formation—even this has value only to the eye and nothing more.

14. It may perhaps have another advantage, the ability through a single, large battle-line to perform an encirclement from one side and to shut off the enemy; and, to be sure, one will use this with the appropriate reason and skill.

15. As for forming ^A a double battle-line, so that the second may be an aid to the first, we believe that many excellent and necessary benefits follow, according to human reasoning. And first of all, it is because those of the first battle-line, having the second line behind them at their backs guarding them, fight against the enemy with greater zeal. Likewise, the flanks, that is, the right and left sides of the battle-line, being guarded by the flank-guards, fight against the enemy in front without fear. The greater advantage is that since the second battle-line is behind, those who often desert in the first battle-line do not flee, as sometimes happens, because they are suspected by those behind them; for this brings great benefit in battle.

16. Even at the time of a rout, as often happens to the first line, the second becomes ^B a refuge and sanctuary, from which it is possible for them to be called back again, assisted by the second line, and to turn once more against the enemy who have fallen upon them.

17. And even when those of the first battle-line pursue the enemy, they do so securely and with zeal; for if the enemy should turn back, as often happens, or if enemies should suddenly attack from some other quarter, the second battle-line arrives, gathering and protecting those of the first battle-line.

18. And if—may it not happen—a complete rout of the first line should occur, and it cannot be turned against the enemies advancing upon it, the second line is found ready and fights easily, ^C overcoming the opposing force, even if the first battle-line should perhaps be completely routed.

19. For it is absolutely necessary that the line of the opposing enemy, after the joining of battle, become unstable and broken, while our second line, standing in good order and with... ^D

^A great defensive power, should rather press upon them and pursue those who have broken their formation.

20. Nor is the division of our forces into two lines necessary only when the forces of our own and the enemy are equal, but primarily also when the enemy's forces are greater and more numerous than our own.

21. If anyone asks: "What, finally, can be the utility of this second line? For when the first line has been routed and repulsed, the second line easily turns its back and takes flight." Let such a person consider this: if, when war is conducted with two lines drawn up as we have described, the outcome is slippery and uncertain, what should one believe would happen with only one line prepared—especially when, if it is thrown back, it has nothing by which it can be aided and rallies itself?

22. If you should object again that by dividing these forces into two lines, they might become longer and thinner than is proper, realize that the effect of these two lines is that, since they are of moderate size and are joined close together, none are separated from the battle; rather, the configuration of the lines is changed, and by stationing one in front and one behind, you render each line ^B more fortified and stronger. For even when, before the change, the entire force was drawn up into one long and thin line, here in the double formation we have achieved properly balanced lines, because they are close to one another—not separated from the battle, but having changed their configuration, with one in front and one behind, and in the aforementioned manner, we have fortified the lines further.

23. For this reason, it is proper and fitting that the entire cavalry army, whether large or small, should be divided into several different parts, for it is necessary for you, O general, to establish everything with a certain and definite moderation, especially when you are fighting against nations that observe both the art of war and the military order.

24. If you are able, do not wage war openly when you know that the enemy’s forces are more numerous than your own. For it is proper for you first to learn diligently of the enemy's strength, and only then to engage in the battle.

25. If you have an infantry army, draw up its formation as we shall explain immediately in the chapter on how the infantry line and the mixed cavalry and infantry line are to be drawn up.

26. But if there is only cavalry, and the war is to be waged against cavalry, you shall divide the entire army into three ^C cavalry lines. And you shall draw up the first line, which is called the *propugnatrix* (or vanguard), into three equal parts, with each part having three divisions—that is, each *turma* having three *drungi*, which are cohortes milliariae. And in the middle part or *turma*, you shall position your chief or propretor; and in the right and left parts, you shall station their *turmarchae*, and in the middle of these, the *drungarii* or, as they are called, the tribunes. ^D

^A 27. You shall form these three parts from those who are capable of making incursions, whom they now call *proclastae* [cursorily raiding troops], and from the *defensores* [defenders], that is, those who receive back those who are driving out for an incursion and who assist them, so that for each part the third portion consists of *cursors* [raiders]. These should also be archers. The two-thirds in the center of the army should be the *defensores*, that is, the avengers who receive the *cursors*.

^B 28. You shall arrange the first line as follows: In the left part, where the encirclements by the enemy most easily occur, you shall assign two or three *banda* [companies], so that they may be *plagio-phylakes* [flank-guards], standing equal to that part; and one or two *banda* of archers, who are called *hyperkerastae* [outflankers], that is, those who are ready for the encirclement of the enemy; these you shall station either there or at the right part. And in this way you shall array the first line.

^C 29. You shall array the second line, called the *boethos* [auxiliary], such that it contains a third portion of the entire army, and this you shall divide into four parts, so that these parts move along the flanks of one another at a distance of one arrow-shot. You shall make these parts *amphistoma* [double-fronted], that is, two-mouthed, so that both those in front, facing what is called the front, are strong and well-armed, and those in the rear, facing what is called the tail, are strong and well-armed, so that even if the enemy makes an assault against their back, that is, behind them, they may turn around and be found ready to fight the enemy from both sides.

30. But in the other parts behind the line on both sides, that is, from here and there, at a distance of one arrow-shot, you shall array one *bandon* in the order of *notophylakes* [rear-guards], as if for a third line.

^D 31. So that the gaps, that is, the intervals of the second line, may be found joined together throughout, and the entire line may appear as one single body and not be disjointed while marching, it is necessary for you in these gaps in the middle to station from one *bandon* [a force] into the entire open interval, having the depth, that is, the thickness, of either two horsemen, or better yet, of four, especially if the army is large, so that when the occasion arises, the parts of the first line that are being turned [may be received]. These three *banda*, which are in the advantageous places, by pulling back and tightening up, make opportune spaces for their reception. And at once they receive those who are routing while making opportune spaces, and at the same time they restrain those who wish to scatter or flee, and at the same time, by forming into a third line with the rear-guards, they often drive back the enemies who are appearing and advancing against the rear, that is, behind, to disturb the second line, and they keep it undissolved. And these things you shall do if the army is large.

^A 32. If you have a moderate army, that is to say from five thousand men up to ten or twelve thousand, no longer make the second line of four parts, but of two, so that you may have one single space or interval for the reception of those who are fleeing. 33. If you have fewer than five thousand men, then make the second line of one part only. 34. In addition to all these things, we command you to assign and station three or four bands, or cohorts, for ambushes, that is to say, concealments, on this side and that of your battle line, so that some may be those who hinder the ambushes being attempted by the enemy against the left side of your battle line. And others that they may make ambushes and an incursion against the right side of the enemy, if indeed the places are suitable. 35. Note also that incursions against the flanks of the enemy's battle line, and those which occur from the rear, that is to say from behind them, if they are done well and in a timely manner, are more effective and necessary than engagements and pushes made by a face-to-face encounter. For even if they are fewer in number, the enemy, suddenly intercepted and surrounded, receives great damage from such incursions, those who are turned back from them being unable to save themselves easily. And even if they are equal in number, or even greater than your army, they enter into a great struggle and fear, thinking those who make the incursion are a very large multitude, when they are not. 36. Observe also that it is not fitting, without great necessity, for a small army to engage openly in battle against a multitude of well-ordered enemies. But if the necessity for this arises, let it not be done entirely openly and face-to-face, even if perhaps our army is greater in number, but let it be done by hitting them from the rear, that is to say from behind the enemy, or from the flanks. 37. For a battle fought only face-to-face is precarious and dangerous, and this with any nation whatsoever, even if perhaps the opposing force is smaller in number. 38. Thus, therefore, in summary, we command you that all the cavalry regiments should be stationed in the first and second battle line in time of war, especially when you have a large army; and you shall organize, in the manner told to you, ^D into *cursores*, that is to say, skirmishers, who run forward before the others against the enemy in front of the battle line; and into *defensores*, that is to say, those who stand in an orderly fashion, and are appointed to receive those who ran forward against the enemy—if they do not completely put them to flight, but return again—and furthermore into flankers and *supercerastae* (outflankers), that is to say, those standing ready for the encircling of the enemy; and furthermore into *insidiae*, that is to say, ambushes; but also into *subsidiarii*, that is to say, those stationed in the rear who hold back those who are going to flee by abandoning their own position; and furthermore into *tergistites*, that is to say, those stationed behind for the guard of the whole army.

^A 39. If you have a large army, and are able to form such double battle lines, whether two, or three, or even more, in such a way that the enemy's force, being divided against them, appears fewer and weaker, you might arrange the other battle lines—if they rush all together against one of yours—either to pursue them or to encircle them; this belongs to the necessities of war.

40. As for the depth, that is to say, the thickness of the battle lines, as the ancients decreed, a depth of only four horsemen sufficed for each regiment, since any greater number proves idle and useless for horsemen. For they are not able, as in the infantry formation, to exert pressure from behind through the depth. For then, even if they do not wish it, those in front, being pushed by those in the rear, direct their force toward the front. This, indeed, happens with the infantry. But horses cannot push those in front of them, as the infantry do. Nor is any great assistance rendered to those in the front by the surplus men, whether they are archers or spearmen.

^B 41. For those spearmen standing behind the fourth man cannot reach the front; and archers are compelled to shoot upwards over those in front of them, and for this reason they become ineffective against the enemy in the clashes of battle, as their arrows also prove, as experience teaches those who are in doubt, if they wish to know.

42. It was sufficient, therefore, as we have said, the depth of four horsemen. But because it happens that braver soldiers are found to be fewer in each regiment—those, that is, who stand in the front and who ought to join hand-to-hand in the war—for this reason it is proper to regulate the depth of their battle line according to the strength of the regiments, in this manner:

^C 43. In the braver regiments, which are also stationed in the center, you shall make the front line—the vanguard—of seven horsemen and one of their support attendants. And in the left wing, in which those who are second in bravery to the vanguard ought to be stationed, you will form each decury of seven men.

44. Again, on the right [flank], where those of equal strength to the left are stationed, you should draw them up with five men, while the remaining, weaker regiments should be formed with five or ten men as they are assigned to the decuries.

^D 45. However, if it happens that you draw up the lines from these weaker regiments into the first battle line, you shall make them of eight, or ten men, as they are weaker. But the regiments stationed in the second line, being elite, you shall form with five soldiers and other attendants for the wagons, so that each decury has ten men. And these men, as has been said, are appointed so that they may be set in place suitably both for scouts and for ambushes.

46. It is therefore not proper to make the depth of the battle line more than eight, or at most ten men, even if the regiments are very weak, nor, for the vanguard,

^A should the length, that is, the number of the leading men, be diminished much.

47. For if you arrange the depth of all the regiments on an equal measure of ten men, you will easily and quickly cause your entire army, through the vanguard, to be numbered by the spies and the enemy, which is a thing the enemy ought not to learn.

48. With this proportion, that is the measure, maintained, you shall arrange the remainder of the army into the second line.

49. We also command that the soldiers’ mess groups ^B be formed of old and young in proportion, so that the old men, if stationed by themselves, do not prove weak, nor the younger ones turn out to be disorderly as inexperienced men.

50. You shall arm the battle line as follows: the vanguard of the first rank, and the one standing next to him, that is, the second, and also the one standing behind all, ^C who is called the rearguard, you shall make lancers with the rest of their armor; those others stationed in between them, all who know how to shoot arrows, you shall make to be without lances. For it is not possible to draw a bow properly from horseback if one holds the shield and the bow in the left hand. But if a soldier is trained so that when he shoots arrows he nimbly throws his shield behind his back, this does not seem useless to us.

51. Furthermore, we command you, O general, to designate, and especially for the vanguard battle line, those who are called "despotati," that is, the caretakers of the wounded soldiers. And you shall station eight or ten men to each unit, from the same regiment, agile and quick, without armor, who are obligated to follow their own units from ^D at a distance of about a hundred feet, so that they may pick up and take care of those who are severely and dangerously wounded during the encounters of the war, as often happens, or those who fall from their horses and are unable to fight, so that the truly brave soldiers are not trampled by the second battle line and perish through neglect of their wounds, and so that those who save them may receive as a reward from the treasury of our empire one coin for each soldier saved by them.

52. Then, after such men have turned the enemy to flight and the second battle line has passed by, they themselves gather the spoils found in the place of the first encounter, and after the battle is finished, they hand them over to the decarchs, that is, the vanguard leaders, of their own regiment. They themselves also receive, for this, some share from the decarchs as a consolation. For we command that it is a just and fitting privilege in victories for the vanguard leaders to have this in battles, according

to the fact that they participate more than others in the necessity of the first encounter of the war. It is also good that this happens, so that no one may dismount from the horses to plunder the fallen enemies, and thereby dissolve the battle line.

53. But to ensure that the so-called despotati, and the soldiers who fall from their horses and are wounded, may easily mount upon the horses, it is fitting that the despotatos should have two ladders on the left side of the saddle—one at the front bow (emprosthocurbion), that is the front arch, and the other at the back bow (episthocurbion), that is the rear arch—so that when the two of them are about to mount the horse, one may ascend by the front ladder and the other by the second ladder. It is also necessary for the so-called despotati to carry water in flasks, because the wounded ^B often suffer from fainting spells.

54. In the time of the battle, let them not have the flamula (pennant flags) on the lances. For as much as the flamula are necessary for exhibition and pomp, they are in that same measure useless in battles. For if someone wishes to throw, or cast a javelin, or shoot an arrow opportunely, the flamulum is a great hindrance to the target being hit squarely or to the object being thrown to a distance. If it should be time for archery, they impede those shooting from behind, but they also cause no small interference in charges, turnings, and counter-turnings. And for this reason one should not employ these in battles.

55. But for the sake of the splendor of the battle line, so that it may appear from afar that the flamula are on the lances, it is allowed until the ^C enemies arrive from within one mile; from that point on, however, they must take them down and store them in their cases.

56. Furthermore, we command you to select scouts, or what are called outriders, from the strong and powerful units (tagmata) for each unit, and from the other lesser ones for each tourma: two per unit, and eight or twelve per tourma—the vigilant, awake, and swift—who, both before the war and during the war itself, are required to scout in their own designated areas and places until the complete outcome of the war, so that no incursion or trickery from an ambush of the enemy may occur against them.

57. And there should be as many measurers (mensuratores) as are required to go ahead, to measure the camp (aplikta), to scout out the roads, and to guide the army to the camp. And regarding these, let this much be said.

58. Your Excellency must arrange the parts of the first battle line so that they march close to one another, not with a great interval or space between them from part to part, but only so much that they do not ^D collide while marching, nor appear to be separated from each other.

59. As for the flank-guards, they should be near until the enemies arrive; but once they draw near, let the rest of the ranks be adjacent: then, however, arrows

should be shot from the left side, and no more, especially if the enemy's battle line exceeds ours in length. Similarly, your flank-guards, who are intended to encircle the enemy, should be arranged to the right side.

60. The parts of the second battle line, in regard to their flank—that is, to the sides—should be arranged at the distance of one arrow-shot; but to the rear, that is, behind, they should follow the first battle line, so that while the enemies are still far off, at a distance of a mile or more from the location, they should follow as inconspicuously as possible, so that they are not seen from afar by the enemy and plotted against or ambushed by them. But when the enemies draw near, and the second line—now visible—does not have time to assemble, then it should reveal itself and approach the first line to within four arrow-shots, and it should guide—that is, oversee—it. For the second line must not be far behind the first during the moment of engagement, so that it does not leave it unsupported. Nor, on the other hand, should it be too close, so that it does not become mingled with the first during the skirmishes, especially when much dust is stirred up, and so that, before the enemies have scattered, it is not found to be pursuing the first line. ^A

61. The cohorts, which are arranged behind the ends of the second line on either side, that is, here and there, must be stationed at a distance of one arrow-shot from them for rear-guard duty, and follow in this manner. ^B

62. The

Standards, or Signs, of the Army

63. All the standards being standing in line with equal fronts, it is necessary to select from the soldiers arranged around them the most valiant fifteen or twenty men and assign them to the guarding and defense of each one of them.

64. You should station the greater commanders in a safe and secure place in the army, so that they do not, provoked by some impulse, rush headlong into danger, and by this cause great perturbation to the soldiers. For if one of the smaller commanders is killed, it is not easily obvious to anyone except to his own cohort alone; but if one of the notables falls, the rumor spreading through the mouths of many people brings perturbation to the whole army. ^D

65. It is fitting, O commander, for the sub-commander and the tourmarchs to stand at the front of their cohorts and survey the battle line until

the enemy are within the range of one or two arrow shots: but when the lines are about to engage, they should instruct the most vigorous of their men to take position at their flank, and themselves proceed into their view, protecting them and urging them all the more to engage in hand-to-hand combat.

66. We command your excellence that, until the time of the engagement, you should instruct, inspect, and prepare the army against the enemy's attack. But when they have already come to close quarters, you should come to your own cohort, not to fight there, but so that you may observe and inspect both the first and the second line, that is, at the middle place of the second line. ^B

67. To sound or move many trumpets at the time of battle appears ignorant and ill-advised, because from this, disturbance and confusion arise, and orders cannot be heard well. For if the ground is level, one trumpet in the middle part will be sufficient for both battle lines. But if it is uneven, or the wind is turbulent, as it often is, or the sound of water prevents the voice from being clearly heard, it is not out of place then to sound one trumpet in the other parts as well, in each part, so that three trumpets sound in the whole battle formation. For the more silence is maintained, the more the younger men are of firmer spirit, and the beasts of burden are more intrepid, and the line itself appears more terrible to the enemies, and commands are more quickly known.

68. Therefore, no voice or sound should be emitted by anyone rashly after the battle line has moved for war, but as soon as the army goes out from the camp or the fortified post to the battle, it should make the journey in silence and speak nothing rashly. ^C For this not only keeps the army undistracted but also makes the cohorts of the commanders pay attention more carefully.

69. As for the measure and quality of the engagement, the thing itself and the appropriate densation and the presence of the enemies determine it. But when the army moves toward the clash, the cry customary for Christians, the victory of the cross, should be used.

70. And when the army arrives at close quarters, it is not useless to emit the loudest possible shouts, and especially for those who are stationed to the rear of their own men, both to terrify the enemies and to confirm their own. ^D

71. Furthermore, the task of those called *cantatores* (singers) must not be neglected in the time of the engagement: these are they who incite, urge, advise, and exhort the entire army to battle with their speech. If it is possible, the same soldiers and commanders who are going to the fight should be chosen to perform this duty. Let eloquent men be chosen, who can turn the spirits of the soldiers in all directions by their speech. For the companionship of labor and toils makes those hearing more obedient and ready to accept and follow the exhortations.

72. The *cantatores* should speak to the army...

be of this kind: first, reminding them of the rewards of faith in God; then, the royal generosity and benefits previously conferred; the cause undertaken for God and His love, and for the whole nation, and even more for all faithful brothers, and, if the need arises, for one’s wife, children, and country; that the memory of those who act strenuously in war for the liberty of their brothers remains eternal; that this war is undertaken against the enemies of Christ; that we have God on our side—in whose hand all the momentum of war is placed—while they, because of their unbelief, are in the opposite state; and whatever else similar to this can be devised to stir their minds toward war. For such an address, delivered at the right time, moves the spirits of men more than a great sum of money.

73. But I will not omit this point for you: since it is possible for the enemies to estimate the size of our army quite easily by the number of standards, we think it necessary that there be two similar standards in every cohort, one under the name of the Count, the other of the Centurion, and both standards should be carried until the day of battle. ^B On the very day of the engagement, however, only the authentic standards should be raised, so that the raising of many standards may not confuse everything, or become unrecognizable to their own soldiers. For by this method, it is possible for a very large army to appear as if it were smaller, according to the number of standards, and on the day of battle, the authentic ones, known to all, are displayed.

74. A few days before the time of the engagement, moreover, when it is most necessary ^C that there be a rehearsal of both the commands and the individual movements, each *tourmarch* must call together his men and speak to those of his own division in this or a similar manner: "These types of exercises were not instituted by our ancestors or by the emperors, both more recent and more ancient, without cause. Nor were these artificial formations of battle lines—both circular ones and the other tactical movements—improvised without reason. For if wild beasts, such as hares, deer, and other such common animals, when we pursue them in the hunt, do not flee entirely directly away, but rather, watching the tension and the momentum of those attacking them, accommodate themselves so as to be able to escape, how much more should men endowed with intelligence, ^D who are struggling for great causes, take care and strive both in pursuing the enemy and in retreating, and not be tossed about or poured out like water to this side or that, if some great incursion is made by them or some attack is made by us against them, nor be immoderately swept in either direction, but rather sustain all things, in order that they may finally obtain victory?"

75. For to pursue the enemy for a short distance and then let them go—this is not to be considered a victory; nor, conversely, to retreat for a little while and then turn back again—these are not defeats, but...

^A from the end of the war both things are indicated, and it is towards this that one must strive. Turmarchs of each part are obliged to convey these orders and similar ones to their troops, and individually to their own soldiers.

65. But after that special exercise and drill of the turmarchs, O general, you shall arrange the whole battle line once or at most twice, and in like manner you shall establish them through both words and deeds to be always ready and experienced for martial struggles.

66. You shall give orders to the officers of the first, that is, the vanguard, so that they may obey the middle part, where it happens that your lieutenant-general—or the one now called the merarch of the theme—is stationed, and that they keep level with him and join the engagement at the same time.

67. ^B And once this has happened, if the enemies are routed, the cursors must rush with a charge against them in pursuit as far as their very camp, while the defenders must follow in line and not remain stationary; so that if the enemies—as is likely—should turn back, and the cursors are unable to hold their ground, they may seek refuge nearby with the defenders and again recover themselves.

68. If, however, it happens in the engagement itself that a part or the whole is routed, the cursors should retreat toward the second line by the distance of one or two arrow-shots, and then turn back against the enemies ^C as usual, using the appropriate shouts, that is, the stated commands.

69. If they are able to put the enemies to flight, they should pursue them; but if not, they should retreat and turn back again. But if after trying once or twice they are unable to push back the enemies, then, as the second line arrives, they should flee toward it and pass through its suitable gaps; and in the intervening space, while the third line deploys, they should advance together with the second line *drouggiatim*, that is, compactly and closely, upon the enemies, and if they are put to flight, follow them eagerly.

70. You shall also give orders to the flank-guards so that if the opposing flank is found to be longer, they should hasten to be on the flank—that is, by inclining toward the shield—and extend themselves along with it, so that encirclement may not be effected ^D upon the part by it. But if the opposing flank is found to be shorter, they should hasten to incline crescent-wise—that is, in a semicircle—and enclose it from within before the part reaches the struggle—that is, when the shout for the engagement of the battle is about to happen. But if the opposing flank is equal, they should remain in their own line as defenders and join the engagement with the part.

71. You shall also give orders to those on the wings that...

[first page of the chain] until the enemies are at a distance of two or three arrow-shots from the line of battle, one must stealthily follow with the right wing; the one battalion ^A having its decarchs or pentarchs in the front—for a depth of only five is sufficient, if they are able—and the other battalion, that is the drungus, following close and together behind it.

83. The banners, that is their standards, must not be held upright, but inclined, until the time of need arises for them to be displayed, so that they may not be recognized by the enemies who see them, as those who carry them are more likely to be attacked by the enemies' ambushes.

84. And if the opposing wing be found to be longer, one must first incline toward the wing—that is, toward the spear—and while the right part is slightly retarded in advancing, extend it until it is at half an arrow-shot so as to surpass the opposing wing. And ^B then, in this way, while tracking and circling them, shout "Depart!" and immediately let the hidden drungus rush upon their back suddenly with a sharp charge.

85. When the enemies are routed, do not pursue the fugitives, but immediately come to a stand at their rear, along with the other battalion. If they are gathered more closely, immediately move out and encircle them as if in a crescent shape; but if they are equal, advance a little and surpass the length of the enemy; and in this way, as has been said, launch the attack against them.

86. If, therefore, when they are extending, the flankers ^C should wish the enemies also to extend likewise, one must likewise and immediately attack them while they are still in a state of disorder; for when they turn toward the wing, they necessarily have their right sides exposed and their formation dissolved.

87. It is necessary that not only the flankers—that is, the champions of the right wing—regulate these encirclements, so as not to delay too much, nor again to act too soon, but also the officer of that part, whether he be a tourmarch or someone else, so that when the flankers make their attempt and the opposing side begins to be in turmoil, he too may lead the whole ^D part to them.

88. It ought to be a concern to the commander, if it is possible for him to surpass the opposing side in length; but if not, at least to be equal to it, even if the line of battle is found to be longer than the enemy's; so that from this position the flankers may be able to do their work appropriately.

89. Know also that the flankers are necessary for this reason, that they are able to perform raids more safely even in open terrain.

90. Likewise, you shall also give orders to the second rank so that it may observe and regulate the middle place where your excellency happens to be stationed—that is, to take aim—so that at the time of the engagement, being three or four arrow-shots from the first line, if they are put to flight

^A by the enemy, it may serve as an advocate, that is to say, as a defender and helper, following in order and not remaining behind.

21. If any of the units of the first line are routed, those in the second line are to receive the part that is hard-pressed and fleeing. They are to advance together with those of the first line in orderly fashion, and not to break ranks until the final outcome of the battle and the return to the camp; rather, they are to remain thus organized, keeping guard, and not rush off in confusion to pursue the enemy.

22. But if the battle of the first line appears doubtful, and pursuits and counter-pursuits take place, one must wait and observe the outcome of events. One should utter a second or third time ^B deep, roaring shouts, both to rouse our own men and to strike terror into the enemy. One must not hastily attempt to engage in close combat or approach too closely to the first line, lest any confusion or some strange rout follow upon the clash of battle.

23. If, as often happens, even the second line is routed back to the rearguard—that is, to the third line—this third line should hasten to cover and recover them.

24. If an attack and raid by the enemy is reported from behind—that is, from the rear by ambush—if those reported are few and the men of the third line are sufficient, then dispatch the third line against them. If they are not sufficient, then, as the formation stands, with faces turned about—and likewise for the *bandon* with its officer—they shall head for the rear, that is, march backwards, so that the formation is "two-faced" ^C and engages in the fight appropriately. Once the enemies are routed, then the rearguards—whether they consist of one or two *banda*—are to be set loose upon them like light cavalry (*cursores*).

25. If there are many reported to be making the attack, then give the command, "Change!" (*Metallaxon*). The decarchs come to the tail, that is, they turn backwards, unit by unit, so that that part of the tail becomes the front.

26. You shall give these orders a short time before battle and the combat, so that the soldiers may know what is fitting. For the time of the struggle does not allow one to teach such things to those who have no prior experience of them, unless, perhaps, ^D only the short commands are given with speed.

27. Again, if you give orders a long time beforehand, what has been said falls into oblivion. For this reason, you must perform these reminders a short time before the battle. You shall also command all in general that no one is to dare to pass the second line, even if the first line has been utterly routed, so that he does not endanger his life—unless some huge and unavoidable necessity follows—either at the hands of the enemy or even at the hands of his own men, as he deserves.

^A 48. Since it is also necessary to engage in battle when the enemy is in ambuscades and hidden lairs, one must, before all else, send out scouts, so that they do not unexpectedly suffer an encounter with the enemy, or face an ambush from the flank, or even from the rear—that is to say, from behind the enemy’s battle line.

49. For the enemy often forms into two lines, and if the attacks against their first line through ambuscades are not conducted carefully, those who are ambushing are more likely to be ambushed themselves by the opposing side.

100. If the enemies similarly form into two lines, it is not fitting to set an ambush at the rear—that is, at the back part of their first line—but rather at its extremity, that is, at the flank, whether the assault is to happen from one side or from both, as has been said.

101. You must determine and estimate for yourself the time for attacking them, so that you neither anticipate your own battle line too much nor lag behind; but when the lines are two or three arrow-shots away from each other, then launch the attack against the enemies using those who are going to the ambush—or, as it is called, the hidden trap.

102. All these things are to be taken up not for the sake of training, but in the actual business of warfare.

103. We command that these things be communicated and arranged by your Excellency, and that you also order each turmarch, or put in writing what we have previously told you, so that he himself may know the disposition of his own part. Thus, every turmarch is to make one-third of the whole army under him into *cursores*—that is, scouts—and station them on this side and that of his division. The other two-thirds of the army he should station in the middle as *defensores*—that is, defenders.

^B 104. Their spears should not have pennants at the time of the battle’s engagement; instead, they should remove them from the shafts and cast them into their cases when the enemies have already arrived within one mile. Before this time, however, they must by all means have them on their spears.

105. The *banda* of the *tagmata* should be smaller; those of the drungaries—that is, the tribunes—should be more perfect and distinctive. The turmarch’s insignia should be distinct and far removed from the rest, just as I have explained before.

^C 106. At the time of the battle’s engagement, after the shout of "Victory of the Cross," one should shout and roar, especially those in the rear, both to encourage one another and those in the front.

107. And do not sound many trumpets at the time of battle; for the turmarch’s trumpet alone suffices. The turmarch ^D is stationed in the middle of his division—that is, in the midst of the defenders.

of their formation, that is, in the middle of the defensores, and the drungarii, that is, the tribunes, in the remaining parts on both sides, in the middle of the cursor cohorts. ^B

108. At the time of the engagement, the area must be scouted by scouts, that is, the middle space between our own formed battle line and the enemy's, [to ensure] that there are no pits, or trenches, or marshes—which are called palmatas—or any traps, as is likely devised by the enemy. And if anything of this sort is found, [our army] shall await our formation so that the enemy may cross them; and then our battle line may meet them at a clear and level [spot].

109. The bandum of the tourmarches, as has been said, must alone be made different in appearance from the other banda under him, so that it is easily recognizable by all the band-bearers under him.

110. And it should also be distinguished by some strange and varied movement, whether by being placed upward or downward, or to the right or to the left, or by being continually inclined—that is, the head of this standard being lowered—or by being shaken back and forth frequently, so that even in confusion it may be easily recognized by the rest of the banda.

111. The banda of all the tourmarches must not have the same sign, but each tourma must have varied symbols, which the soldiers must also become accustomed to recognizing through training. For not only are the individual banda under each tourmarches benefited by this, swiftly affirming their part, but also those stationed within them, recognizing the bandum of the tourmarches, easily find their own [place] if they happen to go astray.

112. For it is necessary always in every battle, even if it happens that a soldier is separated far from the bandum of his own unit, that he strive by every means to join it, so that the formation, remaining unconfused, may signify the safety of the army.

113. If it happens that there are in the army some who are of the same race as the enemies, it is necessary before the day of battle to separate them and send them to other places with a reasonable excuse.

114. And give these commands to the tourmarches. But also command and order each drungarius and comes along with them that they should seek out from everything the things that are necessary for the army to carry out. ^D

115. For it is fitting, whether each unit—that is, the bandum—is staying in a fort, or is camping anywhere by itself, that in the morning at dawn, before anything else, and in the evening likewise after dinner and the masses, the trisagion hymn should be chanted, and the rest according to custom.

116. The contubernia—that is to say, the small banda of the aciae, as we also previously commanded you yourself—are to be ordered to be made up of both old and new [soldiers] together.

117. And the first and second of the acia, and the ouṛagos, that is to say, the one in the rear, and the one before him, [the Trisagion hymn], should be hastati; the third and

fourth should be archers, together with those in the middle, as necessity requires.

118. As we have mentioned above, the flamula should by no means be permitted to be on the spears in time of war, lest the spears be an impediment both to those who carry them and to those who are in the rear, and also to the arrows cast by the archers.

119. We previously arranged that those called *despotatoi*, whom we appointed for the care and salvation of wounded soldiers, should be gathered from each cohort; you shall order that six or eight of the weaker ones be set apart from each *tagma*, so that in time of need they may look after those who are wounded.

120. Two *skoulkatores*, that is to say scouts or *vigilantes*, who are useful, alert, and brave, should be selected, and also two *mandatores*. Two men also, who are useful for guarding the *bandum* in time of war, should be set apart from those assigned to the aciae.

121. Furthermore, one soldier who is suitable and eloquent should be chosen as a *cantator*, to be set apart so that, as he runs among them during the battles, he may sing to encourage the army of the *tagma* and arouse them to eagerness through hortatory words, according to the pattern we have already prescribed for you.

122. In large *tagmata*, let there be double *banda* even before the war—the one to be held by the commander of the *tagma*, and the other by the first centurion. But on the day of the battle, let not two be carried or raised, but only that of the commander.

123. Hence, on the day of battle, it is necessary for each soldier to carry with him in his saddle water in the so-called *phlascia* (flasks), and *paxamation* (that is, biscuit) in his saddle-bag, and one or two pounds of flour, so that in times of need they may have these for the refreshment and recovery of themselves and others who might fall into some faintness of spirit or infirmity of health.

124. In time of battle, let it be repeatedly impressed upon the soldiers that no soldier should plunder an enemy before the outcome of the war.

125. When marching, the soldiers should not be intermingled with the *tuldum* (baggage train), especially when enemies are expected; rather, the *bandum* should be in front by itself, and the *tuldum* behind, or as necessity calls, just as was mentioned in the chapter concerning the *tuldum*. These things which we have commanded you, you yourself shall give to each comes, *droungarios*, and *tourmarches* individually to be recognized and performed, and you shall also urge and prepare them yourself as much as you can.

126. We command you, O general, to make appropriate use of opportunities in battles; first, you must protect yourself against the occasions by which harms occur from the enemy, and then, by means of such occasions, you must take the initiative against the enemies.

TACTICS. — CONSTITUTION XII.

127. Above all, you must explore the ambushes prepared by the enemy by means of close watch-posts placed on the four sides of the position where the arraying of the line of battle takes place, and you must refrain from disordered and scattered pursuits.

128. We do not permit you to undertake rash operations yourself, but rather that these things be done through suitable commanders. For if a failure or error occurs through other commanders, there is hope for a quick rectification; but if the commander-in-chief of the army should fail, the resulting downfall becomes a pretext for anarchy. ^B

129. A wise and excellent general is one who, before the war, examines the affairs of the enemy, protecting himself against their advantages and attacking their deficiencies. For example, to speak in summary: if the enemy has more cavalry than you, you must destroy the pastures so that the horses may lack fodder; if there is a multitude of men, you must intercept and steal away their supplies and provisions.

130. If they are composed of different nations, you must corrupt those with him by means of gifts, largesses, and promises.

131. If you learn that the enemy holds views contrary to one another, you must manage their leaders. ^C

132. Does the nation fight with spears? Invite them into rough terrain for battle.

133. If they are archers, force them to deploy in plains, and engage in hand-to-hand combat.

134. If they are traveling carelessly, or are foraging by night or by day, set an ambush for them when it is least expected.

135. If they conduct battles rashly and in disorder, and are inexperienced in enduring hardship, make a show to them as if for an engagement, but postpone it and drag it out until the heat of their temper subsides; and when they have become exhausted, then join battle against them. ^D

136. If they have the advantage in a multitude of infantry, lead them into flat and level places; and do not fight close up, but at a distance with javelins.

137. For the affairs of enemies are like hunts; for just as there, the prey is captured by means of scouts, ambushes, encirclements, and suchlike stratagems rather than by force, so it is necessary to adapt oneself in dealing with enemies, whether they be many or few.

138. For to force the opponents openly and with the hand by mere sight alone, when it seems that one might defeat them with danger and not insignificant loss, the outcome of the matter ends in such a way—which is characteristic of the thoughtless—that without the greatest necessity, to seek victory with damage and loss is a new and vain…

^A aspiration that bears only a name. Beyond this, I shall instruct you, O general, in what you must do before the day of battle, when necessity urges you to go forth to the fight against the enemy ^B.

CONSTITUTIO XIV. On the day before the battle.

1. So that you may prepare the tourmarchs one or two days before the battle, that they may have the *banda* consecrated by the priests, and thus deliver them to the *bandophoroi*, that is, the standard-bearers, of the *tagmata*. Let the commander of each *tagma* determine beforehand the messes and fill up the depleted ranks.

2. You shall diligently search into the state of the enemy—their movements, the size of their numbers, and their formation—and thus adapt yourself so as not to be suddenly or unexpectedly attacked by them.

3. You will assemble the army in tranquility by *droungoi* and by *tourmai*, or else bring them all together in one place, and you will speak to them of what is suitable, either yourself or through your own officers, calling to mind past victories and previous successes, and by such words encouraging them. Moreover, you shall recite the sovereign’s bounty, his eagerness to show gratitude, and the rewards offered to the well-deserving. Also, the mandates and other instructions that each *tagma* received from you yourself or from their own officers must be reviewed.

4. If it should happen that some of the enemy are captured in patrols or desert to us, if they are of noble stature and armed, these are not to be shown to the army, but are to be secretly sent away to some other place. But if they are common and base, you shall display those who have defected to the whole army, while those captured you shall lead around naked, and you will instruct them to exhort the soldiers not to be killed, so that all the enemy may appear pitiful to the soldiers.

5. When the enemy draws near and an open battle is expected, you shall order the commanders of the *tagmata* not to make, during those days, any sorties against undisciplined soldiers, and to be strictly on their guard against harming any soldier. But even those who are under suspicion of some distress, you are to handle so as to bring them to cheerfulness; if such men remain unmanageable, you shall separate them for a little while and send them off to another place with a plausible excuse until the outcome of the battle, so that, by fleeing to the enemy, they do not reveal anything that ought not to be known to them. As for those who are of the same race as the enemy, as we have already said before, you must separate them long beforehand, and not allow them to fight against their own kin in war.

6. Whenever you are about to engage in battle, O general, you must also consider the reverses of war,

^A and avert those calamities as much as possible. Above all, as has often been mentioned by me, bring up provisions for some days for both the soldiers and the horses, and make the camps more secure, placed in suitable spots where water can always be defended in time of need.

7. Do not neglect the soldiers' meal. For if, when the battle is decided upon, it is agreed upon, then at that time you shall judge the best hour for the army to eat. If this is not possible, let the soldiers eat in the morning when war is imminent, so that they may be stronger and not be exhausted if the battle lasts, as often happens, for the whole day.

8. ^B It is necessary, O general, by all means, not only at other times, but also at such a time when war is close at hand, not to neglect to take counsel; but then most of all you shall summon the tourmarchs under you, and anyone else you deem quick-witted and prudent, for the consultation that ought to be held at the time; and thus you must deliberate on the matters concerning the war.

9. Carefully observe also the place where the battle is to occur.

10. Order the commanders to have the horses led out to water at the first sound of the trumpet on the night of the day of battle, lest, if this is neglected, the strength of the horses fails in battle.

11. Order also, as has been commanded by us above, ^C that each soldier, when heading to the battle, have in his haversack one or two pounds of bread, or flour, or baked beans, or biscuit, or meat. Let them also have a small flask in their equipment filled with water, not wine, on account of all fortuitous circumstances and unexpected events. For often, when the enemy has been routed and has fled to some fortification, it is necessary to besiege them for a day and a night; or if the battle must be prolonged until evening, it is necessary that provisions be brought, so that the task at hand is not hindered by a lack of provisions.

12. ^D If the war is against a powerful nation, and our army is, due to some misgiving, in fear and low spirits, do not be in a hurry to engage them openly and publicly at once, but first, carefully proceed before the day of battle with some picked and capable men, secretly and not openly attacking some part of them. For if some of the enemy are killed or taken alive, the army will think that this was achieved by strength and might, and will gather its forces, cast aside its fear, and thus, step by step, will become accustomed to being bolder and to attacking the enemy more eagerly.

13. If a surprise occurs at the hands of the enemy, and the need for war does not [coincide] with your own plans, or if...

the terrain is rough and difficult, or the time is ill-suited—as, for example, during severe cold or similarly extreme heat—do not attempt to engage them either then or there. Rather, make every effort to gather your forces, occupy a suitable location for a camp, and defer the battle until you have secured both proper terrain and a favorable time, so that you do not engage them against your will. By acting in this way, you will not be fleeing from the enemy, but rather ensuring that you avoid a disadvantageous and unsuitable location.

14. When God grants victory and the enemy is routed, command the soldiers to refrain entirely from plundering the corpses of the enemy. ^B For to loot the corpses, or to attack the baggage train or the camp of the enemy before the war has reached its final conclusion, is a ruinous and dangerous matter. Therefore, you must strictly forbid them from doing anything like this at all. Frequently, even those who have been victorious have not only been defeated, but have been utterly destroyed because they scattered themselves in such ways and were caught unawares and endangered by the enemy.

15. As we have mentioned before, when the enemy is drawing near and war is expected—if the army is encamped in a fossatum and awaiting the enemy from there—it is necessary that you not only prepare and store ^C hay or straw for the animals for one or two days, but also, if the army moves and intends to go to another station and draw up for battle there, that they carry with them hay or straw for even one day and store it in their camp. For it may be that the camp servants and attendants will be prevented by the enemy from going out on that day to cut hay, gather fodder, or put the animals out to pasture.

16. If the enemy is in close proximity, it is not absurd, as we have said elsewhere, that everyone gather the hay they need to store while they are on the march. For often, once the camp has been set up, ^D the servants will not be allowed to go out and forage, especially if the enemy has many cavalry. These are the things we instruct you to order and carry out before the day of the battle, so that your commanders and soldiers may be better trained and organized. It remains for us to explain briefly what you and your men must do—and what you must avoid—on the very day of the battle.

CONSTITUTIO XIV. On the Day of Battle.

1. Before all else, we urge you, O general, that on the day of the battle your army be pure and holy, that fervent prayers be held on the eve, and that all be sanctified by the priests; by both words and actions, they should be persuaded that they have God as their helper, and thus move out to the battle bright-faced and eager.

2. As for you, you must labor greatly on the day of the battle,

^A so that you may not be led to forget necessary things through excessive toil and weariness; you must not neglect any aspect of your concern, but must ride along the battle line in a vigorous and confident manner, and stir up all by your words.

3. Do not engage in hand-to-hand combat with the enemy; for that is the duty of a soldier, not a general. Rather, you must perform everything that is appropriate and take your stand in a suitable place, from where you may be able to behold those fighting, notice those who might be neglecting their duties, and offer up the necessary prayers. Strive, moreover, to bring aid to those in need through those available in support, that is, through the flankers and rear-guard.

4. ^B If your war is against archers, avoid rugged terrain, foothills, and the initial slopes of mountains; if possible, do not engage in battle in such places. Either draw up your line on high ground, or move completely away from the mountain and deploy your line on more level and open ground, so that the enemy—who might be laying an ambush—does not suddenly force his way against you from the high ground.

5. Also, do not come to blows with an enemy battle line, nor reveal your own to them, until you have observed their formation and carefully investigated the ambushes—or, rather, the hidden traps—they have likely prepared.

6. ^C If the places where you are about to engage are open and flat, and it is not easy to conceal your second line within them, so that the enemy might not perceive it while the army is moving into battle, then cause the second line to follow closely behind the first, so that the two appear to the opponents as one. When you are within one mile of the enemy's battle line, you must cause the second line to slow down slightly, separating itself from the first at the aforementioned interval and taking the formation which we previously described for the second line—so that it is indeed a second battle line. ^D From this, your formation will not be known to the enemy long in advance.

7. Observe the withdrawals and flights of the enemy and do not pursue them in an unrestrained manner, because of the stratagems that are likely being played, but pursue them with order, until you have gained certainty of a secure victory.

8. If an approach by the enemy is reported against your first line, and it is impossible to bring aid through the flankers or through those sent into ambush against the enemy, then it is necessary to transfer bands from those stationed at the extremities of the second battle line to them—if they come from one flank, to that part; if from both, to both sides. Likewise, against those who come against the rear of the second line, if there are many rear-guard troops to repel them...

do the same, so that the rest may remain undisturbed for the support of the first line. ^B

9. If the army of the enemy is vast, and because of the multitude of pack animals or men a clamor, or rather an inflation, appears, do not immediately attempt to draw up the army on high ground while the enemies are far off, lest by the sight of the multitude your men, being taken by surprise, easily lose heart. Rather, draw them up in a lower place, from which they neither see the enemies nor are seen by the enemies. And when the enemies are at a distance of one or half a mile, then bring the army up to the height, so that the engagement may happen before they become cowardly.

10. If such a place cannot be found, but the enemies appear to the army from afar, proclaim to the army in the very formation itself that the multitude appearing is one of animals or baggage, and not of men alone.

11. If it is possible for you to engage the enemies even before they have formed for battle while they are in disarray, you will be able to inflict greater harm upon them.

12. In any case, you should have one or even a second band at a distance of one or two miles from the enemy’s battle line before the war is joined, while the army is forming, so that the enemies may not have the freedom to reconnoiter the formation before the battle and devise schemes against it.

13. And if there is no infantry army, leave the boys of the soldiers, that is, those who serve them, to be distributed throughout the entire perimeter of the camp to guard the trench, and let them fortify its inner part with arms, whether they are capable of shooting arrows, throwing javelins, or using slings; but let one cohort also keep watch with them, and guard the gates of the camp, that is, the fenced-in encampment, and appoint a capable officer for the whole such camp.

14. Never carry the baggage train into the battle formation if it is possible, for it becomes ready prey for the enemies if it is found in the battle. ^C

15. If, however, as is likely, an unexpected incursion by the enemies happens while you are marching, and you do not have time to encamp and secure the baggage train, then carry it to the right flank of the second battle line and draw it up there, and set aside one or two bands from the surplus men for its protection. ^D

16. If they have not, as has been said, stored up fodder beforehand, and on the very day of the battle, as the rest of the armed men move toward the battle line, the servants of the soldiers and of the officers should go out to the part left to the rear of the battle line of the whole army, with a few scouts left behind from the part of the battle line, and gather sufficient fodder while the war

^A continues, and markers are given in higher places and various spots, so that if anything contrary happens, the recall signal may be given according to custom, then they may retreat quickly and save themselves at the camp, so that they might not be cut off outside. This is necessary to be done on account of the uncertainty of the outcome. For if the affair turns out adversely, having provisions both for themselves and for their animals, the soldiers are quickly called back to fight again, that is, once more to engage and win. Or if not this, they shall immediately retreat in order, while the strength of their horses is still preserved, before the spirits of the men fall further, and the strength of the horses as well. Which can be done if the provision is in readiness. For after a defeat, no one dares to go out to collect fodder, and the starving horses cause despondency among the soldiers, and it is impossible for counsel to be taken for what is advantageous, with need and fear forcing them. But it is necessary in any case to have the sustenance for the animals set aside for one or even two days, if possible, and more, especially if pastures are near the camp.

17. If, on the first day of the engagement of the war, an adverse outcome should follow—may this not happen—it seems to us in every way unsuitable and disadvantageous to attempt, on the same days, that is to say at the same time, to undertake a public battle again with those who have been defeated in the line of battle. ^B And therefore we do not advise you, O general, to act with a view to this. For this is always difficult for all, and no one is accustomed to immediately fight back after defeats. For this is rare, and unsuitable for the Romans. So that if even a reversal occurs, and the general hopes to rectify this through a second battle, the crowd, recognizing the cause, is not inclined to come immediately to a public battle; for they receive the result as if by divine decree, and thus it becomes a source of all manner of cowardice.

18. Therefore, it behooves you, except of necessity and circumstance, not to attempt to join battle openly after a public defeat via a line of formation, but with guile and deceit make an effort, watching for an opportunity so as to surprise them, and ^C as the saying goes, feign flight, until the army, having come to forget that cowardice, gains confidence to perform the gathering again for legitimate reasons that often supervene, which it is not easy to document.

19. And if you should once have the confidence to join battle after the casting off of cowardice, it is necessary to make the vanguard, as having been struck down, the second line, and move the second line to the vanguard with the elite regiments from the first. For being smaller than the first, it does not suffice by itself.

20. But neither is it necessary to delay aimlessly at the contrary outcomes of war, unless there is hope of alliance or another mode of aid is expected, or, as is likely, a response from the enemies ^D is sent, which it is necessary not to make public in haste, but only among the commanders.

If what is proposed can be done immediately, it should not be delayed but carried out earnestly, either by oath or by some other agreement. But if it is harmful and is told in order to gain time and to weaken the crowd, one must instead spread rumors far harsher than what was proposed, so that the army, being stirred up to anger, may stand against the enemies more strongly out of necessity and also become more obedient to the commander; for the greater the delay, ^A the more fearful the defeated become and the victors more bold.

21. Before the morale of your troops collapses completely, you must, O general, through the commanders of the regiments, the decarchs, and the pentarchs, exhort the army and say that this is not a time for cowardice, but rather for launching oneself against the enemies and bravely recovering from any error that may have occurred on the part of some. You must speak these things and similar words to them.

22. And if there is hope that the battle can be recovered through public engagement, you shall use the aforementioned method of order. If this does not succeed, you must adopt that which is advantageous for facing the dangers.

23. And if the victorious enemies are infantry, you must hasten to make the retreats or transfers of that camp in an orderly fashion with the horses, and not wait.

24. But if they are ^B cavalry, you must especially disregard the extra and heavy pack animals and property, and you must stand on foot, and without a few horsemen, you must draw up all the men into two phalanxes or lines, or into a square, rectangular formation, and place the animals or the baggage train in the middle, while having the soldiers on the outside, as has been described, in order, and the archers further out, and thus you shall make your transfers and retreats safely.

25. Again, if the affairs of war turn out auspiciously and, with God’s help, victory begins, you must not be satisfied with merely driving back the enemies, like the inexperienced who do not know how to make use of the opportunity, nor should you listen to the untimely saying, "Win, but do not win too much," lest, if you yield at a precarious time, you accumulate greater troubles for yourself and render the outcome of future events ^C uncertain, but you must instead use the absolute destruction of the enemies.

26. If the enemy takes refuge in a fortification, you must hasten, either by force and hand-to-hand combat or by other means—such as by cutting off supplies for the men or the animals, and by close watch—to confine him until his complete destruction, or until agreements profitable to us are made; and one must not grow weary from a small setback, nor neglect the outcome of the matter due to a lack of a little more persistence after so much labor and toil, and after so much danger from war; since even in hunting, that which is almost effected is as if it were nothing.

^A 27. You must not neglect the maintenance of the order of your soldiers after a victory, but with your troops drawn up, you must pursue the enemy with military knowledge and attention, and the general himself must diligently attend to what needs to be done. For power alone does not suffice for your own safety or for the destruction of the enemy, but, along with God’s help, imperial and diligent administration of affairs is primary and supremely necessary.

28. It is fitting for you, therefore, O general, to make use of times and places appropriately; and if you determine that a general battle will by all means take place, you will inspect all places, and you will choose for your spearmen places that are bare and level. And you must not only search out the right, left, and rear parts from two or three days before the engagement until the end of the war, but you must also probe the surrounding areas, lest there be pits, whether natural or artificial, or some other trap lying in wait.

^B 29. On the day of the battle, as we said above, with the scouts going out early in the morning in the four directions of the place where the engagement is to occur, at a distance of two or three miles [posting] double watches, you shall command them not only to look out for and report the movement of the enemy, but also to watch closely for those who wish to desert to the enemy, as is likely, and to detain them. For in this way they will easily hinder those who flee from our army, and they will receive those who wish to desert from the enemy to us, as is likely, and bring them in with all safety, ensuring they remain whole and free from insult by certain wicked men, lest they be harassed by them: a practice which you must always observe regarding those who flee to our side with various goods, as it is necessary and just.

30. Let those scouting in the forward positions, up to the range of an arrow-shot from the enemy’s battle line, walk and lead in front of their own [troops], lest, as has been said, there be ditches or trenches, or some other trap devised by the enemy, and let them restrain their own men so that they do not unexpectedly fall into one.

31. For in critical places and times, it is necessary to establish not only single watches, as has been said, in the same places, but also double ones; so that if something should escape the one, it may not escape the other.

^D 32. And if the formation is ready and the place suitable, do not wait for the enemy in the engagement, lest they calculate and devise their formation, but attack and set upon the enemy securely.

33. If the engagement is delayed for any reasonable causes, it is necessary to hide the second line, especially in patches of woods or in lower-lying places, so that, not being revealed to the enemy too long beforehand and at an inopportune time, it may be studied and plotted against by them through ambushes, or be outwitted by other maneuvers.

34. Since we have made mention of scouts, you must...

ensure they are secure, and divide the scouts into two parts, so that some sleep while the others remain awake, and thus they may keep watch by alternating with one another. For you should trust no one, even if they have promised to keep watch the entire night without sleeping; for it is possible for a sudden and involuntary sleep to overtake them. During the other watches, when there is need, they must by all means keep watch while standing upright; for sitting and reclining cause the body to drift off into sleep, whereas the standing position of the feet rouses a drowsy mind. ^B

35. Once the battle is over, you, general, must console the soldiers who were wounded in it, and grant a proper burial to those who fell in the battle, and praise them continuously, as those who for the sake of the faith and their brethren did not even prefer their own lives; since this is both holy and inspires enthusiasm in those who still live.

36. If they have children or a spouse, and it is evident that they fought zealously and met their end, these, too, must be granted the consolation they deserve.

37. Since we find that both Romans and all foreign nations for the most part, when they see the battle lines of their opponents approaching, are struck by those who present a more grim aspect with their countenances and faces, rather than by a battle line sparkling and glittering with arms—and perhaps this common opinion is false, for the war is decided by God’s judgment, by the general’s administration, and by the enthusiasm of the army—nevertheless, for the sake of those who think such things, it is necessary, if there are wooded or hollow places, that the forces be hidden there, and not shown to the enemies a long time before, so that they may not be discerned by the enemies from one or two signals, and ambushes and schemes be laid against them.

38. If the terrain is open and the air is clear, then see to it that the helmets are not worn long in advance, but are carried in the hands until the enemies draw near. And indeed, small shields should be carried in front against the chest, and the mail and helmets should be covered by them; or carry them on the back against the shoulder blades, if the metal shields happen to be bright. Also, the iron heads of the spears should be hidden so that the weapons do not shine from afar in any way, according to the aforesaid manner, so that the enemies, who might be watching for such a signal, may not have their minds anticipated by it, and fall into a kind of fear before the battle. ^C

39. And we order you, general, to conduct ambushes, or hidden parties, in battle in accordance with reason, that is, according to the method we have previously set forth for you. For these, when done skillfully and appropriately, bring the greatest benefits to the battles, and have destroyed in various ways large forces by means of a few, so that there was not even time for the entire battle line to engage.

40. For if you have an abundance of places suitable for these, such as a dense forest, or a valley, or a large hill, or ravines, or mountains nearby, or even those extending right up to the enemy's battle line, so that through these you can remain hidden and not be seen from afar ^D

^A. Thus, by falling upon the backs of the enemy suddenly before the engagement, they threw them into disorder and put them to flight.

41. Others, when they did not have suitable ground near the enemy’s battle line, did not do this, but placing themselves on the flank between their own battle line and that of the enemy, or even behind their own flank, they stationed the greater part of their forces in ambush and drew up the smaller part in formal battle array in front.

42. Others stationed a part of their army in ambush—not the greater part, but the lesser—and when the engagement began, those drawn up in front voluntarily took to flight. As the enemy pursued them in disorder, once they had passed the place of the ambush, those lying in ambush stood up behind the backs of the enemy. Then the fugitives, turning back at the signal which they had previously agreed upon, took them in the middle. This happens for the most part against the northern and Scythian nations, such as the Turks and those similar to them.

43. ^B If one digs a deep trench, or a ditch, eight or ten feet wide for a sufficient distance, and covers it with thin pieces of wood, grass, and earth, so that the surface of the ditch is level and contiguous with the surrounding ground and in no way distinct from it—and let him not leave the excavated earth piled up nearby, lest it cause any suspicion of something unusual—and if, in the middle of this same trench, he leaves certain solid patches of ground, noted and known at the time to his own army, and if, on both sides—that is, from here and there—near the trench he places an ambush in hidden spots and lines up the rest in front of the trench; then, when the engagement begins, those drawn up in front, feigning flight, pass safely through the known and solid parts. ^C The enemy, pursuing with violence and recklessness, falls into the trench. Then those who had prepared the ambush suddenly emerge, and those who had feigned a retreat turn back, and they will utterly destroy the greater part of the enemy, some as they fall into the trench, others as they are put to flight by the unexpected mishap, unless this is perceived beforehand by the enemy or is revealed to them by some defectors.

44. If one does the same thing with stakes planted in the ground, and devises two or three safe passages known to the army drawn up for battle, then draws them up in front of those stakes, and in the engagement feigns flight in the same manner, he will incite the enemy to fall upon the stakes. Then, those holding the ambush suddenly attacking from the flank, and those who feigned flight attacking with all their might, will in this way ^D destroy the enemy.

45. Such a ruse against the enemy is also [effective] without—

a ditch, or again, if one were to cast iron caltrops, that is, spikes, tied together with cords for the time being so as to be easily withdrawn after their use, across one hundred feet in width, and in length according to the interval of the battle array; and in the middle, one should leave four or five passages of three hundred feet in width, known to the army that is to fight, and marked out by large branches, or by spear-heads of an unusual appearance, or by mounds of earth like tombs, or by piles of stones, or by some other clear sign, not only at their beginnings, that is, at the fronts of the length of these caltrops, but also along the depth, that is, the width, on either side of the passages, so that when the engagement occurs and a rout is shammed, and after the army has passed through such known passages, those signs may be taken up, that is, cleared away by the horsemen appointed for this purpose, and then in this way ^B the ambush may emerge on both flanks from here and there against the enemies who are falling into the caltrops, and who are unable to retreat easily either forward or backward.

46. It is possible for the same things to be done also in a similar manner and without caltrops, if one digs round pits, which the ancients called "horse-breakers," scattered about with an interval of one foot, and a depth of two or three feet, and fixes sharp stakes in them. These should be dug in a staggered manner and not in straight lines, at intervals of three feet from one another in all directions, to a width of one hundred and fifty feet, and a length matching the interval of the battle array. This having been done at the engagement, when the first line is deployed, it is fitting that it should stand at a distance of one mile before this ruse, and the second line ^C behind it, throughout the whole space, at the remnants of the diggings, as far as two or three bowshots behind, so that if there is need, both those turning in flight from the first line may pass through safely, and the second line, if there is need to attack the enemies, may pass through the same convenient gaps, and thus attack the enemies unimpeded.

47. When the entire array is not positioned before the ruse, but behind it, the array must be stood three bowshots behind it, and when the enemies have passed or reached the ruse, then one must encounter them, so that their horses, falling in, may be destroyed. But in that case, one must not leave the convenient spaces of the ruse too wide when the array is behind them, so that a large number of the enemies, passing through, may not approach the battle without danger.

48. Such enterprises, that is, ruses, ^D you must execute secretly, O general, by a few faithful men, either on the very day of the war, or one day before, toward its evening hours, or at night, clearly in that very place where the battle is expected, and to wait there for the enemies, and for the time being trust in the men of the army.

^A and especially for the band-bearers. But in order that they may know how to protect themselves, and that they may follow closed up behind the bands, as the favorable places allow.

49. This must be proclaimed to all, that they follow their bands especially while retreating, so that—which God forbid—they do not, by straying, fall themselves into the trap.

50. Of all the aforementioned tricks, as we think, the deception through the caltrops is the easiest and can be done more invisibly in any place. Therefore, it is necessary to adapt oneself to the places and the formation.

51. And if it seems advantageous to you that the attack be made against the enemy’s battle line, as has already been said to us, you will detach—from one or even a second band, or more, according to how large the army is—men with brave, bold, prudent, and capable commanders and soldiers. To the right side—given that the terrain assists—you will place one ambush that ought to attack the enemy battle line, and similarly an ambush on the left. ^B

52. And if an advance is attempted by the enemies, it must be restrained so as not to give them the opportunity to come and disturb the line. But if the enemies do not attempt to advance, [you should arrange for them] to attack from that side either against the enemy's baggage train—as is likely, given that it is located there—or against the enemy’s rear, or at the wing, that is to say, at the part surrounding the outer edges of the enemy’s battle line, so that, as is likely, if the enemies are also drawing themselves up in a second line, or if they have an ambush behind their own line, your own ones do not find themselves harmed by the ambushes of the adversary. For it is necessary that those who are departing for the ambush should also move cautiously and thus adapt themselves to the assault against the enemies.

53. The time for the ambush must be carefully regulated, and not be undertaken too long before the battle; so that the ambush, by having few men, is not overwhelmed by the enemies, nor again should it be delayed, so that the engagement does not happen to take place before [they arrive] and [the ambush] be found useless to it. ^C

54. But it is fitting, while at the same time moving the battle line, to move also the ambushes—whether there be one or two—or rather to advance the battle line a little bit; so that the battle line, proceeding through the visible places, may distract the enemies from there, and the one through the hidden places may similarly distract them, and they should regulate themselves by scouts, signals, and conjecture. And the one, as is likely, by taking the shortcut of the terrain, should delay and wait for the other, so that it is possible for both the ambush, or the hidden detachment, and the battle line to be found against the enemies; and for the ambush to be advanced a little bit more, so that when the enemies begin to be disturbed by the ambush, then the battle line, being found nearby, may join battle.

55. For this reason, then, if the places are suitable, you must send out the ambushes from both sides, especially if you have a large and numerous army, so that the other ambush ^D

may restrain those who are advancing, while the second one may appropriately attack the enemies.

56. If, however, as is to be expected, those who are attempting the attack do not succeed, or if a rout of the battle line occurs in the meantime, you must not even then give way or release the enemies, nor should you come to the second line and mingle with those who have fled, but stand at a distance and endeavor to fall upon and attack them from the rear of the enemies—that is, from behind—and thereby call back your own men from flight.

57. We suppose it to be safe ^B that those who are sent for ambushes, whether for an attack from the rear or from the flank of some battle line, or for the watching of the baggage, or for swift assistance to some part that is, as is likely, being pressured, or for the protection of the rear of the battle line, or for a lookout, should be few in number; and it is appropriate that they be drawn up rather in a *drungos*—that is, together as a mass without files—and not in a long line, that is, according to the order of a squad, or a decarchy, or a pentarchy. For such a formation is more splendid, more prominent, stronger, and more orderly, and it fights securely in battle, yet it is slower and less flexible for various needs. But this *drungos* arrangement has the opposite qualities: it can hide more easily in ambushes, is content with less space, and can immediately join battle. Therefore, these things should be tested opportunely through training and practice, and what is most useful should be held fast by experience.

58. But this should also be done according to the size of the army sent for this purpose, and according to the locations of the places. For if a force equal to or greater than the one drawn up in plain view is sent into ambush, hoping to attack through one place, then it is necessary to draw it up by the decarchy. But if few are sent, or if they are to be in different places, then they should be drawn up in a *drungos*—that is, together and densely without files.

59. For in these there is the difference, as has been said, between the two: the ambush that is formed in a regular arrangement is able to fight strongly and safely, whereas the one that is formed in a *drungos* is powerful for quickly bringing up aid, and for making pursuits and sudden attacks and for causing confusion.

60. We therefore judge this ^D order to be suitable for cavalry, which you must bring to perfection through continuous training in the manner we have spoken of, if you have not previously had experience with it. For if this is duly accomplished, there will be no need for commands in time of war, nor for any other instruction, for this order and training teach everyone what is necessary to be done.

61. However, some of the more slothful and insecure think that this order is varied and manifold, and therefore troublesome. Let these men understand that athletes and charioteers and others of that kind of men who exercise for the sake of games and amusement, if they achieve what they desire, [find that] through [the] moderate.

pain [there follows] no loss. Yet these men endure so much toil and weariness, with fasting from food, and guard, and unremitting exercise, in order to be able to learn what things are effective for the harming of their adversaries, and what things guard the work they are attempting. How much more, then, must we here, unceasingly and in many ways and skillfully, conduct the battle-lines and exercises, where a mistake instantly brings either death or flight worse than death, but success brings joy and profit, and good reputation, and a glorious memory which is never obscured by forgetfulness.

62. For how is it not absurd, and harmful, and deadly, to be ordered in one and the same simple way, and for the judgment of such a multitude of men to come from a random mistake, and for the one who has sinned not even to be identified, but for all to be brought into judgment for the mistake of one, when indeed there are not many heads [of subjects] that ought to be settled, but the deliberations concerning the causes ^B of them have extended our discourse.

63. Let so much, then, have been said by us concerning the cavalry order; but concerning the infantry and the mixed [order], we shall now state what we judge necessary to come to pass at the time of war, matters of which we have determined more accurately in another discourse.

64. For of these, some are those called "scutati," whom we also call hoplites. And you shall define the scutati thus: first, you will form the "acies"—that is, the ranks of each battalion—some being ordered to the left, and some to the right of the "bandum," ^C that is, of the commander.

65. And as the commander proceeds, together with the standard-bearer and the trumpeter and the others who customarily follow, the "lochagi"—that is, the leaders—follow as they were appointed: first those of the left side, then those of the right.

66. When they have arrived at the place of the battle-line, the commander stands, and after him the standard-bearer, and those who [are] customarily [with him]. And the acies are drawn up on either side of him as they were appointed, first in a looser interval, so that they may not be crushed by one another, having a depth of sixteen, and the light-armed soldiers behind ^D [them]. For a while, the spear-points of the lances are looking upward, so that they may not be impeded by them.

67. In front of the front line walk the "campiductor"—that is, the one who scouts the places—and the "mandator," the one leading to the places and the other giving the commands by the judgment of the commander.

68. When the battalions have been placed, as we have predetermined, into divisions and into parts—that is, into their "drungi"—and into the "turmae," and the whole battle-line of the scutati has been formed, then [you shall also draw up] the battle-lines and those called light-armed soldiers in different places.

69. ^A You shall place the archers behind each company according to the number of those who are in the company, that is, four light-armed soldiers for every sixteen scutati, so that, even when the heavy-armed soldiers—or what are called the scutati companies—are divided up to a group of four, one archer may be found behind it. But if the situation requires it, you shall arrange them in the depth of the companies, one scutatus and one archer alternately. Sometimes, however, [you shall place them] also at the companies and at the wings of the battle-line—that is, inside the cavalry, and often even outside of them, at a small distance, along with a few scutati, to defend the cavalrymen positioned further out. This applies if there are many light-armed soldiers. Those who carry javelins or axes or anything of the sort should be placed either behind the companies of the scutati or at the ends of the battle-line, and not in the middle. The slingers, however, must always be placed at the ends of the battle-line.

70. ^B We order the cavalry to be drawn up at the ends of the infantry battle-line. The larger units, together with their commanders, [should be placed] further out. And if there are many cavalrymen—that is, more than twelve thousand—the battle-line should be formed with a depth, or thickness, of the company of ten. But if there are fewer than this number, [a depth] of five. Furthermore, there should be some extra men behind [the line] for their support, outside the wagons, so that if any of the enemies appear at the rear—that is, from behind—they may drive them away. If not, they may be added to the flanks themselves. These are also drawn up first in the left interval, so that they do not cause obstruction when the time comes and they are about to change the shape of their formation.

71. ^C You shall instruct the cavalry not to dash impulsively against the enemies, nor to depart from the infantry battle-line to a great distance. Even if the enemies should happen to be routed, [they must not do this] lest, if an ambush or a hiding-place be formed by the enemies, and they are exposed at a distance from the battle-line, they may be harassed as they are fewer in number. But even if they are pressed, as is likely, by the adversaries toward the rear, they should flee behind the infantry battle-line and not pass beyond the wagons. If they cannot hold their ground in this way, they should dismount from their horses and in this manner defend themselves on foot.

72. ^D If you wish to draw up the battle-line, but not to join battle on that same day, and the enemies mount an attack against the cavalry, and your cavalry cannot withstand them, they should not wait for the enemies at the wings of the battle-line and the wagons. But if this happens, then there is need for a greater interval in the middle, so that when the cavalry moves, as is likely, they may not be hemmed in, nor may the enemies' arrows injure them.

73. We do not deny that we have mentioned some of these things in the chapter on training; but there is nothing absurd in repeating the same things in the preparation for war to those who are in the military. For we have dealt with the whole matter beforehand in such a way that everything pertaining to war might also be adapted to training, except that the entire training ought to be carried out without iron; hence, for the sake of reminding them of these things, it is not

[... continued from previous page] we have refrained from mentioning those matters again. For this is not to be thought of as a trivial thing, but as something highly necessary.

74. You shall separate the sections of the battle line by a space of one or two hundred ^A feet, so that they do not get in each other's way while marching. When the time for the engagement comes, they should join together and these divided parts should adhere to one another and bring aid to each other, and obey the middle section, where the bandum of the commander or of some other appointed leader ought to be stationed. For this reason, the ancients called the middle space of the battle line the "mouth" and the "eye," so that the other parts might obey it.

75. Since it is safer to be contracted or dense than to be thinned out and spread wide, at the very beginning of the march it is not necessary to arrange the depth of the rows (or "files") at sixteen deep, but at four; so that the battle line may appear more impressive to the enemy, and the heavy-armed soldiers may march more easily when the distance is great. For if the need arises for the depth to be increased to eight or sixteen, it can be done quickly while marching, and it will be tightened.

76. If, indeed, while the line is tight and dense, there is a need for its length to be extended, it requires a great deal of time to do this; it is not advisable ^B to extend the line when the enemy is already drawing near.

77. The standard-bearers, until they reach the battle line, ride with their commanders, but in the battle line they too must stand on foot.

78. Thus it is necessary that the depth of the files should be no more than sixteen, even if the enemy's line is deeper, and no less than four, even if the enemy's line is thinner. Consequently, more than sixteen is useless, and fewer than four is weak. The middle formation is that of eight, of those called scutati, that is, the heavy-armed soldiers.

79. See to it that absolute silence is maintained in the army. Should the rearmost men of each company hear even a whisper from one of their own, they are to prick them with the shafts of their spears. In the engagements, that is to say in the battle itself, they should urge those in front of them forward, so that none of the heavy-armed soldiers, through negligence, may stay behind, as is likely to happen.

80. Do not aim for the heavy-armed soldiers to march over a long ^C distance; rather, even if those drawing themselves up against us are slow and there is a need to wait for the battle, do not force them to stand for many hours at that time, so that they do not find themselves exhausted from the weight of their armor when the engagement begins. Instead, prepare for them to sit and rest, and when they (the enemies) come into close proximity, then rouse them, so that they may remain fresh and unwearied.

81. Nor, at the time of battle, should anyone walk in front of the battle line, except for the tourmarchs, the cavalry, ^D two mandatores, and [...]

two campiductores, with one strator and one spatharios, as has been said before; let each stay at his allotted station until the enemy draws near. ^A Then, let each man proceed safely to his own place and stand there.

82. If, however, you decide that the caragus—that is, the wagons—should follow the battle line, it ^B must be drawn up at a distance of one full arrow-shot from the battle line and must follow along in order in its own place. The wagons should maintain a distance equivalent to that of the battle line itself, so that they may not end up outside it and remain unsupported.

83. The rear part of each wagon must be covered with haircloth, so that the wagoneers, ^B standing high up and fighting as if from parapets and the battlements of walls, may provide aid, and the oxen may be kept safe from incoming arrows. Distribute the wagons equipped with ballistae—that is, those carrying so-called arrow-shooters—and those equipped with manganica throughout the whole space, but post the greater number and those most useful at the ends.

84. The wagoneers must be throwers of javelins, slingers, or users of tzicouria, matzoucia, or arrows. Immediately behind the wagons, the remaining touldon should be drawn up, placing it in the ^C space between the wagons and the battle line, so that it may be convenient. Thus, if the need arises for a double battle line, the scutati may be divided if the wagons are pressured, whether they are cavalry or infantry, so that they have no hindrance and do not become confused.

85. If a large force of the enemy causes trouble for the wagons ^C from the rear, and the wagoneers cannot hold their ground or—as is likely—if they are divided for a double battle line, then one should throw a few caltrops. But if they are compelled to do this, one must take care not to turn the army back by the same path, but by another, so that no harm from the caltrops is caused to it.

86. We also command you this, O general, that on the day of a battle of infantry or a mixed battle line, if there are many cavalry of the enemy—and their number is greater than ours—and no caragus is following our troops, ^D do not attempt to draw up your battle line on level and exposed ground, but rather in difficult and impassable places: that is, in marshy and swampy ground, or rocky and uneven ground, or thickets.

87. You shall also take care that the incursions likely to occur from the rear and the flanks are, as I have often advised, provided for by placing sentries. You will also place some scutati at the outer ends of the wagon trail and in the middle of them, so that if need arises, they may aid those who are likely to be harassed ^D by the enemy, whether they be the wagons themselves, the battle line, or its cavalry.

88. If at any time you are able [to catch the enemy] while they are not yet encamped...

and join battle with them, you will certainly inflict upon them the greatest damage.

89. ^A Do not mix many cavalrymen into the infantry battles, but station only a few, up to three or four thousand, who are armored and fit, on the extreme edges of the battle line, so that if the occasion arises, they may pursue and attack the already routed enemy. For in an infantry army, it is not sufficiently safe to employ a larger number of cavalry.

90. If the enemy, being cavalry, are frightened of the infantry battle, and your cavalry are many, but your infantry few, you shall station the cavalry in the forward positions, and behind them, follow the infantry line in order, at a distance of one or two miles from the cavalry. ^B And you shall command the cavalry not to depart further than this distance from the infantry line. If they are hard pressed by the enemy, they should not retreat directly toward the infantry line, but should wheel to the side and come around to the rear of the infantry to their own line, so that by a direct retreat they do not cause the infantry's formed line to break up.

91. On the day of the engagement, do not be in a hurry, as I have stated before, to move the infantry line for a long distance, beyond an interval of two miles from the camp, so that they may not be worn out by the weight of their armor; ^C but if the enemy delays the joining of battle, they should sit down and rest until the enemy is close at hand.

92. If it is summer time, they should also raise their helmets so that their heads may be ventilated. In such times, the soldiers should not partake of wine, so that it may not ferment and fill the brain with dizziness; but they should carry water in the wagons and give it one by one to those who need it, while they are standing in order in the battle line.

93. Before the time of the battle, you must also assemble the infantry army in one place in a single day, just as with the cavalry. And if the soldiers know the legal mandates, that is, the military penalties, you should remind them of all these things; ^D but if not, you should inform them through their own commanders, specifically those of each regiment, of what has been stated by us above regarding the penalties prescribed for soldiers who transgress during the time of battle; and having known these things, they should thus arrive at the battle line.

94. It would not be useless for you, O commander, to describe in summary the form of drawing up the ancients’ battle lines, which they used in both infantry and mixed forces, especially when they were most fully equipped with a large army.

95. For they used to measure the entire infantry army at sixteen thousand three hundred and eighty-four men, since this number, being composed of many tactical numbers, is sufficient to form a perfect battle line, and is capable of being divided and partitioned equally from such a multitude down to one, and they called the whole of this army a perfect phalanx.

96. This phalanx is divided among them into two equal parts, from the front of the phalanx or battle line all the way to the tail, that is, the rearmost contingent, this equal partition passing through the entire depth, ^A that is, the thickness of the formation. One half is called the right wing and head, in which eight thousand one hundred and ninety-two men are defined to be; the other half is called the left wing and tail, which contains an equal number to the former, that is, eight thousand one hundred and ninety-two men. The middle interval, or that void and intermediate space, is called the navel and the mouth of the phalanx, where the station of the commander is, in order to behold the things that are done in war and to administer all things, so far as it is possible, diligently.

97. All these are called heavy-armed, who are invested with complete shields, spears, swords, and other arms, and have a heavier armament than the rest of the army. ^B

98. Behind this double heavy-armed line is drawn up the line of those called light-armed soldiers, who carry a much more mobile and lighter armament than the first line, because they can easily run wherever they wish; among these are javelin-throwers, archers, and slingers. The formation of these must be half the number of the previous formation, that is, eight thousand and ninety-two.

99. Next after this, let the line of the cavalry be drawn up; of these, the line should also contain half the number of the light-armed, that is, four thousand and forty-six. ^C

100. They used to arrange the infantry in four parts, joining together both the heavy-armed and the light-armed, as necessity required, either by placing the light-armed in two separate formations at the flanks of the heavy-armed, or in front, or as seemed most useful to the commander.

101. They used to divide the cavalry into two parts, here and there, at the rear of the infantry—that is, behind—or at the flanks, or as necessity demanded. For the commander does not arrange the army as he wishes, but rather as he is compelled ^D to do. For against the opposing cavalry, he will arrange his own with ample space so that they are not hindered from performing the duties that it is proper for cavalry to do for the support and defense of the infantry, whether in front, or at the flank, or behind at the rear.

102. It would be better if one were to arrange the formation of the so-called light-armed before the formation of the heavy-armed, or, if necessity so requires, at the flanks. For if they are drawn up in the middle, their weapons become useless and ineffectual; for those who throw javelins or shoot arrows or use slings are forced to launch them into the air and harm their own men more than the enemy. For the missiles will be carried over the heads of those standing in front. And the slingers will be hindered, as they cannot have the proper space to swing their slings with their hands.

103. If the enemy has more light-armed than...

^A ours, then the heavy-armed, that is, those in the front rank, must be stationed in front, having large, long shields—which they call *thyreoi*—so that they cover their entire bodies, being the length of a man. Those who are stationed behind them, even up to the rear ranks, should lift their shields over their heads and advance in this way until they are within range of the arrows or javelins being thrown; for in this way, being as it were roofed over, they will suffer no harm from the missiles thrown by the enemy.

104. If help from light-armed troops is present on one side or the other, they should be the first, before the engagement begins, to shoot arrows and throw javelins at the enemy; or even after the engagement of the battle has begun, attacking from the flanks of the enemy's battle line, they should discharge their missiles at them, so that being pressed and troubled from the flanks as well, they may be ^B weakened against those in front.

105. If a fortification is nearby, this will help the light-armed even more; for by shooting missiles at the enemy and running back into it, they become more fearless. For instance, whether it is a cliff, or the bank of a river, or an overhanging hill, or any other such fortification.

106. There should be an interval in the battle lines, so that if it happens that the light-armed have discharged their missiles, and the battle has not yet joined, but the enemy is still advancing, then the light-armed may turn back with good order and, passing through the middle of the phalanx ^C in confusion, save themselves to the rear. For it is not safe to circle around the army from the outside and pass through in that way, lest, becoming caught in the middle by the coming enemy, they be destroyed; nor should they fall into the middle of the heavy-armed when the formation is dense, and thus be crushed.

107. Have other armed troops ready, so that when the light-armed have expended their weapons, they may then enter in their place and accomplish the need for which they were there.

108. Since the thickness of the battle formation is reduced and thinned out when it is extended to meet needs ^D in length, it is necessary not to extend the battle line so much that the whole thing becomes weak and lacks depth—that is, in thickness—out of fear of flanking maneuvers; for it happens that the enemy can quickly break through it, make a passage, and no longer initiate the encirclement from the front only, but also, by passing through the middle, find themselves in the rear, and thus do harm. A general must not only guard against suffering this, but also seek how he might do such a thing to the enemy.

109. Again, one must not make the battle formation so dense in thickness that it easily suffers encirclement by the enemy, but rather, arm the soldiers standing on the flanks and in the rear just as well as the front-rankers; for they are also better able to oppose the encirclements of the enemy.

^A 110. It is the mark of a wise and prudent general to draw up his battle line, if he can attain his goal, in such places where they can be neither surrounded nor suffer any other damage from the war, just as we have mentioned above. For prudence in a general is of great value in time of war for finding what is useful; this I call a gift of the favor and goodness of God from above, and I believe it is usually given to kings loved by God to increase their virtue.

111. Once, at a time when the enemy had the upper hand in battle, a man devised a certain false and clever scheme, shouting that the enemy’s general was dead. Since the time was pressing and did not allow for everyone to think quickly about what needed to be done, as the enemies were far from their own general and believed this to be true, they suddenly lost heart; the soldiers of him who had shouted, however, gained greater courage and, gathering their strength as if the report were already true, became more eager. By such a rumor being spread, he who had introduced this report emerged the victor. Thus, mental sharpness, seizing upon the opportunity of events, often defeats enemies by tricking them.

112. It has been said by the moderns that your battle line should not appear too splendid to the enemies, but that you should conceal the glitter of your armor until the very moment of hand-to-hand combat, because of the report of such things prevalent among other nations. Onasander, however, in his own writings on military affairs, seems to prescribe the opposite, that our battle line should appear altogether bright and splendid to the enemy’s battle line.

113. It seems to me that he was either unaware of such a rumor as it has become more recent, or that he left aside everything that is to be done before the battle, and only at the very time of the conflict, just as it seems to the moderns and also to me, does he recommend showing the glitter of the arms suddenly and all at once. For there is more confusion of minds when the flash of armed men coming from afar does not strike the eyesight—which is a accustomed and familiar sight—but when what was thought and appeared to be a dismal battle line is suddenly and unexpectedly revealed to be brilliant; for the enemies may perhaps interpret this as a sign and omen of divine assistance against themselves. But it will be useful for you, O general, not to show your battle line to the enemies on the day of battle before you have learned how and in what formation their forces are drawn up.

114. You must take care of those fighting in the battle, as we explained to you before, rather than putting yourself into danger or into a more turbulent crisis where no force of necessity demands this of you: nay, rather, you must refrain completely from joining in the fighting and from showing off your own fortitude. For you will not assist the army by fighting so much as you will harm it by dying, which in the hand-to-hand fighting, by all...

expectations, is not unlikely. For if, as we have mentioned a little before, the mere false rumor that the general has fallen causes the army of his nation to be utterly routed, how much more if that rumor be true will a great disaster follow for the army of him who has truly fallen! ^A

115. Being placed in safety, therefore, watch and perform what is necessary. For then a general is more admired, when in the swiftness of necessity he manages what is fitting, when being in safety he anticipates what is to be decided.

116. If it is necessary at that same time to encourage the soldiers with words, and with the promises that are held in store by our Empire for those who distinguish themselves, and by the presence of God’s help—and if something more is needed, to devise and display certain signs that appear and signal our victory, and to do other things which this text does not now contain, but which you will find and learn in the collected opinions at the end of the text concerning what you must say or do before the war, in the war, and after the war—by these means you will be shown to be superior to the enemy. These things, then, concerning actions in the war itself, have been said by us in brief. These, then, are our instructions concerning military preparations, ^B as much for the cavalry as for the infantry, said in summary.

CONSTITUTIO XV. Concerning the Siege of Cities.

1. Next, it is necessary to provide guidelines for you, O general, concerning the siege of cities, which we have compiled from both ancient and modern sources, and to show what you must do if you are besieging enemies, as is likely, or if you are being besieged by them, so that you may have a moderate experience of these operations, by which you may be able to contemplate further, having seized the occasion, those things not mentioned here, but which are possible to achieve, as necessity teaches you the specifics according to the times and places.

2. A siege therefore requires of a general a brave spirit, a sharp and strategic and prudent mind, the preparation of machines, and safety while sitting down before a city or fortress or stronghold; ^C and this safety must be carried out with great care.

3. You must, therefore, O general, while sitting down before any of the aforementioned places, make the camp you are occupying strong, either with a deep trench or by structures of stone or brick or wood, or however else you devise to fence yourself off from the enemy, and you must have many and precise vigils, especially in unsuspecting places, so that you are not besieged. For external enemies coming upon you suddenly, either by night or by day, bring dangers upon the army. ^D Which has happened often to those besieging cities.

^A For those outside do not know what those inside are planning; but those inside see from the wall whatever you might intend to do against them. Therefore, it is fitting for you to secure your own army.

4. You will do even better if you station some soldiers near the gates or the posterns of the city or of the fortress, or by the exits of another fortification, who are able to prevent sudden sorties by the enemy, and especially at night; you ought to maintain such security, for it is then that such sorties are more likely to occur.

5. Furthermore, if you yourself launch the siege by night, you will be more terrifying to those besieged within. For they cannot see what is happening on account of the darkness, and they are the more disturbed in spirit, and their resolve weakens; they suspect that many terrible things are being done against them during the night, such as you yourself have not even contemplated. For everything that happens at night, even if it is minor, appears more terrible to the besieged; and therefore they yield more quickly and welcome submission. For if you are able to cause one or two men to scale the wall, those inside will think that the entire army has climbed onto the walls, and they will turn and leave the walls deserted. ^B

6. In such matters, the eagerness and courage of the general must be displayed, so that he himself takes part in such arduous tasks of the siege with his own hands. For then modesty will overcome the army, so that they will no longer act as if commanded, but as if of their own will, as friends, they might more readily urge ^C themselves on to undertake difficult and grave tasks.

7. You ought to consider accurately, and as you begin the siege, see first if it is possible to restrict the entry of essentials for those inside—that is, whether water or food. But if they have these in abundance, then let war machines be brought up.

8. You will strike them with terror if you select the finest of your soldiers or officers—those mature in age and bearing, and flashing with arms—and show them to the besieged by having them pass by some location near the wall or the fortification. The rest, who are more common, you will station at a distance together with the other pack-animals, so that the enemy cannot clearly distinguish whether they be men or beasts; for thus they will think that all who are seen are men, and of the same sort as those they saw passing by close at hand. ^D

9. In any case, it is useful that many should appear to the besieged as armored and cataphracts; and even those who do not have breastplates and helmets should be made, by some artifice, to appear as if they are armored and cataphracts, so that if they are all thought to be such, they may strike great fear into those within.

10. Station the encampments at a distance, so that...

^A everything that can be seen is discerned by those soldiers who are inside. 11. First, therefore, one must signal to those in the city or the fortress, and propose some mild and easy thing for an inquiry into surrender, such as that they may depart with their pack animals, or carts, or with whatever portable things they possess; so that by the ease of the things proposed and by the hope of safety, they may come into discord, and become weaker toward resistance and dangers.

12. For it is not the act of a prudent general to propose hard and heavy terms right from the opening. For by the difficulty and weight of the terms proposed, the besieged judge the danger to be lighter, and for this reason they come to unity and desperation.

13. Above all it is fitting, and especially in long sieges, for you to prepare provisions, so that the army may be encamped without straits, lacking nothing.

14. You shall also assign the men who are to work at each task, designating those who are suitable, and determine who ought to perform which task.

15. When you have begun to press the siege, you ought not to lead the entire army to battle every day, so that they may not all be exhausted together; but rather divide it into different parts, and designate how much of the day and how many hours they owe to labor, and distinguish who those are who shall be at night and who in the day. For it is necessary that even during the days the besieged be harassed by war through the succession of one group after another, and likewise at night by fear, with certain men being designated for this, and such terrors at night as you shall devise in terms of what kind and how many.

16. If you have a large army, so as to be able to occupy the siege also at night, you will do well if you divide this into as many parts as seems convenient to you. And some of them sleep for set hours of the night, while others attack; and again those who were exhausted by the assault sleep, and those who slept earlier besiege, and this by succession of one after another you do both by night and by day, so as not to allow the besieged to receive even a small rest. For ^C in this way, being exhausted by both lack of sleep and the constrictions of toil, they will easily, through the siege engines and artifices applied, either hand themselves over voluntarily, or will be captured against their will if they have been even a little negligent, due to the relentlessness of the dangers coming upon them.

17. Or you may capture them more easily through what often happens by means of traitors, if you seize them from an unexpected place or way, once it has been pointed out to you by them.

18. And in such sieges by succession, you yourself, O General, take a little and brief rest, so that you may be alert for the commands appropriate to you.

19. If you divide your strong army into many parts, and prepare one and all to apply ladders to the walls, you will act for the best; for when an assault is made from all sides ^A at once, the besieged will fall into anxiety and confusion, especially when, together with the ladders, you apply other engines, such as rams, tortoises, towers, or any other siege instrument. If you bring up the engines at the same time that you place the ladders against the walls, those inside will be troubled on many sides. For if, neglecting other parts of the wall, they fight entirely against the engines, those applying the ladders will climb the wall easily and without violent resistance; but if they divide themselves to impede both the ladders and the engines, then those who are bringing up the siege instruments will make more impetuous and violent assaults, and the besieged will not easily be able to ward off both attacks. ^B 20. Often in a siege, places that are thought most fortified and impossible to capture will instead provide you with pretexts for capture. For those inside, because of the perceived strength, leave such places unguarded. You, however, through your ingenuity and painstaking labor, by observing such places, will perhaps find a contrivance to seize them while they are undefended, either by scaling them or by some violent ascent of bold men who have received promises of gifts and honors. For when those inside unexpectedly see such places occupied, they will lose heart and, throwing down their arms, will either ask for mercy or be destroyed by force. For those who have climbed the wall through such difficult places will either sound a trumpet and cause the greatest terror to those who see them, or, after they have entered, will descend and open the gates to the soldiers who are outside, or by other contrivances will bring about the capture of the city or castle. ^C 21. If the castle or city has a large number of men and strength, and they dare to go out and meet those who have entered, you must seize the higher places or the acropolis of the city, and from there fight and harm those who have been captured within the city. 22. Proclaim then that no one should kill someone who has no weapon, but only those who bear arms. And you shall proclaim this in the language of the citizens; for every person, having heard this and being mindful of his own safety, will at that very moment of terror and danger throw away his weapons, and when the number of those resisting is diminished, the besiegers will be altogether victorious. For the besieged, when they are intercepted in this way and have little hope left for safety, immediately become suppliants instead of enemies. 23. If the siege is prolonged and it happens that you capture some people outside the city, keep those who are in the flower of their youth with you,

^B but send back the women, the small children, the elderly, and the infirm to their city. For in this way, this useless age group will both consume the city’s provisions and will be of no help to the besieged, but rather will even harm them; furthermore, you will give the impression of humanity to those inside, so that their resolve may be divided and, from this, an opportunity for them to surrender to you may more easily be sought.

24. Since there is usually a clamor in sieges from the shouting of men or from the noise of shields, to prevent your whole army from being burdened and troubled by this, you must have them pitch camp one or two miles away from the fortification, from where the sound of those making the commotion cannot be heard by the besieged. ^B

25. Do not permit assaults to be made dangerously and inadvisedly, lest if any of your men fall, your army become more discouraged and the besieged become much bolder—a thing which we know from experience has often happened—and a soldier who is better than others may happen to be struck and killed by a random and unwarlike woman by means of a stone, a piece of pottery, or a piece of wood thrown down.

26. If you are besieging small fortifications and you deem an assault costly or dangerous, and you know that they are not lacking in supplies, strive to trouble them with noise both day and night, so that by this harassment, they—who are few—may be perpetually worn out, while your entire army fights against them by turns and in succession without any intermission. ^C

27. But if there are houses in the fortress suitable for being burned by frequent fire-bearing arrows, especially when a strong wind is blowing from many directions, send them in and set them on fire; bring up material for fire, tethering it to the arrow by means of the stone-throwing torsion engines called *alacatia*, or those that hurl square stones filled with fire via combustible material, and let them be cast against the flammable walls. While they are busy extinguishing the fire, order ladders to be set in the places that permit them, and order your soldiers to scale them boldly.

28. In general, there are various types of siege engines in sieges, which both the ancient generals and those slightly before our time have devised, each according to his ability as well as the need of the time and the place. For it is not possible now to list with what instruments you will conduct sieges; rather, the need of the time will teach you each one. ^D

29. For there are also the so-called rams, by which walls are struck and shattered.

30. There are also towers constructed of wood, and covered with hides or other material so that they may not be destroyed by fire; these are brought up to the walls on wheels and allow men to fight from a height against those who are on the wall.

31. And tortoises are brought up to the wall, and they dig out the foundations.

32. And ladders are either assembled or placed against the wall,

walls on the earth, but enter inside through the foundations, and tunnel into the earth from within the city, if it happens to be on level ground. 34. And simply to speak, there are other machines, which you will find in other histories, or rather in books of strategy, finding discoveries, and ^A how they are constructed, and how they are brought up, and to what places of the besieged. 35. The preparations and arrangements for these machines should not only be made by you, but also through the ingenuity of the engineers and capable men who are with you for such constructions; so that you yourself may devise machines that are possible and feasible, and they may assist you with the work of their hands and the ingenuity born of their experience. ^B 36. Those who are called traitors—either of a city, or of some other fortification, or of a road leading into enemy territory—you should receive kindly, and keep your pledges and promises to them, if they themselves are also truthful; not for their own sake, but for the sake of others whom you might be able to invite to you in this way. For he who gives something to a traitor receives more from him than he gives to him. For you are not a judge of the city to which an injury is being inflicted by the traitor, but an emperor; and you must labor in many ways to preserve your own people ^C and to overcome your enemies. For it seems to me unskillful to fear appearing soft by conferring a benefit on bad men for such a reason; for all things are good in their proper time. For the traitor, even if he has been wicked toward your enemies, has nonetheless been proven good toward you and all your people. 37. But if, by the grace of God, a city, or a fortress, or a castle has been subjected to you, whether through the fear of a siege or for any other cause, be gentle and kind toward them. And do not burden them with taxes, nor cruelly menace or threaten them with the fear of punishment, nor afflict them with injustices. But rather, become good and ^D gentle toward them, so that the others, seeing your kindness toward those who have submitted to you, may come to you with readiness, hoping that they will suffer no evil from you which they are not able to endure and bear. 38. For we know that our general Nikephoros acted in this way toward the Longobard nation when he was sent by our majesty to subdue them. For not only did he bring that nation into subjection through properly ordered warfare, but also by employing sagacity, justice, and kindness, and by behaving gently toward those who came to him, and by granting them freedom from all servitude and from the other taxes. Our majesty does not do this for the sake of profit.

^A of enemies' subjection, but for the sake of our own glory and honor, and for the sake of the salvation and beneficence and liberty of those subject to it.

40. If you are benevolent to those who are subject and obedient to your command, you will reconcile others also to subject themselves to you. For a savage and cruel spirit brings those already subject into great sorrow and repentance for their subjection, and it keeps away those who are not yet subject, and makes them more ready to risk their lives for their own safety rather than fall into the hands of such a cruel commander, and you will labor much in besieging them and in the end achieve nothing. But if they realize that you are good, they will quickly surrender to submission.

41. ^B Beneficence and goodness and love of peace toward our subjects—when a city, or a fortress, or a nation wishes to cross over to us through you, you must look to the bowels of our mercy and receive and observe our gentle and salutary commands concerning them.

42. I consider that this is also not without purpose, so that you may know precisely not only the daylight hours but also the nocturnal spaces, through the motions of the visible stars and the moon, so that at the time promised—whether posed by a traitor or devised by yourself, whether in a siege or on a journey—you may arrive there certain of the agreed and defined time. For arriving either too early or too late than was established has very often hindered our intended result.

43. ^C When setting out for a siege, whether through a traitor or in some other way, seize all whom you encounter on the way, by means of certain cavalrymen sent ahead for this very purpose, or even by means of the soldiers with you, so that your approach may not be signaled by them. For such warlike affairs ought to happen suddenly and unexpectedly.

44. ^D For when an army falls upon enemies unexpectedly, even if it is smaller than the enemy, because of the irresistible raid it throws the opponents into confusion, even if they are stronger; and because of this, with many feints, you are able to attract them toward your own will before they can take courage.

45. Thus, therefore, when you have taken a city, or a fortress, or any other fortification, and the war has reached an end, do not become burdensome because of your success, either to those who have suffered misfortune or to those who have campaigned with you. Do not carry yourself with pride and cruelty, but be benevolent, as it has been said, and philanthropic, and become humble-minded. Be philanthropic toward the captured and the unfortunate, but also toward those who are about to be warred against or besieged by you. Be humble-minded toward your neighbors and friends; for you will not only not move your neighbors and friends to envy, but you will rouse them to emulation and imitation of your similar achievements. Those whom you are about to besiege, [you will make] more obedient to you, and more

compliant, because of the benevolence and goodness they expect from you. These things, O general, we exhort you to observe when you yourself, having advanced against the enemy, intend to lay siege to their positions.

46. But if—as often happens—a city, or a fortress, or some other fortification of yours is about to be besieged by the enemy, if you are able to keep watch on those approaching and render their design ineffective by your own counter-attack, thanks be to God; but if not, you must by all means prepare those who are to be besieged, whether you yourself are fated by some necessity to be there, or some other man among your commanders who is renowned and experienced. ^B

47. First of all, it is necessary to make provision for the supplies of those who are shut inside for as long a time as you know the enemy will endure in the siege, if there is an abundance of such supplies. Furthermore, expel from the fortification before the arrival of the enemy those of useless age: such as women, the aged, the infirm, and children, so that the provisions may suffice for those who are in strength and are found capable; and so that those about to be besieged may prepare engines to oppose and ward off the stone-throwing mangonels of the enemy.

48. Against such projectiles are hung skins outside the wall at the battlements, or mats, or twisted ropes, or "pontila"—that is, hanging timbers—and bricks built up within the battlements; and against the battering-rams are placed bolsters and sacks filled with straw and sand. ^C

49. Against the "tortoises" [testudines], prepare iron hooks—that is, large timbers having iron blades coated in pitch—so as to avert them, or to lift them up and lay bare the parts inside the tortoise, and thus to attack those who have been laid bare from above.

50. Moreover, use pitch, by the pouring of which they will be set on fire, and fire, and heavy sharp stones let down suddenly from mangonels by means of ropes or chains, and pulled up again by means of other counterweights.

51. Against the towers being brought up, prepare incendiary devices and stone-throwers; or if this does not suffice, build counter-towers in the same way, either with timber or other material, for those shut within inside the wall, so that one may—simply, as far as possible—counter-engineer against the machines of those outside; just as by investigating at leisure in the broader [treatise] you will find [solutions] devised against each machine. ^D

52. It is necessary that the towers on the wall be roofless, so that the soldiers may fight from there without hindrance, and that mangonels may be easily placed and operated.

53. Also, narrow postern gates should be opened in such towers on the side, [facing] towards the right side of the mangonels brought up by the enemy, so that

Foot soldiers exiting from the posterns, and appropriately shielding themselves with their shields, and being assisted from above, can drive off the engines. These [posterns] must have doors, which should be secured in due time, and not be left open.

54. ^A Hang heavy timbers, logs, and millstones from the battlements by means of ropes, so that if they set ladders against the walls, when the ropes are cut, these may fall upon those who are climbing up and destroy them. We command that this be done all around the wall, and that no battlement be left, if possible, that does not have some very heavy millstone or a very long and heavy timber, capable of crushing both a ladder and those climbing upon it.

55. ^B Help must also be distributed throughout the entire wall, and another force kept in reserve, so that help may be brought to the part needing it, if the need should arise, and so that those assigned to the guarding of the wall are not forced in a time of necessity to run from place to place, and by this means certain places be left stripped of garrisons, which is very dangerous.

56. ^C If there is also dissension among some in the city or the fort, one must either reconcile them and mix the soldiers among those in the lower parts of the wall (for from this they neither get the opportunity to plot sedition against the common good or against each other, but also, appearing to be entrusted with the guard of the city, they are ashamed to stir up trouble); or if this cannot be done, one must by all means lead them out elsewhere, and ensure that nothing of sedition is suffered to occur from them during the siege, but also that no treasons are suspected and precautions taken; so that no one may be able to write to the enemy or meet with them without the counsel of the one entrusted with the city or the fort.

57. ^D The gates of the city must be committed to faithful men, and no soldiers or citizens should be at all emboldened, especially at the beginnings of the siege, to exit the wall and fight, even if it happens that there are many brave and valiant men among the besieged, unless a time arises where an engine dangerously troubling the wall needs to be driven off by hand, or some other necessary and urgent need compels this, but all should defend from above, and not be struck or endangered outside.

58. For if anything of the sort happens, with the stronger men either killed or wounded, the remaining crowd becomes disheartened and easily mastered by the enemy.

59. It is clear, for as long as the men are saved and the wall remains standing, that is well; but with them betrayed, the remainder is in danger.

60. If the city or the fortification has another outer wall, it is not absurd for strong and accurate sentries to be stationed there, especially at night, when some are also planning to flee to the enemy and plots can be secretly laid against the wall.

^A 61. Furthermore, missiles should not be launched from the wall, whether by bows, stones, or torsion engines, in an ill-timed and vain manner, for from this the enemy may come to despise them as ineffective.

62. If they have drinking water from a cistern—and not from an inexhaustible spring—or if it is diminishing from daily consumption, the distribution of the water should be managed by a specific measure and administration, and no random person should have the authority to consume it as he pleases.

63. In other supplies, everything should likewise be distributed in moderation, so that there is enough for all and the besieged are kept strong and vigorous.

64. Sentries should be kept diligently and accurately in rotation, especially at night. ^B Care should also be taken in the surveillance of provisions, so that they are not easily plundered by just anyone.

65. The commander should diligently encourage the rest of those besieged within by his words, and make them more eager to endure dangers and labors, until the time for the enemy's departure either through your forces or for some other reason. The general should also make as many sorties as he can against the besiegers, by means of various attacks and rumors—as if another large army were approaching—and whatever else can terrify the enemies.

66. ^C The besieged shall do these things which have been said by me, and will further devise other opposing measures against each of the enemy's machines, and applying his own efforts against the aforementioned enemy machines, he will immediately perceive how he can fight against each of the stratagems.

67. I will not omit here what I have found and read in my research—even if it is not currently a matter of much study—regarding how it is possible for a general who wishes to do so to construct a fort secretly and quickly in enemy territory, hiding from the enemies. For first you must scout a strong place, capable of being surrounded with dry materials in ten or twelve days at a time of threatening enemy attack, and if there are nearby materials of stone, or timber, or ready brick, and there is water, or it can be ^D figured out.

68. You will prepare suitable craftsmen, gates, and wall-engines, and sufficient aid of armed and brave infantry along with prudent and stouthearted commanders, and also carts, as if for the organization of a camp, for their security and for three or four months' provisions. And if it is summer, burn the pastures near the site; but if they are difficult to burn, consume them, and spread rumors that you will make an incursion against the enemies in another place; and send safe reinforcement to the rumored place, so that the enemies, expecting you there, may be distracted, and then, one day before, you will embolden those who are to enter the site, and give some gifts to encourage them, and some...

^A promises besides; and then, as soon as the enemy is busy in another place, you will arrive with your entire army at the location you have determined, post secure sentries, deploy your infantry in a circle around the fortification, and construct a very deep ditch, if the nature of the terrain allows it.

69. If stone or brick is found there, you must build dry, and bind it securely and continuously with timber; but if there is only wood, one must enclose a small and strong area with it, and not a large one for the time being.

70. After it has been enclosed at the designated place, if the enemies rush against the location and you know you cannot withstand them in battle, then depart before they arrive, leaving behind sufficient men inside, and encamp nearby—close enough so that you are neither so near to the enemies that you are compelled to fight, nor so far from the works that the enemies, having the opportunity, may vigorously attack those inside.

71. Give a certain signal to those within, both for what they must do by day and for what they must do at night, by which it will be clear to you in what state those who have been enclosed are.

72. If, due to an infantry battle, the enemies can be repelled, if by chance a crisis should occur to those in the fortress ^B, this must not be neglected, lest they come into danger inside.

73. When there is leisure, you must immediately, little by little, wall off the makeshift structure, build it up, and fortify it in a strong place, and see to the necessities within it.

74. Such operations are appropriately conducted against cavalry ^C forces in the months of July, August, or September, when all the grass is dried up and scorched, and the enemy cavalry is hindered from remaining there for a long time.

75. If the location is destitute of water, and there is no spring there, nor is any found in a pit, you must prepare earthenware jars or complete casks, fill them with water, and throw river pebbles into them, so that it may suffice until winter, and a cistern can be constructed to receive rainwater.

76. And so that the water, as is standard, does not become tainted by staying motionless in the vessels, small secondary receptacles should be placed for them, so that the water, dripping little by little, receives movement into them; and once these vessels are filled, we pour it back into the jars or casks so that, through this movement, the water is aerated and does not spoil.

77. It is also useful to prepare thick planks, drive them into the excavation ^D as if for a bridge, and seal all the joints and knots securely with pitch and oakum.

in order, to fit them together, and in a logical arrangement to construct wooden cisterns, whether one or several, having a width of ten feet and a height of eight or ten, until the cisterns are sufficient to hold all the water; for it is clear that water remains longer in larger vessels. Wooden holdings should be placed in the middle of the cisterns, as it were ties or tables ^A, and thick planks, so that the planks may not be twisted by the mass of the water pressing upon them, and the water lost. And let this be said regarding this matter, so that whenever the time calls for it, you may have this provision ready at hand. Concerning the siege, therefore, and other matters, let these things suffice.

CONSTITUTIO XVI. Concerning Incursions after War.

1. It remains for us to speak of what is to be done after the end of a war. For if you have well-ordered the army, we hope, with God’s help, that victory will follow.

2. And first, you shall render gratitude to our Lord and God, Jesus Christ, and if you have promised anything pious before the victory of the war, you must not neglect to fulfill that promise after the end of the war.

3. Then you shall investigate those who have distinguished themselves in the dangers of battle; and upon finding them, honor them with gifts and rewards appropriate to each, and punish those who have shown themselves ^B to be evil.

4. You shall honor those who distinguished themselves with such gifts as, for example, giving them fine sets of armor, and you shall distribute among them the spoils collected from the war; and you shall also promote each one to appropriate ranks according to their worth, such as to the *droungarios*, to the *banda*, to the *kentarchiai*, and to the other customary lordly offices under your authority—the brave soldiers of common rank to lesser honors, and the commanders to greater posts; for thus those who struggle will be ^C noble-minded and brave, especially when they obtain what they desire.

5. For where honors and gains are rendered to the good, and punishments and penalties are brought upon the evil, there the army must necessarily have good hope; for the evil will be in fear of committing wrongs, while the good will labor to be brave.

6. Nor shall you give honors to each man individually alone, but also allow your soldiers to plunder the possessions of the enemy—whether these are baggage trains, or the *touldon*, or a city, or a fortress, or anything else—when a whole regiment, or a *droungos*, or a *turma* has behaved bravely, unless you should wish to decide something better regarding the captured goods and captives.

7. For how is it not just that the brave soldiers should be rewarded with the spoils mentioned from the enemy? For we see that ^D even the hunting dogs are...

^A baited by hunters with the blood and sometimes even the entrails of the hunted animal, so that they might become more eager for the hunting contests. In this way, indeed, especially if the war has not yet reached its end, the army will become more eager for waging war.

8. For war differs from a battle: for war is spoken of from the beginning until the end and the cessation of the combatants, containing many battles within itself; but a battle is called a partial war, oftentimes occurring and ceasing within the time of the war as a whole. Yet it does not always bring an end to the war, but according to need, engagements occur twice, and thrice, and often throughout the entire time of the war.

9. We do not say that the plundering occurs after every battle, but sometimes it occurs, and sometimes it does not, just as the very necessity of the time may require. ^B

10. The army may sell the captive bodies; but if there is a need for money, and for a general and great expense, announce that everything is to be referred to you, and restrain every desire, both your own and that of the commanders under you, from such accumulated moneys, and calculate the need for necessary things. And thus you are able to spend the public expenditure as much as possible, and to console those who have fought in the battle, if you are able with money, or if that does not suffice, with honors and dignities.

11. Do not kill the captives before the war is completely finished, and especially those who are notable and great among the enemies; considering the uncertainty of fortune, and the changeability of victory as it usually happens; so that you may have, if it happens that any of your own men are captured, or some fortress of yours is taken, [the means] through them to exchange and to recall those ^C defeats that naturally happen; and in place of the enemy captives, to recover your friends and allies. But if the enemies are not willing to do this, then you may justly exact vengeance according to equality, dealing with them as you wish for the vexation of the opponents.

12. But after the successful achievements and the struggles, O general, urge that the commanders and your soldiers be set to festivities, that is, to banquets and lunches, both through yourself, and through the commanders, and through their own messes, and especially from those things captured from the enemies. And thus make arrangements for the soldiers to dine well and to rest through many [such gatherings]; so that, knowing what [rewards] the brave and the victorious are deemed worthy of after the passing of the enemies' struggles, they may become more eager to endure everything before the victory, and more prepared for labors. ^D

13. Take thought, however, especially for the burial of the dead, neither excusing yourself on account of time, nor hour, nor place, nor fear, whether you happen to be victorious or defeated; for the piety toward the dead is always beautiful and holy; and it is necessary, especially for...

^A those who fall in battle. For in them, too, the holy thing is displayed, and it is a demonstration of great consolation to the living. For each of the soldiers, seeing what is happening, will consider that the same will happen to himself. For if he sees the fallen lying unburied or being torn apart, he reflects upon his own state, bears this insult with distress, and avoids death in battle as much as he can, lest he be cast aside unburied. But if honors and praises are proposed for those who have fallen and for their memory in the same way, observing these things, he will not refuse to fight more gallantly.

14. If it happens that the army is defeated, do not neglect to retrieve those who have been saved by speeches and to encourage them, but be diligent and seek an opportunity ^B so that at some point you may even make amends for the loss through secret incursions or ambushes.

15. For those who are faring well are often accustomed to be more negligent regarding their own security. For when they despise the defeated, they neglect their own ranks. And thus, often, successes harm those who are successful more than the defeated and overcome were harmed.

16. For you, who have experienced a setback in war, have learned from the things you have suffered to keep yourself secure for the future; but he who overflows with the prosperity of affairs, not sensing adverse fortune, uses no provision or caution to decline those [evils] of which he has not yet had experience. For it is a saying of a certain wise man: Timely fear, with diligence, is salvation; but untimely contempt is an easily-ambushed ^C audacity.

17. If you ever make a truce for war through some speech and agreed-upon covenants, you must diligently keep your own covenants and not attack the enemies; but do not remain unguarded. Instead, rest with respect to the enemies on account of the truce, as if in peace; but as for your safety, keep your forces prepared as if for war at all times, on account of the truce-breaking and unexpected incursions of the enemies.

18. For it is fitting that you be neither unguarded at such a time, nor again that you commit any impious act during the truce made with God as witness, but be circumspect so as to avoid the deceits and ambushes of the enemies: for the intentions of the enemies who are making a truce with you are obscure. ^D But conduct yourself in such a way that you do them no injury for the sake of piety; yet you must beware of the perfidy of the enemies, so that you are not harmed by them on account of their impious efforts.

19. For to attribute everything to the vengeance of God is not the judgment of an intemperate person. For divine justice is not brought about immediately; but when the Governor and Administrator of all decides it shall be. For who knows when the enemies are plotting to inflict injury, whether they themselves are to be slaughtered, or you are to be saved?

20. It is permissible, therefore, for us, along with the...

^A assurance of matters, to put the impiety of the enemies to the test, if it so happens; for thus, through your own providence, you may suffer no harm, while the enemies who planned to do harm will be guilty of impiety, having acted, if they could, while God has protected you because of your faith in the things confessed.

21. If anyone, whether slave or free, wishes to report something to you, whether by night or by day, while traveling or in the field, or while resting or sleeping, or at the bath or at meals, or at any other time or place, do not turn him away, but call him to you. For those who procrastinate and are inaccessible, and who order their own attendants to turn away those who approach in this manner, reasonably miss out on many and great matters. We order that these things be observed by you after the war, and if you are able to devise anything similar to these.

CONSTITUTION XVII.

Concerning unexpected incursions.

1. Next, what you must do when a fitting occasion arises by means of unexpected incursions against the land of the enemies, and how you yourself might counter-maneuver against the incursion of the enemies in your own territory, when a time of peace prevails (for war is clearly not established), I shall set forth in few words for the sake of the brevity of the treatise.

2. A certain ancient saying teaches us, which even the most intelligent of the generals have observed in the past, and which those who observe it now are also generally esteemed and excel, namely, to make incursions or raids against the enemies without suffering injury yourself. ^C This can be realized if, through wisdom and sagacity in generalship, the incursions against the enemies are made suddenly. For indeed, such actions are beneficial even against forces equal in number and strength, and occasionally even achieve something against those that are much greater.

3. Therefore, it is always a good thing also to keep a lookout for appropriate pretexts and occasions that can contribute to the matter, and to anticipate the enemies, O general, before they are ready for a confrontation with you, and especially those whom you deem to be both more numerous and more powerful than yourself.

4. For against such, there is more need for sudden strikes, ruses, and deceptions, as has been said, to be carried out as far as possible beforehand, rather than public operations, so that one does not fall into ^D inescapable and unavoidable dangers from them.

5. You must make use of various such sophisms, appropriately matching them to the times, the places, the persons, and the matters.

6. And sometimes, when the legates of the enemies have been sent to you, you will provide a soft and flattering response to them, and kindly...

dismiss the enemy envoys, then immediately follow them and attack the enemy quite unexpectedly. ^A

7. Sometimes, by sending your own ambassadors or envoys with humbler words, you will make the attack suddenly.

8. Sometimes, even in the very encampments of the enemies—whether they are gathered on your own land or on hostile soil—you will carefully investigate how they are encamped. And if there is any opportunity, in the night, when the moon is shining, two or three hours before daybreak, you will make the operation against the enemies, having with you archers, who are especially useful; for they are most needed on such occasions. ^B

9. And sometimes, having learned that the enemies are trekking in disorder and scattered along the route, you will attack and harm them in the middle of the march.

10. And sometimes, having feigned a departure from the places where you were staying, you will suddenly turn around and attack the enemies.

11. At other times, having hidden yourself and a multitude of soldiers in certain places, you will unexpectedly carry out an attack against the opponents.

12. And some, by displaying herds of animals, and thereby inviting the enemies to plunder them, as soon as they see them dispersed in disorder toward them, attack them. ^C

13. Open incursions are also made when a river difficult to cross is found in the intervening space between the enemies. And the cavalry in particular do this; for here they build a bridge, either with large beams, as is the custom for most bridges to be constructed, or with small vessels, that is, rafts. They also raise wooden towers, or ones made of dry stones, or from an embankment at the extreme ends of the bridge, so that when the need arises, they may safely make the crossing through it, and again withdraw whenever they wish; so that it rests with the commander’s decision either to wait as long as he has time, or to engage the enemies safely, or to withdraw unharmed after the bridge has been dismantled by his command.

14. But in such operations and incursions into the enemy’s territory, the parts through which you intend to return must not be burned or ravaged, so that you do not entrap yourself in this manner. ^D

15. I believe it is necessary for such bridges to be made even in time of public battle, and for the encampments to be placed at such rivers, if one is found to be difficult to cross at any point, so that you may leave the bank of such a river specially on the side of the enemies, so that on the day of battle you may lead out the army unhindered and without being hemmed in. Then, even in the time of retreat...

you may have them keep safely protected, and not be compelled at that very hour, with the enemies pressing upon you, to cross the bridge against your will. And for this reason, ^A the camp must be situated on the bank that is opposite the side of the enemies.

16. Various nocturnal incursions have been devised by ancient generals, from which we also suggest these things to you: that wherever you are only one camp's distance from the enemy, you should send to them one or two peaceful embassies, and by giving the enemies hopes of peace, and rendering them free and unburdened by fear, you should attack them unexpectedly, having begun the march by night before the day.

17. Sometimes, if you wish to attack the enemies by night, you may encamp for certain days near your own camp as if for a public battle, and represent yourself as fearing the adversaries, and for this reason, ^B not venturing further beyond the positions of your own camp, and from there, having made them careless, you may attack in the night.

18. We know that the Chagan of the Avars did this in the times of the Emperor Heraclius near Heraclea in Thrace, when the Roman cavalry were unwilling to encamp safely in a ditch with the infantry, but [did so] carelessly outside the camp.

19. You will act wisely, when you have stout-hearted and brave soldiers with you, if you urge one or two to flee to the enemies and tell them that the army is in great fear; then, make a pretense that you wish to retreat, and after moving the ditch—that is, the camp—to a small ^C distance, you may suddenly attack the enemies at night.

20. You will make nocturnal incursions against the enemies appropriately with both infantry and cavalry, and especially with archers and javelin-throwers, against those nations of infantry or cavalry who do not encamp in a ditch and in good order, but are encamped disorderly and carelessly and dispersed.

21. And [this is especially directed] against those who do not have bows or javelins readily available, but who practice fighting more at close quarters. For those who use bows and darts and other weapons become difficult to attack in such incursions, unless perhaps they are encamped carelessly and dispersed.

22. Choose nights for such unexpected ^D raids—that is, either when the moon shines all night, or when you know that its light is sufficient for the span of your whole march, or when it is starlight—so that the army, walking in darkness, may not be battered and wander.

23. Lead out the army startled and prepared, and carrying nothing superfluous, and thus regulate and estimate the distances in between, so as to walk at a moderate pace, that the army might not be worn out; and two hours before daybreak you will arrive close by, as if at

^A a point or two from the enemy's encampment, and there secretly give the army rest, and before the day begins to dawn, attack the enemy.

24. For such marches, you should have guides who know the terrain very accurately, so that the army does not go astray.

25. Let them maintain absolute silence; let neither a trumpet sound, nor any clamor whatsoever be made. But if it is necessary for the army to stay, as is proper, or to move, let the movement or the halt be signaled either by a whistle, by the clatter of a shield, or by a word of command.

26. In order that there be no noise from the tramping, ^B and that a battle line extended over a great length might not cause confusion and lack of uniformity—which necessitates many shouts and commands, and makes the arrival of our forces known to the enemy—for this reason, the formation should not be upon the front, that is, over a wide expanse, but upon the flank, that is, in a long file, just as in a mess or a company, walking one behind another in ranks, whereby the depth or thickness of the formation is preserved.

27. And when the army arrives near the enemy, then secretly and stealthily grant them rest, and draw up your formation, and as the terrain allows, make the approach through either two or three sections; for there is no need to attack from all four sides, lest the enemies, being surrounded on all sides, ^C be forced into a tight, defensive knot, but rather that they have an opening through one side, if they wish to flee.

28. And then, if you have a large multitude of troops passing by, have only one or another trumpet sound, so that the enemy might think you have a small army, and be deceived. If you have a small army, let more trumpets sound, so that they may judge the force approaching to be a great multitude.

29. You must also by all means constitute a portion of the army to join in the fighting at that hour, and one that is standing at the ready, and which ought to receive those who, as is likely, will be rushing back from their own.

30. Make incursions ^D against enemy cavalry very securely and as if for a public pitched battle, so that if your advance does not turn out as intended, but the enemy perceives you and draws up in return, you will not, in the ensuing battle, be overcome as someone unprepared and unready.

31. For if the opponents are infantry, and those advancing with you are cavalry, it is clear

that you will escape harm, since the infantry cannot pursue the cavalry.

32. If the opponents ^A are also cavalry, you must be ready and prepared for the many changing events that occur.

33. If an incursion occurs against the camp by night, or by day, or against those traveling, or against the baggage train, you must have designated regiments for the plundering of property, so that when all are busy with this, an incursion by the enemies might not occur, and the army might not be in peril.

34. Carry out the major and complete incursions yourself; it is possible for you, however, to do this even more through the turmarchs, who are useful for such matters, ^B and are capable of filling your place on account of the bravery and sagacity demonstrated in them.

35. If, when invading the territory of the enemy, you intend to march there and to plunder without harming your own [possessions], first choose a suitable and appropriate time. This, then, is the safe time for the undertaking: when, having already closed in battle with the enemies, you have defeated them, or you think they are not capable [of standing] against your force, or whenever you plan to attack them suddenly while they are unready and unprepared, as we have already said.

36. Before all else, O general, when invading the land of the enemies, you must care for the provisions of the army—either through public transport, or by the soldiers themselves, or by some other means devised to carry provisions for both beasts and men—so that ^C when the enemies, as is natural, suddenly destroy the ready supplies in the midst of the land, your army might not be brought into great straits.

37. Do not pursue making night marches in enemy territory, unless once—that is, one time only—and that secretly, if perhaps urgent need calls for eluding the enemies and anticipating a difficult location for the sake of fortification, or for passing by the enemies in another place without them knowing.

38. You must first investigate and scout the roads, and then make the marches.

39. In all ways make every effort to capture some of the people of the land, so that you may learn from them the strength of the enemies and their plans—what, in fact, they are anxious to do.

40. Make the interrogations of those captured ^D yourself, and not through anyone else. For often certain necessary things, beyond all suspicion, have been revealed through those being questioned.

41. But do not easily trust even those who flee to you, but [be careful about] those who are captured by a sudden incursion

^A since it happens that both those who flee to you and those who are captured say many things falsely.

42. But do not trust or give heed to things said by only one person, but be persuaded by the agreement of many, and especially those captured in a sudden incursion, as we said, rather than those who flee ^B to you.

43. As for those who flee to you from the enemy and promise to reveal certain mysteries, either keep them in bonds for the time being, or keep them safe in some other way, and promise them that you will give them rewards; but if they lie, threaten them with death.

44. If a host of enemies has gathered and is moving outside of fortifications, do not send any of your soldiers for pillaging or for the plundering of property, but first attack them; and if the outcome of the war goes well, do not delay the time, but while the enemies are in fear and confusion, make an assault upon them until they are completely destroyed and scattered, so that things favorable to you may be secured safely.

45. But if the enemies form an array, yet delay joining battle, then strive to march united and indivisibly, and destroy everything that is in your path.

46. If it is expected that your return will be by this same path, and there is no other supply of forage, then spare what is in your path—that is, do not destroy the supplies; when you have returned, then you should rather destroy them.

47. So that you may not roam astray in foreign territory on the roads, it is necessary to place certain signs on the roads and at forking paths. ^C If there are woods, [mark them] on the trees; if the places are bare, [use] heaps of stones or small trenches, so that those of your troops who are lagging behind, recognizing them, may not stray from the path.

48. As many as you separate and send out for plundering, order them not all to be occupied with the looting, but that they be divided; so that some of them may plunder, while the greater part of them stand in formation for guard, or follow along, whether an incursion is being made against a village, or against an enemy camp, or against a herd, ^D or against baggage, or anything else.

49. Do this also when the whole army is united, if you attempt to take plunder, so that not all may be occupied with the looting.

50. But if it is time to gather supplies, one group must do the gathering, while another, equipped and arrayed, must follow; so that if all are occupied in gathering supplies or necessary provisions, no surprise attack or ambush by the opponents may occur; for if this should happen while they are not arrayed, they will not be able to rally themselves.

^A 51. When you must undertake sudden incursions against Scythian nations or other peoples of this kind, in order that all things may be the more free from suspicion, you must carefully examine the wooded and difficult regions with a scout. And thus you must pre-order the *banda*, so that they know which is to march first, which second, which third, and so on; and especially if the advance is to be made through narrow places, so that they may not be confused and come together slowly in the formation.

52. For if a sudden approach is taking place, and it is suitable to conduct the operation by two routes, the army must be divided into two parts, and one part should be taken by the *merarch*—whom the ancients used to call the *hypostrategos*, or *tourmarch*—or by whichever officers are making the incursion. In any case, you must choose two officers, a first and a second, for the two parts, one for each. And the one part, as has been said, the one officer must hold ready for action and without baggage, and advancing even for a distance of fifteen or twenty miles through unknown places, from there he must begin to plunder, so that they may arrive at the part of the general. The general, holding the other part, is to invade and plunder by the other region or territory, and both of them, coming to meet each other and plundering the regions in between, are to encamp together as soon as they reach the place at evening. For through this, the operation is carried out safely, and those of the enemy who flee from one force fall unexpectedly into the other, being unable to gather together.

^C 53. But if there is only one suitable road through which an incursion is possible against the enemy, the army must still be divided. And two-thirds of it, or even more, is to be taken by the *hypostrategos*, that is, the general or the proprætor, as a force ready for action and full of strength; and he is to advance before all, with his own *bandon* in which he is himself stationed, having with him all the officers of his own *tagmata*. And when he stops at the first region with his force, he is to detach either one or two *banda*, so that some may plunder and others may guard those who are plundering.

^D 54. It is good not to detach many *banda* in the first regions, even if the regions happen to be large. For while the army is pressing forward from the rear, no time is given to those found in them to stand their ground. The *hypostrategos* must swiftly continue his passage forward, doing the same in the remaining regions in turn, until the *tagmata* assigned to him suffice. The *hypostrategos* himself, being outside all the others, must keep three or four *banda*—up to a thousand effective men—around him until the final outcome of the matter, or the incursion, so that a precise watch and safety may be provided for the rest.

^A 55. When these things are done by the sub-commander, it is necessary for you, O general, or whoever else is entrusted with the administration of such an incursion, to follow those who teach you regarding the particulars, to assemble [them], and to advance forward as if toward the sub-commander or the *tourmarch*. Likewise, [it behooves] him to do the same, and to gather those who pass by while raiding, and in whatever place you meet each other, to encamp together on the same day. For this reason, it is not appropriate that such sudden incursions be made at a distance of more than fifteen or twenty miles apart, so that you may both arrive to make the raid and encamp together on the same day.

56. In such incursions, it is not useful to capture or take alive those enemies who are capable of offering resistance; rather, you should dispatch all such who are encountered and pass by, so that no delay is brought upon those who are traveling, and time is not wasted recklessly.

57. If ever you should contemplate capturing a fortress or castle, or some height, or any other place, do not speak of it to the multitude until you have arrived at the place itself and have taken the task into your own hands.

58. And if it should ever become necessary to bring your forces near an enemy fortification, or to encamp at its exits, in order to prevent—as is expected—sudden counter-incursions from the enemy, this is also a necessary procedure in narrow places as well.

^{B C} 59. Do not intentionally encamp with the army near an enemy fortification or a forest. But if it is absolutely necessary to camp there, establish your watch and guard with precision because of the enemy's attacks. And strive all the more to encamp in a place that is open, or on higher and more fortified ground.

60. When you enter into hostile territory, you shall cause all the equipment, that is, the *toul-don*, to follow behind you; but when the enemy is drawing near, you shall cause the *toul-don* to be ready in the middle of the army.

61. The equipment and any captives, if there should be any, are to be kept separate from the armed soldiers, lest by the enemy suddenly attacking, they become an obstacle to those engaged in the fight; and you must observe this not only on the march, but also when you go to encamp.

^D 62. Do not send scouts into hostile territory to seize places unexpectedly without sufficient support for them, but rather investigate the nature of the terrain safely only through captives and defectors who have come over to you of their own will.

63. When the army is about to encamp, they should not approach the site of the ditch-fortification in a disorganized and confused manner; but if the enemy is pressing upon you and foot soldiers are present with the army, they should place all the wagons in order, and construct the ditches all around in the manner of a rampart. The light-armed

^A soldiers, that is, those who do not use heavy armor, should all stand at a short distance from them, and then the equipment and baggage shall enter the camp in order; but when you have sent out the sentries and watches, then the armed soldiers themselves shall enter and pitch the camp in order, just as we have explained to you in the chapter on pitching camp.

64. If the enemy are not near, it will be sufficient for this formation to be carried out by a single drungus, that is, a cohort of a thousand men, so that while they remain as we have described, the rest may pitch the camp.

65. When enemies are already threatening and have gathered in a place near ^B to fortifications, or woods, or a difficult location, do not allow them recklessly to send the horses out to graze, but send out guards in safety, and keep the horses within the circuit of the rampart. See to it that they collect whatever grain and fodder there is in the neighboring places with their own hands, but in such a way that, with all the handlers of the baggage, armed soldiers patrol around them on all sides to repel sudden enemy incursions.

66. If you are to remain longer in the place, and the time and place are likewise suitable for provisions, and the enemy forces are far away, then ^C it is possible for the horses to graze, with double or triple guards being sent out at a long distance and frequently changed.

67. If you appoint some for a plundering expedition, these only should go out. If any of the soldiers join themselves to them, you shall have it proclaimed by your own authority that no one else shall go out to plunder beyond those who have been designated. After this command, if any are found to be transgressors, let them be captured and sent to their own commanders to be disciplined, so that, if they go unpunished, the others do not, with a certain sense of security, run out to plunder, desert the army, and thus the abandoned army be left in danger.

68. Be precise and careful ^D that if it happens that wine or bread is found, you do not eat or drink it before testing, unless you have first tested it through captives. And thus, if you find it harmless and healthy, then you shall have the soldiers use it. But do not use even the water in wells, or cisterns, or pits, or other vessels; for often they are infected with poisons and become lethal.

69. For sometimes even barley has been found poisoned in this way, and since the soldiers had no other fodder for their animals elsewhere, they were forced to take food from there for them, and because of this not a few horses perished.

^A 70. You should also instruct the army, as we explained in the chapter on marching, that if a tumult or disturbance should often arise in the army, the troops must not run about or be carried off here and there; rather, all must rush to where the disturbance has occurred. For from this it results that they are prepared against the enemy if anything of the sort should happen, and they will not be jumbled together or confused with one another.

71. When you enter hostile territory, do not send out watchmen only to the front part, thus safeguarding only that side, but also station behind at the rear light-armed and well-equipped soldiers—that is, adequate forces under an honorable commander (who are called rear-guards)—at an interval of ten or fifteen miles, or whatever distance you know, with careful watchmen, on account of those who, as is likely, fall behind from the army either through illness or some other need, so that the enemy, falling upon them suddenly, cannot capture them.

72. For the enemy is accustomed to make such attempts mostly when the soldiers are walking along securely and without fear, and those who are in the front part cannot easily help those in the rear.

73. If you do this in our own territory as well, it will not be useless, especially for those wandering here and there, and, contrary to the will of their commanders, departing from their station; for from this you will know which soldiers were in order and which ones were departing from their station.

74. Regarding narrow places and difficult passages in enemy territory, we have already made mention of them, warning your excellency, O general, when we were making the formation regarding the march. Therefore, we consider it unnecessary to speak of them again, since you already have the understanding of these matters from that, so that you do not dare to traverse dense, difficult, and hard-to-pass places rashly and as luck would have it, without necessity. ^C

75. However, if some necessity compels this to happen, you must perform the passage of such places with the caution that we mentioned in the chapter on the marching formation, especially in enemy territory and with enemies looming nearby.

76. If enemies should invade our territory, let it be your aim, O general, not to fight them openly and in a pitched battle, especially at the time of their entry, if the power of the enemy is superior or even equal, but rather to lie in ambush with hidden traps and other expedients, or to block the roads safely by day or by night, and to seize beforehand fortifications, whether by infantry, or by cavalry, or by both, and to destroy the supplies lying before the enemies. ^D

77. But if you wish to engage the enemy, do it when they are returning from plundering rather than when they are setting out to plunder: for then they are occupied with the loot and, besides, are weary from their labor: and this is all the more...

reason to engage him, if you indeed desire to engage.

78. For he who is in his own land is more careless regarding battle, having many opportunities to be saved, and not wanting to be in danger. But he who is invading and ravaging another’s land, when he finds himself in such a necessity, turns to desperation, reasoning in every way that flight brings him not only danger, but destruction. ^A

79. You, O commander, must always keep yourself unharmed and unwounded, at every time and in every place, especially when the enemy is nearby. For if you are guarded, the enemies will neither spread out to the damage of the country, nor will they be able easily to bring a siege against the fortifications. For they suspect and fear that you are gathering the army together. ^B

80. For even if it does not seem best to you to engage the enemies publicly, you must nevertheless prepare yourself, and appear, and provide to all the men of the army the suspicion that you are fully intending to engage the enemy. For when the opponents learn this, they are both grieved and discouraged.

81. If the enemies are invading our land, and their location and the position of their region is suitable for an attack, consider sending your army against it by way of another place, so that by this maneuver you may harass the enemies.

82. In any case, you must also examine the position, as has been said, and the distances, so that if this is known to the enemies, and they rush against those being sent into their land, our army may safely emerge through another place; so that as the enemies dash from there, they might not fall into their sight. ^C

83. Nikephoros, our commander, did something of this sort. For when Apulpher, the emir of the Saracens, was ravaging Cappadocia, he himself pillaged Tarsus and all of Cilicia, causing much damage to the Saracens.

84. If, therefore, it should come to pass that enemies are ravaging the land under your command, it is necessary to collect all the most essential goods in the more fortified castles or in inaccessible places, and also to send away the animals of the land, so that, by not being captured, they may not make the enemies stronger. ^D

85. And if the people or goods should gather in a place that seems, but is not truly, fortified, you must by your foresight move them away and have them transferred to stronger places, where their safe custody will be ensured.

86. Whatever places or castles or other sites are not naturally fortified, secure them in advance. And if at any time the enemies should propose to lay siege to them, send out a part of the army secretly for their assistance and defense, and do not allow the enemies to [harass] the outer...

fields by collecting supplies; rather, keep a close watch, and ambush and capture those who are sent out to gather supplies, and from this, straiten and press the enemies.

87. And these things, concerning the incursions—whether you invade hostile territory or the enemies invade your own—have been sufficiently said by us. But it is necessary to discuss other things which seem useful for generalship and security, and especially how it is necessary to scout the enemies, and how, again, one might catch their scouts sent out to observe our army secretly.

88. You must, therefore, precisely observe, O general, the quantity of the opposing forces by all means, and according to this you must regulate and manage your affairs against them. For the formations of cavalry and infantry, and the positions of the terrain, cause a great difference in the quantity of the troops, and introduce ^B an insurmountable error to those who simply and unskillfully observe them. And that what I am saying is true, the method that is about to be discussed will perhaps testify to the theory.

89. Suppose, for example, that six hundred cavalry are drawn up in length and five hundred in breadth—this number comprises three hundred thousand cavalry. If each horse, when stationed in position, occupies three feet in breadth, this becomes 1,800 feet; and if each horse, when stationed in depth, occupies eight feet, this becomes 4,000 feet. Thus, in a square shape, on account of the 1,800 feet of length and the 4,000 feet of depth, there occur 720,000 ^C solid square feet. The perimeter of the surface alone, externally along the four sides, comes to 11,600 feet; and since six feet make one fathom (orguia), and one hundred fathoms make one stadium, and seven and a half stadia make one mile, it follows that the entire perimeter—namely, the 11,600 feet—is approximately two miles and one tenth. In this space and shape, therefore, the three hundred thousand cavalry are contained in perfect density. But if they are stationed more sparsely, from the ratio of density, the interval of the sparseness must be calculated, and thus, from the size of the place, one must determine the quantity of the people.

90. We shall arrange these three hundred thousand men in a simple extended formation. Each horse, as it is stationed in the length of the battle line, occupies, as was said, three feet; this results in 900,000 feet, ^D which, extended in a straight line, makes two thousand paces according to the ratio of perfect density. But if they move dispersed and scattered, they possess a space much multiplied beyond this; and they appear to be far more numerous when they are dispersed than if they were maintaining their order and formation.

But if they are walking on a sloping and higher ground, they are thought to be far more numerous. ^A

21. On this account, those who wish to make a show of an army for the sake of some display, either arrange it with thinner depth, or extended from afar, or scattered and dispersed. The ancients skilled in military affairs assigned four cubits of space to each man when the infantry battle line was drawn up. When it was thickened, they allotted two cubits of space, and in a perfect close-formation, they allotted one cubit to each soldier; so that from this measurement, a good scout can easily reckon from the very length of the place the number not only of the cavalry, but also of the infantry.

22. Since, therefore, there is such a difference in the formations and in the shapes, you ought not, O General, to entrust the scouting—that is, the distinctions made by your scouts—or the watches concerning these things, to an infinite number of such men, nor even trust what is said by them by chance. For it is difficult for the many and incomprehensible, especially if they are over twenty or thirty thousand, and especially in the case of ethnic nations, which bring along many horses; wherefore, such things must be entrusted to experienced men.

23. ^B And do not be anxious prematurely about thin and long battle lines because of the suspicion of a multitude; for if they do not have a great depth in proportion, they do not possess a large quantity. But the scouts should investigate the deep ones, whether the baggage train is drawn up behind the battle line, or if only armed men are there.

24. Now, it is possible for the number to be known more accurately both through those who flee to us and through the captured enemies, if one also wishes to do so by [watching] the transit of narrower places, and further by their encampments, if it happens that they are encamped unitedly.

25. ^C If there is no enemy camp, in the narrower places, set your scouts in few numbers according to the positions of the places. But in level and open places, set the scouts in various parts through a greater number, both continuously and at intervals, and especially at night, when the enemy has the opportunity through the terrain to sneak by where he wishes and make a surprise attack. You must pre-arrange the watches, even if they are few, so that they are placed at intervals, and mutually and frequently exchange positions in various suitable places amidst them.

26. ^D Know that it is the characteristic of competent scouts to investigate with prudence and vigilance the places and movements of the enemies.

27. And these should use light and mobile equipment.

and let them have swift horses, so that they may travel without hindrance. Let the scouts, or spies, move among the enemy forces and camps with greater security, appearing as if they were their own people. Let the sentries be loyal, of robust bodily appearance, with alert and energetic spirits, and ^A in splendid armor, so that they may excel the other soldiers, that either they might return home having performed some noble and brave deed, or, if captured by the enemy, they might be held in admiration by them.

98. Choose a vigilant, prudent, and experienced commander for the watch, and not just anyone at random. For the duty of the sentries requires not so much physical bravery as it does prudence and vigilance.

99. Send out scouts alone when the enemy is still far off, if you wish to learn of the movements of the enemy, the layout of the roads, or the fortifications of the places.

100. When an incursion is made to capture certain people, then order these scouts to be mixed in with the sentries, and let them surge ahead and spy from vantage ^B points—that is, from elevated ground—and let the sentries follow them and be guided by them.

101. Do not arrange the watches or sentries in the necessary times as simple or from one side only, but make them varied and successive according to the layout of the terrain, and at a considerable distance from one another; so that if it happens that the enemy slip past some, they may be detected by falling in with others. And station few in the first watch, more in those that follow, and in the third, still more.

102. Also, command those on sentry duty not to sit down or lie down, ^C as we have instructed you elsewhere regarding this, lest they become sluggish in the performance of their duty and fail. For sitting and lying down bring on sleep in the highest degree, and those who do this cannot remain vigilant. And do not believe them even if some promise to stay awake through the entire night; for nature demands what pertains to it, and you will do what is most safe if you ensure that the sentries be relieved by others during the night, and that the sentries remain standing at all times.

103. For standing on the feet banishes sleep and makes those who are standing more vigilant. But when there is need, let them be relieved when they are weary and exhausted, ^D at the appropriate hours of the night which have been assigned to them. For if they do not take care diligently to stay awake, having bridled nature against sleep for a time, they will easily be destroyed by the enemy.

104. Therefore, you must examine the watches and how they are conducted, and send the most loyal of the commanders, who ought to make surprise visits and observe how they are kept, and whether there is any negligence.

^A Since they are punished: because they bring great danger upon the general through their negligence.

105. I consider that an experienced scout can, from certain signs, even before he sees the enemy himself, estimate the size of their multitude from the arrangement of their horses and from their encampments; he can also estimate the time from the dung of the horses and the men.

106. If you construct a ^B *fossatum*, that is to say a stockade, and you fortify it with a trench or a building, or any other material, and it seems best to you to bring the cavalry inside, do not place the watches at great intervals, lest the horses be worn out unnecessarily.

107. By all means, command those who are sent out for scouting to attempt to capture someone alive, if possible; and just as in hunting, so they should endeavor and strive to conduct their scouting secretly and stealthily, so that those who are few in number may appear in plain view and then withdraw, while others, hidden according to the convenience of the terrain, endeavor to surround them if they can, and in one place appear as if they were few, while from another place they approach suddenly with a greater number, and pass the night, especially when the enemy is far off and has no suspicion of this scheme.

108. It is good that the watches set should not only be unknown to the enemies, but also to your own men, and even go unnoticed by your own army, so that if any should, as is likely, wish to flee from the army to the enemies, they may unexpectedly fall ^C into your watches.

109. If you wish to capture enemy scouts, you must entrust the matter to the commanders, so that each may order the soldiers under him and the others that, perhaps on the following day, at about the second or third hour of the day, at the first sound of the trumpet, whether it be a soldier or a servant, each one is to enter his own tent, and no one dares to be found outside the tent, lest he be punished. And after all have entered, the commanders themselves are to remain outside the tents and watch, so that as many as they find outside the tents, they may seize. Those, however, who, as is likely, are entering ^D into the tents, are caught by the members of their own messes, and they will seize them and deliver them to their own commander. For it is necessary that one of two things happen to the spy: either he remains outside and is trapped, not knowing where he ought to go, or, as is likely, if he dares to enter with one of the messes, he is recognized as a stranger to that mess, and is delivered to the commander of the mess.

110. All who are found in any way in this manner must be seized, whether they appear to be Romans or foreigners, and be examined, so that from them the truth may be discovered.

111. This can be done conveniently in a *fossatum* where the army is gathered, whether infantry or cavalry, and likewise when they are divided into sections, or again when they are encamped by cohort.

112. It is possible to estimate this through other similar and like things.

^A the recognition of the aforementioned spies is usually achieved by means of various signs—things that it is necessary to pursue, so that diverse signs or orders may be made. For at the same time the spies of the enemy are revealed by these means, and at the same time the soldiers become accustomed to obeying their commanders and to keeping the orders diligently, especially if those who are negligent regarding them are chastised in some moderate way. For if an order is given by the commander to the soldiers more secretly, and the enemy spy is unaware of this, he is quickly discovered to be an outsider to the password and lacking the sign of the friendly army.

113. It is not inappropriate to give signs and orders to the soldiers, especially when they have leisure, so that they may be tested and get into the habit of keeping them.

114. If you should ever capture spies, do not use one and the same judgment regarding them at all times: ^B but if you judge your forces to be weaker than the enemy's army, then either execute them or keep them in safe custody. If, however, you have good armor, sufficient equipment, many troops, legitimate strength, physical vigor, an obedient army, strenuous soldiers, and keen experience, draw up all your forces in a certain order for show, and point them out to the enemy spies: when you have done this, send them back safe and sound to their own people. For when they arrive there, they will report everything they have seen. And often the much-desired abundance of all things strikes fear into the enemies, just as if you were to deprive them of all support, it would bring great alacrity to them.

115. Wherefore, if you have judged yourself to have the better, allow them to depart home, so that by relating these things they may bring some perturbation upon the enemies. ^C But if you are in a worse position than the enemies, let them be executed, nor let them be permitted to return to their own.

116. If any deserters from the enemies reach you, and promise to show either the time of an assault or the way, and to lead the way, and to guide you through invisible paths against the enemies, do not trust them entirely, but take them with you in bonds, promising them that if they speak the truth and do everything for the safety and victory of our army, ^D they will be deemed worthy of rewards and gifts. But if they deceive and lie, wishing to cast our army into danger, let them know that at that very moment, being in bonds, they will be slaughtered by those who were put in danger. For the loyalty of a deserter is most certain—whether as an enemy coming to you or as your own man going to the enemy—only if he is in no way master of his own life, but those to whom he has fled, or from whom he has fled, have power over it. And let these things be said by us regarding them.

^A

CONSTITUTION XVIII. Concerning the study of various formations of both other nations and the Romans.

1. Following this, I shall dictate to you the studies of the various formations, both of the other nations and of those which the commanders who formerly headed the Roman armies used against various nations, so that, having understood these, you may not only employ the same stratagems at the appropriate time yourself, but also devise many other things beyond these. For the sharpness of a commander, when he seizes upon some opportunity of strategic matters, does not stop at those things only, but is able to also devise more than these.

2. Constant training in tactical movements provides great benefit to the soldier, but it easily becomes known to the enemy—through the enemy’s spies, and through those who, as is to be expected, desert to them. And for this reason, such training, when it is frequently practiced and observed, is often found to be ineffective.

3. The training specified by us in the constitution already stated regarding it is therefore sufficient, being simple, adapting itself to every formation, and causing the entire battle array not to be thrown into confusion. ^B

4. But if there should be an opportunity and much convenience for greater training and exertion, one must then practice the various formations and parts of exercises—namely, the formations of turmae, or droungoi, or the banda of the counts—separately by themselves; that is, both those spoken of as necessary, and others in excess, even if they are not always essential, yet may at some time be useful.

5. So that a distinct mark may be assigned to each formation and exercise, and that the soldiers may recognize the difference of each battle array by being inured to the movements, and not be bewildered as if they were foreigners or strangers when some formation is suddenly announced to them, not knowing the order intended by the commander to be made at the very moment of battle. ^C

6. There are, therefore, three differences of the formations made according to shape. One of these is the useful one, which the Romans are also accustomed to use; and it is that which has its regiments without distinction—that is to say, not divided into cursors, or *proklastai*, and vindices, or *defensores*—which ought to be ranged in one battle array, and no longer divided into three, but into two parts, so that while the two wings move as if for an encirclement, and incline toward one another and enclose a convenient space, the right wing being further out and the left further in, moving about in a circular fashion, they may drive toward each other in opposition, in the way which the cavalrymen at one time used to practice while playing during the month of March. ^D

7. ^A Another form is when the cursors and defenders are drawn up in battle line: and when these parts, being divided, contain two hundred or four hundred, they are separated by a long interval, and while moving, they go out as if in a formed column—the cursors to pursue others, and then return; sometimes they disperse through opportune places to that point, and at once advance with the defenders against the enemy, and sometimes they return through the same spaces, and at the extreme edges of the two parts there appear the same ones who were stationed in them before.

8. ^B Another form is when a certain battle line is drawn up, and its middle part is assigned to the defenders, while the remaining parts are formed into cursors: then a sort of excursion is made as if to pursue others, and the middle part follows as if they were the defenders, and the remaining parts go out on both sides as cursors. Then, upon returning, one part lingers and is slow outside, while the other gives way to the defenders as if in a formed column, and the course proceeds now toward those who stood as defenders, and the other, running to meet it, passes through one side, and in this way one part is found to be opposite the other, although they do not strike themselves.

9. ^C There is also another form entirely contrary to this, which is drawn up to the opposite, that is, having in the middle part the cursors, and the two remaining parts on either side the defenders, in the aforementioned maneuvers.

10. ^C The usual battle line and training known to the Romans seems useful and convenient for us against every nation: that is, when it is divided into two lines, into front-line soldiers and reserves, that is, cursors and defenders, flankers, corner-guards, rear-guards, and ambushes, in the manner previously mentioned by me.

11. ^D These exercises must be undertaken in such a way that they do not become known and common to the enemy. Therefore, the first line being drawn up, let it not have the second line with itself, but only itself, without flankers and corner-guards, without rear-guards and ambushes, which exercise seems most simple and necessary: and in place of the second line, with a moderate interval interposed, they should have a few cavalrymen stationed at the rear, toward whom they may learn to retreat. Similarly, you shall instruct the second line separately, and you shall place a few cavalrymen in front, so that the second line may learn to receive them as they flee. The line makes, that is, deploys, so that it may be trained as the second line likewise to receive those of the first line fleeing toward them.

12. ^D It is possible separately for both the flankers and the corner-guards to have their own line and exercise before the war: so that the entire army may become accustomed to these movements, and these necessary battle lines do not become manifest to the enemy or others. This comes about if the corner-guards, that is, those who are stationed on the right side to encircle the enemy, are either secretly placed under the right wing, or are drawn up from the flank equally with the front of the battle line, where the opportunity arises for the wing to move across to enclose the enemies.

^A Turn them toward the spear-hand, then march for such distance as necessity requires, and in this way return to a straight line, moving in formation and striving, as it were, to enclose the battle rank of the enemy.

13. Again, those flank-guards who are stationed on the left side should likewise turn toward the shields, then march for such distance as the need requires, and in this way return to a straight line; and they should strive, as it were, to be leveled with the opposite wing of those who are flanking.

14. We have pointed out these differences of battle formations to you, O general, so that in a timely moment you may accustom your army both to exercise in them and to possess greater experience in the tactics of wars, ^B so that you may often be found useful in certain circumstances, whenever necessity calls for it in this way.

15. We have explained to you other different battle formations, and all that it is your duty to do for your own army and against the enemies, as we shall set forth in the exposition, which the Romans have received in their knowledge from the experience of diverse nations, so that you may know how to use these at the appropriate time for your own benefit, and at times, when the enemies use them for themselves, to devise something contrary against them.

16. Know, therefore, O general, that you yourself ought not only to be diligent and loving toward the fatherland, and ready, if it should so happen, to lay down your very life for the orthodox faith of the Christians, ^C but you must also prepare all the commanders under you and the whole multitude of the soldiers to become such, so that those who remain may remain as such. And as for those who are not, you must, through your own diligence and zeal, train them so that they do not lack such virtue, but that they may be patriots, obedient to their commanders either out of love or out of fear.

17. Let them also be enduring in the face of toils, and ready to sustain wars for the sake of the fatherland.

18. And may you yourself, by counsel and strategy rather than by rashness or boldness, bring most of your endeavors to a successful conclusion, and be diligent about the order of the army under you.

19. And let you all together, who for the sake of Christ our God and for the sake of kin and friends and the fatherland ^D and the whole nation of Christians are struggling, be accustomed to easily bear the trouble of thirst, and the lack of supplies, and the onset of cold and heat, and to bravely endure the terrible things that naturally fall upon you. For there is a reward laid up for these labors from God Himself and from His kingdom, and a recompense from us for you; for we too, through our constant care for you, share in your sufferings.

20. Be capable, if any distressing matter should happen in the moment, of concealing these things for a long time from the enemies,

and continue to endure and persist with a constant and lofty spirit in the midst of trials, proving the contrary to this, that you are rather cheerful and free from care. ^A

21. For there were certain nations, such as the Persian tribes once fighting against the Romans, who, when they fell into grievous straits, did not wish to propose for themselves the very salvation they desired, but waited to receive even that from their enemies. So great was the endurance of grievous things in them.

22. But that we may in brief recapitulate what was stated before, cover your army with weapons according to the model I already described for you. Use especially bows and very many arrows: for the bow is a great and effective weapon, and especially against the Saracen nations and the Turks, ^B by whom the entire hope of victory is placed upon their archery.

23. For they are effective against those archers of theirs who are exposed when they shoot their arrows; but also, they are greatly effective for wounding the horses of the cavalry, by the arrows shot by our own soldiers, and they will offer much damage to the enemies, as their valuable horses are slaughtered by the continuous volley of arrows; and from this, all the alacrity of the brave Saracens in war collapses.

24. For the Saracens do not go out to war for service and military duty, but rather for greed and freedom, or more truly to say, for plunder and for the religion of their own faith, or rather, it must be said, for the superstition of their own infidelity; for being in such a situation, suffering at our hands, they consider they have God as their enemy, ^C and cannot sustain the offense cast upon them.

25. And when you are moving toward war, do not pitch camp without a secure fossa, especially if you are near or within hostile territory. But when war is already pressing, lead a trench in a circle in the form of a rampart, and employ all the other defensive measures, so that you may be able to flee thither if any adversity should happen in war.

26. I will also demonstrate to you the other forms of drawing up battle lines in war in a few words.

27. For there is a certain battle formation divided into three equal parts in war, ^D of which we made mention above, that is to say: center, right, and left. In the center part, it has a multitude of four hundred or five hundred select men. The depth of such an order does not have a set measure, but rather the horsemen in every cohort are stationed in the first and second rank, and the front of the line is equal and dense. It has the equipment and baggage train behind the back of the drawn-up line, and if at the time of battle, the one who has thus drawn up the line should encounter lancers, he should draw up his line in difficult and rugged places, and make use of very many archers, so that, dispersed by the difficulty of the terrain, they...

may not be able to charge easily or freely with their lances.

28. ^A If the commander perceives that he is to fight against a bellicose nation, he should not only put off and delay the battle before the day of the conflict—especially if he knows that the enemy are ready and formidable in their own standing—but should also encamp securely in a safe and strong position.

29. On the very day of battle, if it is exceptionally hot, you should defer the fighting until the heat of the evening, and join battle then, so that by the burning of the sun and the stifling atmosphere, the audacity and ferocity of those arrayed against you are restrained.

30. To this formation, which we described above, is opposed a foot line carefully drawn up, and a level, open terrain, because of the force of the lances and the close-quarters engagement ^B and hand-to-hand combat; it should be conducted without any intermission, because the arrows are useless at close range, as the archers have neither lances nor shields.

31. If, however, in the heat of the engagement a push is made toward them, and they are sent into a swift flight, they will be greatly harmed, unless they possess the artifice of a sudden wheeling-about and a counter-invasion to repel those who are rushing upon them.

32. Incursions ^C and encirclements made from the sides and rear by flankers will harm them greatly, unless they have guards on the flanks in their line of battle who are capable of repelling a large incursion.

33. Therefore, as has been said, in such battles and lines of battle, one must choose level, open, and flat terrain, which has no marshes, trenches, or thickets, so that the line is not broken up.

34. When the army is already prepared, ready, and arrayed, do not put off the engagement on the day of battle, if it has been decreed that you should join battle that day.

35. If it should seem good to engage in battle openly on the day of the conflict, the collisions—that is, the clashes—in the battles must be made equal to the range of the arrow, and dense and swift according to the rationale of the situation, so that ^D by the slowness of the advance, the continuous and multiple volleys of arrows do not wound the soldiers and horses all the more.

36. If some necessity arises so that the battle must take place in a more difficult spot, it is good to set some of the men in a foot line, and others on horseback, so as not to involve the entire army in such uneven terrain with cavalry alone.

37. For the maneuvers of the lancers against the archers, as we have said, if they are not uniform and unbroken, suffer great harm from the arrows, as the missiles are more numerous, both against the soldiers and the horses.

38. ^B But if the commander perceives that his army is not a match for the enemy in open combat, he must not engage in public battles, but rather utilize unexpected incursions and sudden attacks—that is, safe and orderly forays—against the enemies, using suitable terrain so that the reason for the delay of the main engagement remains hidden from both the enemy and his own men, so that, because of this, confidence does not arise in the enemy, nor fear in his own troops.

39. Evolutions, that is, turnings and inversions during retreats, should not be performed in direct view of the enemy, but rather by wheeling to the flanks and intercepting them from the rear. For some of the nations—as the Persians once did—not wishing to break their own battle line, easily expose their backs to those who have turned to face them, fighting as if in flight. For those who retreat and flee, if they wish to turn and place themselves face-to-face with the enemy, are severely harmed if they run into those who are drawn up in formation against them.

40. ^C The Turks, for their part, pursue fleeing enemies in total confusion; thus they are most easily harmed if those who betake themselves to flight do so without disturbing their own battle line, and then, with the same preservation of order, charge back against them.

41. Other nations pursue us in a calm and orderly manner; therefore, one should not attempt to face them head-on, but rather, as I have mentioned, make the incursion from the flanks and from the rear.

42. Since I have mentioned the Turks, I do not deem it inappropriate to explain both how they line up for battle and how one ought to stand against them, having learned this through moderate experience when the Bulgarians, violating their truces, were ravaging the regions of Thrace. For divine vengeance, on account of this perjury committed in the name of Christ our God and King of the universe, restrained the Bulgarians with just punishment. ^D For when our own forces were occupied against the Saracens, divine Providence armed the Turks against them in place of the Romans, while our fleet ferried them across the Ister and assisted them; and they routed the Bulgarian army, which was armed against the Christians, in three battles with great force—divinely sent for this purpose, as it seems, so that Roman Christians would not be defiled by the blood of Bulgarian Christians.

43. The Scythian nations, then, possess, so to speak, one manner of maneuvering and order, being for the most part nomadic, sluggish, and living off the grazing of herds. Only the nations of the Bulgarians and the Turks, furthermore, concern themselves with a similar military order

^B as they fight in organized ranks and are ruled by a single monarch.

44. But since the Bulgarians embrace peace in Christ and commune with the Romans in the faith in Him—for God was wont to take vengeance upon them for the perjury of violated truces—we do not wish to employ any imperial stratagem or to arm ourselves against them. Therefore, we do not desire for the time being to describe either their battle formation against us, or our own against them, since we are brothers through the one faith, and they yield to our exhortations.

45. ^B But we shall now speak of the disposition and battle formation of the Turks, which differs little or not at all from that of the Bulgarians. It is a populous and free nation, concerned only with exercises, having little care for other things which are splendid among men; they labor only to be and to be considered brave when engaging the enemy.

46. This nation, then, is ruled by a single monarch, and as it suffers harsh and heavy punishments from its leaders for offenses committed by them, it is restrained from wickedness not by love, but by fear; and they bear labors and hardships courageously. They endure heat and cold, and, being nomadic, they suffer the lack of other necessities, just as other peoples do who have given themselves entirely to the grazing of herds.

47. ^C The tribes of the Turks are meddlesome and hide their intentions; they are unfriendly, untrustworthy, and gripped by a greed for money. They despise oaths, keep neither treaties nor promises, and are not satisfied by gifts; for almost before they have received the gifts, they plot treachery and the violation of treaties.

48. They watch for favorable opportunities with great keenness, and are eager to overcome their enemies not so much by hand and strength as by deceit, sudden incursions, and the interception of necessary supplies.

49. They arm themselves with swords, coats of mail, bows, and lances. ^D Whence, in battle, the majority of them carry double weapons: they carry their lances on their shoulders and their bows in their hands, and they use whichever of the two the occasion requires; but when others pursue them, they are more effective with their bows.

50. And not only do they arm themselves, but the horses of the more prominent men are protected in front either with iron or with felt.

51. They engage in much study and practice regarding archery from horseback.

52. A multitude of pack animals and mares also follows them, both for the purpose of milk-drinking and to create the impression of a large host.

55. They do not set up a camp in a trench as the Romans do, but are dispersed by clans and tribes until the day of battle. They feed their horses constantly, both in winter and summer. At the time of war, however, they retain only the horses necessary for their use, and keeping them hobbled near the Turkish tents, they guard them until the time of battle, starting this guard at night. ^A 54. They set their pickets at a distance and in back-to-back succession, so that they may not easily be surprised by sudden attacks. 55. In battle, they do not divide into three parts as the Romans do, but drawing up their units together in a *droungos* in various parts, with the parts only slightly separated from each other, they appear as one single line of battle. ^B 56. Moreover, they have a certain force outside the line of battle, which they send out as an ambush against those who are drawn up carelessly against them, or they keep it in reserve to assist a part that is under pressure. As for their *tuldum*, that is to say their baggage train, they keep it behind the line of battle, or to the right or left, at an interval of one or two miles, assigning to it a small guard of soldiers. 57. Often, they also ^C join the surplus horses at the rear—that is, behind their line—and use them as a guard for it. They make the depth of their lines indefinite, as they are more concerned that the formation be thick than with the depth, and they make the front rank even and dense. 58. They prefer, rather, battles from a distance, ambushes, encirclements of the enemy, feigned withdrawals, counter-attacks, and scattered formations. 59. When they have routed their enemies, they put everything else second, pursuing them with every effort, with nothing more in mind than the pursuit of the enemy. ^D For they are not content, as the Romans and other nations are, with a moderate pursuit and the plundering of their money, but they attack until they have completely destroyed the enemy, employing every method to this end. 60. And if any of the enemy, being pursued, flee to a fortification, they immediately and laboriously try to discern any lack of necessities—whether of men or of pack animals—and they persist in a continuous siege until they overcome the enemies with that scarcity, or compel them to some agreement or surrender; and at first they propose milder terms to them, and then, as the enemies agree, they impose greater burdens. 61. These are the ways of the Turks, which differ from those of the Bulgarians only in that the latter have embraced the faith of the Christians and, having accustomed themselves to Roman customs, have cast off their roughness of character and savage life, along with their unbelief.

62 62. A shortage of fodder is a great hindrance to the Turkish army, because they always carry a multitude of pack animals with them.

63 63. In the time of an engagement, an infantry battle line organized in a disciplined manner will especially damage them, as such a formation is accustomed to be disadvantageous to horsemen who are not used to dismounting from their horses; for they cannot stand on foot for long, as they are accustomed to being carried by horses.

64 64. A level and cleared terrain is also disadvantageous to them, and especially a cavalry line that is dense and follows them without interruption.

65 65. Disadvantageous to them, too, are hand-to-hand combat and nocturnal sorties, if they are carried out safely, in such a way that those who are attacking them have one part of their force in formation, while the other part remains hidden and concealed.

66 66. It vexes them greatly also when some of them defect to the Romans. For they all know that their nation has an unstable mind, that they are greedy for gain and composed of many tribes, and that for this reason they have no regard for kin and mutual goodwill.

67 67. When a few of them begin to defect and are treated kindly by us, a multitude follows them. Therefore, they bear it with great displeasure if anyone departs from them.

68 68. Whenever, therefore, anyone wishes to approach them for battle, he needs, before all else, to have guards placed diligently and continuously at short intervals; then, he must be concerned to prepare for a second turn of events—that is, in case there should be a rout of those opposing them—so that he may also survey a fortified place in time of crisis, and find provisions for a few days, for the men—and if it is possible, for the pack animals as well—and especially have an abundance of water, and then he shall arrange the baggage as we have said in the chapter concerning it.

69 69. And if an infantry army is present, especially in the first battle, as long as the army is becoming accustomed to the nature of their nation, draw it up according to the method we have indicated in other matters; that is, maintain the cavalry subordinated to the infantry.

70 70. But if only cavalry are positioned in opposition to them, and they are capable of meeting their force, draw them up in the manner previously described when we spoke in the treatise on formation.

71 71. You shall assign more men to the flanks, and those who are capable; for at their rear, the so-called defensive cavalry, that is, the *ekdikoi* (vindicators), are sufficient. But you shall ensure that the scouts, that is, the vanguard, do not separate themselves in pursuit of the enemy from the defensive line by more than three or four bowshots, and do not run down *them* (the enemy). By all means, you shall make an effort to draw up your battle line as much as possible in open and level places, where neither dense woods, nor marshes, nor shrubbery can impede your battle line.

due to the ambushes devised by the Turks. ^A

72. You shall also station the outposts at intervals on the four sides of the battle line.

73. If it is possible, it is good to have a difficult river, or marshes, or a lake to the rear of the battle line, so that the rear may be safely guarded.

74. And if military affairs go well, do not charge after them greedily, nor behave carelessly; for the Turks do not, like other nations, cease from war when defeated in the first battle; rather, they devise ways to attack their enemies in many different fashions until they are thoroughly subdued. If the formation is mixed, and there is a majority of infantry, it is necessary to take forethought in such cases for the turning-back of the pack animals. For the horsemen are not always permitted to gather fodder for the animals when the enemy is drawing near.

75. This then is the martial and customary training of the Turks, which differs from that of the Bulgarians, as has been said, in a few small matters, but is in other respects similar. ^B

76. We have written this for you for this reason, not that you are about to arm yourself for war against the Turks; for they are neither neighbors, nor are they our enemies at present, but rather they hasten to show themselves as subjects of the Romans.

77. But so that you, O General, might have knowledge of each of the different formations and tactical stratagems, and might use them at the appropriate time briefly for whatever you wish, and judge what is useful among the stratagems and formations discovered by others through much labor and study, or — when the occasion demands — be able to wage war against them by being forewarned and trained in the opposite methods. ^C

78. There are some nations, such as the Franks and the Lombards, which were once held by impiety, but now have embraced the true faith of the Christians; some of these are friendly, and others are subject to our God-given empire. These too have their own unique martial customs, some from tradition, and some consistent with usage itself, all of which we shall set forth for you, O General, not for the sake of marching against them (for how would we wage war against those who are at peace, and are allies, and of the same religion, and subjects?), but so that, having learned these customs and formations—and if need be, the contrary ones as well—if anything seems useful to you, you may gather it and emulate it, and be practically trained at the appropriate time to face whatever enemies might arise against you. ^D

79. For indeed, the Slavs also were once, in times past, on the other side...

of the Ister, which we also call the Danube. The Romans used to wage war against them, attacking them while they were still living a nomadic life before crossing the Ister, and before they bowed their necks under the yoke of Roman authority. I shall not leave the customs of these people regarding battles and their other habits unknown to you; rather, as I have said, I shall collect and describe everything insofar as our strength permits, so that you may gather useful information from all sides just like a bee.

80. The Franks and Lombards, therefore, value the concept of liberty highly, although the Lombards have now lost the greater part of this virtue. But both these and the Franks are, and especially were, bold and dauntless, daring and rash in wars; they regard cowardice as a disgrace, and even a slight retreat they consider to be a flight. For this reason, they easily despise death, fighting fiercely at close quarters, both as cavalry and as infantry. ^B

81. When, as is likely, they are driven into some trouble in cavalry battles, at a single signal they dismount from their horses and draw up on foot—a few perhaps not fearing the many cavalry—or they desist from the battle.

82. They are armed with shields, spears, and shorter swords, which they carry from their shoulders by means of straps. Sometimes, however, some of them also wear them secured with a belt.

83. They take more pleasure in infantry combat and in incursions made with skirmishing.

84. In battles, whether they are infantry or cavalry, they are not deployed in any fixed and defined measuring or order, or in divisions or sections, like the Romans, but according to tribes, or by kinship and mutual affection, and often even by sworn conspiracy. ^C Whence it happens that, in the circumstance of friends being left behind, they have often shared in the danger for them in battle, avenging them.

85. They make the battle line of their formation even and dense in their conflicts.

86. They make their clashes, whether as cavalry or infantry, fiercely and irresistibly, as if they were single-minded and kept themselves from all cowardice.

87. They are disobedient toward their leaders, especially the Franks, as if they were contending for liberty, and they serve in campaigns willingly only for as long a time as they have set for themselves or as has been set by their leaders. ^D And when this time has passed, if it happens that they are to remain, they bear the dragging out of the time with difficulty, they dissolve the structure of the campaign, and retreat to their own homes.

88. They are unconcerned and lack all variety, safety, and understanding of what is advantageous. Therefore, they despise discipline, especially cavalry discipline.

89. They are easily corrupted by money, as they are greedy.

Experiencing this for ourselves, it is evident to us that when many have come here from Italy to manage affairs, they have been imbued with their customs and habits, and have passed from civilized behavior to barbarity and the greed for money. ^A For just as they possess bold and energetic minds, so they have delicate and tender bodies, which are ill-suited for enduring hardship.

90. They are, in fact, subject to intense misery. Just as they possess bold and energetic minds, so they have delicate and tender bodies, and are ill-suited for enduring hardship.

91. Heat, cold, rain, supplies, or the lack of necessities—especially wine—and the postponement of battle put them under great stress.

92. At the time of cavalry battle, difficult and dense terrain is an obstacle to them, for they are accustomed to rushing straight ahead with lances at high speed. ^B

93. They easily suffer damage and setbacks from ambushes on their flanks and rear, because they give little care to the watch and other such operations.

94. And if anyone were to simulate flight, they would easily be dispersed, and by suddenly turning back against them, one could inflict great damage upon them.

95. Also, frequent nocturnal incursions by archers harm them, because they encamp in a dispersed and scattered manner.

96. If anyone should ever decide to attack those who are thus accustomed and disposed, he should not use a public, set-piece battle against them, especially at the beginning of the campaign; but rather, he should attack them through ^C ambushes and sudden incursions, and through other strategic wiles—either by delaying the time of battle, or by feigning a peace treaty, or by consuming their supplies, or by [using] heat and cold to diminish their boldness and eagerness.

97. If a delay and similar things are most feasible when the hostile army approaches more fortified and inaccessible places, then they are unable to invade that place using their lances.

98. If nothing is achieved against them by the aforesaid methods, but they are absolutely intent on battle, then they should be engaged in ^D formation, just as we have taught in the chapter on how to arrange the battle line.

99. The Sclavinian nation also shared the same mode of life and customs, and was free, not at all inclined to be enslaved or to be governed, especially when they dwelt beyond the Danube in their own land. When they were brought over here and, as it were, forced to accept servitude, they did not wish to obey others willingly, but rather, in a way, their own kind; for they thought it better to be ill-treated by their own countrymen than to obey the Romans and live under their laws. But those of them who have accepted...

the sanctification of the saving baptism preserve it, as far as they are concerned, in accordance with the custom of their ancient freedom down to our own times.

^A 100. They were a populous nation, and bearing up under hardships, easily enduring heat, cold, rain, and nakedness of the body, and the lack of needed supplies.

101. These people, however, my father, who is now at rest in God, and Emperor of the Romans, Basil, persuaded to change from their ancient customs; and by Hellenizing them, and subjecting them to rulers according to the Roman pattern, and honoring them with baptism, he both liberated them from the slavery of their own lords and trained them to fight against the nations that were warring upon the Romans. He was so diligent ^B in such matters that he made the Romans secure from the rebellion that frequently arose from the Sclaveni, and from the many troubles and wars they had endured at their hands in times past.

102. The Sclaveni, moreover—I know not how to express it—were a people who practiced hospitality to an excessive degree, which they have not seen fit to abandon even now, but hold to just the same.

103. For they were kind and gentle to those sojourning among them, welcoming them with affection and showing them honor, and protecting them, and conducting them in relay from place to place, and keeping them unharmed and secure; and they were untiring in offering provisions to one another. If, through the neglect ^C of the host, it happened that a stranger was harmed, the one who had entrusted the stranger to that man would immediately declare war against him, considering the vengeance for the stranger to be a greater declaration of faith.

104. Furthermore, another practice of theirs seemed not inhumane. For they did not bind their captives into perpetual slavery, but rather kept them as captives among them, and prescribed a set time for their servitude, so that after this allotted time had passed, they could, if they wished, return to their own lands with a certain fixed wage, or, if they preferred to remain among them, they would continue there as free men and friends.

105. Their women were also self-controlled, and especially ^D steadfast, so that most of them considered the death of their own husbands to be their own, and would strangle themselves, being unable to bear a widowed and solitary life.

106. They used millet for food, and especially cherished frugality, being reluctant to endure other labors of agriculture because they preferred a more free and effortless way of life, rather than to acquire, with great toil, a luxury of foods or wealth.

107. They were armed, at that time, with small javelins, or two light spears for each man, and some also with large, elongated shields, such as those called *thyreoi*. For they used wooden bows.

and they have arrows dipped in poison, which is effective; for unless the one who has received the wound either drinks theriac, or some other salutary remedy, or immediately cuts away the whole wound so that it does not spread further, the whole body must necessarily perish. They delight in fleeing to rugged and difficult-to-access places and dwelling there.

108. How the Romans at that time made incursions and attacks upon them, we have explained before, where we treated of unexpected incursions, so that you, O general, even if you are not making an excursion against them now, yet in making an unexpected incursion against those similar to them, or against other barbarians—if indeed any useful instruction be found from that outline—may have this also ready to hand for the necessary occasion, as one well-practiced.

109. Since we have spoken of the customs and institutions of various nations, it will not be beside the point to make some mention now of the nation of the Saracens, which disturbs our Roman state, as to what their nature is, with what arms they use in war, in what ways our men ought to be armed against them, and how attacks are to be made upon them.

110. The Saracens are in lineage Arabs, once dwelling near the entrance to Happy Arabia. But in time their race was dispersed into Syria and Palestine, first for the sake of dwelling, and later, when the author of their superstition, Mahomet, had appeared, they occupied by arms the dominion of these places, and of Mesopotamia and Egypt and the other regions, which the occasion of the struggle between the Romans and the Persians concerning the glory of the empire gave them the opportunity to seize.

111. ^B Yet even if they seem to be pious regarding the divine, they demonstrate their supposed piety to be blasphemy; for they do not endure to call Christ the true God and savior of the world God, and they impute to God the being the author of every evil deed, and say that God delights in wars, who scatters the nations that desire wars. And they guard their own laws most strictly, fattening their flesh and dishonoring their soul. Therefore, against this impiety of theirs, let us fight with our own piety and orthodox faith, and guarding our divine and human laws most strictly, let us, if we can, conquer them.

112. They use burden-bearing camels instead of wagons and beasts of burden, asses and mules; and they use cymbals and drums in their battle lines, to which they accustom their own horses, and by such sounds and noises they disturb the horses of their enemies ^D and throw them into flight. But the very sight of the camels also terrifies the unaccustomed horses and does not allow them to advance further.

^A 113 (103). They use such baggage of camels and pack animals for a display as well, to make their forces often appear numerous and vast; for they place them in the middle of the army and set many small banners upon them, such that their throng appears as a great multitude of men.

114. They are of a hot temperament, as they inhabit such a hot climate. They say that they also reinforce their infantry with Ethiopian archers, who are unencumbered by heavy armor and are stationed before the cavalry like light-armed troops. Using such soldiers, they appear invincible to their enemies.

115. They carry their infantry either riding on their own horses or seated behind the cavalrymen when their expedition is near their own country. Their cavalrymen also use weapons: bows and swords, spears, shields, and axes; for they wear full armor, such as ring-mail and scale-armor, helmets, grease-guards, arm-guards, and anything else patterned after the Roman style. They decorate their belts, bridles, and swords with silver, quite ostentatiously.

116. Neither when pursuing others nor when being pursued do they break their formation; and if it should happen to be broken, they become disorganized and unable to rally themselves, fleeing only to save their own lives.

117. They are bold when they hope for victory, but very cowardly when they despair of it; for they claim that everything, even if it be evil, happens by the will of God, so if they happen to suffer some misfortune, they do not resist as if it were ordained by God, but, having received the blow of the conflict, they abandon all intensity in the fighting. They are somnolent, and for this reason they fear night battles and the activities associated with them, especially when they are raiding in foreign territory; therefore, they either withdraw to fortified places and keep watch there through the night, or they securely fence in their camp so as not to be troubled by the nighttime attacks of their enemies.

118. They form their own array in a square and oblong shape, which is safer and cannot be easily broken by the attacks of opposing forces.

119. They use this formation both on marches and in the assembly of battle; and for the most part they imitate the Romans, and are trained in other formations through the experience of attacks, intending to use against us the very methods by which they were formerly defeated by the Romans.

120. In their battle arrays they are clever and stable, not startled by a hasty attack from those coming against them, nor are they broken by a feigned retreat.

121. They wait in the battle line, enduring the volleys patiently against those who advance upon them boldly, and when they see that the enemy has relaxed their intensity, then they rise up and fight with vigor.

122. They do this not only in infantry battle, but also in naval engagements, fighting hand-to-hand from their ships, and after they have finished showering their missiles upon the enemy, they form up into the ^A *scutata* (a dense formation of shields) and wait, standing firm; then they straightway rise up together and begin the hand-to-hand fight. Against such men, one must always fight with prudence and circumspection.

123. They use a standard of deliberation and order in their military methods far better and more proven than all other nations, as we have learned through investigation by our officers who have often approached them and probed their entire situation, and we have heard it from the reports of others brought to us, and we have received it from our most pious father, who often campaigned against them.

124. Frost, winter, and the onset of rains are injurious to this nation; therefore, it is better to engage them in such times than in clear weather. For their bows become weak on account of the humidity of the air, and their whole body is found to be sluggish due to ^B the cold. Often, when caught by the Romans during their raids and plundering in such weather, they have been destroyed.

125. Therefore, delighted by clear weather and warmer seasons, they then assemble, especially in summer, and in the city of Tarsus of Cilicia they make peace with the local inhabitants; during the remaining times they launch raids against the Romans from Tarsus, Adana, and the other cities of Cilicia.

126. They must therefore be attacked at those times, especially when they go out in winter for booty. This will happen if our forces remain hidden somewhere in a place nearby without being seen, and observe their exit for plundering; for thus they will destroy them—or else when they come together in large numbers and are prepared in the order of battle, [the enemy] may be attacked.

127. For it is dangerous, as has often been ^C mentioned by us, for anyone to risk a public/open battle, even if they seem completely likely to defeat the enemy with the size of their forces; for the outcome of fortune is invisible.

128. They do not gather by military conscription, but all flow together for war by voluntary intent; the rich, so that they may die for their own fatherland, and the poor, so that they may profit from a portion of the booty. Moreover, their fellow tribesmen supply them with weapons; and women especially, as well as men, in this way become participants in the military enterprise, considering it a great duty to arm those who, on account of bodily infirmity, cannot arm themselves. And let these things be said by us ^D concerning the Saracens, a barbarous and faithless nation.

129 ^A It is necessary for the Romans not only to strive that the soldiers be of eager spirit and those who have not yet been in war join in battle against those who blaspheme Christ, our God and King of the universe, who empowers all who fight for Him against the nations, with arms and gifts and prayers of departure, but also to do something more than this: to treat kindly the homes of those who serve with eagerness and valor, and if there is any need for the troops—be it horses, expenses, or full armor—to provide these things through common action and organization.

130 ^B For if this happens, the Roman army will certainly be many times larger, and well and properly equipped; and especially those who happen to be chosen for their valor and courage, lacking nothing that is necessary, will easily, with God’s help, carry off the victory against the barbarian Saracens.

131 For if we abound in equipment, and especially in bows and most arrows, and indeed in numbers, courage, and appropriate strategies and military devices—we Romans especially against the barbarians—we shall possess divine aid in all things, and we shall easily succeed in obtaining victory over them.

132 ^C For this nation, on account of the expected plunder, as is likely, and because they do not fear the dangers of war, is easily gathered into a great multitude from all inner Syria and Palestine, and even indolent men, perhaps because of such hopes for spoils, gather themselves to those who are setting out on an expedition.

133 ^D But if, having been well armed and drawn up in battle order with the help of God’s aid, we engage them well and eagerly—fighting for our own salvation of soul, and as if for God Himself, and for our kin, and for our other Christian brothers—and if we possess unwavering hope in God, we shall not fail, but we shall certainly achieve the victory over them.

134 You must, if they ever swoop down for the sake of plunder, intend to catch them within the Taurus, and at the narrow passes of this mountain, especially when they are returning completely worn out and are perhaps carrying some spoils of animals or goods. For you must place archers and slingers upon certain high places and shoot at them, and in this way attack, and also with the cavalry, or as the need might call for, or by ambushes, or by other stratagems—either with stones rolled down cliffs, or by blocking the road with trees and making it impassable, as was mentioned by us above, or however else you are able, O General, in the manner of the moment, to perceive the situation of the affair.

135 In their battle formations they do not break their

order, even if one, two, or three men attack them, until they either grow bold enough to move and pursue, or grow cowardly and rush into flight. Therefore, one must withstand their initial charge by means of archery directed against them, striking both those in front and those standing a little behind. For in this way, their horses—which are called *pharioi* ^A—and their Ethiopians, or even their other archers, being struck because of their lack of armor, will easily rush into flight for two reasons: both because they wish to preserve their horses, which are high-valued and not easily replaced, and because, through the preservation of their horses, they themselves are also preserved. 136. For if the horses are killed by these arrows, and especially if they are poisoned, those who ride them perish along with them; or, if they recognize the power of the poison, they will flee even before they are struck. 137. ^B For most of the Saracens do not go out to battle so much out of a desire for glory and reputation, as for the sake of abundance and the gain of necessities. For they do not know how to farm so that their poor might live from it, but from their youth they are trained only in the sword, either to live or to die. Hence, one single victory over them will free the Romans from many dangers; since, when they see that those who went out to war do not return, but are already mourned by their own people, they will no longer dare to proceed to war so incautiously thereafter. 138. The Cilician Saracens think to train all the infantry they have for both types of battle: both for the one by land, through the pass of Mount Taurus, and for the one by sea, through their own ships, which they call *kumbaria*. ^C When, however, they do not go out to battle by land, they embark upon the sea and plunder there, or remain in maritime places to seek booty, or at other times go out to ravage the lands of the Romans; and often, if it happens, they even fight at sea. And when they do not go out by sea, they campaign by land against the Roman territories. 139. You must therefore, O General, keep watch through truthful scouts, and learn their affairs precisely, and prepare yourself with a sufficient army so that, when they campaign by sea, you may yourself—if possible—attack them by land in their own territory. ^D But when they intend to campaign by land, you should notify the commander of the fleet, and he, with the swift-sailing ships under his command, should swoop down upon the lands of Tarsus and Adana, specifically those parts that lie along the sea. For the Cilician barbarians do not have a vast multitude of troops, since they themselves campaign by both land and sea. 140. The main point of their downfall is that you should make the attack and assault upon them simultaneously with a sufficient naval fleet at sea and a land army via the Taurus, along with other sufficient commanders, and thus, of their plun-

^Aderings of that region, just as my most blessed father and Emperor of the Romans once did in his own time by his own divine command.

141. You shall combat the Saracens who are near to Syria with the same stratagems that were used in the recent past by the general who recaptured the city of Theodosius from their occupation and brought it back under our own empire. And since the Roman horses are unaccustomed to the sight of camels and, even more, to the sound of drums and cymbals, and are therefore frightened and turn backward—so that the Romans often break into flight in this manner—the soldiers' horses, and especially those of the commanders and the officers, must be trained to the beating of drums and cymbals through the same exercises, and also to become familiar with camels and not to be startled by their appearance. There are also other things which one might devise upon studying the present situation.

142. To speak briefly, all the aforementioned matters concerning tactical theory from beginning to end—concerning weapons, equipment, exercises, battle formations, and other strategic methods—have been said, instructed, and ordained with regard to the nation of the Saracens. For this nation, bordering upon our state, disturbs us now no less than the Persian nation of old once disturbed the ancient Emperors, and it plagues our subjects every day; for this reason, we have undertaken the labor of writing this work, so that our men might be better prepared and instructed against them. Furthermore, other forms of battle lines have been discovered by us, by which you, O general, will achieve victory against such a barbarian nation. These are as follows:

143. You shall construct a varied battle line, so to speak, out of four thousand select men. Let the first line be what is called the 'front-line force,' consisting of one thousand five hundred men, and divide it into three equal parts: right, left, and center, so that each of these three divisions consist of five hundred men, and arrange them so close to one another that they appear to be one single line. You shall construct a second line of one thousand men, which you will divide into four parts, standing one arrow-shot apart from each other, so that in each part there are two hundred and fifty men stationed behind the first line, so that if it happens that the first line must retreat, it may be received into the empty spaces of their division, and thus one line be formed with them. For the four parts of the second line create three empty gaps, into which those of the first line, having come, will combine with the second. Finally, behind these, you shall set five hundred rear-guard men, whom you will divide into two parts according to the flanks—that is, right and left—and you shall station them behind the second line as a third rank, with each part having two hundred and fifty men, so that in a time of need they too may advance to offer help to the second line, which has already received the first. These three ranks, although we have kept them separate for the sake of necessity, we have nevertheless ensured are united by their proximity and

^A the suitability of their formation. In addition to these, you shall set what are called the 'wings' at hand, and in front of the first rank, those called the 'super-cappers' [hyperkerastai] on the right side, and the 'flank-guards' [plagiophylakes] on the left. Let these be of two hundred men each, so that the super-cappers are ready to encircle the approaching enemy formation, and the left flank-guards are ready to prevent encirclement of your own rank by the enemy, or perhaps themselves be ready to perform an encirclement. ^B Furthermore, you shall place two battalions of two hundred men each, far off on either side, so that they may serve as ambushes, or rather as hidden forces standing on this side and that of your formation, and suddenly spring forth in the so-called 'drungus' formation against the flanks of the approaching enemy. Let there also be, in the three vacant spaces of the second formation, one hundred men each—that is, three hundred men—so that this order too may appear to be joined together. If necessity at any time calls for the men of the first rank to withdraw into the aforementioned three vacant spots, they shall move backward, and at the same time, they shall hold back those rushing toward flight and turn ^C them back to their own rank, joining with the rear-guards in the act of retreating; this will provide no small assistance to those who are fighting. Let the remaining hundred men be with the strategist, together with his own escort, so that whenever the need arises to help some beleaguered section, being sent forth, they may provide a significant impulse and relief through their own capability. Thus, the entire first, second, and third ranks of the formation—and indeed also the flank-guards, the super-cappers, the rear-guards, the hidden forces, those in the middle of the empty spaces, and those placed in reserve with the strategist—shall all be arranged in a total of four thousand men. And the strategist ^D shall hold the middle station of the first rank, and shall arrange and oversee the necessary matters, and keep this reinforcement [at his disposal] in case a greater force is needed, dispatching together with it the tourmarch who stands with him, who was formerly called the hypostrategos, but is now called the merarch. For indeed, in every section, a tourmarch ought to be placed in front, and the strategist over all of these. Let the sections also have their own drungaries, and the counts under them, and the other officers, each one appointed according to their merit, directing and urging the soldiers toward the battle at hand.

144. You shall divide the multitude of the first rank in this manner. You shall set apart one third of it—those you know to be most brave and bold—as 'coursers' [kursōras], and the double part you shall arrange as 'defenders' [defensōras], so that the former, being sent forward as vanguards, may attack the enemies in a 'drungus' formation—that is, all together, without a rigid line. And if they put them to flight, the defenders—that is, the helpers or avengers—shall follow, not breaking their own rank, but orderly…

^A in order, and halt the enemy. And if further aid is needed from the second line, and additionally the rear-guards, thus they shall pursue the enemy, receiving in succession help from many. For it does not seem safe to me to risk the whole [force] in a single battle line. For if the one part is in distress, the whole at once flees. But here, if the first [line] should struggle, the second—standing firm—will render stronger aid. And if it too should struggle, the third shall advance invulnerably, and thus, against three invulnerable ranks, the one line of the enemy that is struggling becomes easily defeated and will quickly be broken and rush into flight, assuming, of course, that the flank-guards and the flanking force ^B also act in concert as the situation requires.

145. These four thousand must be chosen men, distinguished in bravery and in military virtue, as is fitting. For our instruction does not concern a common, servile infantry, but an army capable of handling weapons and fighting with spirit.

146. You shall form the files of such a battle line with a depth—that is, thickness—of ten men, so that in each file there are two officers: the one called leader (*lochagos*), or captain of ten (*dekarchos*), or front-rank man (*protostates*), and the rear-rank man (*ouragos*), who is the last of the row and is called a *pentarchos*; these men must be particularly capable, brave, and armored in appropriate gear. And with the depth of the files thus arranged, you shall extend the front in width along the rank, as far as the number and flanks allow to be drawn up in both breadth and depth.

147. Now, regarding the present ^C proposal: the first line, which shall also be divided into three parts, will have in each part fifty files, each having a depth, per row, from the leader and front-rank man to the final rear-rank man, such that the total files of the three parts of the first line are one hundred and fifty, that is, one thousand five hundred men. And the second line shall have, through its four parts, twenty-five files in each, for a total of one hundred files, that is, one thousand men. The flank-guards (*laterani*) shall have twenty files, two hundred men; likewise the flanking force (*cornistites*) shall have twenty files, two hundred men. Furthermore, the ambushers, or those in hiding, on this side and that of the two parts of the battle array, shall have twenty files each, that is, forty files and four hundred men—or all together five hundred men—and those standing in the empty gaps ^D of the second battle line, who, as has been said, also halt those who are fleeing, shall be the three parts amounting to one hundred files, in total three hundred men, and the one hundred men standing by the general.

148. The other three battle lines, with the *cursores* excluded, shall be drawn up in files, but the remaining units—that is, the flank-guards and the flanking forces—are to be drawn up in a certain way; the flank-guards, flanking forces, and ambushers are not always drawn up [in fixed files], but [are deployed] according to the requirements of the situation.

149. ^A There shall therefore be gathered together from the four thousand men thus designated all the ^B officers according to their rank, chosen as follows: 800 pentarchs, 400 decarchs, 80 pentekontarchs (who are also called tribunes), 40 centarchs (or hundred-men), 20 counts, 4 drungaries and chiliarchs, 2 tourmarchs; in the same way, the small and great officers [shall number] 1346. And thus, within one *thema*, let brave soldiers be chosen to fill up what is called the military *thema*, that is, the number of four thousand chosen, armored cavalrymen, brave in their virtues. Let the other crowd from the *thema* be divided into other ranks and duties, as it may seem useful to you, O general, depending on the occasion.

150. And these things have been stipulated if the army of the enemy is small in comparison to yours, or perhaps equal. But if the enemy possesses a superiority in numbers, then, following the pattern previously set forth for you in the aforementioned battle array, you shall double the army by adding to it just as many troops from the other *themata* of your generals, so that the entire battle line may reach eight thousand, with the whole army being divided according to the aforementioned model, provided only that the quantity per rank is increased accordingly. If doubling is not sufficient, you shall also triple it, assigning two other generals together with the troops under their command, who are likewise chosen and armored, so that there may be twelve thousand men. And thus the whole army shall be organized according to the pattern aforementioned from above, with the soldiers in each rank being tripled according to the quantity determined earlier.

151. If you are to engage with few but brave ^C enemies, and it seems useful to you to instruct everyone from the army, you shall form three lines of battle of four thousand each, according to the aforementioned model, or even of more thousands, according to the quantity of your available forces. With the first line you shall attack them, or receive them as they attack, and while they are engaged in this, if they are put to flight, you shall have the rest hold their ground and thus pursue safely. But if they stand their ground, then the other line shall also make an assault, coming upon them from behind, and thus the enemies will be overthrown. If they should even resist this, the third [line], coming up either from the rear or from the flank, and at the same time encircling the enemy with the others, will utterly destroy them. For although the enemy is imbued with boldness as though it were some kind of color, they are nonetheless not devoid of flesh, so that they cannot feel ^D the wounds inflicted.

152. If you are to contend with a large and massive host of enemies, you shall collect the four thousand into one line, as has been said, and you shall triple the quantity of the aforementioned deployment, dividing

^A them according to reason, as has been set forth, into the first and second line of battle, and into flank guards, and into those who outflank, and into ambushes, or hidden parties.

153. In cornistites, moreover, and in the ambushes and the remaining cohorts which I have recounted above, you shall divide them, and thus, instructed and prepared, you shall advance to engage with the cursors—that is, with the vanguards of the first battle line—and with the cornistites, if the need should arise, just as we said in the chapter on military equipment. If, however, there are still more enemies and there is a need for a much larger army, let the remaining generals of the Eastern ^B themes also be present with their troops ready for such a need, among whom the chosen men are to be separated from the useless and cowardly ones, so that in each theme—that is, company—there may be four thousand men, because of the diligent training of our soldiers in such a form; and those who are tested men and brave will be added to your army and will invade the enemies with you. To this form also thirty thousand men can be arranged in the line of battle, to fight against the enemies bravely and stoutly.

154. These things we have explained to your excellence, in which you will perhaps find nothing new or contrary to your expectation, but things which, as has been said, we have collected from those we encountered among the older ^C writers on military matters, and we have established them in accordance with them, having gathered a moderate experience from there. And you will be able to discover many other things from here by taking the occasions, which, as has been said, it is not possible to write down point by point, nor is it fitting to include them in the present treatise because of its brevity. But it is permitted to you, if you are diligent and have practiced the breadth of the tactics, to additionally invent and perform things such as these, and even more effective than these, having God as your helper ^D both through faith in Him and through your love and disposition toward our imperial majesty.

CONSTITUTION XIX. On Naval Battle.

1. Now we shall also give orders concerning naval battle, having found nothing regulated about it in the ancient tactical works; but from what we have read here and there, and through the moderate experience of the present time, which we learned from our naval commanders—some of whom have achieved, and some of whom have suffered—having gathered a few things and as much as to give an impression to those who intended to fight even at sea by means of what were once called triremes, but now are called dromons, we shall explain in outline.

2. In the first place, therefore, O general of the naval power (for it is already necessary to address the speech to you), you must be knowledgeable in naval experience and organization, and you must observe and foresee the movements of the air and the winds through the appearing stars and in the star

^A signs of experience, and the portents that occur by the sun and the moon, and indeed also the exact changes of the seasons, so that having experience in these matters, you may be kept safe and secure from the storms of the sea.

3. Dromons, that is to say, triremes, must be constructed sufficient for naval battle against the opposing fleet of the enemy, and with regard to their disposition and state, you must make the construction of your own fleet capable of fighting against them in every way.

4. The construction of the dromons should be neither too thick, so that they do not become sluggish in their rowing, nor finished to too great a thinness, so that they do not become weak and brittle, easily broken apart by the waves and the collision and impact of the enemy. But the dromon ^B should possess a balanced workmanship, so that even when driven it is not too slow, and when rolling or struck by the enemy, it remains stronger and unshaken.

5. Let them also have all things for the fitting out of a dromon, complete and double, such as the *auchenes*, oars, oarlocks, ropes, *caria*, and their rigging and yards, and masts, and whatever else the nautical art requires for use. Let them have, moreover, hollow timbers, planks, oakum, pitch, liquid pitch, and all naval instruments, and those pertaining to the building of ships, for one person to carry, such as an adze, an auger, a saw, and the like.

6. Let there by all means be a siphon on the prow in front, covered with copper as is the custom, ^C through which the prepared fire is thrown against the enemy. Above such a siphon, let there be a false deck made of planks, and around it a wall of planks, in which fighting men will stand to fend off those coming from the prow of the enemy, or to cast against the enemy ship as a whole whatever weapons they might devise.

7. But also, the so-called "wooden castles" shall be erected round about the middle of the mast in the largest dromons, enclosed with planks, from which some men will throw into the middle of the enemy's ship either millstones, or heavy iron, such as sword-shaped maces, by which they will either break the ship apart, or strike down those below with great force, or pour something else ^D that is able either to burn the ship of the opponents or kill the enemies on board. Each of the dromons should be long and balanced, having two so-called banks of oars, one lower and one upper.

8. Let each one have at least twenty-five thwarts, on which the rowers will sit. So that all the thwarts are, below twenty-five, and above likewise twenty-five, making fifty in total; and on each of them let two be seated

^A rowing, one on the right, and one on the left. So that all the rowers together, and those who are also soldiers, both the upper and the lower, are one hundred men. Outside of these, for the centurion of the dromon, and the one holding the flamula, and the two helmsmen of the dromon’s necks, which they also call first-archs, and if anyone is needed for the centurion’s service. Of the fore rowers, let the last two be, one a siphon-operator, and the other he who casts the anchors into the sea; and let there also be a lookout sitting somewhere on the upper part of the prow, armed, and let the arch-ship master’s, that ^B is the centurion’s, cot on the poop be placed, both indicating the commander separately and also keeping him safe at the time of battle from the missiles hurled by the enemies, from which, seeing each thing, the commander might order the dromon to be led according to need.

9. Let other, larger dromons also be prepared by you, capable of two hundred men, or more or less, according to the need required at the time against the enemies; of which fifty will serve the lower row, and one hundred and fifty, standing above, all armed, will fight against the enemies.

10. You shall also build smaller, very fast dromons, like galleys or what are called moneres, swift and light, which you shall use for watches and other swift necessities.

11. You shall prepare other transport and horse-carrying ships, like a baggage train, which will carry all the soldiers’ gear, so that the dromons may not be burdened by it, especially in time of battle. And whenever there is need of small expenditures, or arms, or other materiel, they may draw their supplies from there.

12. It is impossible and uncertain to define the number of dromons and the soldiers in them. For the need at the time, according to the strength of the opposing enemies, will dictate both the number of dromons and the number of personnel in them, as well as the size of the vessels and the necessary military armament in them, and so you shall act accordingly.

13. Furthermore, the baggage and horse-carrying ships will also have enough sailors in them, not unarmed, but also having bows, and arrows, and javelins, and whatever else is useful for war, because of necessary circumstances. Let them also bring extra arms; for sometimes, when arms are lacking, the soldiers will provide themselves from there. And let such ships also have chariots, and mangonels, and other arms for need, if it should happen, lest they run short due to losing them in battles. Besides the soldiers, ^C that is, the upper rowers, whoever they are, from the centurion even to the last, they shall be armored, having arms such as shields, menavla, bows, extra arrows, spathia, javelins, lorikia, and klibania—if not on the back, then at least on all sides in front; helmets, arm-guards, ^D and all the front parts of the entire body during the battle itself and the fighting.

Those who do not have lorikia or klibania must by all means wear the things called neurika, which are made of double-folded felt. These, too, being covered by the rest from behind, should use bows, and they should keep many handfuls of stones, or pebbles, in the dromon, so that by throwing them against the enemy they will achieve no less than with other weapons. For stones are weapons that are easily obtained and inexhaustible.

14. Let them not, however, throw the stones in such a way as to exhaust the peak of their strength on them and then remain idle, or even run out of thrown weapons, lest the opponents, having made a shield-wall and having received the volleys in any way, then—when these have ceased and those who were throwing are exhausted—rise up in a body and begin to attack with swords and, as it were, appear fresher because of their massed movement, falling upon the weary soldiers and becoming stronger and easily defeating them. For the Barbarians are accustomed to such things. ^B

15. For the Saracens endure the violence of the assault. And when they see them exhausted and emptied of weapons, whether of arrows, or stones, or other such things, then they spring out and simultaneously strike, and advance strongly and more vigorously with hand-to-hand combat with swords and pikes.

16. Therefore, such things must be guarded against, and the assault must be made with the necessary foresight, so that the enemies rather suffer the things that lead to harm, than our own soldiers. For they must preserve their own peak strength and volleys from the beginning to the end of the battle, and measure the disposition of the opponents, and thus organize the battle.

17. In addition to these things, you will take thought, O general, also for the necessary supplies for the soldiers, so that they may have the necessities; lest, lacking these, they either revolt and, while being in their own land, tyrannize and treat unjustly the contributors and those subject to our rule, being driven by the need of necessities. ^C But, if it is possible, quickly overtake the enemy’s land and obtain from it all the provisions. You will also order the commanders that no one of the soldiers under them should treat anyone unjustly, or receive the so-called "wine-gift" from them, or the so-called customs. For as to your own dignity, what is there to say, since you ought not even to think of receiving such gifts, much less to carry such things out, or to take any gift whatsoever from either a small or great man who is under your command? ^D

18. Select the soldiers who are brave, robust, and eager; and especially post those who engage the enemies hand-to-hand in the upper parts of the dromon. If you detect any of the soldiers to be cowardly, drive them to the lower row of oars, and if any—

^A of the soldiers ^B is struck or falls, you must necessarily fill his place with the lower-ranking sailors.

19. You must absolutely know the habit and disposition of each of the soldiers under you, as well as their other qualities regarding bravery, just as hunters, knowing the aptitudes of each of their hounds, make use of them at the right moment for whatever they desire.

20. Thus, therefore, you shall arrange each thing, according to your understanding, to be sufficient for the proposed expedition—the dromones and the soldiers in them, the weapons, the provisions, and the rest of the equipment in other ships; which you must place as a store in safe locations whenever you expect a time of battle. And furthermore, if such a necessity should call for it, you must also have horses in the horse-transport ships for casting some cavalry against the enemy. And simply having prepared everything, you shall travel properly.

21. First of all, before departing, let all the banners of the dromones be sanctified, each one, through the divine service of the priests and fervent prayer to the God of all for the prosperity of the army against the enemies. Then, you shall proclaim to all the people and separately to the commanders the things that are required and appropriate for the time, and thus, having encouraged the army, you shall set out, with a favorable wind blowing for you and not an opposing one.

22. Not that the dromones should proceed in any random fashion, but you shall appoint commanders over them, one so-called "count" for every five or three dromones, who, being the admiral and leader of the dromones under him, will take care more attentively of everything easily and will give orders for every individual matter.

23. The aforementioned commanders, serving under you, shall receive their orders from you and shall communicate them to those under them. And these regulations concern the so-called imperial fleet; but for the dromones of the themes, drungarii—that is, tribunes—and tourmarchai shall be appointed, and they themselves shall be subject to the strategos and will be obedient to his commands.

24. I am not unaware that, similar to the imperial fleet, the ^C naval commanders of the other themes were once in past times called drungarii, and those under them were merely called counts and centurions. But now, the rank of each of the drungarii has ascended to a strategos-level authority, and what is called "strategical" is divided into ranks.

25. You shall exercise the naval soldiers and the dromones themselves in various ways, sometimes each man individually, sometimes in larger groups, so that they may advance against one another using swords and shields. And you shall deploy the entire dromones against one another as if in battle formation, sometimes lashing them together, sometimes casting them off, and attacking one another in different ways, and sometimes pushing off the ships of the enemy with spears, so that they do not approach and lash them together. For it is not always the case that lashing together by means of iron grappling hooks—

^A is useful because of inevitable and unavoidable dangers. Let them be exercised in another way, so that your Excellency may impose possible stratagems against the opponents, so that hence they may become accustomed to the bangs, the shouts, and the other movements of war, and not be startled as though untrained, suddenly and contrary to expectation, when they come upon these things.

26. Thus, then, having been exercised and disposed, they shall sail, collected in order, to such an extent that they do not impede one another in their rowing, and in the violence of the winds that customarily occur at sea. But let them travel like an exercised battle line, and in their arrival at the anchorages, let them perform their landing in an orderly fashion, and let them come to land in an orderly manner, moving toward the shore, or in any case toward a harbor or a port-like place, ^B where, should a storm occur, they may not be buffeted.

27. You must also foresee the approach of the wind through signs according to the season, and according to this, select the place of anchorage. And unless some grave necessity presses, do not commit yourself to an inconvenient voyage without a favorable wind, calmness, and a safe hope of safety; but be on the watch for the so-called stellar prognostications of the sailors, and all other useful things, and thus perform your voyage.

28. When in camp, if you are in your own territory and have no fear from the enemies, ^C thus rest the army with good order, both by night and by day, not harming or wronging any of the locals, or plundering crops or devastating fields.

29. But if you are approaching enemy territory, or if you expect that the enemy are present somewhere, it is by all means necessary that you have watchmen at a distance, both by land and by sea. And you must remain vigilant, and be secured and prepared for battle. For many are the ambushes of the enemy; for if they find you moving by land, they will use force against you, and if they can, they will set fire to the ships. Or they will appear by sea and make an assault by night or by day. And if you are not found ready against those who are prepared, the opponents will gain the advantage over you. But if they find you prepared, ^D their ambush will turn out to be ineffective for them.

30. Since we have sufficiently mentioned and ordained these things, let us now explain in a few words how you will arrange the battle lines and the assaults in the battles, as we determined at the beginning; in the same way as we previously ordained for the military assaults by land.

31. When, therefore, a time of war is expected for you, commander, with the soldiers gathered according to their orders, the military penalties will be read aloud to them, each in its distinct order—those which were mentioned by us previously when we were speaking of the land forces—and you will confirm them with suitable words, spurring and inciting them toward the struggles, so that, both through the fear of the penalties and through the encouragement and exhortation of your

nobility, they might become brave and bold, and fight in the coming martial dangers at close quarters.

32. You ought rather to practice incursions and other ruses and stratagems ^A against the enemies, either with your entire fleet or with a portion of it. Do not, however, without great necessity compelling you to it, cast yourself into public, open warfare. For the turns of what is called fortune are many, as are the unexpected events of war.

33. Therefore, you must always be on your guard, and not be emboldened to engage in public, open battle, as has been said, especially in ships. For where, by binding ships together, the battle becomes unavoidable and violent at close quarters, it is not possible to achieve what is advantageous. And you must observe these things unless you are confident in your superior numbers of dromons, and in the bravery, resolve, and zeal of your soldiers, so as to be ^B stronger than your enemies.

34. For neither does a multitude of ships, nor magnitude, decide a war, if those fighting in them are not brave, strong, and eager for the enterprise against the enemy; and, above all, unless they possess the divine favor and alliance through purity of life and righteousness. And toward your subordinates and toward the enemies, if there be any, ensure that nothing impious, shameful, or inhumane is committed against the captives. And that one who is not wronged should not do wrong, but should repel those who do wrong with the help of [God].

35. If, however, the occasion for battle is absolutely demanded, arrange your dromons in various and diverse ways, just as the time and the place may require. So if you are confident that you are stronger than the enemies, as I have said, and for this reason you wish to join battle, hoping to capture them, do not make the encounter in your own land, in which the soldiers hope, to use common parlance, to be “saved by their timbers.” Rather, perform it near the land of the enemies, so that they, hoping for safety in their own land, might prefer flight to fighting. ^C For a soldier, falling into cowardice at the very time of war and thinking to seek safety through flight, will readily cast away his weapons and prefer nothing to flight. For few are they, whether you look to the Romans or the Barbarians, who in the time of battle prefer death to an inglorious and dishonorable flight.

36. Before the day of the battle, you must consult with the commanders under you as to what should be done; and whatever appears useful through common opinion, that you should establish, and command the captains of the dromons to be ready to execute what has been planned, unless perchance an opposing opinion ^D should arise from the *movement* of the enemies—but even then, let all be ready, looking toward

thy dromon, so that they may take a signal from it if an action should be needed, and once this is given, the indicated task should be performed swiftly. ^A

37. For it is absolutely necessary, O General, that thou shouldst have thy own dromon, having soldiers chosen from the entire army, who excel in size, and courage, and virtue, and in the rest of their armor; and the dromon itself, which excels the others in size and speed, should be—as it were—the head of the entire battle-line; and thou shouldst appoint such a dromon for thy excellence, the one called a *pamphylon*.

38. Similarly, the other commanders under thee, as many as have dromons under them, should choose men from among their own [crews] and keep them in their own dromons, so that they too may excel the others. And all these, along with the rest, should look toward thy dromon and be regulated by it during the time of battle, unless some other unexpected thing should appear among those which were planned, and ^B it should require another method.

39. There should be a signal set up on thy dromon, whether it be a *bandon*, or a *flamoulon*, or something else, in a conspicuous place, so that through it, when thou signallest what must be done, the rest may immediately grasp the intended task: whether it is necessary to join in battle, or to retreat from battle, or to maneuver for an encirclement against the enemies, or to run to the aid of a suffering part [of the fleet], or to check the advance, or to urge on the movement in speed, or to perform an ambush, or to emerge from an ambush, or other things in particular—all taking their cues from the signals of thy dromon, looking toward what is ^C necessary to do.

40. For it is not possible at such a time to command what is necessary by voice or trumpet, because of the clamor, and the panic, and the sound of the sea, and the other noise from the clashing and rowing of the dromons, and much more from the shouting of those engaged in battle.

41. Let the signal signify [the order], whether it stands upright, or is inclined to the right or to the left, and moved back again to the right or to the left, or is shaken, or raised, or lowered, or completely removed, or changed, or—through the "head" of the signal itself, which appears different at different times—is altered, or [altered] through shapes or colors, just as was once done by the ancients. For in time of war they had a signal for ^D engagement, raising the so-called *phoinikis*. And there was the so-called *kamelaukion* raised on a longer pole, red in color, and other things indicated in a similar way. But perhaps it will be safer if these signals are shown by thine own hand.

42. And thus, O General, let the execution of such signals be so well-practiced, that all the commanders under thee who lead dromons may have a sure experience of such signals, and understand why each one is made, and when, and how, and not fall into error; so that being well-drilled in these things, they may be ready in time of need to discern them, and to do what is commanded through them.

43. ^A Regarding the formation of the dromons at the time of an engagement, if, as has been said, there is such great necessity, or if you hope to achieve victory by coming to blows, you shall act as you discern to be appropriate to the time and place relative to the preparation and formation of the enemy. For it is not possible to state definitively here what will happen at that time, or what will occur in practice.

44. At times you shall form them in a moon-like, semicircular array, with the other dromons positioned on this side and that, as if forming horns or arms, and especially by stationing the most valiant and largest ships at the ends. In the hollow of the semicircle, as it were at the head, your own dignity should be positioned, so that you may observe everything, give directions, and manage operations, and so that, where there is need, you may send aids and reinforcements from those who are standing by for this purpose. ^B Let this moon-shaped formation be such that the enemy, as they fall in, are enclosed within the circuit.

45. At other times, you shall draw them up in a line abreast, so that when occasion demands, you may fall upon the enemies head-on and, by means of the fire from the siphons, set their ships ablaze.

46. At other times, divide them into different formations, two or three, according to the number of dromons under your command. And when one formation has clashed, another shall fall upon the already-engaged enemy, either from the rear or from the flank, and through this help arriving against them, the enemies shall be forced to abandon their vigor.

47. At other times, use an ambush. ^C For when the enemy are led astray and are falling in, the appearance of the ambush suddenly to a few—which will alarm them—will break the tension of the resistance. At other times, have light and swift dromons clash with them and pretend to flee; and when they are exhausted in the pursuit, and are straining but failing to catch those fleeing, or even if some of their line is cut off, other dromons of yours, which are ready and rested, shall rush against the pursuers and capture them. Or, if one is able to pass by the enemy's capable ships, let him attack those that are weaker; or, having clashed and fought hand-to-hand with the opposing ships until they are utterly exhausted, you shall withdraw those dromons and send fresh ones against the enemy, who are worn out and have had their vigor broken by the battle, and thus you shall secure victory over them—this is especially effective when you yourself happen to be superior in the number of dromons compared to the enemy.

48. At other times, by pretending to flee with swift dromons, ^D you shall draw the enemy to pursue you, having them at your stern. They, having rushed to pursue, will dissolve their formation. And thus, having quickly turned back upon the dispersed pursuers, and especially if you have more dromons than they, you shall attack them head-on, or by one, or by two...

bringing your dromons to one of the enemy's ships, you will obtain the victory over them.

49. It is necessary to attack the enemy in a naval engagement, even when it happens that they have suffered shipwreck, or when they have been weakened after being disturbed by a storm, or it is necessary to burn their ships while attacking by night, or when the enemy has disembarked onto the mainland, or however the opportunity of events presents itself, one must make an incursion.

50. For, since the mind of men is varied, it is not easy for anyone to foresee or predict the future outcome of events. Therefore it is impossible that in the present treatise everything should be explained to cover all the ways in which fleets are deployed; but these things must be referred to divine providence, and God must be prayed to, that in such events one might be able to deliberate, think, and perform what is most useful and most opportune. ^B

51. Many devices have been devised by the ancients, and indeed by the more modern experts in military affairs, against both ships and the crews themselves. Of this kind is fire, prepared with thunder and smoke, sent forth through siphons, and setting them on fire.

52. Also, archers on the sterns, prows, and against the two sides of the dromon, shoot small arrows which they call "flies."

53. Others have devised animals enclosed in pots and thrown at the ships of the enemy, such as snakes, vipers, lizards, and scorpions, and other poisonous creatures of this type, which, when crushed, the beasts bite and destroy the enemy inside the ships with their venom. ^C

54. Others throw pots full of quicklime, which, when broken, the dust of the quicklime spreads, choking and strangling the enemy, and it proves a great hindrance to the fighting.

55. Caltrops, that is, iron spikes thrown onto the ships of the enemy, annoy them not a little and greatly hinder them from entering into combat.

56. We, however, command that pots full of prepared fire be thrown against the enemy ships; when these are broken, their ships will be set on fire immediately.

57. And let them also use the other method of small siphons thrown by hand, held by the soldiers behind iron shields—which are called "hand-siphons," and which have been recently constructed by our majesty. For they also cast the prepared fire against the faces of the enemy. ^D

58. And also larger iron caltrops or sharp nails fixed in wooden spheres, with oakum and other matter attached...

ignited and cast against the enemy, and falling upon many and various parts of the ships, will set the ships and triremes on fire.

59. But even if the enemy, in order to extinguish them, tread upon their flames, the majority will have their feet injured at the very peak of the battle, and it will be no small hindrance to the opponents. ^A

60. It is also possible, by means of certain so-called cranes, or other similar instruments suitable for raising loads, which turn around in a circle on a pivot, to pour burning liquid pitch, or apparatus, or other material onto the enemy ships while they are bound to your own dromons, and to vibrate it against them with a mangonel.

61. It is also possible to capsize the enemy’s entire ship if, having bound your dromon side by side [with theirs], and while the enemy—as they are accustomed to do—have crowded to one side to engage in hand-to-hand combat and are reliant upon pressing their ship against ^B your dromon, another dromon attacks the side at the stern of the enemy ship and pushes it violently with the collision, and if the first dromon, having loosened itself from the bond, is able to withdraw a little so as not to serve as support for the enemy, and the other dromon presses with all its might, it will certainly capsize the enemy ship with its crew. One must regulate the bond so it is not made entirely flush, but rather leave some parts of the side near the stern of the enemy ship exposed, through which the dromon, rushing in, will push the enemy’s ship toward capsizing. ^C

62. In addition to these, the plan now devised—to kill the enemy by thrusting long spears through the oar-ports from the lower row of oars of the dromon—seems to me most necessary.

63. But another measure is even more necessary than these, if one can obtain suitable operators: to arrange, by the method indicated, for the enemy ship to be filled with water through the holes made below the row of oars of the dromon. There are other ancient stratagems devised for naval warfare, and still others that can be devised; however, it is inappropriate to write these down in the present volume due to brevity. Some are also disadvantageous because they should not be made public to the enemy, lest they use them against us. For military stratagems, once understood, can be countered and countered by the enemy; thus, everything that is devised must be kept in mystery until the moment of action. ^D

64. In the volume that has been compiled of ancient tactics and stratagems, anyone searching will find these and even more than these; for it is impossible, as has been said, to write sufficient material for everything that might happen, since these are in their very nature immense and infinite.

65. In sum, let the dromons be fully equipped with brave and sturdy soldiers, who can engage in close combat

^A and who are of a ready and spirited mind, and trained and practiced in every respect. Let them be armed with such weapons as any soldier on land is prescribed to be armed with—that is to say, with armor—and in this way, let all those of the upper oar-bank be equipped.

66. Regarding the quality and quantity of the enemy’s ships, you, commander, are to organize your dromons so that your own dromon fleet may not have a smaller force than the enemy's—who will especially prepare to come to an equal battle through the grappling of ships—but if possible, even a larger one. For if both sides fight bravely and strenuously, it is necessary that those who are more numerous will prevail.

67. If you see that the enemy ^B has heavily-manned ships and a deeper contingent of soldiers, you yourself must also increase the number of your dromons. Choose the best men from among them all, and from them equip a sufficient force with perfect and sturdy dromons, so that, if it should happen, you may either consolidate the soldiers of two dromons into one, or select the best from among all, as has been said; and there will be up to two hundred soldiers or even more on a single dromon, so that in number, in size, and in the courage of both the dromons and the soldiers, having become superior to the enemy ships, you may, God willing, bring home victory against them.

68. You must also equip smaller and lighter dromons than the usual ones, so that you may capture the enemy if you are pursuing them, ^C and not be captured if you are being pursued; and you should keep these for the time of their appropriate need, so that they may be able either to do some harm to the enemies or to suffer no harm from them.

69. You will construct small and large dromons according to the quality of the enemy nations. For the fleet of ships of the Saracen Barbarians and that of the so-called Northern Scythians is not the same. The Barbarians use larger and slower *cumbaria*, whereas the Scythians use, so to speak, smaller, lighter, and swifter boats. For, since they enter the Euxine Sea via certain rivers, they cannot use larger ships for this reason. And let these things be said by us concerning the formation of the battle line.

70. When you wish to withdraw from battle, you will arc the formation ^D of your dromons in a crescent shape, as has been described, and in this manner you will retreat, because such a shape is secure for such advances and retreats, as some of the ancients bear witness, having made use of this method.

71. After the conclusion of the war, you ought, commander, to distribute the spoils gained from the enemies fairly and justly among your soldiers, and to feast and entertain them, and to hold banquets and celebrations for them; and you should reward those who distinguished themselves with gifts and honors, while those who have done anything unworthy of a soldier should be duly punished with chastisement and penalty.

^A 72. A multitude of dromons containing cowardly men is of no moment, even should one have to fight against a few brave and stout-hearted men. For war is not decided by the multitude or scarcity of men, but true soldiers are demonstrated by their eagerness and stamina. For what harm would a few wolves not inflict upon a vast flock of sheep?

73. The affairs of the enemy must be scrutinized by you with all precision, how they are situated, and thus you shall prepare your soldiers' armament, their number, their size, and all other necessities appropriately against the adversaries.

74. Have at the ready small and fast dromons, not armed for battle, but for reconnaissance, for orders, and for other similar occurring needs. And there are also the so-called moneria and galleys; yet these too should be armed, on account of events that may happen by chance.

75. You yourself, in all things, must be diligent, noble, composed, and keen, especially in the undertaking and execution of necessary affairs, so that, appearing pleasing to God ^B and useful and proven to our imperial authority established by God, you may earn on both counts the rewards worthy of your labors: from God, indeed, immortal wages, because you fight for His inheritance and religion; and from us, honors and gifts appropriate to your calling—not failing your calling, but being and being considered a true general in deed and in word. And let these things regarding naval warfare be sufficiently said, for the sake of brevity.

CONSTITUTION XX.

A Summary of Various Military Opinions.

1. Following these instructions and arrangements, O general, it behooves your excellency to contemplate diligently these maxims which we have culled from many ancient books on military affairs and have placed here for the sake of brevity; for from these you will be able to arrive at a greater knowledge of military science, just as the wise king of the Proverbs most sagaciously says: "For these, if a wise man does not attend to them, they will make you wiser."

2. In the first place, when you are about to undertake necessary tasks, O general, do not separate yourself from the multitude of those toiling at the works, ^C but be yourself the first to participate in such enterprises, and work alongside them as much as you are able, whether you are digging trenches, or filling them in, or embarking on sieges, or the manufacture of arms, or the instruction of machines, or the capture of fortresses, or if you have devised some work useful to either the city or the army; be the first to start it with your own hands. For because of this, they will feel ashamed if they are not diligent in the work, and they will obey you more eagerly, and the undertaking will be completed more easily. But if any lack of provisions should harass the army, ^D you yourself should be the first...

to demonstrate endurance and moderation in your diet, so that you may render the suffering of necessity light and easier for your subordinates. In battles involving close-quarters combat, keep yourself out of the fray, so that while you are present at the very heat of the moment with your judgment, your arrangements, and other dispositions—and are engaged in such struggles—you do not, however, recklessly and dangerously throw yourself into the hands of the enemy when there is no need for it. For, as I have said above, you will not aid the battle line as much by fighting as you will harm it should anything happen to you and you fall. For the future is invisible.

3. Let your character, O general, be a law to your soldiers, along with your diligence regarding matters to be done. For in this way, the subordinate, mindful of the virtue of his own commander, will both worship God and obey his commands, and will fulfill them as though they were ordained by ^A God.

4. When a great multitude of soldiers has gathered in one place, you should bear their offenses ^B calmly and with a settled mind, and not make your judgments and condemnations inexorable, lest common grief drive them into insurrection and disorder; rather, you should carry out educational correction little by little against the initiators of such wrongdoings.

5. You must be sober and watchful, O general, particularly so that you may be simple in your way of life and approachable to the soldiers under you in your daily conduct. Bear a fatherly affection toward them, doing and saying everything with all gentleness, unless some necessary cause calls you to harshness. You should always speak to them yourself about necessary matters. You shall also ensure that they are not troubled by any concern for necessities, nor pressed by a lack of provisions or other supplies. For they cannot be held in any order unless all these necessities are at hand for them. In inflicting just punishments, be formidable to others. Cut off the beginnings and causes of tumults and seditions, and do not wait for them to grow greater. For this is an imperial virtue: to appear steadfast and just to the soldiers, to expel all injustice from your own jurisdiction, ^C to restrain injurious men, and to keep your own soldiers and fellow citizens safe from the insults of others.

6. Neither excessive humanitarianism nor harshness is worthy of a general; rather, it is fitting to weigh everything at the proper time, and thus to inflict punishments on those who have committed offenses, looking also at the intention of the one who did the deed, and the time, and the place, and by what manner it was done, and for what reason; and at the nature of the act itself, and thus to arrive at the necessary punishments.

7. It is a great virtue for a general to live temperately and to be vigilant: for we deliberate more effectively on serious matters at night, and more easily at night we reach [our con]^D

^A a conclusion, when the soul is at rest from all external tumult of affairs.

8. Say one thing to your enemies, and do another; and as for essential matters that ought to be kept secret, do not entrust them to many, but to a few, and those your most faithful friends. For we have said that it is often necessary to deceive the enemy in this way.

9. To deliberate slowly and safely, and not to put off what has been decreed in council for any fear or hesitation, is most necessary. For fear is not only not a safe thing, but it is actually most adverse to finding what is good.

10. Know that to be neither puffed up in times of prosperity nor cast down in times of adversity is the mark of a steadfast mind and a brave soul, capable of applying itself safely at all times to necessary tasks.

11. According to experience, it is not necessary to use the same methods against the enemy continuously, even if you seem to be successful in them many times. For by repetition, ^B the enemy will devise the opposite, and by establishing calamities, they will often bring them upon those of your attempts that are of such a kind.

12. To overcome enemies by council and strategy seems to me safer and more useful than to do so by force of hand and violence, and to risk face-to-face battles. For the former happens by intentional choice and as the attacker judges for the best, while the latter always has an outcome involving some injury ^C.

13. Not to disregard or delay when bad, deceitful, or treacherous things are rumored is neither just nor proper; and one must not despise them, whether they be spoken of the enemy or of one's own affairs. But rather you ought, O general, to be diligent in devising methods to stop them before they come to action, for when they do, perhaps you may not be able to restrain them at all.

14. A report coming in wartime that we have defeated the enemy in other places will bring courage to the soldiers. For in this way, timid spirits will be awakened, and the brave will be emboldened all the more, since they have received the name of victory as a good omen and its happiness from God.

15. You will deceive the enemy more if, through refugees, ^D you tell them things contrary to what you intend to do against them; for if they do not believe it, they will be negligent, or if they do believe it, they will miss the mark, and your plans will be accomplished, while theirs will turn out fruitless.

16. To conceal accidents that happen, as is likely to occur in a large army, and to spread the opposite of the truth among the soldiers, is the art of a prudent man, one who is able to raise up the spirits of the soldiers when they fall.

17. You are able to bring strength to an army that has been defeated...

^A if you manage them through various methods and good hopes by word and deed; for to reproach and to bear down upon the multitude of those who have been defeated, and through these things to lead them to despair, seems to me dangerous and very harmful.

18. When faults occur on the part of soldiers in time of war, you ought to feign ignorance of them and, for the time being, overlook them. But after the time of the war's conclusion, deal with the authors of the seditions as you would with those whom you know to be in the wrong.

19. It is fitting for you to conceal the cowardice of soldiers and not to rebuke them readily, so that their spirits may not fail entirely and they appear more base than they are.

20. You will cause despondency among the enemy if, at a time after the battle, you are able to bury your own soldiers who have fallen ^B secretly, while you allow the bodies of the fallen enemies to lie unburied.

21. You will escape without danger, if ever such an opportunity arises for you to escape the notice of the enemy, if you light many fires in one place and keep quiet in another. For the enemy, moving toward the fires, will be deceived; and you will complete what you must do, just as we have advised you in other matters.

22. That you may create discord and suspicion among the prominent men among the enemy, when you march through the country of your enemy, do not burn their fields, but leave some signs of friendship toward them, either by letters or by another method. You will do the same thing if, through captives returned by you to their army, you secretly inform them of certain secret ^C matters. But if such things are often done by you, although they may appear to the enemies as nothing but deceit and illusion, they will nonetheless fall into suspicion and some doubt concerning those men.

23. I will show you a method of compliance, so that you may send letters to those besieged by means of arrows shot from a bow, and through them promise them freedom and safety. You will do the same thing by signifying this to them also through the release of captives.

24. You must not be deceived by the humanity of the enemy, nor if they ever pretend a retreat; for the counsels of enemies are always deceitful, and the adversary devises everything for his own utility, so that his utility will prove harmful to you, and through the opposing deceit he will inflict ^D upon you injury.

25. It is fitting for you to suspect pursuits that lead to places suitable for ambushes. Therefore, the general must retreat at the opportune time, and again make a more forceful assault against the enemy, which is, above all, the skill of a general.

26. A sign of cowardice is hesitation and paleness. When, therefore, you see some of the soldiers like this, even before an interrogation, separate them from the necessary undertaking of war, and properly entrust to them tasks that are suitable for such a time.

^A 27. It is always safe to fortify a camp, both in time of peace and of friendship. If you are near the enemy, surround it with a trench, or with a fortification of stone or brick, or a palisade of wood, and thus secure the army all around. For if anything adverse should happen, and you say, "I did not foresee this," it is not the act of a general.

28. When, by the grace of God, a city is captured by you from the enemy, allow the gates to be opened so that the many may flee and not fall into total despair. You shall do the same if an enemy camp is captured by you; for these things are necessary and safer for the taking of those captured.

29. You shall cast doubt and suspicion upon the enemy regarding those who have fled from you to them, so that they may either distrust them or kill them, if you send letters and manage that they seem to have fallen into the hands of the enemy by the carriers. In these, as if in the sequence of events, you remind the fugitives of a time arranged for betrayal and of certain plausible matters. For from this, either the fugitives will be detained, or they will be distrusted, and in fear, they will return again to their own side.

30. You shall also make a distinction of the cowardly in necessary and sudden enterprises in another way, if you command those who are sick or those who possess weak horses to be separated apart; for the cowardly, either feigning illness or weakness of horses, will immediately be separated from the necessary tasks of war. And such as these, having ordered them to be sent off either to the defense of a fort, as we have said somewhere above, or to other fortifications, or to other safe duties, so that they may not corrupt the brave with their cowardice. But if, when the battle line is drawn up for combat, you suddenly proclaim, "Let whoever wishes to step down from the vanguard step down, and whoever wishes to enter in his place may do so," you will not only discern the cowardly then, but you will learn of the ^C brave as well. For the cowardly will be ready to betray their command so as not to be in danger, but the brave will choose to share the danger along with their command.

^D 31. It is necessary for you to observe the season of time, provided no necessity presses, and thus to campaign against the enemy, so that you may not be strained for supplies, and the enemy may be more worn out by all their labors and their fields already ravaged.

32. You must ensure sufficient guard even after the victory over your enemies, and not have it carelessly, but guard against sudden incursions of those who have been defeated; for the adversary does not remain at peace always, but often becomes more eager to fight back after his own defeat.

33. It is not right to insult the envoys of the enemy, not even if we greatly exceed them in strength. For they arrive in the manner of friendship, and by an unbreakable word they entrust themselves into your hands, even if they are sent by enemies. Therefore, what is holy and becoming toward each person must be observed. Unless

this is maintained, the ambassadors of each nation, distrusting their own safety, will never come on an embassy, and there will be a deprivation for each nation of the many good things that result from an embassy.

34. ^A When you are besieging a city or fortress with a large force, you must not leave your camp unguarded, nor should you be content for your safety with only a palisade or trenches, but you must also keep secure watches and have your army stationed at the gates of the city, both because of sorties made from the gates, and especially because of those attacks launched from outside that are suspected to come from anywhere.

35. Some traitors are often suspected to be even among your own ranks. Therefore, that you may derive utility from such persons, tell them the opposite of what you intend to do, so that by their means the enemies may be deceived and your own plans may be accomplished more easily and effectively.

36. One must not run into danger in any matter without profit or necessity. For those who undertake such risks are like men who are enticed by the deceit of gold, and who, because of its mere outward color, struggle to possess it.

37. Be always vigilant and sober in conducting all business, and against all the aggressions of the enemies, so that you do not consider the time of a lull in the war a time for sloth, nor, before the time of a secure peace has arrived, deem that anything should be neglected by you; but always guard against the plots of the enemies, and prudently consider the treachery of their nature: for when you have suffered the harm, this late repentance can bring no advantage. ^B

38. Those who flee to you from the enemies may perhaps be sufficient to provide you with proof concerning the questions asked of them. But you will learn more securely from what is said by those who are seized suddenly in a raid; for when you compare and distinguish both that which is said by deserters and that which is said by captives, then you will know more the truth concerning that which you seek.

39. In no way and for no reason shall you ever violate an oath confirmed to the enemies: for the crime of perjury is a great evil. For in those matters where God mediates, the agreements must remain firm. ^C For it is a great disgrace to Romans, and especially to Christians, if, while other nations keep their own oaths and pledges, they should be caught being perfidious when God is the intercessor and mediator.

40. When you are protected by a palisade or a trench, ^D when the occasion calls for it, do not pin your hopes of salvation on such a fortification alone, as if it were sufficient for your defense, but after God, place your confidence in your arms, and do not neglect these because of the other guard, if you are a true Roman. For the first and last salvation for a soldier will be his

^A care and maintenance; all other things should be considered plebeian and vulgar compared to this. We read that the ancient Romans used a trench and their weapons in place of walls. And a Lacedaemonian soldier, having been asked one time where the boundaries of his territory were, is said to have replied, "Here," while pointing to the spear held in his hand.

41. You shall always exhort the soldiers to be so prepared at all times—whether in a festival or in rain, by night or by day, and when the need calls—that they are ready to go out against the enemies; for this reason, one ought not to designate any fixed hour for such an occasion, because they must be ready at all times.

42. If victory is provided for you by God in a public battle, and it happens that the opponents have taken refuge at the rampart or in some other fortified place, do not grant them a time for relaxation, but with the terror still fresh upon them, approach and attack them, so that by an intermission (granted to them) they do not become more secure and take heart to fight back to recover the lost victory as best they can. ^B

43. If any deserters from the enemies flee to you, do not accept them just anyhow; for often they are sent by the enemies through deceit as suppliants and as if in need of certain things, and thus they lay snares for those who receive them.

44. It is necessary to suspect and carefully guard against those who are fleeing from the enemies to our besieged cities, so that no harm may be suffered from them; for they often carry out acts of arson, and while the people inside are occupied with extinguishing the flame, ^C the besiegers attack the city more securely.

45. If a battle is set and you judge yourself to be a match for the enemies, O general, you should plan to conduct the battle in their own country; for this is more suitable than in one's own. For the morale of those fighting in enemy territory becomes greater, and the struggle is not as if it is set before them for their own nation alone, but also for their own salvation. For they know that if they do not stand fast and fight strenuously against the enemies, they will be turned to flight, and there can be no hope for their salvation. But when they are in their own ^D territory, they hope otherwise; for they hope to be able to seek safety in flight and to reach fortifications where they will be saved; and for this reason, since they are not constrained to fight the enemies strenuously, they easily turn themselves toward a safe flight.

46. When war does not press, the soldiers must be doing something, and not be idle; for idleness, when it dwells with soldiers, is productive of turmoil.

47. It is necessary to serve the Divine at all times.

You will honor Him most of all, O general, when you are about to begin the dangers of war; for if you serve God sincerely at that time, you might perhaps be confident in facing trials, as one who makes your supplications to Him as to a friend, and seeks salvation with boldness. ^A

48. The general who remains vigilant with his army, and occupies himself in the toils of training his soldiers, will be in less danger during the war.

49. You ought not to lead into battle those soldiers whose skill and courage you have not first sufficiently proven; rather, you must know, if possible, for what task and at what post each soldier is suited, and arrange them accordingly.

50. We will deliberate well against the enemy regarding only those matters which they remained ignorant of before we carried them out; for if they receive knowledge of these, they will quickly devise plans against our designs. ^B

51. It is good to harm the enemy and harass them through stratagems, raids, or famine, and to annoy them little by little through frequent attacks and tactical maneuvers, rather than committing them in every case to a general and public battle, where we often see the advantage resting in the hands of fortune rather than in demonstrated courage.

52. Soldiers who are accustomed to toils grow stronger day by day, whereas those who are idle become weaker and weaker. Therefore, you must take care that they do not remain idle, but labor at their exercises, just as we have instructed you in other places.

53. We enjoin you to be guileless in all other matters, but in military stratagems alone, trickery is often useful, when by its means you intend to deceive your enemies and foes. ^C

54. Recognize and compare your own forces and those of the enemy, and how they stand. For by doing this, O general, and by examining in detail both the virtues of your own men and those of the enemies, you will with difficulty be defeated or overcome in the operations of war.

55. Know accurately, O general, that courage and military order are more effective in war than a confused multitude of cowardly and disordered fighters. ^D

56. The positioning of sites often brings great benefits to those fighting; for sometimes it has shown even the weaker parties to be better, so you must chiefly prepare yourself for battle in such places where you know your own army will have the better part, and the enemy the worse.

57. A general’s keen-wittedness makes soldiers noble. For nature produces only a few brave men, but care and exercise, when joined with the general’s wisdom, prove many to be useful.

58. It seems good to me that the cause for war should be just. For he who repels an injury that has been inflicted, this man is just and takes divine justice as his helper and ally against those who are unjust in invading. The first of these...

who initiated the injustice, is deprived of victory by divine justice herself. ^A

59. Pursue your enemies safely after a victory, O general, and do not advance in a scattered formation, especially against those who are well-ordered. For he who does this betrays his own victory to the enemies; for the enemies, having turned back with an orderly formation against those who pursue in disorder and scattered, will easily overcome you, and will seize the momentum of the victory for themselves.

60. You will be more powerful, O general, against your enemies, when you look to the quality of the times and the locations and the forces of the opposing enemies. And thus, for the necessity of each, you will employ your own crafts and methods. ^B

61. It is not fitting, for the sake of planning, to gather the army together, nor to call the general to yourself constantly, so that they sit idle and occupied with nothing else; for these things result in untimely training and division for the armies.

62. It is a sign of great prudence in a general when he uses allies in moderation for his own territory, but no more than his own strength allows—introducing those who are judged to be such that they might one day become ill-disposed, lest, having conspired together, they should revolt and seize the territory for which they were summoned into alliance. For those who choose to risk danger on your behalf for the sake of money might perhaps, for the sake of procuring more money, risk danger against you from the opposing side. ^C

63. When you do not procure the necessary supplies and vital food for the armies, then you will be defeated even without enemies. For the lack and poverty of provisions will cause both the soldiers and the horses to be debilitated.

64. When you rely on your own cavalry, and especially on those who fight with spears, avoid narrow and uneven places, and seek out level and even places; for these are suitable for those who are drawn up in this way, and wage the battle there. But if you rely on infantry forces, choose uneven, dense, and rougher places, and wage the battle in them. ^D

65. If you have deliberated against the enemies on your own behalf and on behalf of your people, and you learn that such a plan of yours has been betrayed to them, you ought to change your entire plan—whatever had been deliberated, whether in line of battle, or in other instructions, or in maneuvers.

66. Deliberate with many regarding what you intend to do, but communicate what you will actually do with few, and those most faithful, and your advantage, that is, the...

best counsel, keep to yourself alone. ^A

67. In order that your campaign may be kept free from distress and robust, it is necessary to lead your army to where there is an abundance of provisions and necessary supplies, or lead those provisions and necessary supplies to the army. ^B

68. Not only through scouts must you explore the roads; you yourself, if possible, ^C as commander, must secretly and with precision examine these places with your own eyes; not only the roads, but also, if possible, the number of the approaching enemy and their formation, so that, instructed from this, you may safely devise and plan measures both against them and in your own interest. ^D

69. With lofty spirit recall the faint-heartedness that sometimes falls upon soldiers, and by various arts restore them to courage, at one time lifting them up with speeches, at another with gifts, and drawing their despondency over toward cheerfulness. ^A

70. It is good, at every season, to honor and revere the holy temples of God; this is especially the case regarding the maintaining of them as sanctuaries for those who flee to them. Therefore, watch over this, ^B O commander, and neither you yourself, nor allow any other, to drag a suppliant seeking asylum from a divine temple until he has obtained what is rightfully his. Treat those who dare to do such things as impious, so that divine things may not be held in contempt. ^C

71. Keep the people subject to you, as well as all who are in the army and all who belong to the so-called [emend: exauctoratio], free from every private requisition and injustice; for it is sufficient for them to pay the public taxes and the airic—as they are called—that are laid upon them, without being burdened by anything more. ^D But if a need arises for the building of a fort, or the construction of ships, or the rebuilding of a bridge, or the repair of a road, or any other necessity of public administration, and the public funds of the region are not sufficient to have these works carried out by hire, then let all serve with the standard of justice and equality; and let no one be excused through the influence of another, nor let anyone be exempt from such service through gifts or friendship; but according to the proportion of his strength, let each one, whether rich or poor, perform the public service according to his means. ^A

72. The bodies of soldiers who die in war, and especially those who have fought bravely and died in the struggle for the Christians, are sacred. These must be honored in every way and deemed worthy of burial and of everlasting memory; furthermore, it is necessary that their children, their wives, and their entire households enjoy your providence, O commander, along with your concern and support. For thus ^B will the soldiers be courageous and eager to face the dangers of war, seeing what will happen to them after the end, if they have struggled and performed feats of bravery.

73. ^A Since preparations for war must be made, do not be negligent, O general, during the winter season, so that when spring arrives, you may lead out the army without delay or hindrance.

74. Constantly speak with gentle and kind words to the multitude of soldiers, so that they may be of one mind at the time of battle, and endeavor to dispose them in a friendly manner, so that they may gladly fight for one another.

75. When you publicly draw up a mixed army, that is to say, of infantry and cavalry together, make the infantry ten deep, that is, ten ranks thick; and arrange the cavalry like two wings, one on this side and one on that, in front of the battle line.

76. A trial of brave soldiers is made if, while they are unsuspecting, you suddenly produce some great noise or clamor, either from a drum or from some other unusual object. For those who are not terrified but remain steady at the extraordinary noise, you shall select as stable and brave, and from these you shall appoint officers.

77. ^B At the time of war, one must indeed offer vows to God and call upon Him as an ally, yet one must not neglect the tasks at hand nor disregard the deeds that are expected. For with God, hands must also be moved and our bodies provided as instruments of obedience. For neither will the archer ever be accurate if he does not shoot the arrow, nor will he who does not stand, but flees, overcome the enemies, nor, in short, will he who has not begun a task be successful; rather, one must pray to receive the victory of war from God, but at the same time one must also hold one's arms. And while fighting, call upon the Divine as your ally.

78. ^C Through some custom, the army is often won't to turn to cowardice from certain symbols or omens; but if anything of the sort happens, investigate it yourself, and having found it, change their minds by your own sharpness of wit, interpreting the symbols as far as possible, so that those things through which they fell into cowardice, through these same things you may raise them up again into alacrity and good hope.

79. ^D When victory is rumored, the army becomes more eager for battles. If, therefore, through such a rumor you bring alacrity to the soldiers, and with courage and bravery you diligently undertake the battle, hope with God that the rumored victory will be present.

80. There was a time when Scipio was chosen as general of the Romans by common vote, and he was eighteen years old, beginning his military tasks. Immediately upon his command, he ordered the beds, tables, various cups, and all other utensils to be sent away from the army, except for a bronze pot, an iron spit, and a cup—silver for some, wooden for others. He also commanded that no one should wash himself or anoint himself with any oil, and that everyone should take their rations…

unrefined, and eat them at dawn, but for dinner they should take meat, either roasted or boiled; and that the commanders should recline for sleep under a small shelter. And thus, having spent the whole time of his command, he became famous for his campaigns and victories. ^B He also cast away astrology, and divination, and the interpretation of omens and signs, and augury, and the forecasting of dreams, and all other such foreknowledge and judgments, and all other things that hinder the foresight and diligence of a commander. If you imitate this man, O general, you too will attain to a glory similar to his, and to similar victory trophies.

81. Bows and arrows are readily available weapons, and when the need arises they provide great utility. We command you, therefore, to order all those who are under your command, and who dwell in castles, villages, and other places subject to your authority—and indeed all people—so that, if possible, every man may have his own bow. If that is not possible, let every household have one bow and forty arrows, and let them exercise themselves with them, both in rough country and on level ground, and in mountain passes, and in forests. For the soldiers will use them in these wars, but the others will use them in their own locales, if by chance a sudden ^C incursion of the enemy occurs against them; for even men standing on craggy rocks and in narrow places and in the woods will inflict great damage upon the enemy by shooting arrows, and the enemies will not quickly dare to attack them boldly; and thus such places will be preserved safe and unharmed, as the enemies will dread going there for fear of the arrows.

82. When God grants you victory in battle and you have routed your enemies, do not permit the soldiers, once the rank is broken and scattered, to plunder either arms or the equipment of the enemies, lest the fugitives, turning back, cause harm to their pursuers. For if we are defeated, we will not even keep our own equipment, but if we are victorious, we will have both our own arms and those of the enemies.

83. A commander who is a taker of bribes is a terrible thing and ^D ruinous to the army. For two very great evils result from this. For the soldiers, becoming debauched, become impoverished, and the commanders, from the highest to the lowest, are chosen as cowards, because the evil of bribery spreads everywhere, from which an army is unable to act valiantly against its enemies.

84. Choose scouts who are firm, swift, faithful, and diligent, loving glory and honor more than money.

For such men report the truth to us, whereas those who are light-minded, cowardly, or greedy for possessions cannot explain the truth to us. Thus they often become the cause of great disasters both to the general himself and to the whole army.

^A 85. Soldiers are easily made better during campaigns by means of gifts and good hopes, while in time of peace they are kept from wicked deeds either by fear or by the punishment of those who have transgressed, as is fitting.

86. Know, general, that you will succeed more in destroying the power of your enemies by famine and frequent raids than by attempting to overwhelm them with arms.

^B 87. If you have recognized your own position to be secure, strong, and unassailable, and you happen to capture a scout of the enemy in time of war, do not detain him; but let him go, so that by reporting to the enemy what concerns your situation, he may strike terror into their minds. But if you know that something among your forces is weak, restrain him so that he may disclose the secret plans of the enemy, and finally, either kill him or send him away securely to some other place.

88. If you wish to accomplish great and powerful things, delay a little in your council, investigating what is useful. But when you have confirmed the appropriate purpose, execute what has been deliberated quickly and without delay, especially in time of war; for it is said that King Alexander, once being asked how he had accomplished so many and such great things in a few years, replied, "Because I have put off nothing that needed to be done today until tomorrow."

^C 89. When there will be need for you to have allies, you should not mix them with your own army, especially if they are of a different faith. Rather, make arrangements for their camps and their marches to be separate and apart, and hide from them by every means the strategic plans of your own battle line, so that if they discover these they may not become more resourceful in the warlike conflicts with you, should enmity arise between you later. Also, do not bring in a larger army than your own forces, so that, as we have said elsewhere, you may not easily be plotted against by them, or that they may not take possession of your land.

90. A general who desires peace should be ready for war. If, therefore, you wish to strike fear into your enemies, and cause them to request from you either the time of battle or peace, show yourself always prepared for war against them. For thus they will become cowardly and will embrace peace.

^D 91. You should never love luxury, general, especially while living with the army; for this becomes a common destruction for both the general and the army.

92. You should not be puffed up in times of prosperity;

you must not appear to be cast down by adversities. For you ought not to appear soft or broken to your army, but always constant and grave, and brave in accepting every fortune. For he who is easily elated by joy is also easily shriveled by sorrow, and this is a great proof of a weak and unmanly spirit, unworthy of a general. ^A

93. Whatever is excessive is not acceptable; therefore, O general, be neither too terrible to your subjects, nor too easy-going: for both extremes are disadvantageous to a general in command of an army. For excessive fear begets hatred, while great excessive ease breeds contempt. Therefore, a certain moderation must be applied, so that you may be balanced in both directions, neither inflicting punishments too cruelly and in anger, nor again leaving all things loose and unpunished, so that your rule does not seem to fall into great confusion and disturbance ^B of affairs.

94. In time of war, plan what is to be done at night, but carry out what the deliberation has decided by day. For the time for planning and the time for action ought not to be the same.

95. A general will be considered a conqueror and fearful to his enemies, not if he is able only to boast against them with words, but if he is able to confirm by deeds themselves what he has said in words.

96. When you have a small army, and the forces of your enemies are much larger, hasten to seize a smaller and narrower place, and one suitable for your own army. For it will come to pass that the multitude of enemies becomes useless, where the place is not capable of containing the multitude. ^C

97. When making truces and treaties with enemies, do not because of these continue in any negligence or sloth, but rather fortify the camp or your region with greater and more accurate guards. For if the enemies should wish to break the treaty, they bring upon themselves, beyond the indignation and wrath of God, perfidy; but you, protected on all sides, have both the guard of God, and you preserve faith, and on this account, you are in an honorable position before all. For it is shameful for a commander to say, "I did not foresee this."

98. This also pertains greatly to the commander’s praise, O general, to reflect within yourself, and to know with certain experience how great the camps of the enemies are. This happens if you have trained yourself so that you know how large each place is and what its nature is, and how many soldiers it can hold, just as it has been described by us before. ^D

99. It is also fitting for you, O general, just as you ought to have the mentioned knowledge of the enemy’s host, so also that your own numbers be less known to the enemies. But when you wish to keep the multitude of your forces hidden from the enemies, you shall command the soldiers to walk or stand densly packed. For the closeness and constriction dulls the eyes of the enemies, and does not allow them to accurately estimate the number of your forces. Conversely, however, if you wish to show your own forces as many,

you will cause your soldiers to walk and stand at greater intervals, so that they may occupy a larger space than is proportionate. Both of these tactics, when done at the proper time and place, are found useful for the deception of the enemy. ^A

100. When the preparation of the enemy and our own are equal and similar, the general who is better deployed, whether it be you or the enemy, will have more advantage, possessing a strength from his stratagems or formations that is in addition to his armed force.

101. Do not allow the enemy to be the first to deploy his forces against you, but strive to arrange your own formation before them. For if you are successful in deploying first, you will act as you desire with authority as one prepared; and the enemy, perhaps fearing your rapid onset, will not even have the time to arm himself. ^B

102. If, therefore, you have deployed in advance, and at the engagement you safely attack the enemy from a position of readiness, you will instill courage in your own army and fill the enemies with fear.

103. It is an inviolable law that you must take great care for the wounded soldiers. For if you neglect them, you will find the rest of the soldiers unwilling to fight in battles and discouraged. And not only this, but you will also lose through negligence even those wounded men who were able to be saved through care. ^C

104. When you turn the enemies to flight, instruct the soldiers to refrain from plundering, lest while they are dispersed and occupied with the collection of booty, the enemies lie in wait for them and destroy them. Instead, let the soldiers pursue with safety, while those appointed to the collection of the booty—who will also gather up the wounded soldiers in the battle itself and tend to them—shall themselves collect the spoils of the dead enemies and deliver them to the decarchs, so that they may be treated in accordance with the regulation defined by us for them in other places, in order that they may be distributed equally. ^D

105. A general who suspects the stratagems of the enemy more frequently seems to me to be proven safe in regard to the war and the rest of his conduct.

106. I consider it the greatest error of a general to have the majority of his army destroyed in a single battle. For if he makes his deployment against the enemies prudently and maneuvers with wisdom, even if some failure happens to his army, he will either withdraw in good order or quickly recover from the defeat.

107. Your deployment, carried out with good order and fittingly, and thus maintained throughout the whole time of the battle, will trouble the enemies. For the most important principle in a deployment, and the one most certain for safety, is for those fighting to maintain both their formation and their intervals.

^A 108. Have the sun, wind, and dust at the back of your army, and facing the enemy; for you will find this most advantageous, since the enemies' eyes being obscured, or their breath impeded and mastered, or their bodies buffeted by the wind, will quickly grant you the victory.

109. If the enemy is bold, General, provoke him to untimely recklessness and aimless maneuvers; but if he is timid, overwhelm him with swift and continuous incursions. For you must know the disposition of the enemy's general, and use your stratagems accordingly.

110. A commander who is skilled in speech, O General, will often rouse the spirits of the timid to battle, and will easily console his men in the face of calamities, and strengthen the brave all the more, and will be the source of many good things for the entire army.

111. You must be sober and very vigilant, and ^B more enduring of hardships than the rest of the soldiers, O General, and covet little profit. For thus you will gain the goodwill of all along with glory, and being loved by them, you will have them readily fighting alongside you in times of danger.

112. When, after a victory which God has granted you, the enemy seeks a useful peace, do not be unyielding, but listen to him and make peace, considering the uncertainty of wars and of fortune.

113. Always remember, too, what has been said to you before by our Majesty, O General, that you are bound to take greater care and forethought for weapons than for other things that pertain to weapons. For you know that provisions, such as food and other needs, can be procured from the enemy's country; but without weapons, or if they fail, you will not prevail over your enemies, even should you have ^C need of them.

114. A clamorous and loud-voiced army, fit for shouting, will surely astound the enemy's ranks.

115. If the enemies rely on a multitude of archers, watch for damper weather, for then their bows become slack. If you join battle with the enemy at that time, you will suffer less from their arrows.

116. The general who is distinguished by his own deeds, that is the best; not he who is famous by his lineage, just as a golden spear is of no use for war, but an iron one, and one that is sharply honed.

117. You shall be considered of lofty mind, O General, not when you rightly govern only the things present and occurring, but when you also take the necessary care and forethought for the future.

118. To master pleasure and at every opportunity ^D

is something most useful to a general, especially in times of war.

119. Do not willingly embark upon dangerous or highly uncertain battles, nor should you permit yourself to emulate those who have ever gambled recklessly or deceitfully with circumstances and gained admiration through luck; instead, only do so when necessity for war arises. Receive the enemy with security, and use your own initiatives as you may judge to be useful and profitable for you at each moment. For Fortune may have conquered once, but she has often stumbled. The craft of a general, however, by employing varied techniques, has often won, and has rarely, if ever, stumbled.

120. If you are a lover of money, O general, you will not only destroy your own men, being greedy, but you will also become an object of contempt to your enemies.

121. Set your hand to the works of war with prudence and much investigation. For in other affairs, if one has stumbled, he is perhaps able to rectify the damage after a short time; but in errors committed in war, the damage remains, for the dead have perished.

122. Reckon and consider the ground of the encampment, O general, whether it is healthy and life-sustaining, or disease-ridden and hostile to your own men, and whether the necessary supplies—water, wood, and fodder—are nearby. For if they are far off, the gathering of them is difficult and dangerous, especially when the enemy is pressing in. Likewise, a hill ought to be adjacent, so that, should it happen, you might ascend it before the enemy arrives and takes it.

123. If enemies are adjacent to you, O general, and you pretend to them the opposite of what they expect, you will benefit not a little. For sometimes, by appearing to pitch a camp or to surround some other fortification, and by inciting your opponents to a similar action through such an appearance, you are able to attack those who are separated and intent on their work, while you yourself are drawn up, or, if this also happens, you may lead your army away safely from difficult places.

124. Just as a good wrestler, so must the general in his actions show one thing while trying to deceive his opponents through it, yet use those things which are suited to the occasion and with which you might prevail over the fighting enemy.

125. Since victory and defeat of either side lie in uncertainty, you shall be reckoned an excellent and wise general both in wars and in every undertaking against the enemy, if you look toward a second fortune and an adverse outcome, and if you provide beforehand for them as if they were already present. For if anything adverse happens, you will be found ready for salvation.

^A 126. A prudent general must provide for and repel not only the things that are likely to happen in dangers, but also those that occur contrary to expectation, by reflecting upon them beforehand.

127. If any of your commanders are found frequently to have blundered in major and more serious matters, do not safely entrust to them the administration even of the least significant affairs.

128. Choose such commanders, for you ought to appoint those who are superior to their subordinates; for the minds of those governed always tend to conform to those of their commanders. Thus the ancient proverb will be fulfilled: it is not for stags to command lions, but for lions to command stags.

129. You will make the army robust if you devote the time of cessation from war to the exercise and labor of military tasks. For then, at the time of warlike contests, they will demonstrate not training, but military skill.

130. While you are at rest, let the thought of necessary matters enter your mind, and do not commit yourself to sleep before you review in your heart what ought to have been done—and yet you have neglected—and what good thing is to be done on the morrow, and you begin this diligently.

^B 131. You will be considered fickle and worthy of contempt by those who encounter you, if you readily place trust in those who promise to perform something for you. But if, by testing and exercising [their] proposal, you appear cautious, every base person, fearing your exactness and sagacity, will dare to say nothing to deceive you; but your subordinates will admire you for your firmness, and you will not miss the truth.

132. Know that an advance in war made with calculation possesses great safety. For hasty and rash generals, as experience itself has shown, frequently suffer great reverses.

133. You will do well, when you wish your councils to remain hidden from the enemy, if you do not even confide these to many of your own people. For it is difficult for a secret plan to be concealed when it is entrusted to many lips.

^C 134. You must know the impulse and movement of each person, both commander and soldier, O general, and for what action each is suitable, so that you may deploy each one properly. For, as it seems, ignorance of these things makes battle lines disorderly.

135. A good general becomes an example of things to be done to those under him, and a bad one likewise. Therefore, we exhort you, O general, to receive the advice of our sovereignty, and become a good example to your subjects, both by training yourself in the best way, and by doing what must be done, while abstaining from those things from which it is useful for your soldiers and all those stationed under you to abstain. ^D

136. 136. A noble thing, and in the highest degree useful, is the science of strategy; for often it defeats the enemy without a battle. You ought therefore to apply yourself to this, and by means of it carry out your undertakings against the enemy without open warfare. When, however, there is necessity not to use this, then it is necessary to risk oneself through the strength of bodies and to contend with the enemy in battle.

137. 137. A general ought to be alert and should be admired for the strength of his body, and through the art of strategy—that is to say, through the practices thereof. For it is an ancient custom that those who are to be generals should not only trace their lineage from those peoples and families that are illustrious for their vigor and exploits in war, but that they should also excel in all other things, and even have a name that itself carries an omen of victory.

138. 138. I shall relate a useful stratagem, and this one which I learned from reading: if ever it happens that you are about to contend with an enemy who has forces more numerous than your own, and you do not dare to join battle with them on account of the multitude, but wish to depart safely, observe if there is any nearby river. You must divert this toward the enemy, across the field where the conflict is to take place, and thus you will render the intended war void.

139. 139. A general may easily restrain the intent of the enemy if he himself holds sway on both land and sea over certain subjects, and the enemy—who occupy the mainland—say that they wish to attack certain islands or maritime places. For if rumor spreads that you intend to attack them on the mainland, you will terrify them and restrain them from launching a naval force.

140. 140. Know, O General, that it is a pious and most useful thing in necessary and common affairs never to remember private enmities, nor to allow common necessities to be hindered by personal suspicion; but in the administration of public affairs, to cast away all such things, both those concerning persons and those concerning things, and to look only toward what is useful, and to do that. For this cause, often being neglected by many, has frequently brought great disasters.

141. 141. By using artifice, O General, whenever the need calls for it, you will derive the greatest benefit. For if by some clever device you foresee what is to come—especially by the rising of the stars—and you predict that they promise to turn out with a good omen for the things you are undertaking, the soldiers under you will be encouraged, as if receiving from heaven some sign portending good to them, and, approving this, they will be more spirited and fierce against the enemy.

142. 142. Never permit your infantry, armed and drawn up on level and plain ground, to abandon their formation and flee from the enemy’s cavalry, even if they sustain great distress. For as long as they remain, there is some hope of victory, but once they have fled

and become scattered, and are being pursued by the cavalry, there is no hope of salvation left.

143. ^A Just as life is pleasant and desirable, so too must soldiers willingly undertake the dangers of war; for those same soldiers are the cause of that pleasant life. For the accomplishments of the enemy are truly recognized when soldiers persist in the endurance of labors; these are what provide for a pleasant life and peace from enemies.

144. You will plunder, with less labor, the supply routes and field areas of the enemy by land if you organize your soldiers to appear like the inhabitants of those places. By sea, if you are ever fighting a naval battle and have managed to capture the enemy’s ships, or have constructed others similar to them, embark your soldiers upon them and sail with them to the land of the enemy. ^B Thus, as the enemy approaches these ships as if they were friendly, they will not flee and will be more easily captured.

145. I will now show you the substance of vigilance, by which all things concerning the camp might be accurately managed. An accurate, all-night watch, whether of a camp protected by sentries, would be achieved if you should say that you intend to light torches at certain varied times in some high and designated place, so that the guards, for each of your torches, may lift up and display their own torches in return. ^C For in this way, being ignorant of the time when you are about to show a torch, and waiting assiduously, they will remain awake and diligently observe their watch. And if any should fall behind, they will be caught immediately.

146. It is the mark of a prudent commander to avoid battles arising from the desperation of the enemy. For desperation, having necessity to compel it, makes the soldiers who are fighting most bold and brave. Desperation exists when someone, finding no place of safety, stands against the enemy in such a way that he must either conquer or die. If you have pitched camp opposite the enemy, and the wind is blowing towards them, set fire to the grass that has grown up from the ground ^D so that the fire moving toward them may be the cause of their rout.

147. When you intend to make an incursion against some territory of the enemy, place various ambushes in different locations around break of day throughout the night; for by attacking in different places in this way, you will both strike greater terror and gather in those who are being captured. Furthermore, I must instruct you that in such unexpected incursions into regions, you should scatter iron caltrops by night in a circle, and order the infantry of your army to have sturdy, or wooden, soles for their footwear instead of leather. For in this way, even if some of the enemy, whether infantry or cavalry, should wish to fight back, they will be hindered by falling upon the caltrops, while your infantry will accomplish their task.

148. Temperance is a precious possession for both commander and army, just as fornication is contrary and

^A deadly; this is true especially when it involves captive women. The event of Phinees ^B concerning the Madianite woman and Zambres serves as a testimony to this. For the sexual depravity of a single captive woman nearly destroyed the entire victorious army, had Phinees not stood forth, pierced the sinners, and by their death propitiated God. Thus the slaughter ceased, and it was reckoned unto him for righteousness.

149. You will instill strength in your soldiers on the day of battle if, having risen in the morning, you announce that a dream has been sent to you by God, which incites you to attack the enemy and shows divine power appearing to you as an ally.

150. You will often secure victory over your enemies for money and without a battle, when other enemies are lying in wait for them, by persuading these through money to fight against your opponents. ^B For either they will destroy one another, or one side will prevail while losing many of its best men in the struggle of the battle. Since both enemies are thus diminished, you, free from all evils, will be revealed stronger and more robust than they.

151. To those who wish to break through your battle line by force in time of war, give an unwilling passage, and after they have passed through, turn back and, attacking them from the rear as if they were fugitives, you will easily capture them.

152. To ensure that fear is not introduced into the camp on account of those who desert the ranks at the wrong time, quickly ^C and promptly remove them from the battle line and assign them to other tasks.

153. The physical strength of a commander engaged in hand-to-hand fighting often provides little or no benefit, unless he seeks to invigorate a languishing army through sharing in the dangers; but if he falls, it causes the greatest harm. Yet the strategies and tactics, when the commander is preserved and kept safe, and are executed by him, produce great benefits in battles.

154. You will create the illusion of a large force for your army, if you should so wish, by having some cavalrymen ride upon pack animals, donkeys, and oxen; for sometimes this is shown to be useful.

155. You will sufficiently terrify the enemies in battle ^D when you first advance the hoplites of your army step by step with good order, but when they are within the range of arrows, you cause them to engage with speed and swiftness. For they will not be harmed by the missiles being shot, and assaulting them unscathed, they will put the opponents to flight.

156. I shall tell you the work of a wise commander; for once, when he was drawing up his line, a heavy clap of thunder occurred, and since his army was afraid, thinking it a bad omen for them, he countered it by saying:

^A "The thunder did not occur for our sake, but God commands us to bring it against the enemy as if to strike them with it, as they are His enemies."

157. You will make the enemy objects of contempt if you cause those of their race who are in your power to appear inferior in the gymnasium games, while causing your own men to excel.

158. When you wish to hide those of your army who have been slain in battle—if this should happen, as it often does—do not permit their cohorts to take their meals together after the battle is over, but rather scattered and by chance, as fate has dictated. For in this way, not recognizing that some have been slain, they will not fall into fear, but will remain courageous.

159. The commander of the enemy is like the head of a viper ^B towards his army. Therefore, employ all diligence so that he may fall, either by a mass of armed men rushing upon him alone, or by a volley of missiles cast at him as at a target, or by some other stratagem. For indeed, if the head of a viper be crushed, it leaves the rest of the body useless.

160. In time of war, it is good to station your dearest ones, your acquaintances, and your relatives near one another. For mutual love stirs them to face dangers and urges them to act well.

161. You will sow suspicion among the enemy against each other if you allow the lands of the most noble and prominent men among the enemy to remain unharmed, while ravaging the neighboring lands.

162. Your army, O commander, should be sufficient and self-contained; yet when the occasion calls for it, it is useful to take along those who are not fit for the needs of the [main] battle but are useful for the service of the camp and to create the appearance of a larger multitude, or to receive men when the army has been depleted, to fill it up to its full number so that it is sufficient to defeat the enemy. For it is an old saying: where the lion's skin is not enough, it is necessary to sew on the fox's.

163. If it should ever happen that you need to write a secret message ^C to someone in the enemy's territory, write what you wish on tablets without wax, then cover what you have written with wax, and on top of the wax write something unsuspicious. In this way, you will accomplish the secret delivery of your message.

164. If someone who has devised a plan of treachery is discovered, and is about to be seized, he informs his own side of the enemy's plot and advises them on how they must guard against it. But the enemy also reveals his plot, yet shows actions contrary to the plot. Whom will you believe more? Surely, the one who was a traitor and informed you, rather than the words of the enemy. For this man, although he is a traitor, is a countryman and of the same nation, and he was perhaps corrupted by money which he either did not receive, or once he had received it...

^A again cast it aside; yet they are enemies by nature, and altogether strangers to them.

165. The timidity of soldiers is shown by pallor and hesitation. Therefore, separate such men from the army unobtrusively and send them away, as if they are to fetch things that were forgotten; when you have done this, exhort the remaining soldiers, so that having been freed from those cowardly men, they alone might hold fast to bravery and be deemed worthy of the rewards of victory.

166. I will show you another way to distinguish the cowardice of soldiers. When the whole army is gathered in one place, if you sound the trumpet as if the enemy were pressing upon you, in the midst of this commotion the timid will immediately flee, but the brave will array themselves for battle.

167. If you are arraying yourself against undisciplined enemies, while your own soldiers are well-trained, do not engage in battle immediately, but you must keep watch on the time during the confrontation, and wear down the enemies since they are unaccustomed to laboring for long; then you shall attack them. But if you are about to fight against disciplined enemies while your own soldiers are inexperienced in battle, you must join the battle suddenly and without delay; for the first rush of your soldiers will cause them to fight bravely against the opponents.

168. ^B You will show an impression of persistence to the enemy in such a time of need, if, when you are about to withdraw, you deceive the enemy as if you were remaining. Cut down trees, or if there are no trees there, set up some other pieces of wood, and fit them with shields as if they were armed men, or if such great necessity arises, with other splendid weapons. Thus it will be that, holding the safety of your men more important than the weapons, you may be able to escape in this way during necessary occasions.

169. It is necessary, above all, to begin every undertaking with justice. But most of all, the beginnings of a war must be just, and not only just, but the war must be carried out ^C prudently. For then God also will fight alongside the armies, becoming favorable, and men will be more eager, defending a just cause, and knowing that they are not originators of injustice, but are avenging themselves against those who act unjustly.

170. When you intend to begin war justly, O general, you must prepare the army accurately, and lead it out with safety. For if military movements are weak, when they take on the burden of war, they are quickly oppressed and fail. Therefore, just as a good captain, after detaching his ship from the harbor and having done all things necessary ^D concerning it, then entrusts the whole outcome of the voyage to God.

171. Impose upon yourself the rule to look toward the end of the movement of war, and thus to begin it. For it is base and improper to initiate a movement

^A of war, and then immediately to lead the army back home without having accomplished anything; for everyone will ridicule your rashness, and the enemies will despise your lack of security, seeing you not as one who does not wish to act, but as one who is unable to manage his affairs with dignity and prudence.

172. When you intend to lead your forces out to war, you must take care that they are free from sins, and you should ensure ^B through the priests that they are purified by blessings, and thus proceed to the battle with courage.

173. Your army should march with every order, discipline, and knowledge of warfare, even if they are not yet about to engage with the enemy, but are merely starting on the journey and are about to cover the road of many days, whether you are in your own territory or in hostile land. For thus the troops will become accustomed to remain in formation, and to maintain their own units, and to follow their commanders, and furthermore, not to be thrown into confusion ^C at an unexpected time by sudden plots while in enemy territory.

174. Your army will traverse the roads in greater safety if you send out a few men beforehand to explore the paths ahead, or to investigate them through those whom the Romans call *mensores* and *anticensores*.

175. If you train your army continuously, you will always have them ready for hardships, keeping their formation, and robust in body. For idleness renders bodies languid and weak, and makes minds timid and effeminate; but exercise and labor make bodies ^D strong and robust, and minds manly and alert. Therefore, before the time comes, all things suitable for the tasks must be prepared, so that in the necessary times everything may be in readiness.

176. We know that soldiers who are too bold often perish because they have not obeyed their commanders. Therefore, punish with scourges those who dare, without your order or that of their commander, to go out from the army to plunder or to leave the formation in which they are placed, and restrain them from disorder, as if they wished to be the authors of their own destruction.

177. A wise general is he who guards against all the strategies that the enemies are planning to execute. He will learn these from the things that he himself studies to do against the enemies; for by knowing what it is necessary to do against the enemies, he will also know what he must not suffer at the hands of the enemies. For the private experiences directed against others incite the minds of other men to devise things contrary to them.

178. If ever you wish to do something secretly from the enemies, whether moving the camp or any other action, entrust this counsel to no one except to one of the commanders: for in such times there are very many who, from a desire for reward, are ready to betray your plans to the enemies.

^A 179. It does not seem to me that there is anything certain in dreams; yet, it is useful and necessary in time of war to fabricate them and to persuade the soldiers to believe those dreams that promise victory. For, imagining that the dream recounted by you came from God, they will attack the enemies boldly and unhesitatingly, and by their enthusiasm they will double their courage.

180. I consider it unwise and often the cause of harm to follow the retreats of the enemy without caution. For they often do this intentionally, sometimes by means of ambuscades or by turning back, and they inflict great damage by falling upon the pursuers while they are disorganized and scattered. When, therefore, you intend to pursue fleeing enemies, do not break the order of your battle line until you have received full assurance that the fugitives have given up all hope of their own safety.

^B 181. A prudent general can rouse the spirits of soldiers that have fallen into cowardice by his own appearance, by showing himself bold and cheerful to them, and in addition to this, by encouraging them with words and becoming more persuasive, so as to shape the spirits of the soldiers toward the boldness shown by the general.

182. There is not just one form of battle, but many and diverse ones, according to the variety of weapons, the soldiers themselves, the adversaries, the places, and the times. You will learn the differences among these, O general, from the events themselves. For you will not arrange your battle line and your weapons as you please, but as necessity demands, both to the front, and to the side, and to the rear, and as practice will require, so you will arrange or change everything.

^C 183. When you draw up an infantry formation of the men who are called *scutati* (shield-bearers), or of the light-armed troops, that is to say, archers and slingers, and certain adversaries are fighting against them and throwing missiles at them, either by hand or from slings and bows, they must cover themselves from above with quadrangular oblong shields, which are called *thyreoi*, or with other large shields, and thus attack; for when they are covered and roofed over like this, they suffer no harm from the missiles sent against them.

184. Against an enemy army drawn up in a crescent shape (for this battle formation, which resembles the shape of a semicircle, appears to be safe and immovable; for they open out the horns to the left and right and surround the adversaries who fall into the hollow of the 'sigma' [crescent], enclosing them, and thus they fight more effectively against them), when you are drawing up a counter-formation against this crescent-shaped array, you shall divide your own battle formation into three parts. ^D

^A And with two parts, the right and the left, you shall make the attack against the two wings of the enemy, and you shall post the middle part without attacking the center, but rather standing in reserve for those who are attacking with the two parts. For thus either the crescent-shaped army of the enemy will remain ineffective, or he will be forced to change the form of his battle line. But if, having feigned a retreat of your middle part, you provoke the adversaries to pursue, not only will their order be broken, but also, as they pursue in disorder, your own army, which is drawn up, will attack them by means of a sudden turning about, and those who are pursuing you will be found to be in every way the ones being pursued by you.

185. All ambushes, that is, concealed maneuvers approaching the enemy, make the attack against them more powerful than other deployments, but especially those made from behind the back of the enemy. ^B Having, therefore, sometimes prepared such an ambush yourself, and attacking from behind them, you will see that it is more drastic and more effective than those ambushes made from the flank.

186. Mandates, orders, and passwords, and others of this kind, must be transmitted to the army by your officers, and not by your own glorious self, O general. For you yourself to proclaim these things in the hastiness of the moment is the act of a layman, and one very unskilled in what is required; for not only will much time be consumed in giving the orders, and there will be great confusion as all the soldiers ask one another, but perhaps one man might add something more to the order, and another might leave something out.

187. A sign of a genuine general, and one worthy to be admired, is to be able to discern rapidly what is most necessary to be done when necessity presses, ^C rather than to deliberate about these things before the necessity arises; for it is not possible to deliberate in advance—even if one wishes to very much—on all the things that the impending circumstance of war is likely to bring forth.

188. When you are about to engage the enemy in the battle line, especially when the sun is reflecting back, before you commit to the battle, command the soldiers to hold their weapons aloft and uncovered, with swords and iron shields gleaming, and the spear-points likewise. For these things, if they shine brightly, will cast the enemy into a certain perturbation. But when you are ready to come to grips with them, with great shouting of voices, that is, with a loud cry and a charge, ^D striking their arms, let the attack against the enemies thus commence.

189. If you are disadvantaged in number of cavalry by the enemies, choose rugged, narrow, and mountainous places, in which it is not possible for the horses of the opponents to pursue according to their strength; which it is necessary for you also to foresee, always looking toward a second fortune; for this is most characteristic of a prudent general.

190. Know that it is more advantageous to stand and take the risk bravely in battles while the line is fighting, than to be pursued while fleeing; for while it stands, victory is rather to be hoped for; while

^A to turn one's back leaves no hope at all remaining.

191. Once God has granted you the victory, O general, you must treat your soldiers kindly with the spoils of the enemy, whether they be weapons, horses, or other goods; provide them with feasts and banquets; promote those who have fought bravely in line of battle; and honor them with gifts. But as for those who have proven themselves cowardly and useless, or who have committed desertion, chastise them appropriately, or reproach them until they are ashamed. For in this way you will both strengthen and rouse the cowards, and prepare the brave to be even bolder and more courageous for future battles.

192. When you set up a trophy over the enemy, O general, then you shall distribute the spoils found, as is expected, according to the laws already established by the government, in such a way that you apportion the fifth part to the public treasury, and the rest in equal shares. Both the officers and the rank and file shall have their shares, since they share equally in the struggles and dangers. If, however, some among the officers, or the front-line soldiers, or any of the others among the soldiers, have acted with extraordinary bravery, then from the aforementioned portion belonging to the public treasury you will have the authority to reward them as much as necessity and justice demands; and those left behind in the baggage train shall also receive a share from the portion of what is found in the war.

193. A mixed army of infantry and cavalry is like a body: having as substitutes for hands the light-armed troops, that is, the archers, javelin-throwers, and slingers; as substitutes for feet, the cavalry; and as a substitute for the head, in the midst of the hands, you, the general. In place of the rest of the body are the heavy-armed troops, that is, the shielded ones, who also wear full armor. For this reason, you are obliged in all things to look out for your own safety and that of the army as a head, and they in turn for your protection and safety. ^B

194. It is also useful at times to show a larger army as smaller to the enemy for certain needs by combining the units, and ordering them to rest in one "camarda," as it is called, and ordering the weapons to be placed piled together. When you have a small army, you divide one unit into two or more according to the soldier, and thus it will appear greater in number, so that you are not despised for your fewness, and having quickly moved from the encampment, you go to another; and thus, having reconnoitred the enemy, you join battle. ^C

195. By means of feigned attacks made against them, the soldiers, becoming accustomed, will become undaunted before the real battles; such as if a fake relief force comes against another, or again a fake betrayal, or fake ambushes, or fake shouts and noises, or fake deserters, or fake incursions; for thus they will be accustomed, and will not be astonished suddenly when these things happen in truth. ^D

196. ^A This memorable counsel regarding a naval fleet should be considered. When you are going to bring your fleet to sandy and harborless places during the time of a naval battle, fill many sacks with sand, and having tied them with ropes, suspend them from each trireme as if they were iron anchors; and when you have made this harbor for yourself as it were, having set out from that place by night, you will be able to make the planned incursion.

197. When you are about to cross waterless places, carry as much water with you as you are able; and perform the march by night from evening until morning, but give the whole day to sleep and rest: so it will happen that the pack animals will be less thirsty, and there will be sufficient supply of water for you.

198. ^B An army was once accustomed to attend to omens and signs. Upon someone sneezing, the soldiers were immediately downcast in spirit, as though some bad omen had occurred; which the commander noticing, said, "It is not at all surprising if, among so many people standing around, one should sneeze." When this remark was heard, all received it with laughter. Now laughter is a sign of victory. Therefore, the prudent commander, by turning this omen, greatly enlivened the spirits of the soldiers.

199. Watch, that if on any day of the year or month a victory has been reported, and you are about to join battle again, if it is possible for you, endeavor to begin the battle on that same day, so that the soldiers may be of good cheer, ^C and with good hope, as if celebrating the feast of that victory, they may be able to have God’s help attacking with them again. And a similar decision must be made concerning the place in which one has formerly conquered.

200. Do not let what I am about to say perturb you: that a true and excellent commander is recognized when he seeks not what is for his own benefit, but what is for the public use of the soldiers, that is what he looks to: for when he provides for the public safety, he secures his own safety as well. For where a shepherd diligently looks after his flock, he derives profit from it: but if he neglects the flock, not only will he not be accounted as a true shepherd, but by neglecting the flock he draws ruin upon himself.

201. ^D If you are instructed with your troops against an enemy naval fleet, appear in a crescent-shaped formation, and seem to retreat a little in the middle: for this is done not altogether to flee, but rather, after the flight, to be the more ready for the battle; and you will have ships prepared, so that you may again, if necessity requires it, attack them prow-first. For they will not dare to enter into that hollow space, fearing, certainly, that they might be surrounded by the enemy.

202. Victory being granted to you by God, do not pursue the enemy in a turbulent and confused manner. But guard against their counter-turns. For an unrestrained and intemperate pursuit, by breaking your order of battle, makes those who pursue susceptible to attack.

CONSTITUTION XX

^A 203. Proceed with circumspection through narrow places, and especially when withdrawing from the enemy, place the robust and strenuous soldiers in the rear guard, which they call the *ouragia*, so that they may be able to repel attacking enemies; and let no one flee to the front part where you are positioned. Thus, the army will be sound and fortified on both sides.

204. In order to instill strength in the army against the enemy, command them that if the enemy approaches them shouting at the commencement of battle, they should receive them in silence. But if they approach in silence and quietly, then your soldiers should advance against them with shouts and the clashing of arms.

205. When you lack equipment for the soldiers, command those of the wealthy who are not serving in the campaign, if they do not wish to serve themselves, to provide a horse and a man in their place; thus, both the poor will be effectively armed, and the wealthy will serve in the war just as equitably as the others who are in the conflict.

^B 206. Often order those who have infantry accompanying the cavalry to have them ride on horses, obviously with light armor, which they necessarily have, and so that they are able to run swiftly on foot as well. These, in opportune places, being robust, leaping from their horses, will occupy high places and will use slings, bows, and other weapons, and will behave valiantly, and be ready for whatever else may arise.

207. If someone who has frequently performed valiantly in the army requests something of you concerning his own safety or that of a friend or relative, you must not, O commander, be difficult in refusing, but rather, in consideration of his deeds, grant him that which concerns the safety of his friend or himself. For this will be a pious act, and you will incite others to perform well in the hope of such a reward.

^C 208. It is a sign of a good commander and a proof of virtue when his subordinates obey him with a willing mind and are willing to remain in the hardships that befall them. For those who are subjected by necessity and force to those who treat them unworthily as a commander, are found to be rather conspirators, not friends, and deserters, not those who share in the danger.

209. There is no other occupation that a good commander needs to praise, except for these two: agriculture, as it feeds the soldiers, and the military, as it defends and guards the farmers who provide the food. Therefore, you must cultivate these occupations more than all others. For those others are perhaps even superfluous, while these are the most necessary and life-saving.

^D 210. So that you may be shown to be more glorious and worthy of respect, prefer, more than your own advantage, the common advantage, as we have also stated above. For a good commander is not one who lives his own life well, but one who becomes the author of safety for those he rules. For a commander is not chosen by us solely for his own sake...

but so that those who are cared for by him may be well managed. For indeed, all men serve in the military so that their own lives may be better, and they accept commanders for this very reason, that they may have leaders for their own good and safety. ^A

211.

The ruin of an army is a luxurious and undisciplined commander.

212. If you are to wage war against men being collected from many lands, O commander, it is your duty not to wait until they are gathered into one place. But you must attack them while they are still dispersed, either in their own country or in other places, before they unite. Even now, with the Barbarians gathering from Egypt, Syria, and Cilicia for an expedition against the Romans, it is necessary for the naval commanders, once they have seized Cyprus with the fleet, to send out an effective naval force ^B against them before the Barbarian ships can join together, and to overcome the Barbarian naval force while it is still divided, or else to burn their ships before they can sail from their own territory.

213. I consider you, as it were, a physician for the great body that is the army. It is necessary for you to drive away from the army the causes of its diseases, such as idleness, luxury, extravagance, debauchery, as well as divinations, signs, auguries, and dreams. You, being a true worshiper of the divine, must especially look past these things, ^C unless some necessity compels you to pretend to use them sometimes. For it is not fitting for a commander to seek such signs for the sake of victory and salvation, nor to judge them as indicators, but rather to provide for everything securely and to carry out his own actions with shrewdness and experience regarding those things that are set before him. But above all, it is necessary to banish fornication from the army. We have learned, both from ancient histories and from new ones, that this brings the greatest evils upon armies. Indeed, some who have trusted in signs and dreams have often been deceived ^D and have perished, having failed in their judgment of those things.

214. To have your own sons and the sons of notable men, distinguished for their bravery, serving in the expedition with you is not disreputable; rather, I consider it a way

^A to gain experience in military works and command. For war is a necessary school for necessary lessons. Therefore, O general, you ought to have the sons of your friends and relatives—who are in their prime—serving with you on the expedition, like noble whelps, and accustom them to endure, to be daring, to touch dead bodies, to look upon wounds, and to stand firm when, at the very beginning of the battle, they encounter the strenuous cries and clashing shouts, so that, being newly accustomed to the works and sufferings of war, they may learn to excel in them.

215. The sharpness of your daring, your prudent counsel, the eager competition of your friends, your confidence in the dangers of war, and your use of steady and undaunted reasoning—these will reveal you to be a valiant and excellent general. For these are the qualities of a firm and ambitious leader: that you yourself should provide what is necessary at the proper time, and through your own good judgment and friendship, have others as cooperative friends and willing defenders in all things, and have soldiers who risk danger with you.

216. Just as a good hunter tracks wolves or hunts foxes with skill, so you too will, by your skill, discover any spies from the enemy. For if you station guards outside your camp and then order them to detain every unknown person and interrogate him, not letting him go before he has mentioned the name of his officer, his regiment, and the tent from which he comes, or—alternatively—provided the password; and if you examine those who are unable to report these things, you will easily find their spies. ^B

217. It is a great and necessary thing for a general to harangue [the troops] with prudence; for often, verbal communication will prepare more bravery for the army than weapons will. This is especially true if you add to your discourse that they are fighting against adversaries who possess flesh and blood, and who suffer the same human conditions as they do.

218. It will be useful for you, O general, when your soldiers engage in battle against the enemy, to ride by and shout: "Once more, let us charge the enemy, and we shall win!" And again, in the same way: "Once more, let us charge and we shall win!" And you should do this a third time while riding past them. In this way, you will truly cause a victory through their zeal, making these three charges consecutively and continuously. This you should do when, with the help of God, you see that in the first engagement you are prevailing over the enemy.

219. In order that you may be admired by the enemy for your memory and, because of this, appear formidable: if they send envoys to you, it is necessary to ask about them—whether they have been on an embassy before, for what matters, with what persons, at what time, and in what place. Also, you must pre-meditate what is required regarding the proposed embassy, and whether ^C

some similar thing was ever done either by you or by another nation; so that in your inquiries and conversations you may show them that you are very mindful and experienced.

220. Regarding the places or cities to which you intend to send a naval fleet, you must ^A keep both the places and the cities hidden, so that no one may foresee where the landing is to be. You shall write down a specific order, which, once written, you shall seal and hand to the navarch appointed by you, instructing him that, once he has entered the sea, he should then break the seal and learn where he is to go. By acting in this manner, you will escape the notice of the enemies.

221. Military and imperial laws, if they are observed, make leaders victorious, illustrious, and truly memorable; they become the cause of joy and gladness to kings, force the enemies toward surrender and peace, liberate our subjects from all disturbances, and indeed are the cause of many good and salutary ^B things. Furthermore, they increase God’s benevolence toward them and impel all pious men to praise God. Therefore, as a commander, cherish these military laws—those supreme guardians of all good things according to God, and those most provident for the common welfare—with all diligence and observance. And before all else, cherish the divine and truly truthful laws by which piety is strengthened, and obey them without wavering. For from them, the best rule will come to be, and you will appear a commander well-pleasing to God Himself, the King of the universe, and to our Lord Jesus Christ, and to us who rule through Him. ^C

Argument of the book in the Epilogue

1. As we gather and recapitulate all the things previously mentioned by us in this book in as brief a manner as possible, we first command and suggest this to your excellence: that you may, as has been said, be proclaimed a good commander, and may secure a life most free from danger and most free from grief for those who are ruled by you.

2. And first of all, let everything you say or do have its beginning from God, and let nothing be begun or done without his invocation and remembrance.

3. For I judge that it is necessary that everything should take its beginning from God; for God is our Father, Creator, and Overseer of all our words and deeds; He is the Judge of the thoughts and ^D ponderings of the heart, and no creature is hidden from His sight. But all things are naked and exposed before His eyes, according to the most theological Paul. Therefore, we ought to do nothing apart from His will.

4. For there follows in us a certain kinship toward Him and a relation, like that which a child has toward a father. For we came into light and life from Him, and we ought to live and die for Him; we are nourished by His goodness, and in Him we live and move and have our being. And we obey Him as much as subjects obey a prefect, servants a master, and officials a king; all of us are His [subordinates].

^A And we are all His, since He holds authority over all. To us, everything animate and inanimate is subjected, whereas we worship Him. The entire irrational herd is shepherded by us, but we are shepherded by God, the good shepherd, who for our sake mercifully took upon Himself our nature.

5. And no one could ever deny that God exists, unless his soul were also corrupted. For everything is of God, and He Himself brought these things into being from non-existence, and He fills all things, does all things, provides for all things, and governs all things.

6. The evidence of the truth is His works: the heaven and what is in it; the earth ^B and all that is on it; and furthermore the sea, and everything in it, and whatever useful things are in these, are shown to be testimonies of the care and providence of God toward us.

7. And He Himself also appoints kings, for He says: "By me kings reign," and the general is appointed through Him, for He is the author of all authority, power, and goodness. Therefore, one must not take on authority before one has, through prayer and supplication to Him, as it were, consecrated oneself to God and entrusted one's own administration to His providence.

8. For this reason, you must, O general, cultivate and safeguard all things pertaining to the worship of God, ^C above all other things, and especially the honor and worship due to His priests and chief priests; and [protect] His holy temples so that they may be inviolable, and that those who flee to them may not be seized without the judgment of our imperial authority.

9. And the holy cloisters of the monks, and those who practice virginity in them, are to be kept unharmed, unmolested, and solemn. And to speak simply, whatever is dedicated to God must be kept inviolate, valuable, and held in high regard as all things that are holy and dedicated to the holy God.

10. And let no one of profane or tyrannical [disposition] raise hands against them, or otherwise act with insolence, neither yourself, nor any other person who is under your authority, whatever office he may be entrusted with, ^D whether military or related to war. But let them be as the possession of God, free from all harm and injury.

11. And especially the chief priests, as Fathers and shepherds of human souls—both of those who rule and of those who are ruled—and as those who intercede for us with God, you must treat with all honor and reverence, and admit of nothing that would insult them.

12. For what is done to them is referred to God, from whom they have also received the high priesthood; through whom and...

by whom they have undertaken to shepherd souls and to intercede for them before God. For priests are like a soul dispersed throughout and enlivening the entire body of the Christian people, both rulers and subjects, and it [the body] possesses as its leader the King of all, God, through whom it transports, governs, and conducts the affairs of the whole body.

13. Thus, therefore, being piously and orthodoxly disposed toward God and toward His servants, ^B be diligent, after the divine laws of the faith, to observe also the imperial laws as inviolable, so that you may establish judgment and righteousness in the midst of your land.

14. Be diligent also in strategic works and weapons of war; not that you may commit injustice, or initiate unjust war, or make robberies and unrighteous incursions against those who have done no wrong, but that, living with piety, and as far as within you lies, being at peace even with your enemies, and thus living in a manner pious and pleasing to God (68), you may hold your arms for the defense against the enemy who commits wrong.

15. For if your pious life has assumed these things, I know well that you will have God Himself as your ally in battle, together with justice.

16. Even the faith of one who does not wish to commit injustice, but rather to suffer it, will have the Divine as his strategist and leader; and it is necessary to believe that in a just war, the good result is owed by God, just as the opposite is owed to the unjust. ^C

17. For just as it is impossible for one who commits injustice never to receive at some time the punishment for his injustice from God the Judge, so it is impossible for him who repels injustice and defends himself in war not to obtain victory from God; for God is a just judge, and He conducts all things with justice.

18. For the sake of these things, therefore, it is necessary for you to practice arms, and exercise, and other strategic diligence.

19. I also wish for you to know, in these matters, that in time of war you must recognize the nature and other conditions of your opponents, and indeed whether their army is most sharp in its first maneuvers and energetic in its initial charges, or whether it is trained more for long-suffering and time-consuming efforts. ^D

20. You must also discern the war itself, whether it is long-lasting and likely to be brought to an end by the expenditure of funds, or whether it is quick and vehement because of the intensity of spirits and urgency.

21. In such wars, prepare your army in opposition to the souls of your adversaries, and in relation to their entire army—that is, either for their bravery and sharpness, or conversely for their traits, such as fear...

and rashness, and anger, and punishments, and love of glory, and sloth, so that you may be able ^A to increase or diminish such passions within your own armies or in the forces of your enemies.

22. But most especially, your own precepts—achieved through professional directives, the simulation of foreknowledge, concern for the divine, and rhetorical speech given through words—must be applied at the opportune time, so that the minds of all, moved by your speech, may remain settled in this state and disposition, and not be dragged into the struggle as unwilling conscripts out of necessity. For soldiers who are less prepared to fight bring confusion of order and perturbation upon the battlefield.

23. Therefore, before the soldiers encounter dangers, their spirits must be so prepared that they are eager to sustain every attack; ^B but the minds of the enemy must be thrown into confusion and cast into fear, sloth, and effeminacy, and only then should you attack them and engage in combat without any hesitation. Indeed, there is no other way for you to gain the upper hand over your opponents, unless you first reduce them to straits.

24. Do not lead them into such dangers from which the enemies will become better than they are, as is their wont in desperate situations.

25. And if there are pledges and treaties, you must keep them inviolable.

26. In the outcome of your affairs, you must not show yourself to be arrogant—neither when you are successful and holding the advantage over the misfortune of your enemies, ^C nor, on the other hand, should you neglect the labors that remain after the work has been accomplished; rather, you must look to the long term and what lies ahead, and deliberate on what must be done. Furthermore, do not appear openly dejected in times of misfortune, either to your own soldiers or to your enemies.

27. Do not, however, dissolve the war in those times when you are capable of holding your own against them and fighting them, unless the enemies sue for a firm and profitable peace from you; for great setbacks often arise from such a manner of proceeding.

28. Moreover, you must lead the army into war not incomplete in its multitude, ^D nor lacking the requisite crafts and supplies, nor suffering from any other deficiency; for it is precisely in such matters that bad generals are most easily faulted.

29. You must also show yourself to be diligent, particularly in the administrative oversight of the armies.

30. You must order the expenses to be as limited and restrained as possible, and skillfully preserve all other public resources.

31. And in addition to these things, you must study the necessary matters with great care, in both ancient and modern affairs, so that you may be a historian of all things related to war, and experienced in all the ancient strategies that have been worthy of admiration.

32. And if anyone professes to tell you something regarding strategy, whether he be an artisan or a commoner, listen to all of them, and become a judge of what is said. ^A 33. You must take counsel with old men who have become experienced in the deeds of war, who are distinguished by high standing, and who are well-disposed toward the matters about which the council is held. 34. In the dangers of battle you must not fight hand-to-hand, but rather take care for yourself, and serve as an interpreter for the army at the hour of battle according to the pressing need. 35. You ought to be quick to devise strategies, and cunning in your undertakings, both when you yourself wish to attack the enemy and when you are about to be attacked by the enemy. ^B 36. Be resourceful in the face of sudden fears, and skilled at perceiving the evil designs of the enemy beforehand, and at anticipating the future. 37. You must also be diligent and assiduous regarding the signals which you will devise against the enemy, excelling all the officers under you in wisdom, natural ability, and diligence. 38. Furthermore, you must be robust in body and skillful and agile in using all armor, so as to employ it powerfully and unencumbered, and from this to have a decorous appearance, and to be clothed with a full set of arms beautifully, handsomely, and without fatigue, as is fitting for those of a noble age, being robust in both soul and body. ^C 39. You must especially be moderate regarding wealth and all pleasures, hardworking in enduring labors, brave in withstanding dangers, dauntless in undergoing perils, eager in pursuing just causes, and magnanimous in dealing with and managing matters with the soldiers, having as your basis for standing—in place of lineage, birth, or a well-governed state—your own virtue, and by your superiority over all in wartime experience, and by your benevolence and zeal in the matters at hand, always prevailing over the others, and undertaking the common dangers as if they were your own private affairs. 40. Moreover, you must be skilled at public speaking, and a debater, using the most truthful of arguments concerning the truth. Except that, insofar as it is advantageous, you may also tell a falsehood, so as to shift [your hearers] to a different disposition and to stir the souls of those listening, whenever it is useful and makes them better for the present occasion. ^D 41. Be magnificent, ambitious, and respectful toward those who die in battle, especially toward good men, providing them with glory through commendation and an honorable burial. 42. Be a healer of the sick, and provide for the needy out of your own means; be unconcerned with vainglory, but generous in your private and public dealings with men. 43. Do not be contentious, nor meddlesome,

^A nor talkative; but be moderate in clothing, habit, and gait. And more than anything else, guard yourself against envy, so that you are not stung by jealousy when your fellow commanders achieve something; rather, be zealous to praise them, to imitate them, and to fight alongside those who are campaigning for all that is advantageous.

44. It is the duty of a good general, when fitting himself to any nation, to devise different military strategies for each.

45. If at any time you are also placed in command of a fleet, you must keep the order of the fleet unperturbed, ^B being experienced in the currents of the air, and must also keep the rear-guard, that is, the rearguard, organized so that they are not destroyed, being forced by the nature of the terrain, or by the turbulence of the sea, or by the enemy.

46. You must also know, O general, the various ways in which battles are joined. For they are fought either by set array face-to-face, or by tactical calculation, or by depriving the enemy of strong positions, ^C or by ravaging a region with a foray, or by felling trees, or by destroying crops, or by burning houses, or by pillaging, or by taking captives, or by depriving them of water, or by coming upon them from an ambush.

47. Battles are joined from these circumstances: when an army unexpectedly falls upon an army, and attacks the enemy as they are crossing a river, and when they are changing from open ground into narrow defiles, or are being set from narrow places into open ground, and are not yet arrayed; and when there is a sudden change of the enemy force; and when they are enclosed in places difficult to exit; ^D and when they are in need of necessities; and when a sickness falls upon the army of the adversaries; and when they are unexpectedly troubled by winter or are left behind in winter; and when their bodies, having become exhausted from the labors of the day, are without food and fasting. Or if a long march has occurred, causing weariness for both draft animals and men, or when they become sleepless for any reasons. In naval matters, battles are joined either when the enemies suffer a shipwreck, or when they are distressed by a storm.

48. The general must know such things, and the opposite outcomes resulting from them, and furthermore also the divisions of the army, the battle lines, and the movements of the battalions, so that they might obey with few commands. He must also know the types of military signals.

49. We command you, O general, to apply your mind prudently to all the aforementioned modes of battle, insofar as you perceive the undertakings to be possible, and to guard against the attacks of the enemy in return. And toward all such things, if they should happen to befall you, avoid the undertakings; for what you think to inflict upon the enemies, you will often suffer yourself by their doing.

^A If, however, you do not look out cautiously and prudently, and oppose such things that need to be done to the enemies, you will suffer similar afflictions again from others by their means.

50. Excursions should be made at those times of the year when the crops are available. ^B

51. In drawing up a battle line, you should have the sun at your back and the wind [at your back], and you will place both in the eyes of the enemies.

52. You must be loud-voiced in giving orders, courageous, and possess a resonant tone of voice.

53. The arts assist the nature of war; of this kind are the disciplines of arming, of accounting, of drawing up battle lines, of architecture, of astronomy, and of medicine. ^B

54. The discipline of arming contains within itself that bodies should be covered with well-proportioned, suitable, strong, and precisely crafted arms, and that they provide an appearance becoming to those who bear them. Bodies must also be selected that are suitable for wearing the full armor.

55. You must demonstrate to the soldiers the nature and extent of the uses of these arms, and their exercises and contests for every necessity and manifestation of battle.

56. There should also be concern for honors, dignities, and an abundance of funds, by which the procurement of arms and other necessary expenses may be provided. So much for arming. ^C

57. The task of the discipline of accounting will be to divide the army into messes, ranks, squadrons, drungoi, cohorts, quincuriae, decuriae, centuries, and the remaining parts and battle lines, and to separate them from all these, and how many guard the camps, who and how many are younger and older, and who are lame or languishing from sickness, and who have been chosen for civil magistracy and to manage public affairs; furthermore, to separate the flourishing bodies from the sickly, and also to take account of these, both of the size and smallness of their bodies; to set men of advanced age as prefects, to arrange their station with regard to both length and depth; with what number, and with which parts, each portion should be constituted for the necessary movements of war. All these things belong to this discipline. ^D

58. The discipline of drawing up battle lines contains within itself to demonstrate the formations of the battle lines by which you may either invade others or be invaded by others, and which are effective for receiving the onrush of the enemies, and which are naturally suited for making an assault upon the enemies and [have] maximal momentum. ^D