NICEPHORUS CALLISTUS XANTHOPULUS ECCLESIASTICAL HISTORY VOLUME VIII
CHAPTER I Recapitulation of what has been said, and a proposal of what is to be spoken of.
The deeds of Constantine, he who is to be compared to the Apostles himself, from the time he began warring as an enemy against the impious Licinius up to the building and improvement of Byzantium, stand thus. Yet, since it seems to me entirely absurd to leave such an illustrious administration of the empire—the very foundation and, so to speak, the pinnacle of true piety toward God—intermingled (as it necessarily had to be) with the history and register of the most impious tyrants, I cannot but separate it as far as possible from them and pursue it in its own book; for it is truly vast and excelling in all respects. B Therefore, what I have previously explained in connection with the times of the tyrants, I shall touch upon as briefly as possible in my account: regarding his father, his birth, and his upbringing, and how he came to the administration of affairs; then, how he secured the empire of ancient Rome; how he beheld the sign of victory in the heavens, through which he overcame those ruinous and detestable tyrants; next, how he was deemed worthy of the divine laver in Rome; what he accomplished for the Christians and the Churches; by what laws promulgated for our religion he caused our affairs to receive great growth in a short time; how at last he crushed Licinius; and, finally, how, having subdued Byzantium, he drove out the brigands therein and magnificently raised his own namesake city, C adorning it both within and without with sacred and secular buildings, porticoes, projections, statues, water-works, and other public structures. While the narrative will again touch upon those things which have already been related at length, it shall then proceed to treat more broadly of what follows: namely, of the most impious Arius and the [Council] in Nicaea
A first ecumenical and universal Nicene Synod; and the rich harvest of divine men who flourished at that time; and which nations and in what manner they embraced our faith, having rejected the wickedness of the Arians after the Synod; and what was done in Antioch, Tyre, Aelia, Alexandria, and in Constantinople itself against Eustathius and Athanasius, that luminary of piety. Then [it will relate] the events concerning the blessed Helena: how, having come to Jerusalem, she discovered the precious and venerable cross of the Lord; with what good works she honored those divine sites; and what end she herself met. Many other things also will be recounted here and there: namely, concerning the Melitians, and Asterius and Marcellus, and the Novatians; and how Arius burst asunder, having previously presented a written petition B of, as it were, true piety. After all these things, we shall relate the most happy death of Constantine, and the magnificent funeral rites worthy of such a prince, who afterwards performed innumerable miracles and prodigies. But, setting my hand to the work, I shall make my beginning from this point.
CHAPTER II.
A brief commemoration of the actions of the equal-to-the-apostles Constantine, from his birth until the beginning of his reign.
To the divine Constantine, his father was Constans, upon whom the surname C Panupertus [the Stout/Stalwart] was bestowed, and who was also called Chlorus [the Pale/Greenish] by some. He, being of well-born parentage, traced his lineage to the family of the emperors. For it is agreed that he was a grandson of Claudius (who ruled in Rome before Diocletian and Aurelian himself) by a daughter. But after the Persians, the Sarmatians, and furthermore the Parthians, incited by Varachus, moved war against the Romans, and Diocletian at that time held the empire, he sent Constans as an orator to the barbarians for the sake of establishing peace. He, having set out from the West to the East, arrived at a place which had the name Drepanum. There the host, captured by the splendor of his retinue and the royal guard, presented to him his own daughter, a girl D of lively and now marriageable age. Constans, as a reward for his love and intercourse, gave to the woman a cloak interwoven and adorned with royal purple; and he bade the girl's father to take up and rear the child she was to bear, judging that it would be something new and admirable, from the fact that, while sleeping with the girl in the West, he said he had seen the sun shining in the bedroom all around the bed itself. But, having fitly discharged his embassy, he returned home and lived there. Meanwhile, Diocletian, after he had come to the empire, in the fourth year of his administration, chose Maximian Herculius to be his fellow-emperor. And Constans and Maximinus Galerius were decorated with the insignia of the Caesars; the one having married the daughter of Diocletian, Maximinus [marrying] Galeria by name, and Constans the Stout [marrying] Theodora of Herculius.
A And both of them, on behalf of the affection and inclination they held toward the emperors, repudiated the wives they had previously. To Constans fell Britain, the Alps, and the upper provinces of Gaul: regions difficult to approach and hard to access. Some years later, he ordered ambassadors—men distinguished by birth—to go to the place to which he had previously sent an embassy. But when they had been brought to Drepanum, they were received in the house of Constantine’s mother. B While playing, the boy was provoked by one of the envoys; and, being vexed at what was said, he could not bear it, but went to his mother in tears. Then Helena brought the whole matter concerning the boy out into the open, asserting that he was of royal blood. And these words were easily confirmed, as much by the boy’s face, which bore an unmistakable resemblance to Constans’ countenance, as by the purple robe which the woman brought out from a chest. C And when they, having fulfilled their mission according to the will of Constans, returned, they reported the other matters of the embassy, and also added those regarding the boy, Constantine: how he was a handsome and talented youth, and displayed royal maneuvers, and indeed entirely manifested his whole form in a striking manner. Constans immediately had the boy sent for, along with his mother. But since he feared that something might happen to the boy or his mother from his wife through jealousy and conjugal rivalry, he made provision for Helena herself, as was fitting, but sent the boy, some time later, to Diocletian in Nicomedia. D There he lived in the imperial palace, as a kind of pledge, having been appointed a domestic of the schools. And, having performed brave deeds with his hand, he gradually and secretly embraced the sacred rites of the Christians, and detested the emperors, who were so addicted to vain superstition and delighted in the slaughter of many martyrs. Moreover, when Diocletian learned through certain incantations and divinations that Constantine alone would possess the sum of affairs and the empire, and would abolish the worship of the idols, he was inflamed with hatred toward him, and conceived a plan to kill him. Upon learning of this, Constantine fled to his father. And he found his father at the very last breaths of his life, and already prepared to draw up his testament; in which, to him, as one choosing the religion of the Christians, he bequeathed his empire and power, bypassing the other children whom he had sired from Theodora; and he himself, with his own hands, placed the imperial crown upon him in Britain, having lived fifty-six years, and having reigned for twenty-three of those years; having become a safe and tranquil port and refuge for those who had chosen to cultivate true piety. In this way, Constantine was invested with his father’s rule, in the beginning of the two-hundred and seventy-fifth Olympiad; which is the five-thousand eight-hundred and fifteenth year from the creation of the world.
CHAPTER III.
How Constantine overcame the tyrants, and how he embraced the Christian faith.
A Diocletianus and Maximianus, having completed twenty years in the administration of the empire, for certain causes, and because they had suffered some harsh things, of their own accord abdicated their power. What sort of edicts they proposed against us or even for us, and of how many thousands of martyrs who fought strenuously for the name of Christ they and their successor Maximinus were the cause of death, has been most fully explained by us a little before. Maxentius, moreover, at Rome, and Maximinus at Nicomedia—the latter in the East, the former in the West—exercising tyranny, were kept by the same desires, plundering the goods of their subjects, violating the marriages of others, and contriving innumerable slaughters almost every day. Against these, Constantine, moved by many embassies of the oppressed, set out from the Gauls and first brought war against Maxentius at the city of Rome. At which time, about to put to the test the hazard of war against him, he invoked his father’s God. And suddenly in the sky, the saving sign of the cross appeared, reaching far toward the east, at midday, shining with a brilliance that surpassed the sun itself. Around it, in a circle, stars also—just as on the cross—refining the character of Latin letters, displayed the inscription in these words: "In this, conquer." This sign he immediately caused to be made from gold B and precious stones, in the likeness of a military standard; and at the same time, he most mightily conquered Maxentius, who was submerged in the bridge, and he received Rome into his power. Then, breaking into pieces the idols of the gods, he reduced them to ashes, and leveled their temples to the ground. Soon, with his own hands, he traced and erected a temple to the Savior in the palace at Rome. He brought forth laws for the Christians and performed other things with great zeal for us, which we recounted a little before.
And when a disease had laid hold of him, and physicians announced that that evil could be dispelled and purged by the blood of infants, the emperor, most dear to God, abhorred and recoiled from that crime, moved by the grief and wailing of the mothers. Soon, the princes of the apostles appeared to him in a vision and bade him summon the bishop of the Roman city, showing that there was a pool near him; by whose washing, they said, he would suddenly be made safe and sound. He arrived, reported what was needed, and baptized the emperor. And the disease itself floated upon the waters in the manner of scales, falling not from the eyes, but from the flesh itself. And so he was better, C to such a degree that he himself marveled whether he was the same who had been Constantine before.
Afterward arose a crowd of Jews, who, approaching the emperor’s mother, praised and admired the defection of Constantine from the worship of idols, but strongly argued against and accused his transition to Christ. And letters were sent regarding this matter from Helena to her son. But he, resting upon firm foundations, brought it about that those same Jews should meet with Sylvester, the bishop of the Roman city, and hold discourses. D
A Then, he came to battle with Maximinus, carrying with him the trophy of the cross; when the latter ordered arrows to be shot against it, he was defeated and perished. B But when he was removed from the scene, the affairs of the Christians were exalted to a great degree, and everywhere the dedication of peace, granted by God, was celebrated, along with all other things that are customary for such changes and divine dispensations. From this time, decrees were issued, both written and unwritten, ordering what was fitting for Christians: the building of churches and their transformation into more spacious and seemly forms; and laws were introduced granting exemption to the ministers of God, bestowing rest, and providing lavish gifts to the sacred and divine temples; and other decrees gathered the synods and assemblies of the faithful into one, while others established concord among the churches. C Such was the state of these things. But Licinius, who was brother-in-law to Constantine, having married his sister Constantia, and having been commanded to administer the East from Nicomedia, not bearing the weight of his authority with moderation, busied himself with rebellion against his benefactor, and revealed his vengeance by secretly killing the Christians, of which he was a great lover, and counting many of them among the choir of martyrs. But when Constantine, by exhorting, counseling, and even threatening, saw that he could in no way be persuaded to desist from his undertaking, he finally attacked him in war, and joined battle with him at Chrysopolis in Bithynia. In this battle, Licinius was defeated and came into the power of Constantine: he received his life as a gift from the victor, and was kept under guard at Thessalonica: but when he was caught looking once again toward new disturbances, he was struck by the axe, creating for himself an end to his life, and for his tyranny and the worship of idols, a war-inspired conclusion.
CHAP. IV. Concerning the founding of Constantinople and the things therein; how the affairs of the Christians advanced, and concerning the piety, virtue, and legislation of the holy Constantine.
D Having thus prospered in his affairs against Licinius, he looked about to found a city in his own name. And indeed, as certain Byzantines were in a savage state and arrogant with barbarian arms, he attacked them with arms, conquered them by the law of war; and having razed their ancient fortress to the ground and brought in vast and magnificent contributions, he built a great city, omitting absolutely nothing of all things that would pertain to its splendor; constructing glorious houses, and attracting inhabitants from Rome itself and other nations.
A He arranged a hippodrome, porticoes, projections, aqueducts, fountains, statues, images, and whatever works were of superior art, causing them to be brought there, taking care to make everything magnificent and adorned. To these he added churches for God, for the apostles, and for the martyrs, and constructed that greatest column of porphyry marble, upon which he also placed his own statue, holding in its hand a cross set upon the top of the globe, signifying by this symbol that by the power of his invincible trophy and sign, the whole earth and the sea itself had been subjugated to him. Also, in the region called Sosthenion, and at the crossing, he built temples following the apparition of the archangel Michael, and accomplished many other works which were worthy of his divine mind and prudence, and indeed of his magnificence in all matters.
Regarding the name of the city, it is said that he had begun to build it not far from Ilium, near the ancient station of the Greek fleet; but that being admonished by a divine oracle in the night to build it around Byzantium, opposite Chalcedon, he obeyed the response, and having surrounded the place with ample walls, constructed it to be the equal of Rome in ornaments and chief honors; that he bestowed upon the citizens, with imperial munificence, a senate house and a senate, expenses, grain doles, and every other sort of honor and bounty; and having thus duly and orderly arranged all things, he named it Constantinople and New Rome, ordaining that it be endowed with the same power, the same customs, institutions, and laws as that city, and furthermore declared it the empress city for all peoples who acknowledge the Roman Empire, B towards the north, south, and rising sun, and those who dwell in the seas in between, from the cities built along the Ister and from Epidamnus, which is situated not far from the Ionian gulf, as far as Cyrene and neighboring Libya, throughout the whole of what is called the northern climate and the arctic region.
He began the building of it in the five thousand eight hundred and twenty-fifth year of the world, in the tenth year of his reign; and it was completely finished in the twenty-eighth year of his reign, which falls in the five thousand eight hundred and forty-third year of the world, or, as others claim, the thirty-eighth.
Concerning this, the following is also handed down in memory: that the emperor himself, on foot, holding a spear in his hand, walked around to define its circuit and walls. Because it seemed to his companions that he was extending the boundaries of the city further than was fitting, one of them approached him and asked, "How far, my lord?" And he clearly replied, "Until He who leads me stops." From this it was sufficiently evident that some heavenly power was preceding him, as the instructor of what was to be done. Having thus magnificently founded it, he named it Alma Roma—a name which, in the Roman tongue, hints at "the glorious."
Constantine constantly labored for piety, and not only in Byzantium, but everywhere in the world, he raised up most beautiful temples. C This was especially seen in the metropolises; as, for instance, in the province of Bithynia at Nicomedia, and in Antioch by the Orontes, and at...
old Rome, and at Jerusalem itself. Concerning the works which he performed in these places, we shall speak later. But when all things turned out according to his wishes, and matters with the barbarians also fared well for him—being subdued by the law of war and by treaties, whether those near or far away—a profound peace danced upon the Roman affairs for many years already, and the faith in Christ was being spread everywhere in the world, so that many of the wild nations embraced our ways. A commonwealth B surpassing in the churches, and in the multitudes of the people, and even in the mountains themselves, shone forth, with the monks recently beginning to sprout; and furthermore, with martyrs and confessors still surviving, and priests distinguished by apostolic gifts and miracles and by the simplicity of their life, in whose presence one could behold the heavenly life on earth. As religion kept advancing day by day in all things, with Constantine applying all his zeal so that it might be established among all, expand, and reach a greater magnitude, through him—with God helping—Christianity persisted in a serene and untroubled calm and in profound peace. And to speak simply, at that time our affairs were most happy, most pleasant, and most flourishing; but our adversaries, on the contrary, lived in sadness, subjection, and the deepest grief.
CAPUT V.
CConcerning the contention of Arius with Alexander, and concerning Melitius; and from where, and how, and for what causes this strife arose.
Although our religion was thus flourishing and thus being led, a certain civil war stirred up this peace. For certain contentious discussions and debates, masking themselves under the pretext of piety and of finding the perfect knowledge of the divine, brought into question things which had not been examined before, and from that point they troubled the churches. For the destroyer of our race, that most wicked and most abominable enemy, seeing the ecclesiastical ship thus sailing smoothly with favorable winds and being steered by the Lord of all, could not endure it. He deemed it a grave and troublesome thing D if he did not contrive to sink that ship which was holding such a secure course, far from the waves and storms of wicked dogmas. For when he saw the Greek superstition being cast off, and its snares being dragged into the open and clearly refuted and convicted, and the creature no longer being worshipped as before, but the Creator of that creature being praised and adored as it is fitting; he abandoned the idea of waging open war against God again, but approached the matter in a most wily and deceitful way. For having found certain men who indeed embraced the faith of the Christians, but were filled with pride and empty...
ambition for glory and the desire to dominate, acting as if driven by some intemperance, he utilized them as instruments of his own invention and fraud, and in another way he brought back the affair to the former error and seduction, so that God, the Creator of all things, being leveled and numbered with the creatures themselves, might again be worshipped as a creature just as before, and divine worship might be rendered similar to his adoration. But whence, in what manner, and by whom these tares were sown, I shall explain, having taken up the matter from above as best I can.
Chapter V
A In Alexandria, which is the primary and preeminent city among those of Egypt, the Thebaid, and Libya, truly most vast and populous, after Theonas, as we have said, Peter, that excellent champion of true piety, governed the Church. Having splendidly completed the course of his holy contest under the impious tyrants, he had Achillas as his successor for a brief time. And Alexander was chosen to direct the helm of this church, a generous defender of the apostolic doctrine, who in that tranquility and peace which we mentioned, gladdened the church daily with divine institutions. At that time there was a certain Arius, who indeed was enrolled in the sacred order, but who from the very beginning had sufficiently declared his zeal for his own dogma. For he first adhered to Melitius, who was stirring up new troubles; but having left him, he afterwards betook himself to the divine Peter, whom we mentioned, by whom he was even made a deacon. But he was again cast out of the Church by the same [man], because Peter had excommunicated Melitius and his followers and did not admit his baptism, for some causes indeed, but most of all because he, not having endured the trial of persecution, had abjured divine worship and sacrificed to demons. For this reason deposed, and for no other valid cause that could be proved or defended, Melitius, proscribed by the Church, declaring himself to be affected by an injury, attacked Peter with reproaches and curses. And since he had many followers, he established himself as a heresiarch and their leader; and arrogating to himself the episcopal dignity, in the town of Lyco, which is in Egypt, he performed whatever belongs to the episcopal office without any shame or fear, with Peter utterly despised in his eyes. D Therefore, along with others favoring Melitius, Arius also, unwilling to be quiet, inveighed against Peter. But when Peter, having received the crown of martyrdom, had finished the course of his life, Arius obtained pardon from Achillas, his successor; and having been permitted to perform the ministry of a deacon again, he was afterwards also elected to the order of priests. He was also in an honorable position with Alexander, the bishop next after Achillas; and because he was not unskilled in dialectical cavils, and was well exercised in such disciplines, the interpretation of the Scriptures had been entrusted to him. And indeed, since he could not endure to see Alexander on the throne—for he himself also happened to be a candidate for it—he covertly resorted to certain strifes and battles. And since he could not speak against the life of Alexander, nor easily weave any calumny against him, for the time being he kept quiet in these matters; to those indeed
who were A professing orthodox doctrine in the church, he tried to offer opposition. For the bishop was teaching, according to the tradition of the divine Scriptures, that the Son was co-equal with the Father, and that He was of the same substance as Him, and in all things like unto the Father who begat Him. But Arius, who held the foremost place among the presbyters, being in direct conflict with the word of truth, called the Son a creature and a creation of the Father, and lapsed into absurd opinions. He impiously taught that He was begotten from things that were not, and that there was a time when He was not, and that by the free exercise of His own will He was capable of vice and virtue; and other such things as it was natural for one who had set himself up to engage in disputes and debates on such matters to hold. For, indeed, imagining that the bishop was establishing the dogma of the Libyan Sabellius, he veered in the opposite direction, to the diametrically contrary position in his disputation. And he drew many along with him into this innovation of doctrine, and from a small spark a great and raging flame was kindled. For having its beginning from that of Alexander, the doctrine ran through Egypt and Libya and the upper Thebaid; and soon it was touching other provinces and cities as well. As the investigation was a matter of dispute, Alexander tried to dissuade him; for already not a few of the bishops, and most of the clergy as well, were insisting that Arius spoke rightly, and were embracing his opinion. But since they did not agree with one another—or rather, since Arius, seized by madness, began to preach his impiety B openly—Alexander excommunicated him and drove him and the clergy who cooperated with him from the priestly ranks. Those who cooperated with him from the parish of Alexandria were the presbyters Aithalas, Achillas, Carpones, and Sarmares, and another Arius; and the deacons Euzoius, Macarius, Julius, Menas, and Helladius, who drew with them a large portion of the people. To some, then, it seemed that the high priest ought to be obeyed in believing the same things about God; but others, as is wont to happen with the multitude, felt pity for them, as if they had been wronged and cast out of the Church without a hearing.
Chapter VI
There are those who say that the author of this contention before Arius was another person, a man named Alexander, a presbyter who held the second rank after Arius, surnamed Baucalis. He had acquired this name because of a mass of superabundant flesh gathered upon his back, which resembled the shape of an earthen vessel, which the Alexandrians are accustomed in their vernacular tongue to call a "baucalis." They judge that this man, who held the second place in the sacred ministry, was the cause of the dissension from which the discrepancy C between Alexander and Arius afterwards broke out, and from which the proclamation of the "consubstantial" arose. For, since Baucalis took it ill that Arius was preferred before him in honor, he introduced this innovation of doctrine; for Alexander
wishing to put an end to the strife of both, called them to a competition of words, deeming it more conducive to settle the ambiguity by persuasion rather than by violent command. And when they had met many times to dispute, as is usually the custom, strife arising between certain parties, the bishop now kindly and fittingly leaned toward this one, now toward that; but in the end, he himself also clearly proclaimed the Son to be coeternal and consubstantial with the Father, just as he had always believed from above, and commanded A Arius to think the same. And when he could not persuade him to do so, he finally expelled him from the sacred precincts.
CAPUT VI. Regarding those who were bishops of the great cities at that time; and concerning the bishops who from the beginning have governed the church of Byzantium.
At that time, Sylvester presided over the Roman Church, the successor of Miltiadis, who, after Marcellinus had finished his struggle famously in the very persecution, assumed the administration of the sacred office. In Alexandria, after Theonas and Peter, Achillas, and then the aforementioned Alexander, held the ecclesiastical prefecture; at Antioch, Vitalis was appointed to the ecclesiastical ministry in place of Tyrannus, peace having first been restored to the churches. He rebuilt from the foundation the church that had been destroyed by the tyrants, the rest of the structure of which Philogonius brought to completion, who, having been made bishop from a lawyer, succeeded him, and in the times of Licinius, as it behooves a brave man, showed his ardor and emulation for the true piety. Furthermore, in Jerusalem, after Hermon, the sacred office was entrusted to Macarius, a man worthy of such a name, as one who flourished in all goods and ornaments. In Constantinople, however, after Metrophanes, the son of the brother of the Emperor Probus, the care of sacred things had fallen by lot to Alexander. C But in truth, it seems to me entirely necessary in this place to recount the bishops of Byzantium, tracing them back more deeply from the apostles themselves, and to add them to this history like a certain sacred inscription.
For Andrew, the Lord’s apostle, having received by lot the regions of Thrace, Macedonia, and the Euxine, when he came to Byzantium and preached Christ, being sought for execution by Zeuxippus, who was tyrannizing there at that time, crossed over to Argyropolis; and having sojourned there for two years, he drew very many to the faith in Christ. Having, therefore, established a sanctuary in that place, and having ordained the apostle Stachys as bishop there, he departed for Sinope. Stachys, having administered that sacred office for sixteen years, was buried in the same place, and had Onesimus for his successor. Onesimus governed the church for fourteen years, and Polycarp was subrogated to him, who, having discharged his duty with praise for eighteen years, left it to Plutarch. He presided over the church for no less than sixteen years, and dying, ceded it to Sedecion; he having died after nine years, Diogenes ruled it for fifteen years. D To him succeeded Eleutherius, who, having performed the episcopal office for seven years, had Felix as his successor. And he, having served for five years, passed the ministry to Polycarp...
A Indeed, all of these, on account of the incursions of the infidels, held their synaxes and assemblies in the aforementioned oratory of the Apostle. Thereafter Athenodorus, having assumed the ecclesiastical function, held it for four years; he built another church in the place named Olea, and there he performed the synaxis. This structure, Constantine the Great later increased and adorned most splendidly. The successor of Athenodorus, Euzoius, held the episcopate for six years; to whom succeeded Laurentius, who presided over the Church for eleven years. After him, Alypius administered the sacred office for thirteen years. His successor, Pertinax, a man of consular rank, held the episcopal dignity for nine years; and being very wealthy, he raised another church by the sea, in a place they called Sykai, and named the house Peace. The Christians indeed transformed that location, with continuous and most beautiful buildings, into the form of a city. For which reason Constantine, distinguished for his great virtue, honored the place with most beautiful walls. In this church of Peace, after Pertinax, who was the first to administer the episcopate in this temple of Peace for nine years, Olympianus held the throne for eleven years. B The successor of this man was Marcus, for thirteen years; and after him Cyrillianus, for sixteen; and Constantine succeeded him for seven years. In his first year of the priesthood, he raised a temple inside Byzantium in the northern part, having dedicated the sanctuary to Euphemia the martyr, who had at that time completed her contest of martyrdom; at which place, having also finished the remainder of his life, he left Titus as his successor; who, having served for thirty-five years and a little more in the priesthood, passed it to Dometius, the brother of the Emperor Probus. And Probus, his son, succeeded him. And Dometius held the honor of the priesthood for twenty-four years, and Probus for twelve, whose brother Metrophanes was successor. This man adorned the episcopal ministry for ten years with great praise. Under whom also Constantine, always Augustus, magnificently founded the city bearing his name. After whom Alexander was deemed worthy of the priestly chair, being brightened by apostolic gifts. And these things concerning the bishops. C But Alexander, the bishop of Alexandria, seeing Arius burning with the lust for rule, privately holding illicit conventicles, and stirring up a great tumult and commotion, wrote letters concerning his blasphemy not only to the leaders of the churches, but also publicly to the faithful everywhere in the cities. I shall weave certain portions of those letters into this work, so that a truer narrative of events may appear for me, and I might seem to no one to have invented anything. I shall add, furthermore, others which will be consonant with the truth, and will be able to render the whole history clearer.
CHAPTER VII. Epistola of Alexander, Bishop of Alexandria, to Alexander, Bishop of Constantinople, concerning the Arians.
Alexander, then, that man of Alexandria, wrote these things to his namesake, Alexander of Constantinople, concerning the followers of Arius.
Chapter VII
A To the most Reverend and unanimous brother Alexander, Alexander sends greeting in the Lord.
The purpose of wicked men, who are led by the lust for power and the greed for money, is always to lay snares for the churches, seeking out those things that seem to them more spacious, and they are accustomed to invade ecclesiastical piety under various pretexts. For being goaded by the devil, who is active within them, toward the pleasure they have proposed for themselves, they cast off all piety and trample upon the fear of God’s judgment. Concerning them, a necessity has been laid upon me—having suffered much from them—to write to your piety, so that you may beware of such men and take care that no one of them dares to insinuate himself into your parishes and churches. For these impostors are skilled in deceit through simulation and dissimulation, and through fraud and seduction, so that either by themselves or through letters, falsely and artfully composed with flattery and boastfulness, they might lead astray those who follow a simple and sincere faith.
B For Arius and Achillas, having recently formed a conspiracy, have emulated the ambition of Coluthus—but far worse than he himself did. For he, having instituted an accusation against these very men, found a pretext for his own wicked plan; but they, seeing his Christ-merchandising, could no longer endure to be subject to the Church, but having built for themselves dens of thieves, and conducting continuous meetings there, they exercise themselves day and night in calumnies devised against Christ and us, and by criticizing all pious and apostolic sentiments, and in a way entirely befitting the Jews, they establish a workshop that persecutes Christ. They deny the divinity of our Savior, and teach that He is equal to all, and—gathering together the words of His saving economy and the abjection [He endured] for our sake—they contend for assembling from these the dogma of their own impiety, and they turn away from the words concerning the divinity which is without beginning and His ineffable glory with the Father.
C Wherefore, strengthening the impious opinion of the Greeks and Jews concerning Christ, they hunt for praise from them as much as they can; they procure and set in motion all things by which we are held in mockery by them, inciting seditions and persecutions against us daily. And this they do by constituting tribunals against us through the intervention of disorderly women whom they have deceitfully seduced, and by defaming Christianity through the fact that their young women wander shamelessly through all the streets and villages.
D Furthermore, they even dared to tear the seamless tunic of Christ, which not even the executioners themselves wished to divide. Therefore, we—having applied our remedies, albeit late due to ignorance, to those things which correspond to their customs and wicked attempts—have by unanimous vote expelled them from the Church that worships the divinity of Christ. But they, having attempted to use wanderings against us, have tried to move toward our fellow-ministers who are of one mind with us, feigning the appearance of peace and a petition in the name of respect, when in truth their aim is to take them captive. Some of them they have [led] into their own disease due to their fair-sounding words.
⟨(1) And Coluthus taught certain perverse things, but his heresy did not last: for it immediately disappeared. Epiph. against the Ariomanites.⟩
⟩ A Likewise, they formed a plan to circumvent us by stealthily gaining over colleagues who were in agreement with us, under the pretext of peace and unity, and while outwardly presenting a petition, in reality they were striving to draw some of them into the contagion of their disease through coaxing. They sought to obtain letters from them—captious and clever writings—so that they might have documents which they could falsely read to those they had abducted through fraud, thus dragging away those already accustomed to their impiety, completely alienated from repentance and the flight from errors by which they had been seduced, just as if they had bishops who supported them and were of their own mind. They do not, indeed, confess the things that they taught and did wickedly among us (on account of which they were even excommunicated), but they either commit these things in silence, or they veil them by covering them with fabricated and composed words and writings, deceiving men and, by means of insidious speeches prepared for persuasion, hiding their pestilential doctrine and carrying off those who are exposed to seduction and fraud. 544. But they do not cease to carp slanderously, everywhere and before all, at our piety. B Therefore it happens that, when some subscribe to their letters, they are received into the Church; and those colleagues who dare to permit this, as I indeed believe, are not free from the grave crime of calumny, for they not only do that which the apostolic canon does not allow them, but they also kindle and increase the diabolical efficacy that is in them against Christ. For this reason, beloved, I did not hesitate at all, but roused myself to show you the infidelity of such men.
C Then he sets forth their blasphemies one by one, and opposes them with refutations drawn at length from the divine Scriptures, exposing their impiety; and proceeding further with his pen, he adds: «Beloved, though I could say much, I pass over it, thinking it burdensome to admonish teachers who are of the same mind with many words. For you yourselves are taught by God, not being ignorant that this doctrine belongs to Ebion himself, and to Artemas, and to Paul of Samosata, from whose dregs of impiety these men have drunk, and now, from what did not exist, they stealthily produce for us the living roots of those men: Arius, of course, and Achillas, and the conspiracy of evildoers that is with them; and besides those, three bishops in Syria created I know not how, concerning whom we leave the judgment to your discretion.»
D Afterward, having explained the more humble expressions of Scripture, which the Savior assumed for our sake through his self-emptying and saving passion, and having likewise related and expounded those passages in which his existence before every beginning, and his Godhead, and his natural glory and divinity are expressed, he pursues as follows: «Who, indeed, will wonder at what I am about to write, beloved, if I set forth their false calumnies against me and our most pious people? For they who have dared to array their battle line against the divinity of the Son of God do not fear to utter ungrateful insults and revilings against us too. These are they who do not even think any of the ancients worthy to be compared with themselves, nor those whom we have from childhood...
A used as teachers; nay, they do not even consider anyone of all the fellow-ministers who are everywhere to be on a par with themselves, claiming to be the only ones who are wise, the only ones who are free from possessions, and the only ones who are discoverers of doctrines, to whom alone has been revealed that which has never entered the mind of any other man under the sun. O impious pride and immense madness! O insane opinion and truly Satanic mind! B
Having mentioned these and certain other things, and having set forth the doctrine of his faith more fully, near the end of the letter he adds these words: "Therefore, let no one among you receive those who have been anathematized by the brotherhood, nor endure the things said or written by them. For since these impostors are accustomed to lying in all things, they will certainly not speak the truth. They go about the cities, planning nothing else than, under the pretext of friendship, through hypocrisy and flattery, to give and receive letters, by which they may seduce the few women, already deceived by them and burdened with sins," and what follows. "Those, therefore, who have dared so much against Christ, who drag Christianity publicly before the people, and who contend with great zeal and effort in the courts, displaying it as a spectacle; those who, in times of peace, stir up persecution against us as much as lies within them; those who undermine the ineffable mystery of Christ's birth: keep clear of them, beloved, and being of one mind, become fellow-voters against their maddened audacity, after the example of our fellow-ministers who have been indignant and have sent letters to me against them, and have subscribed to the book of condemnation. These things I have sent by my son Appion, the archdeacon, throughout all Egypt, the Thebaid, Libya, Pentapolis, Syria, and also Lycia, Pamphylia, Asia, Cappadocia, C and other surrounding regions. I am confident that, following their example, it will be confirmed by you also. Indeed, much help has been collected by me for those who have been harmed by them, but this will be the greatest aid in repelling evils from the seduced populace, if, by the concordant consent of our fellow-ministers, they shall be persuaded and strive to hasten to repentance. Salute one another in the name of the brotherhood which is with us. I pray that you may fare well in the Lord, beloved. May I attain the fruit of your souls so greatly loving Christ."
Then he lists those excommunicated by the anathema in the letter, whom we also recounted above. To the same effect he wrote to Philogonius of Antioch, D and to Eustathius, who presided over Beroea in Syria, as well as to other heads of churches, whom he knew to be in agreement with the apostolic doctrines. Arius, however, did not think he himself should rest either. Therefore—
A driven by a certain necessity, he wished to gain the goodwill of the bishops; and deprecating blame, he wrote to them regarding his own faith, and at the same time requested that, if he indeed believed rightly, they themselves should confirm this by their own authority and signify to Alexander that he should not cause disturbance to him and his followers; but if otherwise, that he should be rightly taught how he ought to believe. And this matter was of no small profit to the party of Arius; for such an opinion being spread everywhere among the bishops, it became a common question for all concerning him. Therefore, some wrote to Alexander that Arius should by no means be received until he had solemnly renounced his blasphemy; others, on the contrary, rather defended him as pious and as one who introduced no innovation in the doctrine of the faith. Alexander, moreover, when he perceived that many were taking the Arians to themselves under the guise of sanctity and gravity, and were also urging him to be persuaded to receive Arius into favor—especially Eusebius of Nicomedia, a man renowned and highly versed in both branches of learning, and held in the greatest honor in the imperial palaces (for those who were princes before Diocletian had established the residence of the emperors at Nicomedia)—he aroused himself and wrote back to them that he would not receive the Arians into communion. Furthermore, he rebuked Eusebius of Nicomedia quite sharply in his letters, which are as follows.
CHAPTER VIII.
Alia ejusdem epistola publice universis scripta, in qua Arius excommunicatur: in qua etiam Eusebius Nicomediae episcopus perstringitur. BTo his most beloved and most reverend colleagues, who are everywhere throughout the Catholic Church, Alexander sends greeting in the Lord. Since the Catholic Church is one body, and there is a command in the divine scriptures to maintain the bond of concord and peace, it is very right that we should write to one another in turn, reporting what happens in each place, so that whether one member suffers or rejoices, we may either sympathize with or congratulate one another. C In our Church, therefore, there have now arisen some iniquitous men and enemies of Christ, who teach apostasy, which anyone might rightly consider and call a forerunner of the Antichrist. And I had indeed intended to pass over such a thing in silence, so that perhaps this evil might be consumed among the deserters alone, and might not progress to other places and contaminate the ears of some simple folk. But since Eusebius, who is now in Nicomedia, thinking that the affairs of the Church depend upon him—for D because, having abandoned Berytus and cast the eyes of his desire upon the Church of the Nicomedians, he has pursued it, yet has not been legitimately justified—has begun to patronize these deserters and write to all places, commending them, in order that he might not perhaps draw some unsuspecting people into this extreme and Christ-hating heresy, I have felt it necessary, remembering what is written in the law, to be silent no longer, but to announce to you all—
A and that you may recognize the wretched statements of their heresy; and if Eusebius writes, do not pay heed to him. For he wishes now to renew through these men his wickedness of old, which had been silenced by time; under the pretense of writing on their behalf, he demonstrates in deed that he is doing this out of zeal for himself. The apostates, then, are Arius, Achillas, Aithales, and Carpones—and another Arius—Sarmates, Euzoius, Lucius, Julianus, Minas, Helladius, Caius, and with them Secundus and Theonas, who were once called bishops. And these are the things, contrary to the Scriptures, which they have invented and preach: God was not always Father, but there was a time when God was not Father; therefore, the Word of God was not always, but came into being from things that are not. For God, who is, made him who was not from that which was not. And so, there was a time when he was not; for the Son is a created thing and a work. Nor is he similar in substance to the Father, nor is he the true and natural Word of the Father, nor His true wisdom; but he is one of the created and generated things, having become Word and Wisdom by misuse of the name. And he himself is in the proper and native Word of God and in the Wisdom which is in God, in which God made both all things and him also. For this reason, he is also subject to change and alteration by nature, just as are all rational beings. The Word is also foreign, alien, and separate from the substance of God. And the Father is ineffable to the Son; for the Word can neither perfectly see the Father, nor B perfectly and accurately know Him. For the Son does not even know His own substance as it is. For it is for our sake that he was made, that God might create us through him as through an instrument; and he would not have come into existence, had God not wished to create us. Someone, therefore, asked them, "Can the Word of God change, just as the devil changed?" And they did not fear to say, "Yes, he can; for he is of a changeable nature, being generated and changing." Having said these things, and impudently parading themselves as Arians and followers of them, we, together with the bishops of Egypt and the neighboring regions of Libya, being about one hundred in number, assembled and anathematized them. But Eusebius received those who had been accepted, striving to mix falsehood with truth, and impiety with piety. But they shall not prevail; for the truth is victorious. For there is no communion between light and darkness, nor any concord of Christ with Belial. For who has ever heard such things? Or who, hearing them now, is not astonished and stops his ears, so that the filth of these words may not reach his hearing? Who, hearing John saying, "In the beginning was the Word," does not condemn these men who say, "There was a time when he was not"? Or who, hearing in the Gospel, "The only-begotten Son," and, "Through him all things were made," will not hate those who utter these sounds, that the Son is one of the created things? How can he be equal to those things which were made through him? Or how can he be the only-begotten if, according to them, he is numbered among all things? Or how could he be from things that are not, when the Father says, "My heart brought forth D
the Only-Begotten, who, according to their opinion, is numbered among all things? How, moreover, can He be from things that do not exist, when the Father says, "My heart has poured forth a good word," and, "From the womb, before the morning star, I have begotten thee"? How can He be dissimilar to the substance of the Father, He who is the perfect image and splendor of the Father, and who says, "He who sees me sees the Father"? How, if the Son of God is the Word and Wisdom, was there ever a time when He was not? For it is the same as if they were saying that God was at some time irrational and foolish. And how is He subject to change or alteration, who says by Himself, "I am in the Father, and the Father in me," and, "I and the Father are one"? And by the Prophet, "See me, that I am, and I am not changed." B Even if this saying could be referred to the Father, it is more suitable and correct that it be said of the Word in the present case: for even though He became man, He was not changed, but as the Apostle says, "Jesus Christ, yesterday and today, the same and for ever." And what was it that persuaded them to say that He was made for our sake, even though Paul writes, "For whom are all things, and through whom are all things"? Now, as regards their blasphemy, that the Son does not know the Father, there is no reason to be surprised; for once they have determined to oppose Christ with hostility, they fraudulently and calumniously distort even the words of our Lord Himself, who says, "As the Father knows me, and I know the Father." If, therefore, the Father knows the Son in part, evidently the Son also knows the Father in part. But if to say this is an abomination, and the Father knows the Son perfectly, it is certain and manifest that just as the Father knows His own Word, so also the Word knows His own Father, whose Word He also is.
C And indeed, as we discuss these things and explain the divine Scriptures, we have often refuted them; but again, like chameleons, they changed, contending to draw to themselves what is written: "When the ungodly comes into the depth of evils, he scorns." Many heresies, indeed, have arisen before them, which, having dared more than was necessary or proper, fell into foolishness. But these men, having attempted with all their words to abolish the divinity of the Word, adorned them with the praise of righteousness, such as they themselves are, being closer to the Antichrist. For this reason, they were also proscribed from the Church and anathematized. We indeed grieve at their destruction and ruin, and especially because they themselves, having once learned the things of the Church, have now departed from them; yet we are not surprised, for we know that nothing new has happened to them. The same thing also befell Hymenaeus and Philetus, and before them Judas, who followed the Savior, but later became a traitor and a deserter. And regarding these very things, we are not left without teaching and precepts, but the Lord Himself foretold: "See that no one deceives you; for many will come in my name, saying, 'I am,' and the time has come; and they will deceive many. Do not go after them." And Paul, having learned these things from
A the Savior, wrote that in the latter times some shall depart from the wholesome faith, giving heed to seducing spirits and doctrines of demons, who turn away from the truth. Therefore, as our Savior and Lord Jesus Christ himself commanded, and as he signified through the Apostle concerning such persons, we, having ourselves heard their impiety with our own ears, have consequently, as we said before, subjected such men to anathema, and have declared them to be altogether aliens from the Catholic Church and the faith. We have signified this to your Godliness, most beloved and most revered fellow-ministers, so that you might neither receive any of them, should they be so bold as to come to you, nor give credence to Eusebius or to any other who writes to you concerning them. For it is fitting for you, as Christians, to turn away from all who speak or think anything against Christ as enemies of God and pests to souls, and not even to deem them worthy of a greeting, lest we should at any time become partakers of their sins, as the blessed John has enjoined. Greet the brethren who are with you; those who are with me greet you. B
These letters, being carried everywhere, produced even greater contention, and increased the evil on account of the zeal for dissent. For those who rallied to Alexander subscribed to them; while others stood in opposition, especially Eusebius of Nicomedia, who was caught up by a contrary opinion, as he perceived that he was severely reproached in them. And many joined his party. And he frequently sent letters to Alexander to induce him, putting the question aside, to receive the Arians; Arius especially urged him to this by his letters. I shall insert some of these into my history, so that both the participants in his impiety may be made manifest and that Alexander's faith may be shown, for he determined nothing unjustly against them. Arius therefore writes to Eusebius of Nicomedia in these words: C
CAPUT IX. Concerning the matters about which Arius wrote to Eusebius, bishop of Nicomedia.
To my most desired lord, the man of God, the faithful, the orthodox, Eusebius, Arius, who is unjustly persecuted by Alexander the Pope on account of the all-conquering truth which you also contend for, greeting in the Lord. Since my father Ammonius is traveling to Nicomedia, I deemed it proper to address you through him, and at the same time to call to mind that innate charity and affection which you bear D toward the brethren for the sake of God and his Christ: that the bishop is mightily persecuting and attacking us, and is moving every stone against us, so that he may cast us out of the city as godless men, because we do not agree with his public statement: "Always God, always Son; at the same time Father, at the same time Son; the Son coexists unbegottenly with God."
A Always begotten, He is begotten of the Unbegotten; neither in thought nor by any interval does God precede the Son. Always Son, always Christ. The Son is from God Himself. And because your brother Eusebius of Caesarea, and Theodotus, and Paulinus, and Athanasius, and Gregory, and Aetius, and all the Orientals say that God pre-exists the Son without beginning, they have been anathematized, with the sole exception of Philogonius and Hellanicus and Macarius, who are heretics and men of no doctrine, who call the Son, some an emanation, some a germ, others co-unbegotten. And we cannot bear even to hear of these impious men, even if the heretics threatened us with a thousand deaths. But what do we say and believe, and have taught and do teach? That the Son is not unbegotten, nor a part of the unbegotten in any way whatsoever, nor out of any underlying substrate; but that by will and counsel He came into existence before times and ages, full God, Only-Begotten, unchangeable, and before He was begotten, or created, or appointed, or established, He was not. For He was not unbegotten. We are persecuted because we said, "The Son has a beginning, but God is without beginning." For this reason we are persecuted; and because we said that He is from things that are not. Thus we have said it, inasmuch as He is not a part of God, nor from any underlying substrate; for this reason we are persecuted. The rest you know yourself. I pray that you be well in the Lord, mindful of our tribulations, true Collucianist, pious Eusebius. B
The men enumerated here, however, were: Eusebius, the bishop of Caesarea in Palestine, who is called [the son] of Pamphilus; Theodotus of Laodicea; Paulinus who presided over the Tyrians; Athanasius who said [he was] of Anazarbus; Gregory was of Berytus; and Aetius of Lydda, which is now called Diospolis. These were of the Arian party. The ones he calls the opposite faction are Philogonius of Antioch, Hellanicus of Tripolis, and Macarius of Jerusalem, whom he slanderously calls heretics because they taught that the Son is coeternal, pre-temporal, and of the same honor and same substance with God the Father. C Moved by this writing, Eusebius, vomiting forth the poison of heresy, incited many others and also sent a letter to Paulinus, the head of the Church of the Tyrians, which it is fitting to hear.
CAPUT X.
What Eusebius likewise wrote to Paulinus, Bishop of the Tyrians."To my master Paulinus, Eusebius sends greetings in the Lord. Neither the zeal of my master Eusebius for the word of truth, of which it has been reported to us, nor your silence on this matter, master, is passed over in silence among us. Therefore, as is fitting, we have rejoiced regarding my master Eusebius; but we are grieved D regarding you, conjecturing…
A that the silence of such a man causes our cause to be condemned. Therefore I exhort you, knowing that it is unfitting for a prudent man to think otherwise and keep silent about the truth, having overturned the reasoning in your spirit, begin to write what is profitable both to you and to your hearers; especially if you are minded to write in accordance with Scripture, keeping to the tracks of its words and sentiments. For we have not heard of two unbegotten things, nor of one divided into two, nor have we learned or believed that anything corporeal is subject to suffering, master; but rather that one is the unbegotten; and one, truly and from his substance, is that which has come to exist from him, sharing in the nature of the unbegotten in general, yet not as if from his substance, but [rather] having come to exist completely, different by nature and power according to the perfect likeness of the disposition and power of the one who made him. We believe that his origin is ineffable, not only to speech, but also to thought—not only of men, but of all those beings that are above men—and is incomprehensible. And these things we say, not by relying on our own reasonings, but having learned from holy Scripture, that he is created, and founded, and begotten in substance, and in the immutable and ineffable nature and likeness to the maker who made him, just as the Lord himself says: 'The Lord created me as the beginning of his ways; B before all the hills he begets me.' But if he were from him, that is, if he were from him as if a part of him or an emanation of his substance, he would no longer be called created or founded; nor are you yourself ignorant of this, master. For that which exists from the unbegotten, being truly created by another or by him, or being founded, would not be that which exists unbegotten from the beginning. But if the being called 'begotten' provides some C indication that he has come to be from the paternal substance, and has from this the identity of nature, we know that Scripture does not say 'begotten' only concerning him, but also concerning those who are in every way dissimilar to him by nature. For it even says concerning men: 'I have begotten and exalted sons, and they have acted impiously against me,' and, 'You have forsaken the God who begot you.' And in other places, what does it say? 'Who has begotten the drops of dew?'—not telling of nature from nature, but drawing out the generation of each of the things that are generated from his will. For nothing is of his substance, but all things by his will have been generated according to what they are; for God is one, while those things which are to be like to him by reason of his similitude are others; yet all are from God. These things, having received and elaborated upon them, according to the grace from God which is present with you, strive to write to my master Alexander. For I am persuaded that if you write to the man, you will move him. Greet all who are in the Lord. May divine grace preserve you in health, and praying for us, D master.
CHAPTER XI. On the synods gathered for the sake of Arius, and on the tumult and confusion which, because of him, invaded the world.
Such were the things these men also wrote as they armed themselves for war against the truth. Since, however, after much writing, they were unable to persuade Alexander to do what they desired, they became exasperated as if they had been insulted, and applied themselves with great zeal to establishing the dogma of Arius. And so, having set up in the chief city of Bithynia a workshop of impiety, Eusebius wrote to most of the bishops of the Christian world, asking them to admit Arius and his followers to communion. For in this way, he thought, they would attain great glory concerning their dogma, and also force Alexander to do the same. As this endeavor, however, resulted no better than before—since Alexander remained constant in the matters he had once decreed against Arius—Arius, despairing of the situation, sent a deputation B to Paulinus, to Eusebius son of Pamphilus, to Patrophilus of Scythopolis, and to the gathering surrounding them, requesting that he and his followers be granted authority to gather their own people in church as they had previously done. He petitioned this on the grounds that he had for a long time held his order and rank among the presbyters, and that according to ancient custom, while one bishop presided over all, the presbyters themselves governed their own churches, and taught the people gathered there in congregational assembly. They accepted the embassy, and having met with others in Palestine, they fulfilled the request of Arius, decreeing in writing that Arius could gather his congregation as before, though he remained subject to Alexander, and that he should entreat and beseech him so that he might arrive at favor and union with him. Another synod concerning these matters was also convened in Egypt. Melitius and those around him, who had split from the Church a short time before, supported him and assisted him greatly, inasmuch as they too were ill-disposed toward Alexander. Who this Melitius was, we have already related previously.
But the heresy having spread C throughout Egypt and everywhere else in the churches, an irreconcilable discord was stirred up in every place. The common crowd began to pass judgment on these things for themselves. They were debated publicly in the market-places, with some inclining their sympathies to one side and others to the other. The spectacle of these affairs provided both laughter and a truly tragic scene. For it was not foreigners or strangers who were attacking the churches, but fellow citizens and tribesmen, joined together by daily custom, who were waging an intestine war, using their tongues as spears and tearing each other to pieces. The situation descended to such an absurdity that Christianity was publicly exposed to mockery and ridicule by everyone. For they contended with one another in a juvenile manner, sending out embassies to see which side could gather the greater crowd of people to itself. Letters D of a contrary nature were sent everywhere by those who wished to align others with the opinions of either Alexander or Arius; and from these arose the pretexts for the formation of the subsequent heresies of the Arians, the Eunomians, and whatever others there may be.
Chapter XII. How Constantine, having heard of the contention in the Church, sent Hosius the Spaniard into the East to reconcile the dissidents.
A When this contention had reached even the imperial court, the most praiseworthy prince was not a little disturbed and pained upon hearing of it. Having conceived a heavy sorrow in his soul, he considered it his own personal calamity. Therefore, he made haste to extinguish the flame that had been kindled, and to block up the source of these evils as quickly as possible. For he feared that, as religion had only recently begun to flourish, many might be brought, by the dissension of their opinions, to turn away from the faith. Writing letters, he reproached both Arius and Alexander, and held it as a fault against them that they had brought into the open a question which could have remained hidden; and that, through an excessive inclination to contention, they had rashly published things which ought neither to have been stirred up nor admitted into the mind at all—or, at any rate, if they had been admitted, they should have been buried in silence, and not have caused such dissension between them, even if at that time they did not agree on the dogma. For he deemed it a matter of the utmost necessity that they should all agree concerning divine providence and guard the same faith. To inquire minutely into such matters, he considered to be of secondary importance. But if ambiguous opinions should arise, it were better to keep them in the recesses of the mind, as it were in the shadow. Therefore, he exhorted them to be wholly estranged from such trifles of contention and to think the same things, asserting that it was most difficult for him to visit such men and the cities of the East, and Alexandria itself—which was so great an impediment to him because of this dissension—although the public custom demanded it.
With such words, tempered by reproach and persuasion, the most wise emperor wrote to Alexander and Arius. He also took it very grievously that he had heard that some in the East were not celebrating the feast of Easter on the same day as all the other Christians; and that, while they usurped something singular for themselves and departed from the established custom received by others, they also carried out those holy days in a somewhat Jewish manner. For this reason, the joyous and festive assembly of the Christians was being obscured and corrupted by dissension. Seeking, C therefore, to reconcile the Church to a state of concord, he endeavored to check the onrushing tide of evil in both these matters before it could spread further to many, and to gather those who were causing the sedition into harmony. For this purpose, having found a man among those about him who was distinguished for both his life and learning—one who was famous among others and who had, a little before, achieved great glory by his confession of the faith, and who was held in the highest veneration and preeminent honor by the emperor—named Hosius, who held the bishopric of one of the cities in Spain called Corduba, he sent him with letters to those in Egypt who were dissenting, to reconcile them and bring them to concord; and likewise to those in the East who were not conforming themselves to the other Churches in the celebration of the Paschal day, that he might award them the rule of consensus. A part of the letters which he carried, it would not be wearisome to set down in this writing, for the...
whole of the letter Eusebius has recorded word for word in the third book of those which he wrote concerning Constantine. The chapters of which are as follows:
CHAPTER XIII. Epistola of the God-beloved Emperor, sent to Alexander and Arius.
A Victor Constantine, Maximus, Augustus, to Alexander and Arius. I understand that the beginning of the present dispute arose from you. For when you, O Alexander, were inquiring of the presbyters what each of them might think concerning a certain passage of the Law, or rather, were questioning them about a certain part of an idle dispute; and you, O Arius, were responding imprudently concerning matters which should either not have been considered at all, or, if they had been considered, should have been consigned to silence; through this the dissension was stirred up between you, the solemn assembly was denied, B and the most holy people, being split into two factions, fell away from the bond and consenting unity of the common body. Therefore, let each of you, observing a fair and equal mind, accept what your fellow-servant and colleague rightly and justly exhorts you to do. And what is this? It is that you should neither inquire about such things from the beginning, nor answer when questioned. For such questions, which no necessity of the Law or of our religion enjoins, but which the trivialities of an idle life bring forth—even if they be proposed for the sake of some natural exercise—we ought to keep C hidden within the depths of our mind, and not to produce them easily in public assemblies, nor to entrust them imprudently to the ears of all. For how many are there who can grasp or rightly explain the power of matters so great and so difficult? And if anyone should think it easy to do this, how large a portion of the people will he persuade? Or who at last will be able to stand against such subtleties and refinements of great matters without a dangerous slip? Wherefore, longer disputation in such matters must be restrained, lest by any means, if either the weakness of our nature be unable to explain what is proposed, or the duller wit of the learning auditors be unable to attain to what has been exquisitely spoken, the people fall into the necessity D of either blasphemy, or of schism and dissension. Therefore, let both the incautious inquiry and the imprudent response grant equal mutual pardon to each other. For you have not taken the occasion for contention concerning any principal precept of our Law, nor has any new opinion concerning the worship of God been introduced by you; but you have one and the same judgment, just as you have the token of our communion. Since you are contending contentiously among yourselves about the smallest and most trivial matters, it is least of all fitting that, through your dissension, you should lead such a great multitude of the people of God according to your own whim. This is believed to be neither decorous nor entirely lawful. But that I may remind your prudence by a small example, I will say: You know that even the philosophers themselves, while they all agree on one doctrine, yet often, in the...
A sphere of their conclusions, they disagree; and if they dissent in the virtue of their science, they nevertheless breathe in harmony with one another through the unity of the body. If this is so, how much more justly should you, who have been established as ministers of the great God, be of one mind with each other in such a religious purpose?
But let us consider the matter with greater deliberation, and let us ponder with more reflection what has been said, if it is indeed right that brothers should be opposed to brothers over a few vain strifes of words, and that solemn gatherings should be divided by your impious dissension, whereas you contend with one another over matters that are most trivial and not at all necessary. These things are vulgar, and more suited to childish minds than becoming to the wisdom of holy and prudent men. Let us depart of our own accord from diabolical temptations. The great God and Savior of us all has brought forth light common to all; by His providence, permit this effort—begun by me, the servant of One far more powerful—to be brought to its due end, so that through you I may lead His peoples, by my admonition, ministry, and B striving of exhortation, back to the communion of the gathering. For as I have said, there is one faith among you, and one understanding of our school, and the precept of the law itself concludes everything in all its parts into one purpose and will of the soul. This very thing which has bred contention among you, since it does not refer to the power of the entire law, let it by no means cause any sedition and secession among you. And I say these things, not as if I were imposing upon you the necessity of suppressing such a childish and reckless, or whatever it may be, question. For the solemnity of the gathering can be preserved by you sincerely, and the communion of all maintained, even if there be a difference between you in some part concerning the most trivial thing. For we do not all have the same will in all matters, nor does one nature or opinion prevail among us. Therefore, let there be one faith among you regarding divine providence, one understanding, one consensus concerning God. But as for those things which you inquire into among yourselves regarding these most trivial questions, even if they do not lead to the same opinion, it is proper to retain them within your reflection C and to keep them in the recesses of your soul; so that it may be easy for that ineffable and chief sacrament of communal friendship and charity, and the faith of truth, and the worship of God, and the honor and reverence of our religion and law, to remain constant and firm among you. Return to mutual charity and grace, restore to the entire people their embraces, and, purifying your own souls as it were, acknowledge one another again. For friendship, after the laying aside of enmities, often becomes more pleasant when it has returned once more to reconciliation. Therefore, return to me days that are serene D and nights that are free from care, so that for me, too, there may be some pleasure from pure light and, for the future, a quiet joy of life.
If this is not to be, that necessity falls upon me to be wholly exhausted by sighs and tears, nor shall I be able to endure the time of this life with composure. For if so many of God’s people—that is, my fellow servants—are at variance through such unjust and harmful strife among themselves, how can it be possible for me to remain composed in spirit thereafter? But that you may further understand my profound sorrow regarding this matter, take note of this: quite recently, while I was at Nicomedia, suddenly, urged by I know not what, I made plans to travel to the East. And as I was hastening to you, and was already in large part with you, the report of this matter struck me and disturbed my purpose and the plan I had formed, and forced me to turn back, B so that I would not be compelled to see with my eyes those things which I judged I could not even endure with my ears. Open to me, I beseech you, henceforth—by your concord—the road to the East, which you have closed with your mutual contentions. Grant me this, so that I may quickly see you and all the other peoples rejoicing, and may be able to give due thanks to God for the common concord and liberty of all, with prayers most auspicious and most favorable.
CHAPTER XIV.
Regarding the first universal holy synod at Nicaea, and what Eusebius writes about it.
The emperor, indeed, wrote such words of prudent counsel. Yet the strife grew all the more, and the matter moved against expectation toward a worse state, and the uncontrolled contention left no room for reconciliation. For neither the devout zeal of the emperor, nor the excellence of him who had carried the letters, achieved anything. And so far were they from being persuaded to restore harmony that they were even further incited to vengeance. Wherefore, Hosius, who had been sent to establish peace, returned to the emperor with his task unfinished. C The emperor, therefore, perceiving that this evil was growing to a height, promulgated that most famous synod in Bithynia at Nicaea, and by letters summoned the bishops from every place to a set day. Public vehicles and beasts of burden—public horses and mules—carried them; and not them only, but also those who accompanied them for the sake of service. There assembled there Fathers from almost all provinces and cities, whose names, along with the cities over whose episcopal administration they presided, the great Athanasius recounted in his synodal book. The bishops were about three hundred and eighteen, and there were no fewer priests and deacons accompanying them. D At that time, those who held the Apostolic sees were: Alexander, of Alexandria, which is situated by the Mareotic lake; and for the church of Antioch by the Orontes, it had already been committed to Eustathius, since Philogonius had not long before been received to God and translated to a better life. This Eustathius, though most unwilling and reluctant, had been installed upon that throne from Berrhoea by the provincial bishops, the priests, and the common people of the Lord, who had applied the greatest force.
A And owing to deep old age, or to great infirmity, they remained behind. In their stead, two priests were sent; from the Romans, Vitus and Vincentius; and from the Roman bishop others, greatly excelling in life and speech, having received instructions to fulfill their place and to assent to what was rightly done. Many of them were distinguished by apostolic gifts. Many not a few, on account of their steadfast confession for Christ, bore the stigmata and marks on their bodies; especially among the bishops, Paphnutius of the Upper Thebaid, and Spyridon, Cyprian of Trimythous, and Hosius of Corduba, and James of Nisibis (for Mygdonia of Antioch was formerly called Nisibis), who even by raising the dead and restoring them to life performed countless other miracles. B Meletius of Sebaste, Basileus of Amasea, Nicholas of Myra, and Gregory of Greater Armenia, and Paul of Neocaesarea—this city lies on the bank of the Euphrates—who had been deprived of the use of both his hands by the wickedness of Licinius, the moving organs having been destroyed by red-hot iron applied to his limbs. And others, some of whom had had one of their eyes gouged out with a hissing iron; others, having their right knee joints rendered useless for walking by the cauterizing irons. Among these was Paphnutius the Egyptian, of whom, just as of Spyridon, we shall speak later. And, to speak simply, it was a host of martyrs gathered into one. There were also present very many others, of those who were prominent and laypeople, learned and eloquent, and above all, men distinguished in the knowledge of the sacred books and also in secular learning, readily prepared to lend weight to either side. C Furthermore, regarding those who gathered there, Eusebius the Palestinian in his third book *On Constantine* reports these things: «From all the churches that are throughout all of Europe, Libya, and Asia, the flowers of God’s ministers were gathered together in one; and one house of prayer, as if expanded by God, received within it at the same time Syrians and Cilicians, Phoenicians and Arabians, and Palestinians; and in addition to these, Egyptians, Thebans, Libyans, and those who came from Mesopotamia. And a Persian bishop was also present at the synod. Nor was a Scythian lacking from the company. Pontus also, and Asia, Phrygia and Pamphylia sent their chosen D and chief men there. Thracians and Macedonians were also present, and Achaeans and Epirotes. And those who lived even further away and in more remote regions had arrived. From the Spaniards themselves, that most celebrated man was there, sitting in council with the rest. The bishop of the imperial city was absent on account of his elderly age, but his priests, being present, filled his place. Indeed, Constantine alone among all emperors since the world was founded, having woven a crown of peace for Christ his Savior for the victory won against enemies, consecrated such a divine gift of thanksgiving, and
established this as an image of the apostolic choir in our own time. A For at that time, a message was gathered together from every nation under heaven, [consisting of] devout men; among whom were Parthians, Medes, and Elamites, those inhabiting Mesopotamia, Judea, and Cappadocia, Pontus and Asia, Phrygia and Pamphylia, Egypt and the parts of Libya about Cyrene, and Roman sojourners, Jews and proselytes, Cretans and Arabs. The only difference is that those former ones were not all constituted as ministers of God; but in the present choir, the multitude of bishops exceeded the number of three hundred, and there was no counting those who followed them—presbyters, deacons, acolytes, and a multitude of others. Among these ministers of God, some were distinguished by their word of wisdom, others by the firmness of their life and the endurance of their patience, while others were adorned by a moderate manner of life. B Some of them were honored by length of days, others shone with youth and the vigor of the soul; yet others had only just entered upon the course of their ministry. The emperor ordered that food rations be generously provided for all of them every day. And so much from Eusebius.
CHAPTER XV
Concerning what took place before the synod; and concerning the two philosophers who, contrary to all expectation, believed in Christ.
C Very many were indeed addicted to the opinions of Arius, and most strongly approved of his views: Eusebius, who had been bishop of Berytus, and later of Nicomedia; Theognis, a Nicaean, and bishop of Nicaea itself; and Maris, who held the charge of Chalcedon in Bithynia. Against these, Athanasius struggled valiantly; he was the leader of the deacons of Alexandria, and very dear to the bishop Alexander, being adorned with both excellent doctrine and virtue; and being a formidable disputant, he was no small part of the synod's counsel, and was well known to the emperor himself and those around him. D Because of this, he stirred up great hatred in the Arians against him, as will be shown as the history proceeds. But before they all came together into a public assembly, as is usually the custom, those who were skilled in the arts of logic made a contest, like a prelude to the struggles, about the opinions they followed and entered into disputations. And as some were drawn out too far by the pleasure of argumentation, one of the lay confessors, a man adorned with simple prudence who was present there, said, "Our doctrine, those who first saw and handed it down did not present through the deceit of words or any art of dialectic, but founded it simply and openly upon a naked faith and good works." He also counseled those of Arius’s party not to innovate concerning the faith handed down from the beginning, and [not] to embrace a view concerning divine worship without investigation. But they said that it was not right to accept the opinions of the ancients without examining the matter.
A And those of the dialogue for the time being kept silent, listening to the truth. Many, however, of the philosophers among the Greeks took part in the discussion; some, indeed, because they were desiring to learn what our religion ever is, while others were present because they were distressed, seeing because of Christianity the Greek trickery recently perishing. And they cast our affairs into contentions, so that it might be set up as seditious, and might be unacceptable to the many. And one of them, boasting over the vanity of his words and mocking the priests, was accusing them of much foolish talk. A certain simple old man, not bearing his arrogance (the story goes that this was that great and famous Spyridon), set himself to enter into a contest of words. And to the rash ones, this matter seemed a subject for laughter; but as many as were fair-minded were afraid for honor’s sake that the old man might appear ridiculous before a man trained in the arts, being entirely devoid of Greek technical skill; for they were afraid to hold back such a man. But when he was permitted, he said: “In the name of Jesus Christ, O philosopher, listen. There is one God of heaven and earth and of all things, as many as are visible and as many as are invisible, the Creator; who produces all these things by the power of the Word, and establishes and confirms them by the holiness of the Spirit that is in Him. This Word, therefore, whom we name the Son of God, having compassion on the error of the human race, is born from a woman, and is embodied in a human body, and dies for us, and rises again; and he will come very soon, the examiner and judge of the things done by each. Know that these things are so, apart from curious investigation; thus we believe. Do not, therefore, seek how these things are, nor dare to argue or explore the reason for them. For these things surpass reason, and by far excel all knowledge.” And pausing a little, he said, “Do you believe these things? Answer.” At this, the philosopher, having become speechless, then said that he believed; and he immediately confessed that he was overcome; and he chose to hold the same opinions as the divine elder; and he sought to have the others disposed in the same way, swearing to all that he was not driven to the worship without divine impulse, but was translated to the sacred things of the Christians by an ineffable power. B C They say that the same thing happened later to Alexander, who was chosen to preside over the see of Constantine. D For when Constantine had just come to Byzantium after the synod, some of the philosophers of the Greeks, approaching him, brought him under blame because he had given himself to an illegitimate cult of religion, and had innovated in divine matters, having chosen to practice rituals other than those which his ancestors had worshipped, and which the ages of the centuries had borne. And they asked to make a trial of the recent belief, and requested to come to words with the bishop. And he, although untrained and unskilled in such arguments, yet relying only on the integrity of his life (for he was, if anyone ever was, honorable and good), nevertheless, with the emperor commanding, to a discussion...
he was persuaded. And as many were approaching at the same time, he asked that one from among the rest be chosen as the most distinguished to dispute, while the others remained quiet and listened. When one therefore undertook the contest, Alexander said, "In the name of Jesus Christ, I command you not to speak." And with that word, his tongue was bound, and he stood speechless, gesturing to the others and struck by what had been done. But having signaled that he believed, and being released from his bonds, he received by experience the power of the mystery. And this is how those matters transpired. A
CAPUT XVI. How the emperor entered the synod itself, and his address to that holy order of bishops.
When the emperor had completed the festive celebration of his victory over Licinius, he himself also arrived at Nicaea. Having prepared a very large building within the imperial palace, he caused many benches and seats to be made on either side for the holy men who had gathered, extending them along the walls. And having given to each the honor appropriate to him, he ordered them all to enter in order. But when it seemed to him that he should also join the council, he entered B last of all with a few, distinguished by a truly admirable height of stature and a joyful countenance, and bearing on his face a certain unusual, pleasing, and becoming reverence. And when a throne C had been placed for him, more modest than his grandeur would suggest, he did not consider it proper to sit before the bishops permitted him to do so. Such humanity and reverence was joined in the emperor toward those men. And at length, after being invited, he sat down at the head of the assembly; and with him sat that holy choir. When a quiet and profound silence had been kept, Eustathius, the bishop of the Church of Antioch, was the first, as it were, to crown the imperial head with the praises of his speech, as with newly plucked flowers, honoring his zeal for divine matters and requiting it with legitimate honor and every good wish. D Likewise, Eusebius, the son of Pamphilus, also rose and acted; for he spoke words to him by which he extolled his virtues with praises, and through him consecrated prayers of thanksgiving and hymns to God. When they had finished, and silence was made once more, the emperor, from his own seat, used an exhortation by which he excited them to concord and ordered each one to set aside for the present whatever personal grievance he might have. For very many had accused one another, and thinking that the time had been given for whatever troubled each person to be averted and cured, they had presented to the emperor scrolls concerning the matters over which they were in conflict with one another. When he had received these not unwillingly, he said that he would deliberate about them later on a certain day, and for the present, he ordered them to proceed to the acting upon that which had been proposed concerning the faith. Indeed, many who willingly harbored long-standing and even bitter enmities, were accusing certain of the bishops.
A Having marked these with his seal, he ordered them to be kept securely. But when the assembly had met and the appointed day arrived, he brought the scrolls into the presence of all and, holding them in his hands, "These," he said, "are the accusations which are reserved for that great Judge, and the time for them is the day of the final judgment, to whom even hidden things become manifest. For me, however, being but a man subject to error, it is wrong to accept and listen to accusations against priests, or to sit in judgment upon them. For it is not considered holy in my sight that those who are established as ministers of God should present themselves in such a way as to be judged by others or by me. For if the faults of priests become known to the majority, a great occasion of scandal arises for those who desire to sin without fear. Come, therefore, imitating Christ, let us heal our mutual offenses with forgiveness; for He says that one must remit debts if he himself wishes to obtain the grace of forgiveness." Having said these words, he burned the scrolls in their presence, swearing that he had read nothing at all of what was written in them. And he added this, that even if he had happened upon a bishop who was despoiling another man's marriage, he would cover the sin with his own purple robe, so that the sight of the things committed might not offer an occasion of harm to the onlookers.
¶ These things were done before the common assembly. But in the gathering of the Fathers, he exhorted them to concord, and bade them consult on the dogmas of the faith and state their opinions by vote. The things which he said to them at that time, in summary, were these: C "I give thanks to God, the cause of all things, but especially on account of this assembly, most cherished Fathers and brothers—for I rightly call you so, since our common Savior has granted me this grace, that the matter has turned out even more happily than I could have dared to hope. For to behold such a great gathering of the priests of God assembled in one council, by His concession, should one not hold it to be a matter of immense happiness? But I should wish to see you all thinking the same things, and standing in the same opinion by a consensus of hearts. For I judge it to be worse than anything else, and consider it an evil beyond what any could express, to see the Church of God divided by seditions and conflicting in hostile opposition of opinions. Since, therefore, it has become known to me with great pain—a thing I would have wished had never happened—how much my soul has been struck to hear that you are involved in seditions! This was least of all fitting for you to do, who are established as ministers of God and heralds of peace. For who will persuade others to follow quiet counsels when you are taking up arms so D hostilely and fighting against one another? This is the reason why I have convoked this holy synod, being both your Emperor and your fellow-servant. And I ask this one grace from you, which it is just that you should both receive from me and give to me: that you bring into the midst the things which have generated this sedition, and, having resolved the controversy through quiet counsels, you may lead all toward peace in accordance with the grace that is in you, and grant to the dogma an unshakeable stability; so that together with such a great divine army I may raise a common trophy against the envious demon, who, as quickly as possible, away from the ancient tyrants...
whose work was according to his desire in all things, and who, being thwarted, stirred up this civil war, ever jealous and attacking our blessings. Wherefore I implore you, as if God were present, let each one, having cast aside whatever burden he may have contracted, approach the good of common concord. For let no one think that public affairs can be in good order while things among you are in such states of sedition and discord. For it would be a terrible and utterly absurd thing, if, with the enemies thus destroyed and no one still daring to resist, you should arm yourselves against one another, and this should even provide pleasure and ironical laughter to the enemies; and this too while you are discoursing on divine matters, regarding which the instruction of the Spirit plainly teaches what must be done. B For the scripture of the holy Gospels, and the divinely inspired words of the apostles, and in addition to these the ancient oracles of the prophets, clearly teach us what we ought to say and think concerning God. And so, having cast far away the strife which stirred up this holy war, let us seek the solution of the points in dispute through the divinely-spoken teachings. And the discovery of this will be easy, I think, if we desire it.
Chapter 18. On the matters for which the synod made decrees, and on the holy symbol of our faith.
These things, or things similar to these, he said to the bishops as to fathers, like a pious son, aiming at apostolic harmony. C And adding other things, he permitted the discussion concerning the doctrine to be started subsequently. And Arius was brought into the midst; and there was a diligent and accurate examination of the points brought forward by him; yet they took care not to rush headlong in casting judgment on either side. And it is necessary to go through what Eusebius says about these matters in the third book *To Constantine*: "Very many arguments having been put forward by the other side, and there being much controversy at first, the sovereign of all listened with long-suffering, and with intent diligence received the propositions; and, receiving in turn what was said by each party, he quietly gathered those who were D contentiously insisting; and, dealing gently in his conversations with each one, speaking in the Greek tongue—for he was not ignorant of it—he showed himself sweeter and more pleasant; persuading some, imposing silence by his speech on others, praising those who spoke well, and leading everyone to concord, he established them all in agreement and same-mindedness on all the matters in dispute; so that they were in agreement with one voice concerning the faith, and [they] confessed that they would all celebrate the saving feast at the same time. The common decrees were also confirmed in writing by the subscription of each one."
A I have inserted these things here, so that the testimony of the faith may have weight and importance even from the confession of its enemies, and so that no one might be able to object or cavil, saying that those who set it forth were simple and utterly unlearned men. “For of these,” says Eusebius, “servants of God who came together at Nicaea, some were distinguished by their eloquence in wisdom, and others by the steadfastness of their lives; and because the emperor was present, he led them all into concord and made them like-minded.” The faith, however, which was brought forth by the three hundred and eighteen [bishops], and which is published and observed by the churches even until now, having been fortified by the writings of the bishops and of Constantine the God-fearing emperor, contained the following words: “We believe in one God, the Father Almighty, maker of all things visible and invisible. And in one Lord Jesus Christ, the Son of God, begotten of the Father, B only-begotten; that is, of the substance of the Father; God of God, light of light, true God of true God, begotten, not made, consubstantial with the Father, by whom all things were made, both things in heaven and things on earth; who for us men and for our salvation came down and was incarnate, was made man, suffered, and rose again on the third day; ascended into heaven, and is coming to judge the living and the dead. And in the Holy Spirit.” But those who say C “There was a time when he was not,” or “He was not before he was begotten,” or “He was made out of nothing,” or who maintain that the Son of God is of another hypostasis or substance, or that he is created, or mutable, or alterable, these the Catholic and Apostolic Church of God anathematizes. In this way did all agree among themselves; and they decreed that the Son is consubstantial with the Father, and they embraced the soundness of the faith.
69 CHAPTER XVIII.
Regarding the bishops who struggled against the decree of the synod through dissensions; and what the synod and the emperor himself decreed against them and Arius himself.
But very few praised the opinion of Arius; D yet a little later even these gave their assent, except for Secundus and Theonas, who also found fault with the term “consubstantial.” These were: Eusebius of Nicomedia, Theognis of Nicaea, Maris of Chalcedon, Theonas of Marmarica, Secundus of Ptolemais, Menophantus of Ephesus, Patrophilus of Scythopolis, Narcissus of Neronias (which is a city of the second Cilicia, now called Irenopolis), all bishops. For they said that what is “consubstantial” is something that comes from something else by partition, or by germination, or by flux; and by flux, indeed, as children from a father; by germination, as a shoot from the roots; and by partition, as two or three little pieces of a golden mass. But because in none of these modes of reasoning could the Son be from the Father, for this reason they firmly resolved to reject the faith that had been set forth. Since they did not at all receive the term “consubstantial,” they were unwilling to subscribe to the decree by which the presbyteral dignity was abrogated for Arius. This matter gave the synod cause to declare Arius and all who were of the same mind with him under a curse, and to decree that they should not enter Alexandria.
no one. Moreover, he anathematized the words of his heresy; and A the book which he had composed against the faith, he entitled *Thalia*—whose character, as I have learned from the writing, was a certain simple and dissolute style, resembling the songs of the poet Sotades; and he further decreed that if any other writing of his or of his like-minded followers were to be found, it should be consumed by fire, so that no memorial of them or of the heresy might survive for future life; and he legislated that the penalty should be death if anyone were found concealing any of them and not burning them immediately.
The emperor sent many letters throughout the cities against Arius and those who held the same opinions as he. He banished Eusebius and Theognis from their own cities. He exhorted the Nicomedians to hold fast to the right faith which the three hundred had delivered, and to appoint other bishops who were chosen for their upright thinking, and to consign the memory of Eusebius to the depths of oblivion. He threatened B to punish severely those who might attempt to entertain, favor, or praise the things they had done. By these letters he also revealed that he was otherwise hateful to Eusebius, as one who had previously favored Licinius. Consequently, according to these letters, they were not only banished, but others were also chosen for their own sees. For in place of Eusebius, Amphion took the see of Nicomedia, and Chrestus that of Nicaea; and both of them were most eager for the sincerest piety.
It is necessary to know that Eusebius and Theognis and those with them had previously handed to the synod a separate teaching of their own faith, which, as being counterfeit and full of impiety, they tore up. And a great tumult having arisen from this, and C all being moved against them because of their manifest impiety, at first they subjected Arius himself to anathema, except for Secundus and Theonas. They were indeed unwilling, however, to subscribe to his deposition, even though they had subscribed to the exposition of the faith—doing so, however, deceitfully and not sincerely, having returned after their exile, as we shall indicate as we proceed. The very deeds they performed against the defenders of piety and all that they left behind regarding these matters—which I shall also recount—will bear witness to this.
The other Eusebius, who had received the surname of Pamphilus, was present at the synod and was doubtful, and considered with himself again and again whether it was necessary to conform to the published creed; and having delayed for a little while, he agreed, and sealed it with his hand; and he sent to his own church—which was demanding the creed and the definition—the letter in which he also explains the word *homoousios*, D so that he might not be suspected by anyone of having subscribed to it slowly or negligently and without any care.
(1) Eusebius of Nicomedia, pointing to the garment he was wearing to the emperor, dared to say: "Even if this garment were torn into shreds before my eyes, I would never say that each [part] was of the same substance." Moved by this blasphemy, Constantine agreed the more readily to his proscription. (Sozom. lib. II, cap. 21).
Chapter XIX. What the synod decreed regarding Pascha and the heresiarch Meletius; and concerning the sacred and divine canons. Also what the confessor Paphnutius advised.
A Once the dogma of faith had been duly and orderly confirmed, they gathered again and debated the holy days of Pascha. It pleased them all that this feast day should be celebrated by everyone at the same time. In their third assembly, they inquired into the case of the aforementioned Meletius, the heresiarch, and his followers, and the events and innovations brought about by him in Egypt, and it was decreed that they should all be in Lycus, retaining only the bare name of the episcopate, and that it should not be lawful for any of them thereafter to impose hands upon anyone. However, those whom they had already deemed worthy of the imposition of hands were to remain in the ministry they had previously received and to communicate without any fear, but they were to occupy a second place in dignity and honor after the ministers of any church. And it was provided that, in place of those who might die, others newly co-opted among them might be substituted, provided they were deemed worthy by vote, with the Bishop of Alexandria presiding, though they themselves were to have no authority in the power of selection. The synod rightly and conveniently decided this so that the rashness and celerity of Meletius and his followers in imposing hands might be restrained. For such was the brazen audacity of Meletius that, in times of persecution, when he was fleeing and hiding, he would seize for himself and claim the power to impose hands, a right belonging to that most renowned martyr Peter, at the time when that saint was in flight and hiding; and B for this reason, his schism and faction prevailed so greatly throughout Egypt.
C After these matters were settled, the council finally enacted twenty laws for the regulation of morals, which it is customary to call canons. When they consulted about these, it seemed to the others that all those who had obtained any sacred ministry, except for lectors, should henceforth not cohabit with their wives whom they had married before entering into the sacred office. But Paphnutius alone, the bishop of the Upper Thebais, of whom mention was made to us earlier, prevented this matter by his intercession, stating that matrimony was worthy of veneration and did not lack its own chastity and modesty. Moreover, explaining the lawfulness of marriage, he requested the synod not to enact that law, for it would be grievous to both, namely to the priests and to their wives, and perhaps it would be a cause for living less modestly. "Therefore," he said, "according to the custom that has prevailed from ancient times, it ought to be maintained henceforth as well: that those who have received the priestly dignity while unmarried should continue to abstain D from marriage, but those who, having taken a wife, have been co-opted into the sacred order, should not be separated from their wives." Because Paphnutius suggested such things, the synod was well-disposed; and this was done although the subject of marriage was entirely vast. And as for this matter, having left it to the opinion of those involved, the synod said nothing; but regarding the others, as it deemed proper for itself, it established laws, according to which it is fitting that the matters concerning
the Church be conducted. And they are set before all; and if it pleases anyone to peruse them, it is easy.
CAPUT XX.
A That the emperor summoned Acesius, the bishop of the Novatians, to the synod.The God-loving emperor, exercising care for the common concord, summoned Acesius, the bishop of the Novatians, to the council, and showed him the decree of the synod regarding both the dogma of the faith and the feast. He asked whether it also seemed good to him, and whether he felt that what had been confirmed by the bishops was fair; and Acesius, having praised it, said that nothing new had been defined. For he himself, he said, had received the dogma from his forefathers in that manner, and had always celebrated the feast in that way. The emperor then said: "Why then, holding these views, do you remain so far apart from communion with us?" Acesius then called to mind the dispute concerning Novatus and Cornelius, the bishop of the city of Rome, under the Emperor Decius; namely, that Novatus had rejected from the communion of the divine mysteries those who had committed the sin unto death after baptism, and had sacrificed to idols, claiming that the power to grant remission of the sin to such men belonged to God alone, and not to priests. To whom the emperor immediately replied: "Set up a ladder, Acesius, and ascend into heaven alone." By saying this, he did not praise Acesius, but rather rebuked him for perhaps considering himself to be immune from sins. B And indeed, the matters concerning the synod were transacted as we have very briefly set forth.
To me, however, it will not be burdensome or wearisome, for the sake of more surely confirming the veracity of these accounts, to allege what Eustathius and Athanasius, those bulwarks of true piety, wrote concerning the deceit of the raging Arians; and what Eusebius Pamphili likewise signified to his own Church concerning the constitutions of the synod; and, furthermore, what was decreed in common by all the Fathers; and finally, what the God-dear Constantine wrote to all those bishops who were absent, concerning the dogma of the faith, concerning the Pasch, concerning Arius and his sectaries, and even concerning Eusebius of Nicomedia himself. For from these things the acts of the synod will be especially understood. And first I shall set forth the words of Eustathius, bishop of Antioch, in which he refutes the blasphemy of the Arians and teaches what was done; and furthermore, he interprets that saying: "The Lord created me in the beginning of his ways." He writes thus.
CAPUT XXI.
C Of what sort are the historical monuments which Eustathius of Antioch and Athanasius of Alexandria, bishops and bulwarks of true piety, provided concerning the acts of the synod."I proceed from here to the matters themselves, as they were done. What, then, is it? Since for these reasons a very great synod was gathered at Nicaea—no fewer than two hundred and seventy bishops gathered there. D For I am not able to write the exact number due to the crowds of such a great multitude,"
nor can I state it, nor have I investigated it with such great zeal; yet where the doctrine of the faith was in question, the writing of Eusebius was produced as A a manifest argument and proof of blasphemy. When read in the presence of everyone, it at once caused immeasurable distress to the listeners because of its perverse depravity, and brought the greatest disgrace upon its author. But after the fraudulent endeavor of Eusebius was openly detected, and that most iniquitous writing was torn to pieces in the view of all, some, making a show of the name of peace, brought about a situation where those who were accustomed to speak most excellently were silenced. The Arians, however, fearing lest they be condemned and relegated by the decree of so great a council, were the first themselves to slay their own abrogated dogma with an anathema; and they subscribed with their own hands B to the profession of faith with agreeing notations, and—holding fast to their bishoprics through ambition and the greatest circumcursation, grasping at the hands of the clergy, those who ought rather to have done penance—afterwards, sometimes clandestinely and sometimes openly, taught their condemned opinions and used various arguments and snares in this matter. And when they wished to sow the plants of tares, fearing those skilled men by whom they could be detected, they avoided them and fraudulently attacked others, the heralds and professors of true piety. We do not believe, however, that impious men, and men without God, will ever be superior by the divine will. For even if they prevail again, they shall yet be defeated again, according to the grandiloquent and grave prophet Isaiah. C
Thus says the great Eustathius. But he who is not inferior to him either in virtue or in the emulation of piety, the most celebrated Athanasius, writing to the Africans, introduces these words: "For the bishops who had gathered, wishing to abolish those expressions of impiety devised by the Arians (that 'the Son is a creature and a work from non-existent things,' and, 'There was a time when He was not,' and that 'He is of a mutable nature'), and wishing to promulgate those things which are explicitly in the Scriptures, namely, that the Son is by nature the only-begotten Word from God, the power and sole wisdom of the Father, the true God, as John said; and as Paul wrote, 'the brightness of [His] glory, and the express image of the Father’s D substance' (Hebr. 1, 3); the Eusebians, driven by their own insane persuasion of opinion, debated among themselves: 'Let us strike a pact, for we too are from God; for there is one God, from whom are all things; and the old things have passed away, behold, all things have been made new (II Cor. 5, 17), and all things are from God.' There also came to their mind that which is written in the Shepherd: 'First of all, believe that there is one God, who created and perfected all things, and brought them from nothing into substance.' But the bishops, having perceived their versutia and the malignant fraud of their impiety, judging that what is said 'from God' must be clarified, wrote that the Son is from the substance of God.
For this is peculiar and proper to the Only-Begotten and true Word of the Father. And this was the occasion and cause of writing "from the substance." But again, when the bishops questioned the few A who appeared to be on their side, whether they would call the Son not a creature, but the power and wisdom only of the Father, and an eternal image, unchangeable in all respects, of the Father, and true God, the followers of Eusebius were caught nodding to one another and saying that these things apply to us as well; for we too are called the image and glory of God. And it has been said concerning us: "For we who are living are always," and, "there are many powers," and, "all the power of God went out from Egypt." And the caterpillar and the locust are called a great power; and, "The Lord of powers is with us, the protector of us, the God of Jacob." But we also possess our being "peculiar to God," not simply, but because He also called us brothers. And if they also call the Son true God, it does not grieve us; for when He is born, He is true. B Such is the corrupted mindset of the Arians. But even here, the bishops, having perceived that fraud, gathered from the Scriptures the "radiance," and the "fountain," and the "river," and the "character" regarding the hypostasis; and the, "In Thy light we shall see light," and the, "I and the Father are one," and more clearly and concisely thereafter, they wrote: "consubstantial with the Father." And Eusebius, who became bishop of Caesarea, knew that these terms are non-Scriptural. But he is vainly reproved by them; for they themselves were ungodly in [using] non-Scriptural terms. For they blame [the Council] for the "from non-being" and the "there was a time when He was not," which are non-Scriptural; for this reason, they were condemned for [using] non-Scriptural words that were, however, understood with piety [by the Council]. For they themselves, as if C finding their words from the dung-heap, spoke truly "from the earth," whereas the bishops, not finding the terms for themselves, but having the testimony of the Fathers, wrote thus. For ancient bishops, nearly one hundred and thirty years ago, both in great Rome and in our own city, rebuked those who said the Son is a creature and not consubstantial with the Father. And Eusebius, who became bishop of Caesarea, knew this—who, though he at first sided with the Arian heresy, later, having subscribed to that very Nicene synod, wrote to his own [people], asserting that we know of some of the ancient and illustrious bishops and writers who used the term "consubstantial" regarding the divinity of the Father and the Son. D Those men, therefore, having concealed their disease—for they feared the multitude of the bishops—reprove [the Council] for things not found in the Scriptures, although neither the words nor the sentiments of the Arian delusions are to be found in them.
For God, the Lord of all, cries out against them: This people honoureth me with their lips, but their heart is far from me (Isa. xxix, 13). But Theonas and Secundus, because they would not do the same, were excommunicated by the unanimous vote of all, for preferring the blasphemy of Arius to evangelical truth. These things are also recorded by Athanasius.
CHAPTER XXI. The Epistle of Eusebius Pamphili to his own Church, setting forth the acts of the Synod.
But it is also fitting to hear what Eusebius Pamphili wrote from Nicaea itself to certain Arians who had not unjustly accused him of betrayal. This document clearly demonstrates their madness. Indeed, the letter itself will best show his counsel and intention. It is as follows: "It is likely that you have learned from other sources what was transacted concerning the ecclesiastical profession of faith at the great synod held in Nicaea, for information regarding such events often travels faster than an accurate report. But lest the truth of the matter should be conveyed to you by such rumors in a way contrary to what actually occurred, we have necessarily sent you, first, the confession of faith proposed by us, and then the other, which they published after adding certain points to our phrasing.
"Our document, when read in the presence of our God-beloved Emperor, was declared to be well and correctly expressed, and it follows this form: 'The faith as set forth by us, as we received it from the bishops before us and in our first instruction, and as we learned it when we received the sacred bath, and as we have learned from the Divine Scriptures, and as we have believed and taught both in the presbytery and in the episcopate itself, is this: We believe in one God, the Father Almighty, Maker of all things visible and invisible. And in one Lord, Jesus Christ, the Word of God, God from God, Light from Light, Life from Life, the only-begotten Son, the first-born of all creation, begotten of the Father before all ages, through whom also all things were made; who for our salvation was incarnate and lived among men, and suffered, and rose again on the third day, and ascended to the Father, and shall come again in glory to judge the living and the dead. We believe also in the Holy Spirit: believing each of these to be and to exist, the Father truly Father, and the Son truly Son, and the Holy Spirit truly Holy Spirit; just as our Lord also, sending out his disciples to the work of preaching, said: Go, make disciples of all nations, baptizing them in the name of the Father, and of the Son, and of the Holy Spirit. Regarding these things we also assert that we are so
A disposed, and have so thought from of old, and to the point of death we will stand for this faith, anathematizing every godless heresy.
We bear witness before God the Almighty and our Lord Jesus Christ that we have so thought and so spoken from the heart and soul, from the time when we first knew ourselves, and that we so think and speak now in truth; we are able to show B and demonstrate by proof, and to persuade you, that in past times also we so believed and preached. Upon this confession of faith being set forth by us, there was no ground left for contradiction. And the God-beloved emperor himself, our prince, first bore witness that it was most correctly conceived, and he himself professed to think the same; and he exhorted all to assent to it, to subscribe to its articles, and to agree with them in common, with only C the single word "consubstantial" (homoousion) added; which he himself also interpreted, saying that "consubstantial" was not to be spoken of according to the passions of bodies, nor that the Son subsisted from the Father by division or by cutting off. For the immaterial, intellectual, and incorporeal nature cannot undergo any bodily passion, but such things should be understood in a divine and ineffable manner. And our wisest and most pious emperor D philosophized in such a way. But others, on the pretext of the addition of the "consubstantial," have 578 made another exposition of the faith (which I also set forth a little earlier in the history).
When, therefore, the term "consubstantial" had been dictated, as has been said, we did not leave the phrase "from the essence of the Father" and "consubstantial with the Father" unexamined; for questions and answers were raised thereby. The meaning of what had been said was subjected to scrutiny. And indeed, it was acknowledged by them that "from the essence" is expressive of being from the Father, yet not in such a way as to exist as a part of the Father. In this regard, it also seemed right to us to agree with that meaning, since pious doctrine teaches that the Son is from the Father, but does not exist as a part of His essence. Wherefore we also agree with the meaning; nor do we reject the term, since we have the goal of peace before our eyes, and also that we might not fall from the right understanding. In the same way, we also accepted "Begotten, and not made," since they said that "made" was a common term for other creatures which were made through the Son, of which the Son has nothing in common. Therefore, since He is not a creature, He is not like those who were made through Him; but He is of a substance which it is impossible to define, as it is ineffable. Whether you say light from light, or Word from Word, or Spirit from Spirit, or Lord from Lord, whatever you say of Him, you must believe the Father and the Son to be of one essence; for the Greeks say what we call "consubstantial."
A ...and that He is not a creature in essence, which the divine oracles teach to have been begotten from the Father, while the mode of generation is ineffable and beyond the comprehension of every created nature. In the same way, the reasoning that has been closely examined establishes that the Son is consubstantial with the Father, not in the manner of bodies, nor similar to mortal animals; for it is not by division of essence, nor by cutting off, nor indeed by any passion, change, or alteration of the Father’s power. For the unbegotten nature of the Father is foreign to all these things. The term "consubstantial" implies regarding the Father that the Son of God bears no resemblance to created things, but that He is in all things similar ONLY to the Father who begat Him, and that He is not from any other subsistence or essence, but from the Father. Since this interpretation of the term was explained to us, it seemed good to us to give our consent, especially as we know that some learned and esteemed bishops and writers of old B used the term "consubstantial" in their theology of the Father and the Son. These things, then, have been spoken concerning the confession of faith that was set forth, to which we all gave our consent, not without examination, but according to the meanings provided, which were examined in the presence of the God-beloved Emperor himself, and agreed upon with the stated arguments. We also deemed it right to accept the anathema placed by them after the confession of faith, because it forbids the use of words not found in Scripture; for it is by these that almost all confusion and disturbance of the Church has arisen. Since no divinely inspired Scripture uses the phrases "out of nothing" or "there was a time when He was not," and the rest that follow, it did not seem reasonable to say or teach these things; and we agreed with him who judged this rightly, since we were not accustomed to using these expressions in the time before this. Furthermore, we did not think it absurd to ana- C thematize the phrase, "He was not before He was begotten," since it is confessed by all that He is the Son of God even before His birth according to the flesh. And now, the God-beloved Emperor of ours has established by his argument that, according to His divine generation, He existed before all ages; for even before He was effectively begotten, He was potentially in the Father, unbegotten—the Father being always Father, just as He is always King and Savior, and potentially all things, being always and unchangingly the same. We have necessarily sent these things to you, beloved, making clear the matters of our examination and consent; so that you might understand how reasonably we held our ground until the last D hour, owing to how those things written otherwise were obstacles to us, and how we then ungraciously accepted those things that did not offend us, when it appeared to us that those who provided the meaning of these words for our examination had a clear cooperation with what we ourselves had confessed in the previously set-forth creed, and so that you might understand that the decrees which followed our examination and consent have remained, and that we have stood firm until the last hour, when we...
were hindered by others writing differently; then, having cast aside the spirit of contention, we embraced those things which troubled us not at all, and which, as we kindly inquired into the sense of the words, appeared to have a manifest consensus with those things which we had previously professed in the faith. A Eusebius clearly indicates, however, that the term "consubstantial" was not new, nor first produced by the bishops then assembled at Nicaea, but was discovered and used by wise Fathers many years before. Moreover, that it was approved by the common consent and concordant vote of all, I have myself set forth a little above, which Eusebius also clearly demonstrates in his book *On the Life of Constantine*.
Chapter XXIII.
How even two deceased bishops and Fathers joined in subscribing to the decrees of the synod, Chrysanthus and Musonius.
Furthermore, it would not be untimely to mention the notable miracle which occurred during the subscription of the holy Symbol. Before the acts of the synod were completed, it happened that two bishops departed from this life before they had set their signature to the written profession of faith. But the rest of the throng of Fathers came to the common place of burial and repose, and standing by their monument, having the document in their hands, they said as if to the living and hearing: "Good fight, divine Fathers, you have fought with us; you have run the course; you have kept the faith. If, therefore, you consider that what has been done by us ought to be sanctioned, since now, with no obstacle intervening, you enjoy the splendor of the Trinity B and see more clearly, it is necessary that you also subscribe to the document with us." They said these things, and placed the sealed document at the tomb, and spent the whole night without sleep. The following day, when they returned to the place, they found the seals inviolate, and upon unfolding the scroll, they discovered their signatures inserted with the rest, still fresh, containing these words: "Chrysanthus and Musonius, who agreed with all the Fathers in the holy, first, and oecumenical Nicene synod; although we have departed from the body, yet with our own hand we also have subscribed to the document."
CHAPTER XXIV.
What the same holy synod wrote to the Church of Alexandria regarding the matters transacted in the synod.
The synod wrote as follows to Alexandria, Egypt, Libya, and Pentapolis concerning the acts performed: "To the holy and great Church of God in Alexandria, and to our beloved brethren in Egypt, Libya, and Pentapolis, [we,] who were assembled at Nicaea and have celebrated the great and holy synod, [send] greeting in the Lord. Since, by divine grace and the gathering together of the most God-beloved Emperor Constantine, it seemed entirely necessary that a letter be sent to you by the holy synod, so that you might be able to understand D both what matters came into question and discussion there, and what things were decreed and sanctioned: know, therefore, first of all, that inquiry was made into the impiety...
and lawlessness of Arius and his followers, and in A the presence of the most God-beloved Emperor Constantine, it was resolved by the consensus of all that his impious opinion and his blasphemous words and expressions, which he had used to blaspheme the Son of God—calling Him a creation and a work, and saying that He was from non-existence, and that there was a time when He was not, and asserting that the Son of God is by the freedom of His own will capable of both vice and virtue—should be condemned under anathema. The holy synod anathematized all these things, not even enduring to hear his impious opinion and madness and blasphemous words. And concerning the end which has befallen him, you have either heard already or will hear, so that we may not appear to insult a man who has reaped the rewards befitting his own sin. But his impiety grew so strong that Theonas of Marmarica and Secundus of Ptolemais were ruined along with him; for they have met with the same fate as he. But since by the grace of God Egypt has been liberated from that perverse opinion and impiety and blasphemy, and from the people who dared to stir up sedition and division among a formerly peaceful populace; but there remained the B matter of the recklessness of Melitius and those who were ordained by him—concerning this part too, we inform you, beloved brethren, of what the synod decided. It was decided, therefore, that Melitius (towards whom the synod was moved to be more humane—for, by the strict letter of the law, he deserved no pardon whatsoever) should remain in his own city, but that he should have no authority either to ordain or to conduct elections; nor should he appear in any other region or city on account of this pretext, but retain only the hollow title of his rank. Regarding those who had been appointed by him, provided that they are confirmed by a more mystical ordination, they are to be admitted to communion, on the condition that they retain their honor and ministry, but that they shall strictly rank as second to all those who are recognized in each parish and church, and who were appointed by our most honorable brother and fellow-minister Alexander. Consequently, they shall have no authority to appoint those who are pleasing to them, or to submit names, or to do anything at all without the judgment of the bishops of the Catholic Church who are under Alexander. But for those who, by the grace of God and your prayers, are found to be in no faction of schism, but remain C unblemished in the Catholic Church, it is permitted to them to appoint and to nominate those who are worthy of the clergy, and in all things to act in accordance with the law and the ecclesiastical constitution. And if it should happen that any of those who preside over the Church should depart this life, then those who have been recently received may be advanced to the post and honor of the deceased, provided only that they appear worthy, and that the people choose them, with the bishop of Alexandria joining in the vote and setting his seal upon it. This was granted to all the others, but in the case of Melitius himself, it was not deemed the same, because of his ancient instability and the impulsive and reckless nature of his mind, lest any authority or power be given to a man who might be able to create the same disorders again. These things...
A are what pertain especially to Egypt and the Church of Alexandria. If anything else, moreover, has been determined by canons or by decrees, our most reverend lord, brother, and colleague, Alexander, having returned to you, will report it more accurately, since he is both an author and a participant in all that was done. Furthermore, we bring to you the joyful news concerning the agreement on the celebration of the most holy Pascha; for this matter also has been rightly settled and ordered through your prayers: that all the brethren in the East who previously celebrated along with the Jews, have from this very time consented to observe it in concord with the Romans and us, and with all those who from ancient times have kept the Pascha with us. Rejoice, therefore, in the ecclesiastical matters having been set in order, in the agreement of peace and restored concord, and in the eradication of all heresies; and receive with greater honor and more abundant charity our colleague and your bishop, Alexander, who truly gladdened us by his presence and endured so much labor in this his old age, that peace might exist also among you. Pray also for us all, that these things which have seemed to be well ordered may remain firm and stable through God Almighty, and through our Lord Jesus Christ, with the Holy Spirit: to whom be glory forever. Amen.
B Not only the divine synod, but also the most celebrated Constantine addressed letters of similar character to the people of Alexandria; in which he shows that the definition of the faith was not issued simply, rashly, or negligently, but with much examination and accurate disquisition; and that whatever things were consonant with the dogma were all brought into the open; and that first, after diligent investigation, whatever seemed to provide a pretext for dissension was undeniably removed out of the way; and so the definition was issued. And finally, he calls the opinion of God the synod of bishops that had arrived at the same opinion; and he declares the agreement of so many Fathers to be from the Holy Spirit, and thence that they could neither miss the truth nor the C secure path.
CHAPTER XXV.
Epistle of the great Emperor Constantine to all the churches everywhere concerning the things transacted in the holy synod; and against the Arians.
The same man, also instructing those of the bishops who could not arrive, and all the churches everywhere, regarding the things that were done there, wrote in this manner: Having learned by experience, through the prosperity of public affairs, how great is the grace of divine power, I have judged that this end ought to be set before me above all others: that among the most blessed multitudes of the catholic Church, a single faith, and sincere charity, and D a consensus concerning...
A the piety toward the Almighty God be preserved. But since it was impossible that this should be otherwise arranged, to establish a stable and firm order, unless all, or certainly the majority of bishops, gathered together and judged regarding any matter pertaining to the most holy religion—for the sake of this, after a great multitude had been gathered, and I myself being present, just as one of you (for I would not deny, in which I mostly rejoice, that I am your fellow-servant)—everything was brought into due inquiry, until the opinion pleasing to God, the inspector of all things, was brought to light for the purpose of establishing the concord of an agreeing unity, so that nothing remained that could contribute to dissension or ambiguity of the profession of faith. B Where, since a question also arose concerning the most holy day of Easter, it was decreed by unanimous opinion that it is fitting that all everywhere should perform it on the same day. For what can be more beautiful or more grave for us than that this feast day, from which we have received the hope of immortality, should be celebrated by all in one order and with a celebrated rite, certainly and inviolably? And first, it seemed an unworthy thing for that most holy feast to be fulfilled by following the custom of the Jews, who, having stained their own hands with a nefarious crime, are not without reason blinded also in their souls, the wicked men. For what is permitted, now that that nation is cast off, but to transmit to future ages also, in a more correct and truer order, the rite of this observation which we have kept from the first day of the passion until now? Therefore, let there be nothing in common for you with the most odious crowd of the Jews. For we have received another way from the Savior. C For a path is set forth for our most holy religion, and a legal rule becoming to it, which, embracing with unanimous consent, let us draw ourselves away from that foul conscience and society, most reverend brothers. And truly it is the most absurd thing of all for them to boastingly claim that we are unable to observe these things without their teaching and prescription. For what can they rightly feel and know, who, after that slaughter of the Lord, being seized in their minds, are led not by any reason, but by an uncontrollable impulse, wherever their innate madness drives them? For this reason, since they do not see the truth even in this part, but as always, are carried away, turned aside by a vicious affection, rather than correcting their error, they perform Passover twice in the same year. For what reason, therefore, shall we follow D those who are confessed to be entangled in a grave error? Truly, we would never endure to celebrate Passover twice in the same year. And even if these things were not explained to you, it would still behoove you, according to the sagacity of your mind, always both to study and to desire that you do not defile the purity of your souls by the likeness and example of anyone, nor appear to imitate the custom of men who are evil in every way. In addition to these things, it also comes to be considered that in a matter of such magnitude and in such solemn festivals of our religion, for dissension to exist is most ungodly; for our Savior delivered to us one day of our freedom—that is, of the most holy passion—and decreed that his catholic Church be one.
A Although its members are scattered in many and various places, yet it is nurtured by one spirit, that is, by the divine will. Let the sagacity of your holiness reflect on how grave and improper it is that on the same days some should be occupied with fasts, while others hold banquets; and that after the days of Easter, some should be occupied with festivals and relaxation, while others are given over to the prescribed fasts. For these reasons, therefore, the divine providence wills that this should receive due correction, and be brought to one uniformity, as I myself clearly perceive. B Since, therefore, it is fitting that this should be corrected in such a way that we have nothing in common with those who murdered the Lord, and since there is an orderly custom which all the churches of the western, southern, and northern parts of the inhabited world observe—and some of those in the East also, which for the present all have judged to be well—I myself promised that this would also be pleasing to your sagacity: so that whatever is observed in the city of the Romans, Italy, and all Africa, Egypt, the Spains, the Gauls, the Britains, Libya, the whole of Greece, the Asian diocese, and Pontus and Cilicia, by one and consenting judgment, your sagacity may also gladly accept, considering that not only is the number of churches in the aforementioned places greater, but also that it is most holy that all should desire this in common; which indeed accurate reason seems to demand, and that we should have no communion with the perjury of the Jews. C But that I may speak the sum of the matter briefly, it has pleased the common judgment of all, that the most holy feast of Easter should be celebrated on one and the same day. For it is not proper that in so holy a matter there should be any difference; and it is better to follow this opinion in which there will be no admixture of alien error and sin. Since these things are thus, gladly receive this heavenly and truly divine command. For whatever is done in the holy assemblies of the bishops, this has its reference to the divine will. Therefore, having signified the aforementioned things to all our beloved brothers, you ought now to accept and ordain both the aforementioned argument and the observance of the most holy day; so that when I arrive at the sight of your disposition, which I have long desired, I may be able to celebrate the holy feast with you on one and the same day, and that I may rejoice with you in all things, seeing that diabolical cruelty has been destroyed by the divine power through our actions, and that your faith, peace, and concord are flourishing everywhere. May God preserve you, beloved brothers. D
It is also right to hear what he wrote to the bishops and peoples everywhere against Arius and those who think with him.
“Since the wicked and impiousA Arius has acted as an imitator of those [the Porphyrians], it is just that he should bear the same ignominy as them. Just as Porphyry, that enemy of divine piety, having composed wicked books against religion, found a reward worthy of his deeds—by which he stands exposed to shame for all future ages, is overwhelmed with the greatest infamy, and his impious writings have been abolished—so now it has pleased us that Arius and those who agree with him should be called Porphyrians, so that they may bear the name of those whose ways they have imitated. Beyond this, should any work composed by Arius be found, it is our will that it be delivered to the fire, so that not only his wicked doctrine may be eradicated, but that no memorial of him may remain. I further proclaim that if any person should be caught concealing any book composed by Arius, and does not immediately deliver it to be consumed by fire, the punishment for such an act shall be death. For, being caught in such a crime, he shall immediately suffer a capital penalty.” He also sent many other letters against them to all places, mocking them with words composed with irony and dissimulation. He wrote in the same way to the Nicomedians against Eusebius and Theognis, attacking Eusebius as one who had formerly favored Licinius and conspired against him, and bidding them elect another bishop; and this was done. But to avoid making this work too long, I have judged it not fitting to insert those letters here. And of these matters, let this suffice.
CAPUT XXVI. That Constantine, for the sake of a blessing, transferred the synod to Constantinople, provided a public feast for it, and having honored all with gifts, sent each one home.
C As affairs were proceeding in this manner, it happened that the twentieth year of Constantine’s reign was then being completed. It is the custom among the Romans to hold a common and public assembly and festival day every tenth year of their ruler’s reign. Thinking it becoming to do likewise, he invited the synod to a feast; and, having arranged many couches in order in one place, he received them all there, manifesting his generosity toward them with many words and gifts. He brought the most illustrious of them to his own table. And when he beheld limbs mutilated for the sake of Christ, and considered from this the constancy of their faith, he did not disdain to kiss and venerate their scars with his own lips, trusting that he would receive grace from such a kiss and from their blessing. When that D sacred banquet came to an end, rising from his throne, he petitioned the assembly in the manner of a suppliant not to begrudge him, who had endured such great labor, a few days, and not to be burdened by visiting his newly founded city, now already perfected, so that they might strengthen its fortifications and walls with their prayers. They immediately did as he had requested; and, arriving at Constantinople, they performed the dedication of the city, celebrating the unbloody sacrifice; and having encircled and fortified it sufficiently with prayers, they
dedicated it to the Mother of God, naming it New Rome and the imperial Constantinople, while Alexander was at that time presiding over the throne of Byzantium. A He again invited them to a feast and offered other gifts; and he sent letters to the governors of the provinces, that in every city annual provisions should be granted to those dedicated to divine worship, and to the widows and virgins who kept watch in the more holy sanctuaries of the temples, gifts which pertained to a splendid liberality rather than to mere necessary use—provisions which Julian later removed, but his successor caused a third part of them to be provided. When everyone was preparing to return home, he exhorted them all to hold the same faith, and to be concerned above all for the peace among themselves, so that, remaining free from discord, they might be well-pleasing to God, the Lord of all. Having spoken at length of the common concord, at the end he earnestly urged them to pray for himself, his children, and the empire, and to make the Divine ever propitious to them, and to render the decree of the synod immovable. To those who were not present he also wrote, laying out what had been settled, commanding them to embrace and cherish the faith which had been tested by such a rigorous examination, and which, having been established by so great an assembly of Fathers, had been confirmed by unanimous consent and by the votes of such a great synod, as having been brought about entirely by the will of God. And each one, having been deemed worthy of such honor, returned home to his own flock. The Emperor, meanwhile, was overjoyed to see the one Church throughout the whole world, and to see her in agreement regarding doctrine, and he offered solemn thanksgivings to God for the unanimous concord of the bishops everywhere. C I think it would be a matter of interest to those who are studious to know the names of the bishops, and their provinces and the titles of their cities; and indeed I would have set them forth, having found them in the synodal book of Athanasius, had I not wished to avoid the tediousness of a lengthy discourse; wherefore I permit those who wish to do so to inquire into them. The time of the synod, as we have found, was the eleventh day of the month of May, in the third indiction, in the consulship of Paulinus and Julianus. This was the six hundred and thirty-sixth year from the reign of Alexander the Macedonian; and the twentieth year of the reign of Constantine, from the time he began to rule in Britain; and the thirteenth from the time he came to Byzantium. The Council itself was held at Nicaea for three years and a little longer. And thus the events at Nicaea had their conclusion; but Constantine from that time forth was still...
more ardently inflamed with zeal for religion, and sent epistles to all the cities and peoples of the Roman empire, urging them to renounce their former error and embrace the doctrine and religion of Christ. Moreover, by sending money to the bishops, he stirred them up still more generously to the building of churches, providing abundant funds for that purpose. He also ordered that ecclesiastical books be copied and prepared by his own clerks. But his epistle written to Eusebius will more clearly indicate the purpose and mind of the writer; it is as follows:
CHAPTER XXVII.
*The epistles of the great Constantine concerning the restoration of churches and the provision of sacred books.*B "Victor Constantinus Maximus Augustus to Eusebius. For such a length of time, until the present, while impiety and tyranny persecuted the ministers of God the Savior at their own pleasure, I believe and have indeed been fully persuaded, most beloved brother, that the works of all the churches have either perished through neglect, or, for fear of the impending persecution, have remained less perfect than their dignity required. But now that liberty has been restored, and that serpent has been driven from the administration of public affairs by the providence of the greatest God, and by our own service, I believe that the divine power has been made manifest to all; and that those who, through fear, or C disbelief, or sin, had been oppressed, by coming to know Him who is truly God, have at length attained to the true and right state of life. Therefore, concerning the churches over which you preside yourself, or over which you know other bishops, presbyters, or deacons elsewhere to preside, remind them to apply themselves diligently to the works of the churches, whether to restore those that remain, or to enlarge them, or, where the necessity demands, to build new ones. Furthermore, request both for yourself and for the others through you, the necessary expenses from the governors and provincial magistrates. For it has been diligently enjoined upon them by letter, that they themselves are to execute what will be spoken by your holiness. May God preserve you, beloved brother."
These things he wrote D concerning the building of churches, not only to this man, but to the rest of the bishops as well. But what he signified to Eusebius of Pamphilus concerning the provision of books, I shall subjoin hereafter:
"Victor Constantinus Maximus Augustus to Eusebius. In the city which bears our name, by the favor of the providence of God the Savior, a great multitude of people has given its name to the most holy church, and has dedicated itself to her: so that, as all those there are receiving a great increase, it seems altogether necessary that more churches should be built there. Wherefore, accept most willingly what has pleased our judgment (for we have deemed it necessary to signify this to your prudence), that you should procure fifty volumes of parchment codices, which are convenient for folding and carrying, to be written by professional calligraphers, and accurately...
by those who have thoroughly mastered the art, that you should see to the transcribing of the books of the Divine Scriptures, whose restoration and use you know to be most necessary for the Churches. For letters have been sent by our clemency to the Catholic and general manager of the diocese, so that he may see to providing everything necessary for the accomplishment of this task. For it shall be the work of your diligence that these copies may be transcribed and prepared as quickly as possible. And the authority of these our letters will rightly grant you the power to receive two public vehicles for the transportation of the books. For thus the beautifully transcribed codices will be able to be brought to us most easily, with one of the deacons of the Church fulfilling this ministry; who, when he comes into our sight, shall experience our kindness. May God preserve you, beloved brother. A
CHAPTER XXVIII
What the great Constantine wrote to Macarius of Jerusalem concerning the life-giving tomb of Christ.
But whereas one may easily and clearly recognize from these things the emperor’s zeal for sacred matters, it will be shown no less by what he performed concerning the life-giving tomb of Christ B in Jerusalem. For when he learned how those who had long ago been obsessed with the error of idols had buried the tomb of the Savior, having raised a great height of earth over it; and having taken possession of the surrounding place of Calvary and the Resurrection, had paved the surface with great stones (so as to consign the monuments of eternal memory to oblivion), and furthermore had impudently erected a temple of the goddess Venus and placed her statue there, mocking the virgin birth—so that those who had determined to pay the honor due to Christ in that place seemed to be rendering it to her image, and with the passage of time oblivion might suppress and hide the true cause, since it was not permitted for anyone to visit the place freely, nor to point out the matter to others—he ordered C the temple itself to be torn down from its foundations, and that earth to be carried as far as possible from the city, as one defiled by wicked sacrifices; and he ordered another temple of extraordinary beauty, both most great and most magnificent, to be erected for Christ. Which temple the letter which he sent to Macarius, bishop of Jerusalem—who, along with the other Fathers, shook the opinion of Arius—will very clearly demonstrate, written in these words roughly: "Victor Constantine Maximus Augustus to Macarius. Such is the grace of our Savior, that no power of speech can seem worthy of the present miracle. For that the monument D of that most holy passion, long covered by the earth, should have lain hidden for so many courses of years, until, through the overthrow of the common enemy of us all, it was destined to shine forth to his own ministers, whom he had liberated, surpasses all astonishment in truth. For if all who are thought to be wise throughout the entire world were to come together, they would not be able, even with their entire eloquence, to say one thing worthy of the fact; nor would they be able to reach even the slightest…
A part of it through their disputation. For the faith of this miracle so far surpasses every nature which human reason and thought can attain, by as much as heavenly things are more efficacious and powerful than human ones. For this reason, that is and shall always be my single and primary purpose, so that just as the faith of the truth reveals itself through new miracles, so too may the souls of us all be made more eager through purity and a harmonious readiness of heart. Since I believe this is manifest to all, I specifically wish for you to be persuaded that it is a matter of the utmost concern to me, in everything, that we adorn with beautiful structures of buildings that sacred place which, by the command of God, I have relieved of the most foul addition of idols, as if from some heavy weight hanging over it; a place which, though it was made holy at the very beginning by the judgment of God, has been made even holier since it brought the faith of the saving passion to light. It is therefore fitting for your ingenuity to arrange all things and to procure all that is necessary, so that the basilica might not only be more excellent than others that exist everywhere, but that all B other parts might also be constructed and prepared in such a way that whatever works in any city are excellent in beauty are surpassed by this structure. And indeed, know that the care concerning the workmanship and finish of the walls has been entrusted by us to our friend Dracillianus, who administers the office of the most illustrious prefects, and to the governor of the province. For it has been commanded by our piety that the craftsmen, laborers, and whatever else is necessary for the building, once they are informed by your ingenuity, should be sent immediately through their provision. C But concerning the columns and marble, which you, after having examined the form of the work as a whole, shall consider to be the most excellent and suitable, hasten to write to us, so that we may know from your letter how many and of what kind are needed, and they may be brought from all sides. For it is just that the place most worthy of admiration in all the world should be adorned in accordance with its dignity. Furthermore, I desire to know from you whether the ceiling of the basilica should be made with coffers or with some other type of work; for if it is to be built with coffers, it can also be adorned with gold. What remains is for your holiness to signify to the magistrates whom we have mentioned, at the earliest possible time, how many laborers and craftsmen and how much expense D is needed. Indeed, take care that this is also reported quickly to us, not only concerning the marble and columns, but also concerning the coffers, if you judge these to be more beautiful and appropriate. May God keep you safe, beloved brother.
CHAPTER XXIX. How the emperor's mother, Helena, went to Jerusalem, and found the holy cross there, and what things were done concerning it.
The blessed Helena, the mother of the emperor who gave birth to such a son, was herself the minister for the delivery of these letters. For in A the same year that the synod was assembled, having been warned by an oracle in a dream, she had sought Jerusalem for the sake of prayer and the learning of sacred matters; nor did she allow either the labor of the journey or the vexation of old age to deter her in this matter. For she had reached the very end of her life, and she felt most piously regarding the affairs and religion of the Christians. Furthermore, she considered it of the greatest importance to find the wood of the cross and the life-giving monument of Christ. And however difficult it was, nevertheless she finally found it, as indeed some have said, with a Jewish man pointing out the region from a certain ancestral record, but in truth, as I myself believe, B by God manifesting it through certain signs and nocturnal visions. For when it seemed good to God to bring divine and occult things to light, there was no need at all for human testimonies. For truly, by command of the emperor, that defiled temple having been torn down and the mound cleared away, from that place that sacred cavern of the Resurrection appeared, and three crosses were found cast about, along with a white board on which Pilate had written with various letters and had placed it above the head of Christ, in the manner of a monument, proclaiming that one who had been crucified as the King of the Jews. But since the writing had become blurred C and the board lay cast aside at random, the discovery of the divine wood was still difficult, because the crosses were found cast about in a confused order. For how should those who had so recklessly thrown them about have cared that each should be left in its own place? Especially when the soldiers were hastening death on account of the Sabbath and, furthermore, believed it to be ill-omened to linger by the crosses of men who had died by violent force; therefore, they had cast them here and there. Therefore, as the search was uncertain and the emperor's mother was in doubt of mind, she besought God that a sign might be given to her. And He resolved the ambiguity in a certain way, pointing out the wood to which D the Lord’s body had been fastened, and which had received the drop of divine blood trickling down. For a certain woman of noble birth, oppressed by a grievous disease, was struggling with the final danger; and Macarius, together with Helena and her companions, came to her, and he gave the sign that whichever of these crosses, when placed upon the sick woman, should completely dispel the danger, that would be the cross of Christ. And prayer having been made, he applied the crosses one by one. When two had been applied, the woman remained in the same danger, already despaired of life; but when he applied the true wood to her, she suddenly looked up and, having firmly gathered her strength, she immediately leaped from the bed. They say, moreover, that afterward, the holy cross being placed upon one who was completely dead, he was restored to life. And in this way, it is recorded that the divine wood became manifested. A large part of it the divine Helena enclosed in a silver casket and gave to the bishop in memory
of future generations, where she also decreed that the holy Exaltation should be celebrated every year. She sent another part to her son the emperor. With what disposition, one might ask, did he receive it, when he considered within himself with faith that the city was saved by the very fact that such a holy gift was preserved within it? For this reason, he enclosed this part in his own statue [(f)], which he set up on a porphyry column in the city he had magnificently built, in the place called the Forum of Constantine. She also sent him some of the holy nails which she had found at that time at the monument, with which the body of Christ had been pierced. It is said that with one of these he fashioned a helmet for himself, and inserted the other into the bridle of his horse, so that he might remain safe and unharmed from wounds in battles, and that in this way in his time the prophecy of Zechariah was fulfilled, saying: *"There shall be upon the bridle of the horse holiness unto the Lord Almighty."* B These things, indeed, the holy prophets foresaw long ago, but they attained their certainty later in their own times, when it seemed good to God, and they received their fulfillment in deeds. And this is not so much a matter for wonder, given that even the Greeks foretold certain divine things; just as everyone, even those of the opposite opinion, will confess that the saying of the Sibyl, spoken long ago, concerns the holy cross:
*O blessed wood, on which God himself was hung.*
For the majority of the Greeks, who appeared to excel the rest, knew many of the prophecies, which they concealed, as if they were oracles, in verses and in words more solemn for the people. C But it was the power of God, as I believe, for the surer agreement of future events, not only to foretell the future through His own ministers, but also to make use of foreigners and outsiders for this purpose, just as some musician, while singing a pleasant and delightful song, runs over the extra strings with his plectrum, or even adds others, for the sake of ornamentation, beyond those which are in common use. Even if these things are somewhat of a digression, I think they have been said appropriately: that those who were alien to our doctrine, by a higher ordination of God, foretold the future concerning Christ. D
CHAPTER XXX. Concerning the churches which Helena and Constantine built in Jerusalem and the surrounding regions.
The empress Helena, having built a most spacious temple at the monument of the Resurrection and of Calvary, such that it yielded to none whatever in beauty or magnitude, named the church New Jerusalem, as a counterpart to that ancient and now dissolved tabernacle. And she, at her own private expense, magnificently constructed two other holy houses: one in Bethlehem, about the cave of Christ's birth; and the other...
A upon the Mount of Olives, at the very summit where, having left his disciples behind, Christ was assumed into heaven. She also raised another marvelous temple in the estate of Gethsemani to the Theotokos, securely enclosing within its sanctuary that life-giving tomb of hers. And because it is a sloping place, she saw to it that marble steps were made for those traveling from the holy city toward the eastern region. Indeed, it is said in the mouths of many, and widely reported, that as one goes down the incline, the place is called the Valley of Weeping; and [they speak of] the torrent of Cedron, and the valley of Josaphat; and that very near to this is the garden where Christ was betrayed, being accustomed to go there to pray. And for the holy infants, and where the angel brought the joyful message to the shepherds, she produced holy sanctuaries in these very places: one for the infants themselves, and for her who gave birth to the Word, and another for the betrothed Joseph.
From there, proceeding to Bethany, she built a magnificent church for Lazarus, the friend of Christ; it is distant from Jerusalem about two miles. Then, turning B toward the holy Jordan, around the cave where the Baptist once had his dwelling, she erected a very beautiful house for him, and another on the slope of the mountain for Elijah the Thesbite. And then, having finished a journey of four days, she reached Tiberias, where she established the "Twelve Thrones," the place where Christ fed the four thousand. And the village is Capernaum, where the circumstances regarding the centurion were accomplished, and [where] the paralytic, lowered through the roof, immediately found healing. Then, where the woman with the flow of blood found the stopping of her blood; and she stands at what is called the Seven Fountains [Heptapegon], where the Lord performed the strange miracle of the seven loaves and two fish. And having arrived at the shore of Tiberias, and where He healed the Magdalene, she raised distinct churches for the apostles at each of these sites. Inside the city of Tiberias, having found the house of Peter's mother-in-law, she built a beautiful church for the divine Peter. The same [things] were also performed on Mount Tabor, where it is also said that Melchizedek deigned to bless Abraham. There, on the site of the Transfiguration, for those who had beheld that supernatural C splendor, she built a very beautiful church for the three apostles; and she poured out much money for that site, so that there might be provision for those remaining there, and that they might keep the place in a manner worthy of it.
Descending from there toward the east, she arrives at Nazareth. And having found the house of the salutation, she raised a lovely temple to the Theotokos. And in Cana of Galilee, where the wedding of Simon the Canaanite took place, and where wine was made to gush forth from unknown grapes, she built another holy house.
A Having returned to the holy city, she built in Zion a most ample temple, extending far and wide in length and breadth. In its posterior part, she enclosed the room B where the disciples had been gathered with the doors locked for fear of the Jews, and in which the divine supper took place, as well as the divine foot-washing, and the descent of the Holy Spirit in the upper room; and where James was proclaimed the first hierarch and bishop. In that temple there was also a marble column, to which it is believed the Savior was bound when He was scourged. On the left side of that temple, the tomb of the divine prophet David is magnificently established C for the oblation of the offering. Now Zion is situated in the southern part of the city, having been allotted its higher region, and it is distant by a mile from the place of Christ's resurrection. In the palace of Caiaphas, she established another temple for Peter, the prince of the apostles. And in the pit of Jeremiah, and at the fountain which is called Siloam, she built marvelous works. Finally, she had the potter’s field prepared for the burial of strangers and pilgrims.
D By the zeal of the son of Constantine, he also built a most great and beautiful temple at the Oak of Mamre, which is now called the Terebinth, having Hebron as a neighbor, distant fifteen stadia towards the south, and about two hundred and fifty stadia from Jerusalem. There, the true and certain report is, that along with the angels who were going against Sodom, the Son of God was received hospitably by Abraham, and the birth of Isaac was announced by Him. For Constantine had learned that under that tree the ancients had built altars of Greek superstition, and that they had performed Greek sacrifices there, pouring out wine and burning incense, and sacrificing a bull, a goat, and a rooster; and that they placed lit lamps into which oil was poured, and offered cakes. Some also cast coins and unguents of various kinds into the nearby well, so that by the huge abundance of things cast into it, the water was rendered useless. Constantine’s mother-in-law, when she was passing through that place, had seen these things and reported them to her son-in-law. For she had observed in the summer season that the inhabitants of the place, and even those from further away—Palestinians, Phoenicians, and Arabs—were celebrating annual festivals in that region. And the assembly and the celebrity of it were pleasing to all: to the Jews, because they boasted of the patriarch and prince of their race, Abraham; to the Greeks, because of the coming of the angels to that place; and to the Christians, because the event had been predicted to that man beloved of God, which many centuries later He was to bring about from the Virgin. On learning of this, Constantine censured the bishops of Palestine, and especially criticized Eusebius of Pamphilus, because they had so neglected such a holy place. And he charged the bishops of Phoenicia to tear down the altars from their very foundations, to burn the idols with fire, and to build there a temple suitable for the name of the great antiquity of that place, in which the divine being might be worshipped according to the rite received by the Church, and that for the future the place might be free [from every contamination. If anyone...
should be caught thereafter acting in such a manner, he should be subjected to the greatest penalty. And the commands were carried into effect with a favorable outcome. Likewise, in Heliopolis in Phoenicia, Constantine ordered another house of God to be built, and he provided it with its own bishop and holy clergy. He abolished the old law that had existed there, which ordained that women should be common and that they should prostitute their own virgins to visiting strangers, so that children among them were of uncertain paternity and there was no distinction among them. By removing this abomination, he ensured that lineages and families were recognized. He did something similar B among the Aphacenes; for he demolished the temple of Venus there near Mount Lebanon, and also completely did away with the shameful and indecent unions that used to take place there. Furthermore, in Cilicia, he destroyed the Pythonic house and drove out the demon that was lurking there. But he did not only build churches from the foundations of the earth; rather, burning with desire and love for Christ, in order that he might have holy symbols even in the wilderness, he caused a sacred tent to be made of varied linen, and, just as of old Moses did, he carried it about with him, as I have previously mentioned. C And many other churches, numbering more than thirty, the God-beloved empress Helena built in those holy places, and afterwards returned to her dear son, who was staying in the western parts after the council.
Chapter 31. On the works of the blessed Helena, performed by the grace of God, and her death. Also on the city named after her: furthermore, a story nearly exceeding belief about the holy martyr Lucian.
There are many other things that bear witness to her piety and love of God; and what I am about to relate will show it no less. For it is said that when she had invited the holy virgins in Jerusalem to a meal, she fulfilled the role of a handmaid for them. D For she herself placed the food before them with her own hands, and brought water and the lustral basin, and performed all the other services that it is customary to provide for invited guests. She gave very many and costly offerings to the churches throughout the East. She abundantly provided for the needy with essential supplies. And she brought back many to their former state who had been overturned by the hardships of the times; she brought about the loosening of long-standing bonds, freed those sentenced to the mines, and recalled those in exile. For which cause she also received worthy rewards from God. For in this present life she attained such things that no one would think anything more excellent could have happened to her. For she was proclaimed Augusta, and minted gold coins with her own image, and having received authority over the imperial treasuries, she used them according to her own will. When, however, the end of her life was approaching, she died in Rome with a celebrated memory, in her seventy-ninth year, having given many instructions to her son in those final parting words concerning an upright, Christian life.
Great honors were also conferred upon her after her death, such as were appropriate for one who had lived so piously and holily. Buried outside the city of Rome, and deposited in a round temple within a porphyry urn, she was, two years later,と一緒に the urn transported to Constantinople: she was the first to be brought into the imperial monuments of the Church of the Holy Apostles, and was honored thereafter with A brilliant memorials and all-night vigils, as was fitting. In Jerusalem, those venerable virgins to whom she had ministered as a handmaid, celebrated her memory with exceptional solemnity. And if anyone wishes to refer these worldly honors to some account of useful goods, in this too she far surpasses all oblivion. For, as a kind of pledge to future ages for her eternal memory, she has one city in Bithynia and another in Palestine: which her son, the emperor, founded and built, bestowing upon her an immortal memory.
They say that the blessed Helena was particularly delighted with the region and location of a place which had previously been called Drepanum: both because she was born there, and because it happened that the martyr Lucian, after his martyrdom and death, was carried there by a dolphin. Concerning this martyr, there is a celebrated account: that when he was about to die, and the tyrannical violence afforded him neither church nor sanctuary, and his chains and wounds denied him any movement, he celebrated the fearful mystery by laying it upon his own breast, and in this manner he both partook of the immaculate sacrifice himself and persuaded others to communicate as well. This sacred act was performed in prison, and the holy choir that surrounded him, as he was now at the point of death, represented the form of a church. Furthermore, they performed it in this way so that what was being done by the pious would not be seen by those of a different opinion. They say that his disciples were Eusebius of Nicomedia, Maris of Chalcedon, Theognis of Nicaea, B Leontius, who later became bishop of Antioch, Antonius (who was from Tarsus in Cilicia), Numenius, and Eudoxius; and not only these, but also Alexander and Asterius the Cappadocian, who, it is said, yielded to the cruelty of the tyrants and turned aside to the superstition of the Greeks. Later, however, with their teacher offering them aid toward repentance, they renounced their fall and error; although they did not choose to maintain the same opinions as their teacher, but openly embraced the opinion of Arius. So much, then, for the blessed Helena.
CAPUT XXXII. Concerning the three magnificent crosses which Constantine set up in great columns in the city that bears his name; and a miraculous narrative concerning one of them.
For in truth Constantine, having raised many temples in illustrious cities throughout the world, and especially C in the city that bears his name, set them up there; and there is a miraculous story concerning one of these. D Now Constantine, having raised many temples in illustrious cities throughout the earth, also raised up many villages into the form of cities, and in particular Drepanum, or Drepanon, which he named Helenopolis after his mother; and to the city in Palestine which he had augmented, he gave the name Constantia after his sister.
A And in the city namesake to himself he especially erected these; he also adorned it with statues and other transcendent works, as we detailed at the end of the previous volume. Having indeed known by experience the power of the divine cross, he honored it transcendentally, and always held it in wonder. And so, after the return of Helena, having had three crosses of immense size crafted, following the likeness of those which he had thrice beheld in the heavens—first in Rome, when fighting against Maxentius; secondly, when he had routed the Byzantines in battle; and thirdly, when he subjugated the Scythians beyond the Ister and bridged the river—in imitation of these three crosses of action, he caused three crosses to be fashioned of bronze, and gave them these sacred names: Jesus, Christ, conquers. B Of these, the one bearing the name Jesus, adorned with gold spread over every part, stood above the arch of the Forum, which hints at the fervor of his piety; for by the power of his might he cast down the Greek superstition. The one that was called Christ, a venerable and divine cross, he erected on a purple Roman column in the place called Philadelphion. The third, which Constantine indeed named Victory, but Heraclius later called Invincible, he set up on a high column fashioned of marbles, in the place whose name was Artopolion; where also many miraculous powers were wrought, and especially for those who suffered from burning fever, and were oppressed by eye diseases and cataracts; regarding which I shall relate a matter that is accounted very miraculous. And let no one disbelieve me as I relate this; for I think nothing is miraculous that has not been performed by God, and again, nothing is impossible if God so wills. For it is said, and truly said, that thrice a year an angel of the Lord comes to it in the profound silence of the night, like lightning flashing from the heavens, in unapproachable splendor, traveling in a circle around the cross, censing it, and with a clear voice, like that of a subtle bell, signaling his presence to those who, steadfast in a life away from wickedness, are deemed worthy to see and hear such things. C And with an ineffable song, repeating and singing the divine melody of the thrice-holy hymn to it, and again, like a star magnificently darting away, he returns to his own abodes. This truly venerable cross of the Lord, a long time later, in the eighteenth year of the reign of Maurice, as it was on the point of falling due to a great earthquake, Heraclius later reinforced with certain iron mechanisms, having engraved these words upon the base: "Heraclius has secured this work of the great emperor, acceptable to God," which indeed are to be seen by me even now. But such are the things concerning the three crosses fashioned by Constantine. D
CHAPTER XXXIII. How Constantine caused Christianity to spread throughout the world.
A It was his greatest desire, before all other things, that religion should receive greater increase. Nor could he contain himself in this matter; for he wished, as far as it lay in his hand, that all men be led and drawn to Christ, displaying a truly apostolic zeal. But since men subject to the Roman Empire, beyond all reason, held fear and superstition, and because of a pre-conceived opinion concerning images, clung to their ancestral rites and depended upon the authority of antiquity, he thought it necessary to introduce oblivion of that religion among them. This could neither be done otherwise nor sooner than by their becoming indifferent to their temples and the statues within them, and despising them. He brought this plan to pass: for imperial edicts having been published everywhere, the people, fearing lest they should suffer in matters most dear to them, kept to their duty. The guardians of the temples and the priests, when they had nothing to do, despised the things which had previously been in honor among them, and dragged forth from the inner and secret places things that had long lain out of sight and unseen by any; and what had been known only to B them, they set before the eyes of all. The material of the statues, that which was of great value, was condemned to the fire and cut into minute pieces; but that which was fashioned from bronze with artistic skill, because of its beauty and excellence, was carried off to the new city of the emperor; and there it was placed throughout certain quarters, and in the Hippodrome or equestrian circus, and here and there elsewhere. Thus, Apollo was brought from the seat of the Pythian oracle, the Muses from Helicon, and the sacred tripod from Delphi; and that famous Pan, whom Pausanias had dedicated after the Medic war. Furthermore, the temples, neglected and altogether ignored, were reduced to ruins. Almost at that very time, the temple of Asclepius in C Cilicia, and that of Venus at Aphaca by Mount Libanus, were destroyed; both were things that had been held famous and venerable by the ancients. As these things were being done, the matter proceeded according to the emperor's intention; for those who saw the temples of the gods, which they had formerly worshiped, lying neglected and filled with stubble and litter, fell into contempt of them and reproached the error of their ancestors. Some emulated us; others thought that for the sake of the emperor himself, they ought to cultivate the manners and institutions of the prince. Others still, having encountered bishops and monks upon whom they had chanced by certain divine D indications, being taught, judged it better to embrace the Christian religion. Hence, many peoples and whole cities were reformed, as, for example, the seaport of the Gazaeans, called Maiuma, which was formerly most superstitious, suddenly changed toward us; and, as a reward for its sudden change, he deemed it worthy of great honor and proclaimed it to be a city, naming it Constantia, honoring the place with the religion of one of his children. The town which is among the Phoenicians, called Constantina, received the same rank, having inscribed upon itself the name of the emperor on account of his reverence. Many other cities also hastened of their own accord to practice our religion.
which also willingly overthrew their own idols and converted their temples into churches of God. B As the Church grew with such increases, the confession of faith, traveling even among the barbarian nations, occupied the whole world. For not only the peoples who are by the river Rhine accepted the Christian religion, but also the Gauls and Celts, who dwell at the uttermost parts of the Ocean; the Goths also and the nations neighboring them, who live around the Ister, having not long ago received the faith in Christ, composed themselves from an agrestic life to humanity and gentleness. And to say the truth, for all the Barbarians, there was one occasion to embrace Christianity: the war frequently waged between the Romans and the foreign peoples, under the reign of Gallienus and thereafter. For a mixed multitude, crossing over into the East, wandered through that part of the world plundering; and other Barbarians from other places doing the same, stood against the neighboring Romans. And having made very much booty, they carried off many of the priests also as captives. These men, as they healed the diseases among those nations, and drove out demons by the sole invocation of Christ, and exhibited entirely whole and irreproachable manners of life, the Barbarians everywhere, honoring these men for their virtue and their wondrous works, recognized what was fitting; and having been reconciled to God through them, they followed the better worship of the Divinity, and embraced the sincere doctrine, and at last also built churches. C
CHAPTER XXXIV. Concerning the Iberians, how they were brought to the pious profession of the Christian faith.
Just as the Iberians also—this being a barbarian and most warlike nation—embraced the Christian faith, while Constantine was administering the Roman empire. This nation dwells in the inner part of Armenia, tending towards the North and the Euxine sea, being colonists of the Iberians in Spain. A certain captive woman stood at the head of their religion; who, while in other respects she lived modestly and chastely, then, even as a captive, remitted nothing of her pious and holier discipline. For day and night she exhibited the exercises of piety, gave herself much to fastings, and insisted on continuous prayers. D The Barbarians, seeing the strangeness of her discipline, marveled at these things that were done, and inquired for what reason she chose such things. She, however, candidly and simply said that Christ, the Son of God, ought to be worshipped in such a way. Then the Barbarians, having heard of the name and the religion of Him who was worshipped in this manner,
A were struck with astonishment. While these things were taking place, it happened that the king’s son, still an infant, was seized with a severe illness. According to a certain local custom, the mother sent the child to other women, so that the healing of the sufferer might be more easily found. But when the child had been carried about by the nurse and did not at all improve, he was at length brought to the captive woman. In the presence of many people, she did not apply any compounded medicine made of material substances—for she maintained that she knew nothing of any such thing—but having laid the child down upon a cloth made of hair, which was already worn and ragged, she performed a simple remedy, invoking the name of Christ over him. And behold, he who was expected to die momentarily was, as soon as the prayer was made, delivered from danger. From that time on, the fame of that woman was renowned and became known to the mother of the child and to the other women of the Barbarians. B And not long after, when the mother of the child herself was seized by an incurable malady, she restored her in the same way; and she exhorted her that from then on she should offer divine worship and render thanks to Him who is the provider of good things, and the giver of true health, of life, and of the kingdom itself. That He is Christ, the true Word. Afterwards, attending upon her daily, she presented to her the salutary remedies of true piety. Wherefore the queen, having recognized in herself the truth of the words by the outcome of the facts, already held the woman in great honor and began to profess the faith of the Christians. But the king, having learned the celerity and the method of the cure from his wife, wished to reward the captive with gifts. But she said that she had no need of his money, for she had in Christ all riches in abundance; and that it would be to her in the place of a great gift if they themselves would embrace the same worship of the Deity. With these words, she returned the sufficiently large gift to the king. C Him then his wife, by degrees, was in a measure persuading, inducing him into a beautiful error, being spirited in a way altogether different from how Eve was once. For she was admonishing him that He whom that woman announced ought to be worshipped as God; for He was great, and easily able to do whatever He might wish; to preserve kingdoms in a peaceful and quiet state, to enlighten and enrich the obscure, to suddenly exalt the humble, and to be able to save any and all in times of adversity. While his wife was recounting these things, the prince of Iberia was indeed softened by her words, yet he was distracted by an ambivalent state of mind. For he held the new things in suspicion, and furthermore, he feared to change the customs of his fathers. Moreover, he once set out with his household for a hunt, and behold, a dense mist diffused from the mountains, bringing on immense darkness: and condensing the shade of the forest, it turned day into night. The hunting ground was very narrow, and the path was hindered and impassable. D Everyone feared for themselves, and they were scattered wherever chance led them. No less, the king himself, wandering alone, began to invoke the gods of his fathers. But as there was no remission of that calamity, as is wont to happen when men are oppressed by unexpected disasters, the memory of the captive’s God came into his mind; and he determined thus with himself, that he would worship Him henceforward, if He would dispel the present evil. Having thus decreed,
A the darkness was immediately dispelled, and a bright, clear sky replaced it, as the rays shone upon the wood. Joyful, he returned home and sweetly related to his wife what had happened. He immediately gave orders for the captive woman to be summoned, and began to seek more fervently to be taught by her the manner of her worship. When she had explained what was necessary and fitting, he immediately summoned his people, and addressing them in a public assembly, he recounted the blessings that the captive had brought upon his house. Although not yet initiated into our doctrine, he nevertheless explained his will to his people; and they all together, with ambitious alacrity, embraced the worship of Christ. B And at the first opportunity, following the plan provided by the woman, they erected a church that was truly famous. He himself led the men, while his wife, together with the captive, urged the women with great zeal toward the religion. They also built a wall of enclosure round about it. Now when they were hoisting the columns with certain ropes to set them upon their bases, the first and second columns easily fell into their places; but the placement of the third was difficult and laborious; for neither did the mechanical skill suffice for the effort, nor was it responsive to the force of those pulling, despite the many who were hauling with machines. But when night came, all the others went home; the captive woman alone remained in that place, imploring God with prayers that the column might be easily replaced upon its base. For it had been raised up to the middle, but remained at an angle, one part lifted up while the other remained completely immovable. This happened so that the earlier undertakings C of the Iberians might be more firmly established, and that the things they subsequently determined regarding the worship of the Divine might be more certain. For at the break of dawn, when they came to the church, they saw something that was like a miracle and a dream. That column, which had been previously immovable, stood upright, suspended a small distance above its base. And while everyone was struck with amazement and confessed Christ to be the only true God, in the sight of all it slowly and of its own accord slid down and was fitted to its base better than any art could accomplish. Afterwards, the remaining columns were easily placed and secured. And the Iberians then completed that work with all zeal; and aided by the exhortations of that same captive, they sent envoys to Constantine, requesting a treaty of peace and proposing to D make a military alliance with the Romans, and asking that priests and ministers of God be given to their nation for these reasons. When the envoys had publicly related what had occurred among them, and how prepared the entire nation was to worship Christ, the emperor was wonderfully pleased by that embassy. And as quickly as he could, having arranged everything they had requested according to their desire, he sent the envoys back home. In this manner the Iberians received the preaching of Christ; and with the passage of so many years, they still now abide with great zeal in the practice of the religion.
CHAPTER XXXV. That the interior tribes of the Indians also embraced Christianity, and likewise the Armenian nation.
A Under the same empire, the tribes of the Indians—those, that is, living further inland than those who border upon us—who had remained untouched by the teaching of Bartholomew, were made partakers of the sacred doctrine by a certain priest, Frumentius by name, who became their teacher. And so that no one should think that Christianity originated from men, it is easy to learn even from those who have been among the Indians. The Indians were called Sabeans at first, and later were named Homerites. They say that this nation is descended from Abraham and Keturah, and that the region they inhabit is what the Greeks call Great and Happy Arabia, and that its boundaries reach to the furthest Ocean; its metropolis and primary city is Sabba, from which, rumor holds, that Queen of the South came to Solomon. The nation itself is circumcised, and it sacrifices to the sun, the moon, and other local demons. A not insignificant multitude of Jews is also mingled with them. A certain Tyrian philosopher, Meropius, wishing to know and observe this region, and imitating the ancient sages, Plato, Empedocles, and Democritus, who for the sake of visiting regions undertook long voyages, and especially imitating Metrodorus, who scrutinized the land of the Indians, set out thither, having taken with him two youths who were his kinsmen by birth and were not unskilled in the Greek tongue (for he had educated them in the liberal arts). B And indeed, when he had observed whatever he needed, he was already on his return journey, sailing in an Egyptian ship. But because of a lack of water or some other necessity, they put into a certain port. It happened then that the treaty and peace established between the Romans and the Indians was broken. The Indians, making an incursion upon them from somewhere, killed all [the travelers], and they also slew the philosopher himself. But the boys, being of tender age, they took alive and carried off as a gift to their king. And he appointed the younger one, whose name was Aedesius, to the office of wine-bearer; but he set Frumentius over the task of the royal letters and the oversight of the treasury (for he had recognized that he was intelligent and C quite capable of performing such duties). And when they had for many years shown him remarkable loyalty, the king, as he was dying, left behind a wife and a tender son, and compensated them for their long goodwill by granting them liberty and permitting them the power to migrate wheresoever they wished. Accordingly, they were hastening to return to Tyre, which was their fatherland. But the queen of the Indians, because her son was still quite tender in age, begged them to stay there for some time, established as curators of the boy and the kingdom until he should become of age. They complied, for they feared to reject the requests of their mistress, and they oversaw the kingdom of the Indians as best they could. And the main authority was rather in the hands of Frumentius, who, God, I believe, inciting him, if there were any D among the Indians who were Christians—
A or any Romans who frequented those parts by ship, would diligently search them out. Having found such, he received them with great kindness, and in their own places prayed with them according to the custom of the Christians. And as he proceeded in this way, he built a house of prayer, and instructing some of the Indians, he prepared them to perform prayers and exhorted them to profess divine truths.
By now the king's son had become a youth, and they—Frumentius and Aedesius—begged leave of him and his mother and sailed for their own city, although they were very much pressed to remain. And Aedesius, upon arriving in Tyre and seeing his kinsmen, was afterwards judged worthy of the priesthood. But Frumentius, leaving Phoenicia, went to Alexandria. Having encountered Athanasius, who had just recently taken up the sacred helm of the Church, he related to him the affairs of the Indians, and explained how they were ready and prepared to receive Christianity. B Furthermore, he pleaded that so opportune a harvest should not be neglected, but that a bishop and clergy should be sent to them as soon as possible. Athanasius, having pondered these words in his mind, called together the bishops who were then present in Alexandria and judged no one more suitable or capable of increasing the worship of God there than that same man who had first sown among them the seeds of Christian communion. And he, being persuaded, accepted the episcopacy and, returning to the region of the Indians, became a herald of the Gospel to all who were there.
They say he was so highly praised that his reputation was held equal to the apostles; indeed, God showed him to be most distinguished, adorning him with extraordinary signs and wonders. For having been endowed with rich grace, he erected very many houses of God, and as a physician of both souls and bodies, he healed the long-standing wounds of incurable ills. These things Rufinus recorded, C who says he himself encountered Aedesius in Tyre. And in this manner was the priestly dignity and administration established among the Indians, from whence the divine doctrine thereafter spread through the neighboring regions.
About these same times, I have heard that the Armenians also embraced the Christian religion. For that Gregory, the Wonder-worker, having suffered much from Tiridates for the sake of Christ, and after many and various forms of evil, having been confined for fourteen years in a muddy and dark pit, Tiridates himself, the ruler of that nation, together with his whole house and his nobles, experienced the vengeance of divine wrath. For, transformed into the life and form of swine, they devoured themselves. But the divine Gregory, having been drawn up from that pit, by a single sign persuaded everyone to worship Christ; and having freed them from their swinish form and life, he constrained them to embrace our rule, and built temples for them, and celebrated the rites of the secret and mystical sacrifice. D By new miracles he drove the indwelling demons from the country, and persuaded Gregory himself, together with Tiridates, to appear before the great king Constantine, who rejoiced to hear of these wonderful things. And having established Gregory as bishop of the whole country, he sent him back.
A Gregorius, therefore, approved by the vote of Teridates, both overthrew the shrines of the idols there, and erected sacred temples to Christ, and by extraordinary miracles brought the entire nation, now won over to our faith, to be baptized and led them to Christ the Savior.
CHAPTER XXXVI.
What befell Sapor, King of the Persians: concerning Bishop Symeon and those who suffered martyrdom with him.
Not long after, through the neighboring peoples, our doctrine reached many; and from them, I believe, the preaching also passed at that time to the Persians. For some from among them, having dealings with the Osrhoenians and Armenians, and conversing with certain holy men, little by little experienced their virtue, and were silently drawn to emulate their manner of life, and began to become Christians. But when B in time their number had increased, churches were built, an order of priests was established, and other things pertaining to our sacred rites were performed, this caused no small blow to the Magi. For they, from ancient times, acting as a kind of family to whom the priesthood belongs, manage their own religious worship. Furthermore, the Jews who are there were also displeased, having long been hostile to us out of hatred and envy against our religion. They approached Sapor, who at that time held the kingdom in that region, and falsely accused the bishop Symeon of Seleucia and Ctesiphon—cities which are the capitals in Persia—as being a friend of the Roman Emperor and an enemy to the affairs of the Persians. The king, trusting them, at first severely harassed the Christians, appointing cruel men in authority over them and imposing heavy tributes, so that, by poverty and the cruelty of the tax collectors, they might be forced to renounce their religion, C a thing which was of great importance to him. Then he ordered the priests and bishops, as being their leaders, to be slaughtered, the churches to be demolished, the sacred vessels to be confiscated, and Symeon to be arrested as one plotting against both the religion and the kingdom of the Persians. Therefore the Magi, with the Jews aiding them, immediately razed the churches to the ground; and Symeon, bound in iron fetters, was brought before the king. There, indeed, he showed himself to be a good and upright man. D For, having been brought in after many scourgings, he did not, as had been his custom, bow down to him. Whereupon the tyrant, enraged, asked why he was now acting in such a manner, contrary to custom. And he replied: "It is because I have never before been brought in as I am now, under force to betray the true God. When there was no disagreement between us, I did what was of Persian custom; but now I consider that to be sinful. For the struggle before us is for the sake of truth and the faith." Furthermore, Sapor put him under constraint to worship the sun; and threatened that if he did not do so, he would not only destroy him, but the entire race of Christians that was there. But since he could neither strike him down with his words nor lure him with promises to betray his worship and to ever worship the sun
hope; yet for the present he sent him back to prison. When he was being led away, Usthazanes, an aged eunuch who had been tutor to Sapor and held the highest position in his royal court, arose and did obeisance to the martyr; for it happened that he was sitting before the palace gates. But Symeon, A without even deigning a word to him, passed by as one offended, loathing him because shortly before he had chosen to bow to the sun under compulsion. Filled with tears, the eunuch lamented; he took off his magnificent robes and put on black ones, and sitting before the house, he maintained a mourning mingled with groans and tears, saying such things as these: "Woe is me! What shall become of me, since I have unthinkingly denied Christ? Seeing that this Symeon, who has been an old acquaintance of mine, has passed me by without even deigning to look at me because of these things!" It was not possible for Sapor to be ignorant of this. Sending for the eunuch, he asked whether some misfortune had befallen him in his household. He replied that there was no misfortune at home; for it would have been a happiness if there were some evil at home, as that would have been easier to bear than to be crushed by such a calamity. "I mourn," B he said, "because I live and behold the sun, when I have long deserved to die, because I did not, of my own will and for your sake, offer divine honor to the sun. Therefore, I judge that I deserve to die on both counts: first, because I have become a betrayer of Christ, the most beautiful of all things, who is so deeply desired; and second, because I have deceived even you yourself." Saying these things, he swore that he would not henceforth change his mind. Sapor, struck with astonishment at the sudden change in the eunuch, became incensed against the Christians, deeming that such things were brought about by their tricks and incantations. Yet, out of familiarity and his sparing regard for his tutor, he tried by every means to persuade him otherwise, tempering his harshness with gentleness. But when he could not accomplish what he desired, C as Usthazanes declared he was not so foolish or stupid as to choose to worship the creature instead of the Maker and Creator, Sapor, overcome by rage, ordered his head to be cut off. And when he was being led away, he sent one of the most faithful eunuchs to the king, and requested that this should be announced to him: "From my earliest youth, O king, the benevolence I have shown toward you, your father, and all your household, in serving you readily—I believe there is no need for me to have witnesses; for I know that you are aware of everything. But for the sake of the fact that I have always studied to please you, I ask one favor, which it is just that you should grant, having received so many from me. I bear it heavily that I am to die as one who has been faithless and who has deserved ill of your family, and am to pay the penalty. D Therefore, command a herald to proclaim publicly to all that Usthazanes is being punished with death, not for having appeared in any way wicked toward the kingdom—but because, having followed the faith of the Christians from his ancestors, and being least of all persuaded to deny God and instead render worship to the sun, he is paying this penalty." And he indeed made such a declaration. Sapor granted the request; for he thought that such a proclamation would be to his own advantage. For he thought that if it became known to the other Christians that no one would be spared henceforth, so loyal a man and one who had been his tutor having been executed,
they would very quickly cease to worship Christ. A It came to pass that the event involved Usthazanes in a different way. For when he had been afraid of the bowing down and performed it merely in appearance, he unsettled many of the Christians; yet he was again to be a model to them all, if they would learn that he had been executed for the sake of the true religion. And Usthazanes thus ended his life in a glorious manner. By the next day, the king ordered Simeon also to be put to death. It was the day preceding the Lord’s own venerable resurrection of Christ. He also commanded one hundred other prisoners, who were among the bishops and those of the other sacred orders, to be executed as well. B Simeon, therefore, having been brought forward, would not bow down either to the king himself or to the Sun, contending quite freely for his own doctrine. But the greatest archimage, or chief of the magi, having led them away, asked them beforehand if they wished to live and chose to worship in the same manner as the king. When all refused, they were held to the sentence of death. And while the executioners were occupied with the slaughter of the martyrs, Simeon, being present, exhorted them to be of good courage and reminded them of death and eternal life, and furthermore of the resurrection and piety. C By bringing forward certain testimonies also from the Holy Scriptures, he nobly convinced them, demonstrating that death is life, while to betray the worship of God through cowardice—that is truly death. For not far off, even if no one kills, the necessity of death will of itself inevitably present itself. For this is inescapable for everyone who has been born. But the things to come, being eternal and having the ages themselves as their witness, will not fall to all in equal measure; but an exact standard will be applied to each, weighing the life led here, and everyone will receive rewards for the good things he has done, which are immortal, while another will receive in equal measure the accounting for his sins. For it is far greater than all things to cast away one's life for the sake of God; it is the ultimate and most blessed of goods among us. D With words such as these, Simeon, like some noble physical trainer, prepared his disciples for the struggle and encouraged them to proceed to the slaughter with great confidence. But after those hundred were slaughtered, finally Simeon himself was also struck down by the sword. Among them were also Abdechalas and Aninas, now elderly, and presbyters of his church. But as Aninas was trembling while he was being prepared for the slaughter, Pusices, the overseer of the king’s craftsmen, said: "Close your eyes for a short time, old man, and bravely receive the sword. You will instantly see the great light of God." Having said these things, he was arrested and led away to the king; and acknowledging that he was a Christian, and having resisted the king on behalf of his doctrine and on behalf of the martyrs, having exercised his boldness not in a fitting way, he was sentenced to die by a strange method; for having made a pit for the tendon, from there they pulled out his tongue. And because of some calumny, his daughter, a holy virgin, was also executed. They were slaughtered, and finally Simeon himself was struck with the sword.
CHAPTER XXXVII. Concerning Tarbula, the sister of Simeon; and concerning the bishops Acepsimas and Miles; and the sixteen thousand others who suffered martyrdom in Persia.
A In the following year, on the very day of the brilliant Resurrection, the edict of Sapor punishing the Christians with death was published everywhere. There, it is said, an innumerable multitude of them was taken to martyrdom, a fate which many in the royal court also suffered. Among them was Azades, who was most beloved by Sapor; he endured the combat of martyrdom. The king, having been thrown into great sorrow on his account, could not bear to have the multitude itself slaughtered afterward, but decided that only the leaders of their religion should be put to the sword. At the same time, a certain holy virgin was arrested along with her maid, who followed the same manner of life. Also with her was her sister, who, after the death of her husband, had renounced second marriage. This person who was arrested was Tarbula, the sister of the bishop Simeon. B She had been cast into bonds because of a calumny, for the Jews had accused her of having plotted against the queen with sorcery to avenge the death of her brother Simeon. For the queen was suffering from a malignant illness. The sufferer, lending an ear as if the claims were true—for a person who has fallen into extreme misfortune is somehow very easily persuaded, especially since she was of their race and used to live by their customs, and believed them to be sincerely and heartily well-disposed toward her—gave them sufficient occasion to satisfy their hatred. Therefore, they sawed those holy virgins in two parts, and fixed them upon a cross; and they persuaded the ailing queen to pass between them, in order, forsooth, to transfer the pollution of her disease into them. C This Tarbula, being very beautiful in form and countenance, was secretly summoned by one of the Magi—who had previously been captivated by her appearance at the sight of her—and he pressured her for intercourse; he promised her the cancellation of her calumny as a reward if she would submit herself to his power. But the maiden was so far from assenting to the cupidity of him who spoke these things to her that she met his lewd petition with reproach, and chose to die rather than betray the modesty of her virginity. When the edict of Sapor was established—that the others, as has been said, should be spared, but that only the leaders of the religion were to suffer capital punishment—the Magi and those who ruled over them, exulting at this, it is impossible to say with what malice they went about the land of the Persians and did away with the bishops and priests; D but they performed the most horrible deeds especially in the region of the Adiabenians. This region is almost entirely Christian. At the same time the insurrection of Christ was being celebrated, and the festival of the Resurrection from the dead was being anticipated.
A Bishop Acepsimas was led away, together with many of those who served under him in the clergy. The magi seized the goods of the others and let them go, but they tortured Acepsimas with many thongs, and used force to compel him to worship the Sun. When they could not persuade him, they shut him in prison; a certain Jacob, a priest by rank, followed him of his own accord, and besought the magi that he might be cast into the same prison as him. There he served the aged bishop, and lightened his hardships by the readiness of his ministry. In the same bonds were also the priest Aithalas, and Joseph, Azadanes, and Abdiesus, deacons, who had endured many scourges because of the faith. But when, some time later, the archimagus consulted with Sapor concerning them, and received from him authority to punish them at his own discretion if they would not offer divine honors to the Sun, he declared the king’s sentence to those in prison. When they immediately refused, crying out that they would neither ever deny Christ, nor, much more, would they deign to offer worship to the Sun, he inflicted many cruel tortures upon them. And then indeed Acepsimas, having given a specimen of constant fortitude, finished his life in the heat of the contest; and certain Armenians, having secretly carried off his corpse, buried it. But the others, being more numerous, though their bodies were cut to pieces by the thongs, yet remained sound and whole in their piety, and were cast into chains again. Among these was Aithalas; while he was being tortured, he was stretched on cords until his arms were so dislocated and torn from his shoulders B that they hung lifeless, useless, and were not even sufficient to bring food to his mouth. For this reason he was obliged to make use of the ministry of others in this matter. He also tortured many other priests and deacons, monks and sacred virgins, and others besides who were gifted with a singular ardor for the Christian doctrine and who had labored much in sacred ecclesiastical matters, in such numbers that they exceeded the count. Among them were the bishops: Barbasymes, and Paul, and Gadabes, Sabinus, and Mareas, and Mocius, and John, and Hormisdas, Papas, and Jacob, Romas, and Mpares, and Agas, and Bacchoris, and Abdas, and Abdiesus, and another John, and Abramius, and Abdelas, Sapores, Isaac, and Dausas, who had been taken captive by the Persians from a certain place called Zabdæus. At that time, together with the chorepiscopus Mareades, Milles also became known—he who raised the dead—along with the two hundred and fifty clergy subject to him, C who had likewise been led away captive by the Persians. Milles had indeed been a Persian soldier, but having changed his way of life, he followed the apostolic manner of living. Having been made bishop of a certain city in Persia, since he had often endured many and grievous blows, when he perceived that no one was willing to embrace the Christian religion, he cursed the inhabitants and departed thence. Not long after, when those who presided there sinned against the king, the Persian brought a myriad-strong army, destroyed the city, and, having plowed it with oxen, sowed it with seed. Milles, however, taking only a bag...
in which he kept the holy book of the Gospels, departed and went to Jerusalem for the sake of prayer. Then he sought Egypt, to visit the monks there. What a man he was, performing immense miracles and even raising the dead, B the Syrians themselves, who committed his life and the things he accomplished to written records, will testify in their books. For me, it shall suffice to have said these things about him, and to make mention only of those who endured the divine struggle under Sapor among the Persians. For it would be difficult for anyone to enumerate who they were, where they were from, how they were, or what punishments they underwent. For there are various and manifold modes of torture among the Persians, in which they even exhibit a certain boastfulness, showing off their praise and glory the most. However, as far as can be reckoned, of those who finished their martyrdom there at that time, and were of any reputation—men and women, outside of that multitude which exceeds number—they are said to have reached sixteen thousand. Judging it an arduous task to recount their names, those who are in Edessa, the Persians and Syrian Christians, have committed this alone to memory.
CAPUT XXXVIII. What Constantine wrote to Sapor, King of the Persians, on behalf of the Christians.
C When that most praiseworthy emperor learned that those who worshiped Christ were suffering thus in those parts, he was greatly distressed and vexed. Being eager to help, he was at a loss as to what he ought to do, that they might lead a quiet life even in that place. It happened, however, that ambassadors at that time were present from Persia; having satisfied their requests, he thought he would act rightly if he also signified something to Sapor concerning the Christians who were under his kingdom. And so he sent a letter to him, truly worthy to be greatly celebrated, showing that he would owe him the greatest gratitude if he allowed peace to those who honored the holy rites of Christ. Nor was there any reason for him to find fault with the manner of their religion, since they did not rejoice in slaughtered victims, D as those [pagans] do, but in bloodless sacrifices, offering prayers to God, to whom spilled blood is not pleasing, but a soul sincerely practicing virtue and beliefs most befitting true piety. On this account, he asserted, those who decide that they ought to believe and worship God in this manner are rather to be praised. Furthermore, he promised that he would have that God as propitious if he should see fit to provide for the piety of the Christians. And to demonstrate this, he brought forward that Galienus and Valerian, and furthermore the things that had occurred under that latter man. For those men, as long as they permitted the Christians to have rest, easily maintained the course of their empire; but those same men, especially
after they had stirred up persecution against the Christians, were defeated by the Persians themselves, fell into the peril of divine vengeance, and ended their lives miserably as captives among them. But he himself, due to his faith in Christ, had God as his helper, and from the western Ocean all the way to the East, the entire dominion of the Roman empire had come into his power: many wars had been concluded by him, and trophies against grievous tyrants had been set up by divine command. For these things, there was no need for him to offer sacrifices or consult the predictions of seers and soothsayers; but for total victory, the armor of the cross, which went before his armies, and a prayer completely devoid of bloodshed, were sufficient. At the end of the letter, he adds these words: "Regarding this class of men—I mean the Christians (for my entire discourse is about them)—how could you think I would not be elated with joy if I were to hear that the affairs of the Persians also were flourishing, just as I desire, and were mostly adorned? So that, consequently, it might be most beautiful for you, and similarly most excellent for them; which is the best outcome for both you and them. For in this way, you would have the God of all as merciful and benevolent. Therefore, since you are of such great stature, I commend these men to you. And because you are also distinguished by piety, I entrust these same men to you. Love them in a manner befitting your own philanthropy; for in doing so, you will earn immense gratitude from both yourself and us through the faith." B Such was the concern that this godly man had for all who had come to the knowledge of Christ in every place. And because he was such, and relied abundantly on divine care, having brought Europe, Libya, and most of the provinces of Asia under his sway, he enjoyed the goodwill of his subjects, who obeyed him willingly. By now, indeed, very many of the barbarians also, some voluntarily and others subdued by war, honored him without resentment. Everywhere, therefore, trophies were raised, proclaiming him a victorious emperor. He caused the Roman world to come under his hand.
CAPUT XXXIX. On the monastic life, whence it took its beginning, what it professes, and who its authors were.
And while he was doing such things, he was zealously intent on honoring religion; but it also possessed great glory in itself through those who, at that time, were aspiring to virtue. For many of the confessors were still surviving, shining forth in the churches. Moreover, those who at that time pursued the monastic and solitary life rendered it celebrated and increased the faith with greater glory through the splendor of their moral character. For this philosophy, like something secret and divine, descended upon men from above: in that it completely neglects the arts of the sciences and the trifles of disputations, as things that are supervacuous and claim for themselves the leisure that could be better spent on superior studies, and also in that they are impediments to a life of purity; and, using only innate virtue, it teaches and cultivates only those things that contribute to its perfection and to the removal of vices. It considers those things that are held to be intermediate between these as of no account, but turns its whole focus toward virtuous things; and it considers those who are far from vices, D and who least of all lay claim to virtue, as wicked and base. For it does not
B wish to show off virtue, but to practice it diligently, regarding the glory that comes from men as absolutely nothing. And when it courageously and stoutly overcomes the passions of the soul, it cares but little for the necessary things of nature, and treats even the infirmities of the body with contempt. But, empowered by the divine Mind, it is lifted up on high toward that immortal Mind, thinking upon and contemplating it night and day, and honoring it in wonderful ways, and conciliating it with continuous prayers. By purity of soul and by the deeds of good works, proceeding toward the sincerity of religion, it loathes external expiations and whatever lustration of that kind there is. For it considers sin itself to be the only defilement in that state. And thus, having become superior to external things, and (so to speak) possessing an empire over them, it is not turned aside from its honest and due purpose either by an inordinate life or by any necessity, nor is it disturbed by insults. But neither, while suffering, does it meditate revenge. So far is it from being cast down when pressed by disease or by a lack of necessary things, that it rather rejoices in such things, declaring its own nobility and gentleness. Throughout its whole life, likewise, it strives to need as little as possible, and, as far as the capacity of human nature allows, it struggles to draw as close to God as it can. Considering the present life to be a passage or an inn, it is neither ensnared by the occupations of business nor held by concern for present things. Praising a life that is sparse, and free and unencumbered by care for these matters, and burdened with no superfluities, it looks toward future blessedness and awaits that happy rest; and since all piety toward God is received in its mind as in a dwelling place, it rejects the filthiness of words as something ungrateful. For those actions which it has long banished from its own habits, it cannot bear even to mention in words. Slowly constraining the necessities of nature, and taming the flesh with moderation, it suppresses wantonness with chastity, drives away injustice with the rule of equity, and banishes falsehood with truth, while by a structured manner of living it removes all unevenness. By adapting itself for human society to the manners of men, and by conforming to the souls of its neighbors, it strengthens the institution of living well; at the same time, it takes care to provide for strangers and friends alike; it considers its own goods and resources to be common for those who are in need, and distributes to each what is due. It rejoices with those who rejoice, and omits nothing by way of consolation for those who are grieving. In sum, turning all its study toward that which is truly the highest good, it educates itself with chaste words and spiritual thoughts, neglects entirely any superfluous cultivation of appearance, and greatly abhors curses; it enters into conversations with reverence and a preface of honor, au-
entirely distant from it are wrath, reproach, and strife. For because it is endowed with true reason, it rejects every irrational impulse: and, to speak once, it stands as the master of all perturbations, whether they are in the soul or in the body. But indeed, some praise that author of this divine philosophy to be the emulator Elijah, others indeed John the Baptist. Now that Philo, a Hebrew by race, but a Pythagorean by sect, says that in his own times certain Jews, men grave and venerable, in a region having many mounds, near Lake Mareotis belonging to Alexandria, embraced a new way of philosophizing: whose dwellings, custom of life, and all other institutions, anyone might conclude from his description to be such as the ancient monks among the Egyptians followed. For those who entered upon this kind of life would leave their possessions to their kinsmen; and having sent word away about all matters, they lived outside the towns, and dwelt in certain gardens and fields alone. There were also for them dwellings, which may rightly be called monasteries, where the solitaries were initiated into sacred things with gravity and holiness, and with divine songs, hymns, and psalms they praised and worshipped God. None of these would take food before the sun had set. There were even some who would persevere for three or more days without food: but they abstained entirely from wine and blood-containing foods, and on certain days they would B intentionally lie on the ground. Their food was bread, and salt, and hyssop: their drink, water. He writes that near them were also elderly women, who for the love of this philosophy, chose the same course of life. Wherefore, also by voluntary resolve pursuing celibacy, they spent their life thus. Philo indeed commended these things to memory in the book which he inscribed *On the Contemplative Life*, or *On Suppliants*. It appears, however, that he signifies those who, from among the Hebrews, had just then fairly recently embraced Christianity, being still possessed of Judaic opinions and observing their customs. For in no other nation, except among us, could such a mode of life be found. And indeed I conjecture that this way of life grew strong from those Egyptians. But there are those who say that the times of persecution suddenly provided the primary cause for this institution. For when religion was harassed by tyrants, those who sought safety in flight would stay in uncultivated mountains and certain glens, in which, so that they might not be caught and captured, they would industriously change their roaming abodes. And when they had grown accustomed to that life, little by little they subsequently extended that institution even until death: and transmitted it to great increases, with many, through emulation, undergoing such conversation and life.
C
CHAPTER XL
Of the life and institution of the most famous among monks, Anthony the Great, and of his followers: and of Paul the Simple.
But whether the Egyptians, or those earlier ones whom we mentioned, or whoever else were the authors of this institution, and others who preceded them in this kind of philosophy—as to that, certainly, no one does not confess that to the highest degree, both in customs themselves and in an accurate manner of living, that famous and great Anthony exercised this institution, as is the consensus of opinion: whom, then living in the mountains of Egypt, on account of D the excellence of his virtue, [Phil...]
A the renowned Emperor Constantine made his intimate friend, honoring the man with frequent letters and asking him to write to him concerning whatever matters he might desire. He was an Egyptian by birth, holding a leading position in his own country, born in a village called Coma, which is adjacent to the Arcadians among the Egyptians, which is Heraclea. Left an orphan by his parents in his early youth, he gave whatever land he possessed to the inhabitants of that place, and distributed the rest of his substance to those in need; for he thought it the duty of one who hastened to philosophize not only to abandon money, but also to spend it in a becoming manner upon those in need. Associating himself with those who at that time were devoted to virtuous pursuits, he emulated the most excellent qualities of them all. Knowing well that the best life becomes pleasant and agreeable through custom, even if it be somewhat difficult at first, he concerned himself with the more concise and perfect virtues. B Laying down a beginning, as it were, each day, he proceeded more and more toward total moderation of soul, displaying a new and vigorous enthusiasm day by day. He chastened the pleasures of the body with persistent hardships, and restrained the inordinate impulses of the soul with the persistence of his resolve. He ate once a day after the sun had set; often he remained without food for two or even three days. His food was bread, his simple relish was salt, and the torrential stream flowing by provided his drink. He spent almost the entire night in wakefulness, as one might say, and devoted a portion of the day to prayers. If sleep ever overtook him, it was very brief; and he usually lay on the bare ground. He renounced entirely the use of oil for anointing and of bathing, knowing that the rigid state of the body is gradually turned toward relaxation and luxury by moisture. And they say that he was hardly ever seen naked. Though he had not learned letters, he did not look with wonder upon those who had. But he greatly praised a good mind as being older than letters and the inventor of such arts; for he said there was no need of them if the mind were robust. He was, if anyone was, gentle and philanthropic, especially pleasant to those who encountered him, sharp and unconquerable. Engaging in conversation, he took great care not to cause pain, C even if some approached him contentiously for a time. For with a certain superior and extraordinary wisdom, and with a character fueled by divine knowledge, he was easily able to quell contention that had been rashly introduced, and to shift [the opponents] toward greater moderation. Tempering the vehemence of those who spoke with him, he simultaneously made their morals better. Having received from thence divine knowledge and foresight, he considered it of no value to know the future; he said that such a preoccupation was vain, for he did not even assume that foreknowledge was a virtue, since one who does not know the future is not, in the end, to be brought into judgment. For he supposed that only one thing was blessed: to worship God well, and to keep His laws and commandments inviolate. And if anyone had a desire for foreknowledge...
he said that if one only had a pure soul, the perception of the future would follow him, with God exhibiting the knowledge of things to come, as if through some mirror. A Detesting sloth, he advised all who chose to live rightly to work, and to bring themselves into judgment and account night and day for their deeds; and if anything had been done unseemly, to note it down in writing, so that he might hold himself in reverence, might henceforth refrain from the absurd impulses of the mind so that he would not find many things written down, and, through fear, that he might not at any time be found out, being wicked, if any of the writing were discovered. Nay, even he strongly stood up for those who were being wronged; for this reason he also visited the cities. For many approached him, lamenting their own calamities, and begged him to intercede B before those in authority. For it was of the greatest importance to them to see him and to hear the siren song of his words, and to obey him as he commanded. For he strove above all to escape notice and to remain hidden in the deserts. And though he had these dispositions, if ever he appeared, having dispatched as quickly as possible the business for which he had come, he would withdraw again. For he used to say that life out of the water brought death to fish; so too, a monk would lose his life according to God and the dignity of his habit if he lingered in cities. Yet, while offering himself as pleasant to all, he took care neither to seem servile and a flatterer, nor to be led into pride by being honored by all, and having those whom he commanded obey him. When Constantine even wrote to him to come to him—for he incredibly loved Anthony—he refused, saying, C "If I come to the emperor, I shall be Anthony; but if I do not, I shall be Abbot Anthony." And in this way he refrained from the journey to him. But these are just a taste and a brief outline of Anthony’s way of life and ascetic practice. It has been mentioned so that from this we might calculate his whole philosophy, such as it was. For the excellent Athanasius, who was also most dear to him, lavishly committed to the memory of posterity in his writings his struggles against demons, and the arts he devised against them, and the other prodigies of his life and all other things he wrote down, so that the book might be as a certain description of the monastic institution. Just as the same Athanasius did in the Life of Syncletica, D that he might furnish from there the way of life for men, and from there for women, as in a model of a narrative. And he had many disciples, both approved, and those demonstrating the teacher sufficiently by their own education and philosophy and other virtues, of whom some in Egypt and Libya, others in Palestine and Syria and Arabia, demonstrated the way of philosophy. These, as well as their successors, were of the greatest importance, so as to make it the work of all who were chosen for God to live, and to seek them out, and to be instructed by them in what ought to be done, striving diligently to remain hidden—no less so than those who now, with pride and empty ambition, prance through the marketplace and make a spectacle of themselves. Many, then, became his approved disciples; and that Paul, who from
his virtue was surnamed "the Simple," was among the first. It is said that he lived a rustic life and dwelt with a beautiful wife; but after he had caught her in the act of adultery, he smiled A benignly, and having called upon an oath, he renounced his union with her. Having thus immediately put her away, he went to Antonius. He is said to have been very meek and to have practiced obedience in a distinguished manner. In his monastic studies and struggles, he contended with his master, applying every care and diligence that he might not be found in anything to have degenerated from him in his imitation. Antonius, indeed, bearing testimony to his perfection in the highest standard of monastic philosophy, told him that he had no further need of a teacher, since he practiced that philosophy himself in an excellent manner, even though he was already an old man and had not meditated upon that study from boyhood, but had only recently descended into such a struggle. And God from above confirmed what Antonius had pronounced concerning him with His own authority, and in a short time B made the man so illustrious that he was better even than his master at wrestling against and driving away demons.
CHAPTER XLI. Of the holy Amoun, and of Eutychian, who dwelt on Mount Olympus in Bithynia.
At that same time, that Amoun the Egyptian also flourished, who, being compelled by his relatives and kin, took a wife; yet he did not live with her in the manner of marriage, as men are wont to do. For when the day of the wedding had arrived, and the bride had been led into the bridal chamber, as is the custom, once they were alone together, he told her that his purpose in the marriage had reached its end, and he taught her that it would be a great thing if they lived their lives as virgins. Mentioning the rewards of celibacy, he tried to persuade her that each of them should pursue the solitary life. The girl indeed extolled his words with praise, but was utterly unwilling to be separated from him. Thus Amoun lived with her for eighteen years, sleeping separately, and having the care of the life according to God. C Zealous and inspired by his example, the woman also came to think that such a man ought not, on her account, to remain in obscurity, and that each of them ought to practice discipline separately; and she asked to be separated from her husband. He then left the house to her, and he himself, D having gone to the desert south of Lake Mareotis, around Scetis and the mountain of Nitria, pursued philosophy for twenty-two years, visiting her twice a year to see her. He also, as a teacher, acquired many disciples. He was a worker of his own...
A many divine deeds, and many things said by him are remembered by the monks in Egypt, who are in the habit of carefully and earnestly seeking out such things, and who delight in the deeds of the older ascetics, whether they have been written down or not; these things have been handed down through the succession of time, and are astonishing to those who hear them. For the sake of giving a taste of them, it is fitting to add the following. This great man was journeying toward a certain desert. When it became necessary for him and his disciple Theodore to cross a certain ditch, he told Theodore to stand back a little, so that they would not see each other’s nakedness when lifting their garments too high. But then, fearing to see his own nakedness, he was taken up into the air by divine impulse and arrived on the opposite bank. When Theodore, having waded through and getting quite wet, reached the other side of the Lycus (for this is what the locals called that ditch) and saw that the garments and feet of Amoun were dry, he pressed the elder, begging him to tell him the cause of the matter. He wished to keep that B secret, whatever it was. But when Theodore argued more and more, professing that he would not yield in his request, Amoun finally, having first made an agreement that he would not reveal the matter to anyone while he was alive, explained what had happened; and he supposed that the man was henceforth of a nature superior to human. That he was also full of divine foreknowledge, the following incident will show. A boy of unjust parents had been bitten by a rabid dog and was expected to die at any moment. When they brought him to Amoun and begged him to heal him, he said, "Not I, but you, if you are willing, shall heal him. For if you choose to restore to their masters the ox which you stole, the boy will be immediately freed from all his suffering." The ox was returned, and the danger immediately fled, leaving the boy free from all distress. C When, some time later, Amoun was dying, it is said that Antony saw his soul being led up into heaven, accompanied by divine powers, with much veneration and escort, and following him with a certain ineffable song of hymns. And when those who were then with Antony asked him the cause, as they looked up into the air in amazement, admiring the sight of so great a thing, he did not keep the vision secret; and his words were confirmed by the facts themselves. For after many men came from Scetis and reported the time of Amoun’s death, they recognized that it was the very time when Antony, seized with amazement, was looking at the heavens. Both were rightly declared blessed: Amoun, because he had been taken from the present life in such a manner, and Antony, because he had been accounted worthy by God of such a vision, even though a great distance and an interval of several days' journey lay between the place D of their respective dwellings. And these things concerning Antony and Amoun are recorded thus. At the same time, that Eutychianus was also living in philosophy on Mount Olympus in Bithynia, for he had partaken of divine grace through his virtue, so that he became the worker of very many miracles and wonders, and cured diseases that were incurable. On account of this, it became a concern of the Emperor Constantine to make him a friend and an acquaintance. At that time, one of the imperial guards, having a suspicion that he was harboring tyrannous designs, around Olympus
A he concealed himself, was captured, and was cast into chains. And when he was being most cruelly tortured in prison, his kinsmen and relatives approached Eutychianus, and begged him to undertake an embassy and plea for him before the emperor, and to provide in some way that he might meanwhile be set free from his bonds, so that he might not die from the bitterness of his torments before the embassy was completed. And he sent to the prison guards to beg them to relieve the man of his chains. But when they would not yield to his petition, he himself went to the prison. And behold, the gates of the guard, having broken their own locks of their own accord, immediately opened before the presence of the man; and the iron shackles, and the stocks, and the bonds of his neck, left the prisoner, and fell off with a clatter and were scattered hither and thither. Then he went to the emperor, who was B at that time dwelling in Byzantium, and immediately delivered the condemned man from punishment. For nothing was difficult or annoying to Constantine, which that man, whom he loved vehemently and held in high honor, asked for. Rumor has it, however, that Eutychianus later defected to the heresy of Novatus, and lost the grace that was within him. And these things, in some part, have been said by us concerning the institute and philosophy of the monks. But whoever desires to examine such things will find many books in which very many who shone in integrity of life in that age and thereafter are commemorated, but especially those things which Lausus the praepositus wrote. Sophronius of Jerusalem also left us much useful history concerning them, in the writing he entitled the Meadow and the New Paradise.
CHAPTER XLII. Concerning the holy and wonder-working Spyridon, Nicholas, and Parthenius.
Since I have promised to make mention also of Spyridon and Nicholas, I think I must here pay my debt. For concerning the other confessors and hierarchs, who suffered and performed myriad and miraculous things, and of whom many, by the strength of the grace that was in them, were even enabled to raise the dead, we have spoken above. Yet into the divine Spyridon C such grace of the Holy Spirit flew, that the fame which is celebrated concerning him even to this time is enough to demonstrate his virtue. For although he was a rustic, and lived with a wife, and had become a father of children, he did not appear on that account worse than anyone in divine things. Such was his holiness, that he did not shrink even from a pastoral life; and Tremithous was his lot—it was one of the cities in Cyprus. DA He was so free from vanity that, in the same place, he might feed his sheep and yet be an excellent and most noble shepherd of men. Now, since there are many things concerning him that the book detailing his life sets forth, lest I incur the charge of sloth, and again lest I seem to wander too far from my subject, I shall mention two or three of his noteworthy deeds. It is said that some thieves once broke into the holy man’s sheepfold by night, plotting against his flock, and were eagerly attempting to steal away some of his sheep in secret. And although no one had cast shackles upon them, suddenly, by divine power, they were bound. At dawn, the great man arrived and found them with their hands pinioned behind their backs; he smiled, loosed them from the invisible bonds, and admonished them with counsel, saying that it was within their power to have received what they asked for, had they but chosen so, instead of choosing to endure such misery by night. B And he directed their character toward a better life, that they might provide for their living by righteous means. “Depart,” he said, pitying their distress, “and take this ram with you, that you may not seem to have kept watch in vain, nor that you may cast reproach upon me for the labors endured at my farm, as if you had departed empty-handed.” This was one delightful deed, performed with a miracle, by Spyridon; nor was the following one less worthy of wonder. The blessed man had a daughter named Irene, a child truly worthy of such a father. A certain acquaintance of hers had deposited with her a precious garment and ornament. She, taking care for its security, buried the item at home and entrusted it to the earth to keep. A short time later, she departed this life, leaving behind no indication of that thing. C Shortly thereafter, the man who had deposited it came; and now by accusing, now by entreating, he became a burden to Spyridon. But as the old man had searched long and much at home for the garment and did not find it, he considered the loss to be his own misfortune, and he mourned greatly for his guest, tearing his hair and lamenting outright. “But come,” he said, “let us go to the tomb of my daughter and ask her.” When they arrived, Spyridon called the maiden by name and asked where she had hidden the ornament. She suddenly appeared, explained the whole matter exactly to the blessed man, and again descended into the tomb. Spyridon then found the ornament at the place she had indicated, returned the item to the man, and let him go. D To another poor man who was in great need, he turned a snake that was coiling near a fence and wall into gold, and gave it to him so that he might take out a loan against it and relieve his poverty. But when, having shaken off his poverty, the man had become somewhat wealthy, Spyridon restored the snake to its former state and placed it back in its own location near the fence. By the prayer of the holy man, it resumed its former nature, and, crawling and winding itself along in haste, it entered its own hole. And I consider this likewise to be a matter belonging to his account. It was the custom of the blessed man to sell the seeds and fruits that came to him, and to distribute some to the poor, while lending others without interest. However, whether giving or receiving, he did not perform the deed with his own hands; but that which resided in him, the [restoration of the dead, was revealed through his daughter restored to life]. (Socrat. lib. I, cap. 12.)
A
It also seemed fitting to me to record this deed of his. It was the custom of that blessed man, regarding the seeds and fruits that came to him, either to bestow them upon the poor or to give them to those who came, to be used without interest. Whether he was giving or receiving anything, this was not done through his own hands; but the storehouse he had was shown to those who came to him, and he would bid them either take what they needed or store what they received for use. Now, a certain man who had taken a loan from him came to return the debt; and when, as was his custom, he was told to carry back into the storehouse that which he had received, while putting it away, he took more instead. For he did not only return the debt, but also took more away with him, and went off secretly, as if he had paid back his debt. But he could not remain hidden; for some time later, wishing to borrow again, he approached him. And he, doing as was his wont, sent the man to the grain bins, and permitted him to measure out as much as he wished. But when he found nothing there, he reported it to the father. And he said, "It is truly strange if the storehouse appears empty to you alone. It is necessary, therefore, to consider whether, not having deposited anything before, you are now attempting to take something. For know that, unless there is some trickery, you will not fail in what you seek. Go, therefore, again with the certainty that you will find it." And so, finally caught, he sought forgiveness for his offense.
B Something similar happened to another man who was buying sheep from this holy man. There were one hundred that he was buying; but he had counted out one goat in addition. When it was being pulled by the man by force, it would not follow him at all; for by resisting, as it were, and by bleating, it exposed the man's injustice. And when, having tried everything, he even carried it on his shoulders, it would strike his neck more fiercely with its hooves and horns, and then slipped away and ran back to its stable. When Spyridon learned of this, he urged him to measure and count them properly. And when he immediately confessed the deed, he forgave the wrong and ordered him to take the goat; and the goat, doing this readily, followed the buyer of its own accord, and sometimes even hastened ahead of him. C
These are fine things indeed. But how can I pass over in silence the steadfastness of that man in observing ecclesiastical rite, and his simplicity in honoring divine traditions? A council was once being held, in which there was also that Triphyllius, bishop of Ledra, well-versed in the arts of letters and one who had spent much time in the city of Berytus studying the laws. D As this man was teaching the people by the command of the bishops, with Spyridon present, it was necessary for him to repeat the saying which Christ used to the paralytic, namely, "Take up your bed and walk" (Marc. II, 9); but instead of "bed" (grabatum), he used "couch" (lectum). Spyridon, taking this ill, said, "You are surely not better than He who said 'bed,' that you should be ashamed of His words?" By saying this, he stood up from the episcopal throne in the sight of all, seeking to quell the pride and superciliousness of those who held themselves high in their speech. For he was well able to do such things, even if he was exceedingly simple. For he was venerable, and had attained to great glory through the miracles of his works, while also advancing in age and being adorned by the unfeigned and modest nature of his priesthood. I shall also narrate what he was like in his kindness toward friends. Now, it was the great fast of Lent; and one of his friends arrived after a long journey, even during the days when he was accustomed to fast. For he would remain without food for certain appointed
days, and only then would he eat. When he saw that his guest had arrived during these consecrated days, and was weary from his journey, he ordered his daughter to wash the guest's feet and set a table for him. When she said that there was neither bread nor flour in the house because of the fast that was then being observed, he offered a prayer, and then ordered the girl to take down the salted pork that was hanging by the hearth, B and to roast it as quickly as possible. When it was sufficiently roasted, he sat down by his guest and, putting his hands to the food, he began to eat, and encouraged his friend to do the same. When the guest refused, saying that he was a Christian, and insisting that he required no such food at such a time, Spyridon advised him not to reject the food, whatever it might be, for lack of other provisions: for the divine oracle exists which declares that to the pure all things are pure. Many other things similar to these were done by him, which our current task does not permit us to recount—things which Rufinus first set forth in the Roman language, along with very many other matters pertaining to ecclesiastical history. C And so much for Spyridon. At that same time, Nicolaus also flourished, being bishop of Myra in Lycia, a man equal to Spyridon in his way of life, his simplicity of manners, and his correspondence to nature; he was likewise most famous for his miracles and for his accurate and certain observance of doctrine. It is said that he possessed such grace, that anyone who embraced him and spoke with him from the heart would draw from him some divine gift, and receive from that source some impulse to conform his life to every good work. His actions, being as they are known to all, I pass over. Similar to these was Parthenius, bishop of a certain city in the Hellespont, who was illustrious for the splendor of his life, for his philanthropy, and for strange portents, inasmuch as he had received power from God even to raise the dead, to rule over demons, and to be a ready and gratuitous healer of various diseases. And so much for these men. In this manner, the doctrine of the faith was frequented with great consensus among the nations, in the deserts, and in all the cities; and in the Church of God it shone forth by its daily increases, being raised even to heaven. But leaving these matters, I shall turn the flow of my narrative once again to those things which were carried out in the Church.
CHAPTER XLIII
D How the Arians Eusebius and Theognis, having presented a formal petition of repentance, received back their own churches, and ejected those who had been appointed in their place.The most praiseworthy emperor himself moved every stone, so that our religion might grow more and more and take on its increase: for he…
had a spirit that was apostolic and heavenly. Among the presiding officers of the churches and the ministers of sacred things there were those who determined not only to build up with him, but actually to tear down and to uproot the foundations of the Church from their very depths, as we shall show as we proceed. For Arius, having received the conciliar vote and that of the Emperor, was led away into exile; and likewise those around Eusebius of Nicomedia, who had indeed subscribed to the dictated confession of faith B, but who were unwilling to be of one mind with the deposition of Arius. Arius, then, not long after the synod of Nicaea, was recalled from his exile, though he was hindered from resorting to Alexandria; for a return for him to Alexandria had been eagerly pursued by those around Eusebius after their recantation, as I shall relate in due time. After a little while, both Eusebius and Theognis recovered their own churches, the former by casting out Amphion, who had been ordained in his stead, and the latter by casting out Chrestus from Nicaea; for having sent a letter of repentance to the chief among the bishops, they were recalled by the imperial decree. C The letter itself read word for word as follows:
"Whereas we have already been condemned by your piety before a decision was rendered, we ought to be silent concerning the decrees of your piety. But since it would be absurd to provide grounds for the suspicion of malice against us by our very silence, for this reason we report to you that we have indeed concurred in the profession of faith and, having examined the idea regarding the *homoousion*, we have become entirely at peace, nowhere following the heresy; and we have brought to light, for the security of the churches, whatever had exceeded our understanding. And having been fully convinced, and having convinced those who were bound to be persuaded by us, we have subscribed to the faith. We did not, however, subscribe to the anathema, not as though we were attacking the faith, but because we did not believe the person who had been accused to be such a man, having been fully informed that he was not such by the letters sent privately to us by him, and by conversations held face-to-face. D If, however, our holy synod has been persuaded to the contrary, we do not contend, but agree with those things judged by you, and by this letter we signify our consent, not because we bear the exile heavily, but because we are stripping ourselves of the suspicion of heresy; for if you will deign now to receive us into your presence, you shall find us in all things of one mind, following those things which have been determined by you. And when it seemed good to your piety to show kindness to him who was the one accused in these matters and to recall him, and since we thought it absurd that we should remain silent while the one who was accused and who had defended himself against the charges brought against him had been recalled, thereby yielding the proof against ourselves, do you therefore deign, as befits your Christ-loving piety, to remind the most God-beloved Emperor, to present our petitions, and to deliberate speedily regarding what is fitting for us."
By means of this recantation, Eusebius and Theognis were recalled and obtained their own churches, having expelled those who had been ordained over them, as has been said. And wrapping themselves in sheep's clothing, they performed the deeds of wolves.
For having abused the emperor's kindness for the convenience of their seduction, and having immediately obtained access to the imperial court—and thereby their former dominion—as we shall say hereafter, they committed the most evil deeds. B
Chapter XLIV. How after Alexander, Athanasius received the bishopric of Alexandria, and regarding his upbringing from childhood; and how he became a priest to his own master, and was dear to the great Anthony; and concerning the calumnies and snares of the Arians against him.
At that time, five months after the synod, Alexander, the prelate of Alexandria, being about to die, left behind the renowned Athanasius as successor to the throne, as may be supposed, by divine judgment, having cast the votes for him. For the report has it that while Athanasius was fleeing and shirking, Alexander applied force to him, so that he was with difficulty persuaded to accept the throne—just as the Syrian Apollinaris also recorded in his writings: "Impiety did not cease even after this to wage war. But first it armed itself against the blessed teacher of this man, to whom he was as a son to a father, and who was his patron; and then against the man himself, after he had reached the succession of the episcopacy, having used much evasion, yet having been brought forward by the counsel of God. Just as it had also been revealed by divine signs to that blessed man, who as it were placed the episcopacy into his hands, that there would be no other successor than this one. For he was being called from this life, and being already near to his end, he called Athanasius by name while he was absent; and there, when another man of the same name who was present heard the call, he kept silent toward him, as if it were not him he was calling, and he used the call again. And when this happened several times, the one present, Athanasius, became concerned, but the other who was absent was declared. And finally, with a prophetic spirit, the blessed Alexander said: 'Athanasius, do you think you will escape? You will not escape.' By which word he indicated that he was being called to the contest." These things Apollinaris writes. But those of the faction of Arius boast that after the death of Alexander, those who had followed Melitius and those who had followed Alexander communicated their counsels among themselves, and met in the same place—from both sides, from the Thebaid and the rest of Egypt, fifty-four bishops—and gathering together, they agreed by a common vote that he who should have the oversight of the church of the Alexandrians should be chosen by common suffrage. But they say that seven of the bishops, having trampled upon their oaths, contrary to the will and judgment of all the others, performed the election of Athanasius, having compelled him to it, secretly in the church called Dionysius. To me, however, it does not seem that this great man came to the priesthood without divine providence, for he was such as the season of that time required—most capable of thinking, speaking, and writing, and most steadfast in shooting straight and withstanding plots. Ideally, he was a man of the church
and most apt for performing sacred rites, and (if I may so say) self-taught in such matters. For it is said that while he had not yet arrived at the age of youth, a kind of prefiguration of the divine was represented in him by a certain likeness. The Alexandrians were in their city celebrating a certain feast day, the very day on which Peter, who had ruled the church among them, had finished his life by martyrdom. Alexander, who B then governed the church, was celebrating these festivities according to custom, and after performing the sacred mystery, he sat waiting for those who were to dine with him. While sitting in a higher place, he cast his eyes toward the sea and saw some boys playing on the sand. The game was an imitation of the things performed in the church, and, as far as it went, an election of a bishop. And for a while, the imitation was harmless; but as they began to touch upon the more mystical and secret rites, he considered what was happening to be a serious matter. He called over the leading members of the clergy, pointed out the boys, and ordered them to be brought to him. When they were brought, he asked them about their play; soon he also asked what they had done. The boys, seized by shame and fear, first denied the matter; but when C Alexander threatened them with lashes, they exposed the whole affair: that Athanasius had been allotted the office of bishop, that he had baptized many, and that by the laying on of hands he had co-opted others into the ecclesiastical order as priests and deacons. The bishop inquired into every detail, both what the boy who was acting as priest had said, and what those who had been initiated into the sacred rites by him had answered. And when he found that every detail had been kept according to ecclesiastical tradition, he decided, in consultation with the bishops who were present with him, that those who had once been made worthy of divine grace through such simplicity were not to be baptized again. He only ordered them to fulfill in mystery those things which it is lawful for priests to do. He brought D the boys into the church, calling God Himself to witness, and handed them over to their kinsmen, charging them to guard them and instruct them to advance in that imitation, since they had so abundantly obtained such youthful training. He did this especially with regard to Athanasius, whom he subsequently used as a notary and intimate; and not long after, he raised him to the order of deacons. Being thus trained in grammatical studies, practiced among rhetoricians, and further instructed in the studies of philosophy, and having drawn from these arts as much as
he possessed, those who were ill-disposed toward him felt even more animosity; for he happened to be a burning friend to him. But the Arians also rendered Athanasius more illustrious, they who together with Melitius were disturbing Egypt, always plotting against him, yet having no just grounds to convict him. For the party of Eusebius, having just recently been recalled to the emperor, obtained no ordinary outspokenness and was held in high regard by him, as if they had turned from their perverse thinking to piety. And indeed, abusing this outspokenness, they stirred up a greater turmoil in the Church from the indwelling heterodoxy and from their enmity toward Athanasius, since they had encountered him in the synod as a bulwark of piety. And indeed, first of all, they made his consecration a subject of accusation, as if it had not been done lawfully nor by trustworthy persons. But as he showed himself superior to these charges, B bravely contending for the faith at Nicaea, they wove another plan to contrive his exile and make arrangements to bring Arius back to Alexandria. For so they thought it would be easiest for them to cast out the faith of the consubstantial and quietly, in a way, introduce their own impiety. And Eusebius tried, by writing to Athanasius, to have him receive those around Arius; but if not, he threatened him by an unwritten message through an intermediary with great evil. But after moving every stone, as the saying goes, and being unable to persuade him—since Athanasius maintained that those who had introduced new things into the doctrine and founded a new heresy, and who for that reason had been proscribed by so great a synod, ought by no means to be received—he attempted in another way to persuade the emperor to receive Arius and to grant his return to Alexandria. And he hardly succeeded in this, as I shall relate in its proper time. C
CAPUT XLV.
Concerning the synod gathered at Antioch, which deposed the great Eustathius, and concerning the bishops who succeeded him.
Then truly another turmoil arose among the associated bishops and took hold of the Church, as they inquired with excessive subtlety concerning the word "consubstantial" and wore themselves out with it; and they armed themselves for war against one another, so that their contention differed in no way from fighting in the dark. For they did not understand one another, from which they thought those who had transgressed, D [approved, perfect, sublime, and placed beyond the risk of judgment, such as Gregory the Theologian said Basil the Great was: "A man of God," he says, "and a faithful servant," and a man of desires: but of spiritual ones. For thus does Scripture call those who have arrived at the highest place, and have ascended to sublime and divine things.]
A For those who did not accept the consubstantial were of the opinion that those who did so held the views of Montanus and Sabellius, and they called them blasphemers, as if they were overthrowing the existence of the Son. Those, on the other hand, who adhered to the consubstantial turned away from them, as if they were introducing Hellenism and polytheism. Most especially did Eustathius of Antioch and Eusebius of Pamphilus B stand against each other on these matters; and both confessed the Son of God in one subsistence, and one God in three subsistences. Eustathius accused Eusebius of innovating upon the faith at Nicaea, while the latter, in turn, claimed to adhere to what was decided at Nicaea, but charged Eustathius with holding the errors of Sabellius. And so, a synod having been convened at Antioch C because of these things, Eustathius was deprived of his bishopric—in truth, because he stood up for the Nicene faith and shunned those around Eusebius, such as Patrophilus of Scythopolis and Paulinus of Tyre, to whose opinions the priests of the East adhered, as men who thought like Arius. But, as those from the camp of Arius claimed, it was because he seemed to Sabellianize, and for other not-so-good reasons, such as are customarily said of all bishops who are deposed. But the whole affair was D a piece of sycophancy coupled with slander. For they deposed the holy man as if he had disgraced the priesthood through intercourse with an immodest girl and the enjoyment of shameful pleasure. For having hired a woman of good appearance, a harlot, who sold her charms to anyone who wished for a price, they persuaded her to lend her tongue to them. And indeed, of the gathering that had been assembled—and they were two hundred and fifty—they ordered everyone else to leave; but they ordered that woman, brazen from experience, to enter. She went in, carrying a nursing infant in her arms, and impudently shouted that she had conceived and given birth to it from the unions of Eustathius. Eustathius asked if she had any other witness to the deed or anyone else who knew of such things, and when she declared that she had none, the bitter judges demanded an oath from her, even though the law loudly cries out that things spoken ill of anyone must attain confirmation by two or three witnesses; and again, the Apostle forbids receiving an accusation against a presbyter without two or three witnesses. But they, having disregarded the law, rendered an accusation against such a man without witnesses. For as soon as she added the oath to her previous statements—that the infant was truly the result of Eustathius's foul pleasure—they immediately cast their votes against him as if he were an adulterer. Other bishops, who were ignorant of the plot, objected and insisted that the vote against the man was not being conducted according to the laws; but those who had woven the plot went with all haste to the Emperor. Having persuaded him that the things on account of which Eustathius was condemned had been voted upon in a legal trial, they sought to drive him out from there—alas! such a champion and athlete of piety and temperance, and
A a pearl. A terrible sedition, however, was kindled in Antioch on account of his deposition; so much so, that it all but came to pass that the city was utterly destroyed, having been divided into two factions, with one side receiving the support of the military force. This, indeed, was what most harmed Eustathius. For when the emperor learned of the division in the Church, he was exceedingly indignant, and suspecting Eustathius of being a ringleader in the faction, he sent one of his illustrious military officers to quell the tumult, and Eustathius was quietly brought out from there. And he was led away through Thrace to the Illyrians, bearing the calumny with composure, having judged it better to do so, a man who was good and honorable in all things, and who possessed a fluent tongue for the composition of discourses; and as his own works testify, he excelled in the weight of his archaic phrasing, in the temperance of his thoughts, in the grace and beauty of his diction, and in the vehemence of his delivery. B Afterward, that wretched little woman, having fallen into a severe illness, confessed the whole act of calumny, revealing the tragedy fully: for she stated that very many of the priests, having corrupted her with money, had dared to commit this outrage; yet she was not being entirely untruthful, she claimed, that she had indeed conceived the child by a certain Eustathius who practiced a common trade.
When the phalanx of the Arians in Antioch had dared to admit these things against the holy man, they reasoned among themselves that if they were to seat upon the throne of Antioch someone known to the emperor and distinguished in discourse, they would very easily win everyone over to their own opinion. C And so, having chosen Eusebius, the son of Pamphilus, in preference to all others, they were eager to transfer him there. And they announced these resolved points to the emperor, adding that the man was also highly esteemed and favored by the people of Antioch. Thus wrote those who were hostile in spirit toward Eustathius. But Eusebius refused what they had decided and sent a letter to the emperor in which he declined the see of Antioch. The emperor, however, admiring his resolution—by which he observed the ecclesiastical canon that forbade one who had once been entrusted with the administration of a church to be transferred to another episcopate—wrote back D to both the people and to Eusebius himself. He approved of his judgment, calling him blessed, and indeed worthy to be entrusted not only with the see of Antioch, but with that of the whole inhabited world. He wrote the same things to the council as well.
Believing them to be unadulterated in the faith, he permitted them to ordain to the throne of Antioch either Euphronius, the presbyter of Cappadocia, or Georgius from Arethusa—whichever of these, or any other they might deem superior, they chose. But before the vote for Eusebius, they ordained Eulalius; and since he survived only for a short time, they were eager for the *translatio*. And when that man refused, and the emperor forbade the *translatio*, the throne is said to have remained vacant for the next eight years; then they ordained Euphronius. After a year and some months, having paid his debt to nature,
the oversight of that church was committed to Flacitus. All were indeed greatly infected with the Arian contagion, although they seemed to foster it clandestinely. For this very reason, many of the clergy and the order of priests, as well as others who nevertheless determined that they must rightly practice piety, left the church assemblies and gathered by themselves. They had the name of Eustathians, because they favored him greatly even after his departure. And such are the things that occurred at Antioch regarding Eustathius. A
CAPUT XLVI. Concerning the patriarchs of Rome and Jerusalem; and further, concerning the union of the Arians and Melitians.
In the Roman Church, Julius succeeded Sylvester, before whom Marcellinus and then Miltiades had governed for a short time. After Macarius, Maximus held the throne of Jerusalem; he who, as the account has it, had previously been entrusted with the priesthood at the church of Diospolis by Macarius, but was eventually held back by the Jerusalemites. For because he had been a confessor in earlier times, and was otherwise a good man, he had been chosen by the votes of the people to receive the bishopric when Macarius had completed his life. But when the people of Diospolis, deprived of such a man, could not bear it, and a struggle was stirred up on that account, it was decided that another prelate should be chosen for the Diospolitans, and that Maximus should remain with Macarius, with whom he might share the episcopal care and ministry; and that when the latter had departed, he should be substituted into his place. Furthermore, it is necessary to know that those who have inquired into these matters more diligently affirm that the multitude acted in accordance with the judgment of Macarius, since he had labored with great zeal for Maximus. For they assert that Macarius was not at all led by repentance after that election of Maximus, but that, considering within his own mind that the man held the right opinion concerning God, and that he was very dear to the multitude because of the contest of his confession, he determined that it was necessary to retain him as his successor. For no small fear entered his mind, lest, upon his own death, Eusebius and Patrophilus, seizing the opportunity of the time, might grant his bishopric to one of the Arians—since, even while he was still alive, they had begun to attempt novelties, and having been excommunicated by him, they had finally repudiated their follies. Not yet, indeed, had the disturbance that had also arisen in Egypt B C D
A been suppressed. For the heresy of Arius had been proscribed by the Nicene synod. But Melitius, under the conditions we have set forth above, had been received; and when Alexander returned to Egypt, Melitius had restored the churches which he had not rightly held outside the order. He himself lived in Lycus. And before Melitius passed from this life, he appointed a certain John, one of those who held the same opinion as he did concerning the dogma of the Nicene synod, in his place; who again became the author of a new disturbance in the churches. When the adherents of Arius saw this, they were not neglectful of their own affairs. And as is wont to happen among such factious men, some praised the opinion of Arius, while to others it seemed better that those of the Melitian party should preside over the churches, to whom indeed the majority were more addicted. At first, the two parties were at variance with each other; but when they saw the multitude following the bishops of the Catholic Church, they assembled together, made a pact, and undertook a common war against the pious clergy of the city of Alexandria. And they brought forward accusations and defenses in such equal measure, struggling together, that as time went on, the Arians were called Melitians, and the Melitians Arians. And yet the Melitians contended only about the governance of churches, while the Arians held evil B opinions concerning God. Nevertheless, because they had taken up common enmities against us, they feigned consent and concord, both parties thinking that in this way they would more easily succeed according to their own will. But in the progress of time, because of the constant conversations and discussions on these matters, they reached such a state that they both held the same view concerning God. But later, the Melitians, according to their original secession, were separated from the Arians. For at the same time, the clergy and people of each side recoiled from the communion of the others. And this evil spread to many cities, but especially did Arianism flourish in Bithynia and the Hellespont, and in Constantinople itself. Whence it is said that Eusebius of Nicomedia and Theognis of Nicaea, by a certain artifice, circumvented him to whom the commission to guard the decree of the Nicene synod had been entrusted, and erased their signatures; and openly and freely taught that the Son ought not to be called consubstantial with the Father. These men were also the first authors of the afflictions which Athanasius endured; for having gained great power and freedom of speech with the Emperor, they hastened to bring back Arius to Alexandria, as one who was of the same mind and a friend to them, and sought to drive out the other, as being diametrically opposed to them. And indeed, with difficulty, they finally brought that plan to its end. But how they were able to accomplish this, and in what manner the Emperor was persuaded to receive Arius, I shall tell as briefly as I can.
CAPUT XLVII. That Arius was recalled from exile, having promised that he would thenceforth follow the right doctrine and religion.
A certain presbyter, C afflicted with the Arian malady, although it was at the time more concealed, was at the court of Constantia, the Emperor’s sister.
whom Licinius had had in marriage, and he was both an acquaintance and a friend of hers. From his conversations with her, having gained much freedom of speech, he introduced, upon mention being made of Eusebius, A remarks regarding Arius as well, asserting that what had been ordained against him was not done rightly; for he claimed that he had been condemned through the envy and jealousy of Alexander, and was at once an exile from his country and cast out from the Church, living in misery and suffering indignities, and that he was not of that opinion that the multitude believes. Constantia, thinking these things to be true, kept them to herself. For she dared to change nothing, knowing that the Emperor was steadfast regarding the decisions of the synod, and as long as he survived, she held that opinion in secret and in silence. But when she was struck by a severe illness, B and the Emperor visited her frequently, she asked for this final favor—that he have regard for the presbyter, to whose exceptional piety she testified, asserting that he held sound views and would maintain sincere good will toward him; and as for herself, she was already departing, but for him, she protested, she feared greatly lest he suffer anything, since, having been persuaded by certain persons, he had punished grave men with perpetual exile. And she died after saying these things. C The presbyter, having thus gained freedom of speech, gradually moved those same arguments regarding Arius to the Emperor which he had long ago imparted to his sister, claiming that Arius held nothing contrary to the decisions of the synod, and that if he were to come, if the Emperor should command it, he would show face-to-face that these things were true, and that he had been circumvented by unreasonable calumny. The Emperor, whether to gratify his sister or because he was persuaded by what the presbyter said, replied: "If Arius is in agreement and gives his word that he holds the views of the synod, I receive the man, and with all honor I shall immediately send him back to Alexandria." Having said these things, D he sent such a letter to him: "Victor Constantinus Maximus Augustus to Arius. It was made known to your stability long ago that you should come to our camp, so that you might be able to enjoy our presence; but we are greatly surprised that you have not done this immediately. Therefore, now that you have boarded a public vehicle, hasten to arrive at our camp, so that, having attained our good will and care, you may be able to return to your country. May God preserve you, beloved. Given on the fifth day before the Kalends of December." Such was the letter of the Emperor. But it comes to my mind to admire the zeal and emulation of the Emperor regarding true piety; for it is apparent from what he writes that he had often urged him toward repentance, and he makes it a grievance that, though having written many times, he did not return to the truth. He, therefore, having received the letters, arrived at Constantinople with Euzoius. This Euzoius was a deacon, who had also been deposed by Alexander at the time when he deposed the faction of Arius. The Emperor, having received them in his presence, asked if they would agree to the faith; and when they assented, he ordered them to provide a document setting forth what they believed regarding God. And they, having avoided the former path of those concepts of which they were the inventors, by using certain simple and acknowledged phrases of the God-inspired Scripture, drew up...
a new formula and exposition: confirming with an oath that they so believed and felt from their heart, and had never felt otherwise. That document had been conceived in these words: A “To our most pious and God-beloved lord, the Emperor Constantine, Arius and Euzoius. Just as your God-pleasing piety, lord Emperor, has commanded, so we set forth our profession of faith in writing. We testify before God that we and all who are with us believe as we have set down below. We believe in one God, the Father Almighty; and in the Lord Jesus Christ His Son, the God-Word begotten of Him before all ages, through whom all things were made, both those in heaven and those on earth; who came and took flesh, and suffered, and rose again, and ascended into the heavens; and who will come again to judge the living and the dead; and in the Holy Spirit; and in the resurrection of the flesh; and in the life of the age to come; and in the kingdom of heaven; and in one catholic Church of God, which is from end to end of the earth. This persuasion of faith B we have received from the holy Gospels, as the Lord said to His own disciples: ‘Go, teach all nations, baptizing them in the name of the Father, and of the Son, and of the Holy Spirit.’ If we do not believe these things thus, and truly accept the Father, and the Son, and the Holy Spirit, as the whole catholic Church and the holy Scriptures teach, as we believe in all things, God shall be our judge, both now and in that coming day. Therefore we exhort your piety, our most God-beloved Emperor, that since we are ecclesiastics, and possess the faith and the mind of the Church and of the holy Scriptures, you should unite us, through your peace-making and God-fearing piety, to our mother, namely the Church, with the questions and the superfluous quibbles arising from those questions having been cut away; so that both we and the Church, having been reconciled C to one another through this pacification, may all together perform the customary prayers for your peace-loving and pious empire and for your whole house.” Some, however, said that this document had been composed deceitfully, and that while they were reconciled to the Church in words, they nevertheless adhered to their former opinions, as the meaning of the words themselves sufficiently declared, being ambiguous and inclining to either side, and tending toward a double meaning. The Emperor, however, imagining that they agreed with the decrees at Nicaea, was exceeding glad. Yet, before the lawful examination and inquiry, according to the received custom, of those who held the chief authority in ecclesiastical matters, he did not take it upon himself to admit them to communion: but sent them to the bishops who had at that time gathered at Jerusalem, D so that their new confession might be observed; and he signified as much, and further commanded them to look upon them with humanity, whether they were truly orthodox and had harbored a plot out of envy, or whether they did not think rightly in accordance with the
their repentance, they might at length acquiesce in the matters decreed. The Eusebians, however, seizing a convenient time, under the pretext of the imperial letters—the synod not having yet acted—admitted them to communion. And when they had done this, they informed the emperor of the matter; and they wrote to the Church of the Alexandrians, and to all Egypt and Libya, and to the bishops and clergy therein, that they should not be loath to receive them, as the emperor himself testified that their faith was orthodox, and to this document of faith they appended their letter, adding the vote of the synod to the imperial judgment. A
CHAPTER XLVIII. How Athanasius, not receiving Arius, withstood accusation from the Arians and Melitians: and concerning the oft-spoken-of hand of Arsenius.
In this manner did Arius come to Alexandria. But the contrivance of falsehood yielded to the truth. For so far was the holy Athanasius from admitting him, that he even shunned him like some defilement. B Arius, remaining there, was again stirring up his heresy. And those around Eusebius wrote as well, and persuaded the emperor to write, so that he might manage the matter in such a way that Arius would be received. But Athanasius altogether refused; and he sent letters to the emperor himself, teaching that it was in no way possible that those whom so great a synod had placed under anathema, for having trampled upon the orthodox faith, should be admitted to communion, especially when they had not repented in a legitimate manner through penance and conversion. C The emperor took this heavily; for he was striving with the greatest zeal to mend the concord of the Church. And he wrote back to Athanasius, that he should exclude no one from the Church. And he threatened that if he should treat his commands with contempt, he would send someone who would cast him out from that place. Regarding this matter, it pleases me to append to this writing a portion of Constantine’s letter, which is as follows: "Since, therefore, you have my will clearly understood, grant free entrance to all who wish to enter into the Church. For if I shall learn that you have prevented any of them from entering the Church, or have forbidden them access, I will immediately send someone who, by my command, will remove you from those places D and transfer you elsewhere." Such were the things that Constantine wrote, providing for the general good, and not wishing to see the Church rent asunder. Athanasius, however, again insisted, writing that one must not share communion with those from Arius, and he drove him out of Alexandria. Then, finally, those around Eusebius, perceiving that they would not be successful in their desire unless Athanasius were cast down from the episcopate, took the emperor's anger against him as an occasion for their schemes and for the fulfillment of their desire.
A There were, however, those who had conspired against the holy man: Eusebius of Nicomedia, Theognis of Nicaea, Maris of Chalcedon, Ursicius of Singidonis, of Upper Pannonia, and Valens of Mursa, bishops of Pannonia. But since they did not have sufficient opportunity for such a great calumny, they secretly bribed and suborned certain of his accusers from the Melitians. And he endured that first accusation before the emperor, when Ession, Eudaemon, and Callinicus, Melitian bishops, were slandering him, claiming that he had commanded that a linen garment be paid as a tax to the Church of the Alexandrians, and had exacted the tribute. Which indeed was a calumny that Alypius and Macarius, presbyters, proved to be false before the emperor, when they met him at Nicomedia by chance for another reason. The emperor therefore rebuked the informers by letter, and summoned Athanasius to himself. B Yet before he had arrived to Constantine, the Eusebians laid another charge against him: that he was secretly plotting against the sovereign and had sent to a certain Philumenus a chest filled with gold. When the emperor manifestly discovered this matter also to be mere sycophancy, while he was residing at Psammathia, which is one of the suburbs of Nicomedia, he sent Athanasius back to Alexandria with great honor; having given him a letter in which he showed that all things said against the man were fabricated, and furthermore testified that he was a very human and rightly believing and truly divine man, who had sustained a charge on account of envy, yet had emerged superior to his accusers. He also exhorted the multitude not to be divided, but by all means to pursue concord and to look up to God. And he, by writing such things, was striving to reconcile them to peace. C But the Melitians and the Arians instituted other charges against Athanasius. One of them was that he had shattered a mystical cup, had overturned the holy table, and had burned certain divine books; the second was that he had cut off the hand of a certain Arsenius, who was a bishop of the Melitian heresy, and kept it in his possession, by means of which he performed prodigies. Now they diligently hid this Arsenius with a certain presbyter of a monastery named Patrinus, showing him every kindness and benevolence so that he might remain hidden there and not appear in public at all. And Joannes, a monk, also embellished the affair of this Arsenius as his accuser. And the authors of this undertaking, having fabricated such wiles and traps, walked about everywhere, spreading talk and slandering Athanasius. D Yet his enemies inveighed against him more vehemently: and especially that Ischyras, who dwelt in the Mareotis, which is a region of Alexandria; there are many and great villages there, possessing churches and assigned to the bishop of Alexandria, and they are counted as parishes belonging to that city. In that place, then, Ischyras, having of his own accord and without authority proclaimed himself a priest, had gone beyond the bounds of punishment. And having been caught by Athanasius, since he stood for trial, he fled from there and joined those around Eusebius at Nicomedia. They, by reason of their hatred for Athanasius, received him just as if he were a presbyter; and having promised to honor him with the dignity of the episcopate if he could devise an accusation against Athanasius, having taken money, he prepared to bring a charge; and Joannes the monk was the one who was also recorded as his confederate.
A The Emperor, having heard these things, wrote to Censorius Dalmatius, who was his kinsman and who administered affairs at Antioch in Syria, to sit in judgment upon the matters mentioned and to exact the fitting penalty. He also sent Eusebius and Theognis, so that the trial of Athanasius might take place in their presence. But Athanasius, when he learned he was being summoned by Censorius, and perceiving how difficult it is to offer a defense before prejudiced judges, fought back against their schemes; and in every way he exerted himself that the truth might not escape. It being a laborious task to persuade everyone while Arsenius was not to be seen, he reasoned that he would be unable to clear himself unless he could prove that the man who was said to be dead was alive. He sent one of his own deacons to Egypt to search for Arsenius. And when he arrived in the Thebaid, he learned where he was staying, namely, with Patrinus, by whom he was also being sheltered. And he did not find him there; for, having learned of the deacon’s arrival, they had crossed into lower Egypt. However, having taken Patrinus, and at the same time Elias who had conveyed him elsewhere, he brought them to Alexandria; and both of them, standing before the governor, confessed that Arsenius was alive, whom Egypt now held, hidden by them. They also made the foregoing matters plain to the Emperor. B He, writing to Athanasius, persuaded him to hold his bishopric with diligence and not to fear the slanders of the Melitians; and he guaranteed that those who dared such things would pay the fitting penalty under the law, and that those who were not content to remain quiet but were stirring up tumults in the Church, should be delivered to the judges, as they were not only weaving envy and plots against the innocent, but were also insulting the beauty of good order and piety. Having written these things to Athanasius, he ordered the letter to be read publicly. The followers of Melitius, being filled with fear, and from then on suspecting the threat of the ruler, remained quiet. And the Church in Egypt remained in peace, being steered by such a great high priest. And it thrived from day to day and became manifold, as many even from the religion of the Greeks were added to the faith, and whole nations were crossing over to the faith in Christ. C
CHAPTER XLIX. Concerning the synod held at Tyre against Athanasius; and how Athanasius proved his accusations to be false.
Not long after this, the machinations of his adversaries once again provided trouble for Athanasius, and hatred from the D
A multitude of his accusers gathered together. By these, the emperor was at length with difficulty moved, and he ordered a synod to be gathered at Caesarea in Palestine. Athanasius, having been summoned there, deferred his arrival for thirty months, suspecting the guile of Eusebius Pamphili, who presided over the sacred rites there, and of the one of the same name from Nicomedia, and of the faction which was with them. For a long time, therefore, he deferred coming, but later, having been constrained by more severe force, he arrived at Tyre. For the emperor had ordered a synod to be convened for the dedication of the temple in Jerusalem which he himself had built; to which, so that they might be part of the spectacle, Eusebius and those of his faction were traveling with much royal pomp. The emperor ordered this synod, as it was turning aside from its journey to Tyre, to examine the case of Athanasius first, so that, all quarrels and nonsense being removed from the midst, they might with more peaceful minds dedicate the temple to God and perform the mystical rites. B Now at that time, the thirtieth year of the reign of Constantine was passing. There were present sixty bishops from the East, whom Dionysius, an ex-consul, had gathered. To that place, Macarius the presbyter, bound in iron chains, was brought from Alexandria, a military detachment leading him. Athanasius, having been summoned, at first made excuses, not fearing the accusations so much as being afraid that something might be changed contrary to what had been decreed in the Synod of Nicaea. Yet, fearing the emperor’s letters, which threatened that if he did not come of his own accord, he would be brought by force, he came to Tyre. But by a certain providence of God, Arsenius, who was said to be dead, was driven to Tyre alive. For having put aside in a safe place the money he had received from the sycophants, and their instructions concerning his concealment, he also came there secretly, intending to learn what end the matter would have. Now the servants of Archelaus the consular, being in a certain tavern, C spending their time in wine and drunkenness, having heard from someone that Arsenius, who was said to have been killed, was present and hiding in a certain house, reported the matter to their master. He, having immediately sought this out and having confirmed it, laid hold of it, and made the matter certain, and sent word to Athanasius through a faithful messenger to be of good courage, for Arsenius was alive and present. Yet he, when brought into their hands, denied that he was the person. But Paul, the bishop of Tyre, who had long known the man, declared that he was indeed the very person. And thus, while providence arranged the matter in this way, Athanasius, when he had been summoned to appear before the synod, partly refuted the charges made against him, and partly requested a delay so that he might examine them further (for the situation was very difficult and obstructive for him, as the accusers were grateful to the judges, and many witnesses from among those who favored Arius and Meletius were stationed to confirm their opinions, and the sycophants were being granted pardon for the crimes in which he was in command), especially regarding the indictment D concerning Arsenius, and concerning a certain woman to whom he was said to have provided gifts, in order to defile her at night. Both of these he showed to be ridiculous. For since the woman stood in the midst of the council, she was exposing Athanasius...
A, a certain presbyter from Alexandria present there, Timothy by name, having secretly arranged this with them, took up the argument as though it were his own, saying, “Tell me, woman, do you say that I defiled you?” But she, saying “And is it not you?” while stretching out her hand, pointed to him, adding the time and manner in which she had been forced. This charge, ridiculous as it was, was thus easily refuted. Next the hand of Arsenius was brought forth, and the accusation was no longer conducted with words but with deeds. But he [Athanasius] handled the matter very skillfully. For first he asked if any of those present knew Arsenius. When some said that they did, he brought him into the council, keeping both his hands hidden under his cloak; and immediately he said, “This is he, the dead man.” And taking out each hand in turn, “Behold,” he said, “Arsenius is here and has both his hands; but as for the place of the third, let the accusers show me, for God, the Creator from the beginning, did not make man with three hands.” B These charges having been thus clearly refuted, those who had woven the plot, finding themselves in a difficult position and fearing the outcry, fled. And thus did Athanasius rid himself of this accusation by the life of Arsenius. Next, he countered the case regarding Ischyras, principally by arguing that he was not a presbyter; furthermore, he countered the followers of Eusebius, declaring that it was not right to be judged by one’s enemies. And since other charges were introduced, it seemed best to the council that they should go to Mareotis, so that the disputed matters could be examined locally. But when those whom he had rejected as judges were selected to investigate (for Theognis, Maris, Theodorus, Macedonius, Valens, and Ursicius were being sent there), Athanasius protested, and cried out to the whole council that the affair was a conspiracy; for if the accuser were to be present with hostile judges, the trial would be one-sided C. While he was saying such things, since no one paid him any heed, and also fearing lest they might lay violent hands upon him, he fled from the council and hastened to the Emperor. Now when those who had gone to Mareotis returned, they made records D unilaterally, as though everything that the accuser had claimed against Athanasius were true. The synod first pronounced judgment against him in his absence; then they also drew up the sentence of deposition, in which they heaped many insults upon that holy man, as if he were seditious and filling Egypt with turmoil. They passed over the charge concerning the woman as shameful, and they skipped over the case of Arsenius the living as well; but they wrote to the bishops everywhere not to grant him word or communion, nor even to allow him to reside in Alexandria; and they declared the accusation concerning the shattering of the mystical cup to be true. They laid hold greedily of every charge, artfully fabricating slander, for the sycophants…
A having been convicted, the synod covered them with silence, while praising all his accusers. To John also, who had succeeded Melitius, and to his followers, or whoever were of his clergy, they granted honor and dignity. They also received Arsenius himself, who had been said to have been killed; he who at that time was a bishop of the Melitian sect, and who, as bishop of the city of the Hypselopolites, had subscribed to that unjust deposition of Athanasius. And this was the thing that caused astonishment: that he who was said by Athanasius to have been killed, while still living, as far as lay in his power, killed Athanasius by stripping him of his office. Many of the bishops who had flocked there perceived this most unjust and insane judgment. For they say that Paphnutius the Confessor, being present at the council, grasped the hand of Maximus, the prelate of the Hierosolymitan Church, and rose up, considering that it was not fitting for men who had been confessors and who, because of their testimony to the truth, bore about their gouged-out eyes and crippled legs, to have anything in common with the company of wicked and depraved men, or to bring B a judgment against the champions of true piety.
CHAPTER L. De consecratione seu dedicatione templi Hierosolymitani epistola imperatoris ad synodum Tyri Phoenicia congregatam: et ut Athanasius exsul sit factus.
At the time when the thirtieth year of the reign of Constantine was being completed, and the temple at Jerusalem on the site of Calvary had been finished most magnificently, which is called the Great Martyrium, a certain man of high rank named Marianus came C from the emperor with letters to the synod, in which they were ordered to go to Jerusalem as quickly as possible for the dedication of his holy temple. And they, as soon as they were able, hastened to Jerusalem, and setting aside all difference and discord, they dedicated the temple itself, at the same time consecrating the gifts and ornaments sent by the emperor, which were of the highest value; these remained there for a long time afterward, truly inspiring astonishment and wonder in those who beheld them: such was their size, and such their price. It was the fourteenth day of the month of September, which from that time has been observed annually in the Hierosolymitan church as a public feast, celebrated by all, D with assemblies held for eight consecutive days. On these days, men from all over the world gather there and flock to the festive assemblies, to perform the sacred mysteries and to visit the holy places. Then, indeed, having held that much-discussed synod there, they received Arius and Euzoius, at the emperor's
to hold the synod in which they might receive Arius and Euzoius: A they were brought, that is, by the letters of the Emperor, by which he signified that they held the right view concerning the faith. They also wrote to the Church of Alexandria, that great peace, with hatreds dispelled, had been brought to the churches; that Arius had repented; and that having received from the man a document of repentance, they had duly received him, and he was entirely within the power of the Church. They also reported these proceedings to the Emperor. And they indeed conducted these matters in this way.
But Athanasius, traveling to Constantinople, complained to the Emperor about the injuries he had suffered. And since some of those who had condemned him by their votes were present there, he humbly requested of the Emperor that an investigation and judgment of the events that had taken place regarding him at Tyre should be held in his B presence. The Emperor, judging that Athanasius requested what was fair, wrote in the following words to the bishops who had assembled at Tyre, summoning them to himself:
“I for my part am ignorant of the matters that were judged by your synod amid tumult and as though by a storm. It seems, however, in a way, that the truth has been distorted by a certain turbulent disorder—namely, that because of your zeal for bickering against your neighbors, which you yourselves wish to be considered invincible, you cannot perceive what is pleasing to God. But it shall be the work of Divine Providence to dispel the evils of this contention once they have been clearly detected, and to demonstrate to us explicitly whether, in gathering there, you had any care for the truth, and whether you judged the matters without any favor or enmity. C Therefore, I wish for you to come speedily to my piety, so that you may present to us an exact account of the things done by you, and may satisfy us regarding yourselves. But why I decided to write these things to you, and why I summon you to myself through this letter, you will understand from the following words.
“As I was entering our eponymous and most fortunate city of Constantinople (and it happened that I was riding on horseback at that time), suddenly Athanasius the bishop, with certain others whom he had with him, appeared in the middle of the public street, and so unexpectedly, that he provided a cause for alarm; and I call to witness God, the overseer of all things, that I did not even know who he was, until some of my entourage indicated who he was. And when we asked him about the D injuries which he had suffered, he related them to us, as was to be expected. I for my part did not converse with him at that time, nor did I engage in any discussion; but while he was requesting, and I was refusing—and indeed I was nearly on the point of ordering him to be driven away—he, with much boldness, asked nothing else of us than that you should be present, so that, with necessity pressing, he might be able to lament fully in your presence the things he had suffered. And since this appeared to be reasonable and appropriate to the times, I gladly ordered these things to be written to you, so that all of you who made up the synod that took place at Tyre might hasten without delay to the camp of our clemency, having demonstrated by your deeds the purity and impartiality of your judgment before me; and him, whom you could not deny to be a genuine servant of God, you would not [refuse to confront]. Therefore, by means of my worship toward God, all things everywhere...
are at peace, and even the Barbarians, who until now were ignorant of the truth, now duly bless the name of God. It is evident that he who is ignorant of the truth does not know God either. Nevertheless, as has been said just now, even the Barbarians have come to know God through me, who am the servant of God; they have learned to fear Him, and they have perceived that God protects me everywhere and provides for my affairs. Whence they know God the more, whom they worship because they fear us; but we, who seem to defend (why should I say preserve?) the sacred mysteries of His benevolence, we, I say, do nothing but that which makes for discord and hatred, and which—to speak simply—tends toward the destruction of the human race. But hasten, as has been said, and come to us all as soon as possible, convinced that I will endeavor with all my might that all things may be duly kept in the law of God, so that neither reproach nor any perverse opinion or suspicion may be able to cling to them; since the enemies of the law A are thoroughly dispersed, crushed, and utterly caused to disappear, who under the pretext of the holy name provide various and manifold blasphemies and occasions for slander."
When the emperor had written such things, the other bishops, each struck with the greatest fear, returned home. But the Eusebians, thrusting themselves into the eyes of the emperor, asserted that the judgment of the synod was righteous. And having heaped many insults upon Athanasius, they no longer insisted that the stories about the broken chalice, the table, or the limb of a living man were true; but they fled to another, newer calumny. They said that Athanasius had threatened to prevent the Egyptians from transporting the grain which Constantine had decreed should be brought annually from Alexandria to Constantinople; and that the bishops Adamantius, Annubion, Arbathion, and Peter had heard these words. B By alleging these things, they confirmed their slanders; for a lie often prevails when the one who constructs the calumny possesses the reputation of being trustworthy. For the emperor, immediately seized with anger, ordered the man to be relegated to the Gauls and sentenced him to live in Trier. Opinion holds that Constantine acted in this way not so much because he believed the things that had been said against him to be true, as because he wished to bring the Church to unity and the bishops to concord. Indeed, this could not have happened otherwise unless Athanasius were relegated; for he absolutely refused to hold communion C with the party of Arius. And in that manner he was led away to Trier in Gaul. D
A
Chapter LI. How Arius, arriving at Constantinople from Alexandria, caused trouble for Alexander, the bishop of Constantinople; regarding the prayers of Alexander by which Arius was destroyed; and how Athanasius recorded his death in his writings.
Arius, however, returned from Jerusalem to Alexandria. But since the Church in Egypt absolutely chose not to hold communion with him, he began, along with his followers, to stir up trouble once more and to sow his heresy deceitfully. The people endured both his return and the exile of their own pastor with great distress. And the Emperor, when he learned that Arius’s opinion was perverted, summoned the man to Constantinople to provide an account of his perverted opinion and of the things he was attempting to do. Alexander, moreover, the prelate of the Church in Constantinople—who had long since succeeded Metrophanes, being a man, if anyone was, most beloved of God—found the people divided into two factions. B While some insisted that absolutely nothing of the decrees at Nicaea should be changed, others contended that Arius spoke well; and as a very great disturbance was being ignited throughout the city, and they were attempting to convene a synod, he moved to strain every nerve to dissolve it. But as he had little success, he settled into a most significant struggle. Having no other course of action, he meanwhile declined any peace or communion with Arius; for he said it was neither lawful, nor in accordance with ecclesiastical custom, to abrogate those decisions that had been decreed by them and by those from all the lands under the sun who had flocked to Nicaea. But those around Eusebius openly threatened him with much reviling, declaring that they would surely depose him if he did not admit Arius to communion by a certain day; and if he did not, he himself would be cast out of the Church as an exile, and his successor would communicate with Arius. C When these things had been said, the meeting broke up; Eusebius, for his part, strove again and again to bring to pass what he had threatened. Alexander, however, lest they be brought to the matter that the other had threatened in his rage, applied himself to prayers. What moved him was not so much the fear that he himself would be deposed, as his anxiety that something in the doctrine might be changed. The Emperor, who seemed in a certain way to acquiesce in the words of his adversaries, made him all the more fearful. Therefore, the divine old man, full of trepidation and anxiety in that concern, put all other matters behind him and, dismissing the discourse of argument, fled to the holier sanctuary, giving himself over to fasting and prayer, and relaxing nothing of those things that serve to placate and entreat God. D And having shut himself within that church which bears the name of Peace, he fell prostrate upon the altar of the holy table, and weeping, he prayed continuously for days and nights. His prayer was as follows: that if the opinion of Arius were true, he himself might not live to see the appointed day, but that if the faith which he himself revered were true, then Arius, as the cause of all these evils concerning the faith, should pay the penalty he deserved. Thus Alexander prayed. The Emperor, meanwhile, wishing to make an assessment of Arius, summoned him to the palace and inquired of him whether he also held to the doctrines defined at Nicaea. And he, without hesitation, confirmed...
them in the presence of the emperor by means of a cunning simulation. Constantine, admiring this, ordered him to confirm what he had written with an oath. And this he did immediately, employing a deceitful trick, as we have heard those who record these things say. For Arius carried his writing about his own opinion concerning the divine Nature A hidden under his arm in his bosom, and swore that he truly believed just as he had written. Wherefore the emperor, being persuaded, mandated to Alexander with great severity that he should receive Arius. It was Saturday, and the next day Arius was expected to be admitted to communion. But vengeance did not at all delay, which followed upon the very footsteps of him who had employed such absurd sophistries. For having been led out from the emperor’s palace by certain of Eusebius’s satellites, Arius was walking insolently through the forum and showing himself off through the middle of the city. But when he had arrived at the Constantinian forum, where that huge porphyry column of Constantine himself rises to a great height (it was, moreover, late in the day), B fear suddenly fell upon Arius from the wound of his conscience, and a looseness of the bowels followed. He was pressed by this calamity in the highest degree, and for that reason he sought a public latrine that was nearby. There, his mind failing him, his excrements flowed out of their own accord, his natural sphincter muscles having been loosened; and his seat having fallen away, much blood was poured out, and his entire internal constitution, together with his intestines, liver, and spleen, gushed out. And so he perished. But as he did not come out, some who entered because of his long delay found him dead, reclining on the foul bench. That latrine was pointed out for a long time afterward behind the forum and the portico of the market: and the memory of his place and C death remained perpetual, seeing that all passers-by were accustomed to point at it with their finger. Indeed, it is said that for a long time afterward no one used that seat. For all fled the place, regarding it as a detestable thing, in which Arius had paid the penalty for his impiety. But afterward a certain Arian, a man of great wealth, purchased the place; and having abolished its former appearance, he constructed a magnificent house upon it, so that the things that had occurred there might be consigned to oblivion, and that his death might no longer be exhibited to posterity by the succession of such a reminder as if in a comic play. But when his death had been made public, there were various opinions of men concerning it. For to some it seemed that, having been seized by a sudden malady and suffering a stroke at the heart—in keeping with D the fact that he had been enriched by the success of his designs—he had died suddenly; while to others it seemed that he had paid the penalties worthy of his impiety; and to those around him, that he had been destroyed, having been caught by the sorcery or potions of certain conspirators. And the agony that gripped Eusebius of Nicomedia was no small one. For the event stirred not only the city, but almost the whole world, as the news quickly utilized the wings of rumor. The emperor, however, was pleased by what had happened, and he further strengthened the faith defined at Nicaea as having been dictated by God, and he was extraordinarily committed to the Christian religion. And I think that it would not be out of place to set forth also those things which...
the great Athanasius left behind in writing regarding the affairs of Arius. B These are as follows: "For Arius himself, the prince and leader of the heresy, and a partner and associate of Eusebius, having been summoned with great haste by the late Augustus Constantine—who was then with the followers of Eusebius—and being required to set forth his faith in writing, the wily man, concealing the impudent phrases of his own impiety, feigned, just as the devil does, the simple words of the Scriptures as they are found written. Then, when the blessed Constantine said, 'If you have nothing else in your mind beyond these things, confirm the truth by the testimony of an oath; for the Lord Himself acts as an avenger to those who swear falsely,' the wretch swore that he neither held nor thought anything other than what he had written at that time, even if something else had been said by him at some point in the past. But immediately upon leaving, as if paying a penalty, he fell C and, pitching forward, burst asunder in the midst. For all men, death is the common end of life, and it is not fitting for anyone to gloat over one who has departed this life, even if he were an enemy, since it is uncertain whether the same fate might not befall him before evening. But because the death of Arius was not an ordinary one, it is therefore worthy of being recounted. For while those around Eusebius were threatening to bring him into the Church, Alexander, the bishop of Constantinople, resisted them. Arius, however, was emboldened by the force and the threats of Eusebius; for it was a Sabbath, and he expected to be joined to the church assembly the following day. There was a fierce struggle, with them issuing threats and Alexander praying. But the Lord, acting as judge, gave his verdict against the unjust men. For the sun had not yet set, and, necessity drawing him to his place, he fell there, and was immediately deprived of both communion and life. D The blessed Constantine, indeed, upon hearing the news, was astonished, knowing that his perjury had been avenged. To all men it became manifest then that both the threats of those around Eusebius and the hope and expectation of Arius had been in vain. It was shown also, once again, that the Arian madness had been excluded from communion by the Savior Himself, both here and in the Church of the first-born. Who, therefore, would not be astonished, seeing these men contending with great zeal to bestow the praise of righteousness upon the one whom the Lord has condemned, and seeing them defending the heresy of those whom the Lord has proved to be excommunicated, not having permitted their leader to enter the Church?" These things Athanasius wrote regarding Arius.
CHAPTER LII. On those things which happened afterwards at Alexandria, and on the constitution which the emperor issued against all heresies.
A Even after such a foul death had removed him, his trifles did not find their end. Nor did those who belonged to his faction cease, even for a short time, from setting snares for those who held a different opinion. The populace of Alexandria, indeed, sent frequently to the emperor, begging him miserably for the restoration of Athanasius. Antonius also, a man powerful in virtue, wrote to him, exhorting him not to place any faith in the Melitians at all, but rather to believe that the accusations leveled against Athanasius were truly mere calumny. The emperor, however, could in no way be persuaded; but writing back to the Alexandrian people, he charged them with folly and disorderly confusion. He ordered the priests and those who cultivated virginity to remain quiet. He asserted that he would never change his opinion regarding Athanasius, nor would he call him back, as he was a man who was seditious and a perpetrator of evils; B and besides, he had been condemned by ecclesiastical judgment. He also signaled privately to Antonius that he could not easily make the decrees of the synod void. "For even if," he said, "there were a few who, with a hostile spirit, passed sentence against him, still the rest of the multitude of the assembly, being men of honor and probity, would not have simply and rashly followed their calculations." He added, furthermore, that Athanasius was unbridled in his tongue, insulting, and well-fitted for stirring up seditions and discords. For thus those who were of a hostile mind toward him had denounced him to the emperor for such crimes: knowing that the emperor bore vices of that kind with extreme severity. Now, when he learned that the multitude was divided into two factions, and that some favored Athanasius, while others favored John, he was greatly moved with anger and banished John as well. C This man was the successor of Melitius, and he had been commanded in the synod of Tyre to use communion and to have his own honor in his own clergy, as also his followers had. But although this happened contrary to the opinion of the enemies of Athanasius, happen it did. And the things which had been enacted and decreed for him at Tyre were of no benefit at all to John. For the emperor could be moved by no supplication or entreaty, if he had once conceived a suspicion against anyone that he was stirring up the clergy of Christ to sedition and division. It is necessary to know, however, that the dogma of Arius, although it was frequented by many with great zeal in sermons and disputations, was nevertheless still nameless even then, and had not coalesced into its own body. D For besides the Novatians, Phrygians, Valentinians, Marcionists, and Paulians, all at that time held communion together and were gathered under one Church. But the emperor, having established one law against the aforementioned heresies, commanded that their meeting-places be taken away, and that they should be gathered into the catholic churches; and that it should not be allowed elsewhere to hold church services either privately or publicly, but he advised all to enter into the common gathering. The emperor rejected all the prayers and entreaties of those who were suspected by him of stirring up the clergy that uses the name of Christ to dissension and faction, as Eusebius says in his *Life of Constantine*.
A For those in earlier times who honored themselves with the name of Christ, even if their opinions were different, were all considered by those who admired the customs of the Hellenes to be the same. Being harshly treated by them, they had no leisure to distinguish themselves, as they were suffering under common calamities. For this reason, those whose views coincided tended to gather together easily and hold church services. Even though they were few in number, they held frequent meetings and were not split into many factions. But when this law was issued, they found it difficult to come together in public. It was far more difficult, however, to do this in secret, as the local bishops were keeping watch. B Consequently, because they became very fearful, they were united with the Catholic Church. And if some still remained of their own opinion, they were left without successors once they died, being neither permitted to gather in the same place nor able to teach their heresy openly. For, as it happens, other heresies, due to the baseness of their founders or the absurdity of their dogmas, were not eagerly embraced by many. But the followers of Novatus, as they held the same views about Christ as the universal Church, survived for a long time, finding no obstacle in the law. It seems, too, that the Emperor himself was not unwilling to relax some of the rigor and severity, preferring to terrify his subjects rather than destroy them. C And Acesius, who was then the bishop of the Novatian church, was of great benefit to his church, being in favor with the Emperor on account of his holier life. The Phrygians, except in Phrygia and the surrounding regions, suffered the same fate as the other heresies in other parts of the empire; but in their own lands, having originated from the time of Montanus, they remained for a long time. D In that same year, those around Eusebius and Theognis began to stir up innovations in writing regarding the dogma of the Council of Nicaea. And they no longer dared to reject the consubstantial openly—for they knew full well that the Emperor himself thought this way and prized that formula in an extraordinary fashion. Instead, they inserted another writing, and by means of certain interpretations, they signified to the bishops of the East what the decrees of Nicaea were. From these phrases and their implications, the former question fell into dispute once again; and although it seemed to have been brought to a complete end, it was nevertheless revived in this manner. And these are the things that took place regarding Arius.
CHAPTER LIII. De Marcello qui Ancyrae minoris Galatiae episcopus fuit, et de Asterio sophista.
At the same time, the bishops gathered at Constantinople deposed Marcellus, who had been bishop of Ancyra in lesser Galatia, as one who had introduced new
A dogmata. For a certain sophist from Cappadocia, Asterius by name, having laid aside the sophistical art, had professed that he would cultivate the Christian religion; and by composing certain discourses, he attempted to confirm the opinion of Arius. Together with him, he asserted that Christ was the power of God, just as Moses had called the caterpillar and the locust a great power of God. And quibbling with other similar things, he joined himself to those of the Arian party. Being present at their synods, he rendered them the greatest assistance. His purpose was to obtain the priesthood of one of the distinguished cities, but he missed his mark; for, not having endured persecution, he had sacrificed to the gods, and on that account the administration of sacred things was denied to him. The books, however, which he had already composed, he published throughout Syria. B Writing against these, Marcellus, whether knowingly or unknowingly, slipped into the error diametrically opposite to him, saying with Paul of Samosata that Christ was a mere man. When the bishops who had been assembled at Tyre and Aelia, C understood this, they made no charge against Asterius—since he was not even initiated into the ecclesiastical ministry—but against Marcellus, who was endowed with episcopal dignity, they brought many charges, and especially blamed him for what he had written in error, and ordered him to destroy his books, as they differed in nothing from the writings of the Samosatene. Although he promised to do so, he did not in fact do it. But when Eusebius, summoned by the letters of Constantine, had come to Byzantium, the cause of Marcellus was again brought into discussion. Since it seemed not at all clear to them that he had consumed his books of impiety by fire, as he had pledged, the Eusebians stripped him of his priesthood, and entrusted the church of Galatia to be governed by a certain Basil, a man distinguished for his eloquence and varied learning. They also wrote that Marcellus's work, wherever it might be found, should be utterly destroyed, inserting into their letter certain chapters from that work as being discordant. This work, in three books, was most beautifully refuted—as I have heard—by Eusebius of Pamphilus. Marcellus, however, later recovered his bishopric at the synod of Sardica, as it was thought that he did not hold such views. For his writings were not sufficiently weighed or understood by many; and on that account, it was believed that the calumny cast upon the man—that he had fallen into the opinion of Paul—was false. It was also said that these things had been written by Marcellus by way of questions. Even the emperor himself discovered that the calumny of the Eusebians against him was manifest. For they were exceedingly hostile to him, because he had neither agreed with what they had D decreed in Phoenicia against Athanasius, nor again at Jerusalem had he approved what they had decreed in favor of Arius; nor had he participated with them in the dedication of the temple at the Skull, which was called the Great Martyrion, for he was forbidden to communicate with them. For this reason, writing against him to the emperor, they brought charges together with other things, including that he had insulted the emperor, in that he would not deem the temple so conspicuously built for him worthy to be [among the rest consecrated to the sacred].
A
CAPUT LIV. Of the death and testament of the great Constantine.
The emperor, having already divided the empire among his sons who were Caesars, assigned the western parts to Constantine and Constans, and gave the East to Constantius. Of these, he declared Constantine Caesar in the first decade of his reign, Constantius in the twentieth year, and the younger, Constans, he appointed in the thirtieth year of his reign. Afterwards, a year and some months having passed, being sixty-five years old, he became infirm in body and crossed over to Helenopolis in Bithynia, so that he might use the spontaneous and natural hot springs situated in that vicinity. But when he felt his weakness becoming more severe, he put aside the bath and came to Nicomedia; and there, B staying in a suburb, as Hermias, Socrates, and Theodoret, who wrote the ecclesiastical histories, say, he received divine baptism. It seemed good to me to append their very words here. For Hermias Sozomen speaks thus: “Indeed, staying there in a suburb, he was initiated into the sacred baptism; and being greatly rejoiced at this, he gave thanks to God.” Socrates says: “He departed from Helenopolis to Nicomedia, and staying there in a suburb, he received Christian baptism.” Likewise also Theodoret: “His thirtieth year of reign had passed, and one further year and a few months having been completed, he began to be ill while staying in Nicomedia of Bithynia. Since he knew how uncertain human life is to men, he received the divine gift of baptism; he had delayed it until this time because he had desired to receive it in the river Jordan.” C These things those men say, I know not how; but we, agreeing with the universal Church, have said that he was washed in the divine bath at Rome, with Sylvester laying his ministering hands upon him. And of these things, enough.
Furthermore, having made his testament, he left the empire to his three sons, just as he had distributed it before. And having granted many honors and rewards to ancient Rome and to the city named after him, he died, being sixty-five years of age; he had reigned for thirty-two years, lacking a few months, on the twenty-first day of the month of May, in the consulship of Felicianus and Tatianus, which was the second year of the two hundred and eighty-seventh Olympiad. Dying, he ordered Athanasius to be recalled to Alexandria, D while Eusebius and others who were opposed to him were present: yet let no one marvel that [our account] does not altogether agree with the reckoning of [other] chronographers.
A such men were deceived; for those who persuaded him were chief priests, who cloaked their hidden guile with an outward appearance of splendor. For that matter, even the father of God and great prophet David was deceived not by some high priest, but by a household slave, a scoundrel. I know, indeed, that you have read of that Ziba who, by fabricating lies, incited the king against Mephibosheth so that he might take his lands; yet I have not spoken this to accuse the Prophet, but to defend the emperor and to declare the weakness of human nature; and at the same time to admonish [you] not to trust accusers altogether, even if they be men of high repute or advanced age, but to always keep one ear open for the adversary. He entrusted his testament to the presbyter, whom his sister Constantia, the wife of Licinius, had recommended to him as a good man when she was dying. B He ordered that, with an oath added, it should be given to Constantius when he arrived from the East. For none of his sons were present with him when he died.
CAPUT LV.
Concerning his burial; and what his character was, and his stature and form of body.
And he indeed departed thus to the more excellent kingdom. But the generals and prefects, and all his royal guard, having placed his body in a golden casket, brought it to the city that bears his name; and having placed it on a dais, whatever honor and rank were accorded to him while alive by those in the palace, the same was also shown to him after his death by the court entourage. And all, as if bereft of a father—whose kindness all had experienced—mourned bitterly. But why is it necessary to say with what honor and dignity they attended to him until one of his children should arrive to bury him? And when Constantius, having been informed of his death, arrived from the East, he buried his father most magnificently in the church which is called [the church] of the Apostles; where, while he was still living, C Constantine had prepared a tomb for himself, on a site that had formerly been a "twelve-god" altar of the Greeks, a sight worth much discussion; and there, in a porphyry sarcophagus, he was laid to rest together with his mother Helena. And from this custom that then arose, the subsequent Christian emperors were also laid to rest there. Nay, moreover, those [who were] of Constantine’s [lineage] and other bishops, distinct for their virtue, who held high office, were also laid to rest in the temple of the Apostles, as if the dignity of the episcopate were equal in honor to the imperial rank, so that not even in this should they be far from the apostolic relics. For God, the reconciler of good things, later heaped great glory upon the man, as upon a faithful servant, bestowing the grace of healings and miracles upon both his sarcophagus and his statue, which is placed upon a porphyry marble column, so that thereafter no sickness would D not yield when [the afflicted] touched them, and so that the word of Christ might be confirmed, who promised: "I will glorify those who glorify me." And the man became, in the highest degree, a defender of the Christian religion, so that even
A as the first of emperors, he initiated such zeal for the Church, and brought it to such a state of progress, that it reached the highest peak and lacked nothing. He was so successful in all his endeavors that I know not whether anyone else has ever been his equal; for he undertook nothing, I believe, without the divine will. Externally, he emerged as a most powerful victor in war; internally, he administered the republic with such ease, and ordered it according to his own judgment, that he swiftly established another council, senate, and imperial city. The religion of the Greeks, which had been practiced with great zeal for a very long time and had reached the height of superstition, and was then at its peak, he abolished most easily as soon as he set his hand to it. He was also a man of excellent character, very gentle, meek, and he showed a magnificent greatness with a courageous soul; in perspicacity, in the discipline of the liberal arts, in the upright cultivation of justice, and in his readiness to show kindness, he surpassed all. B In battle he was courageous; in the beauty of his form he was second to none. Being of the most graceful appearance, he combined magnificence with propriety. He was also striking in the proportions of his body, for he was considered neither too tall nor completely short, but was far removed from any dwarfishness. He had broad shoulders, and he presented a neck that was slightly thick. His body had a reddish complexion, and his hair was not thick, and it tended towards the blonde. His beard was moderately thin and sparse, and not very long, so that in most parts of the face it did not seem to grow at all. His eyes, truly, were those of a man, and as they looked upon one, they radiated a gentle and singular grace, for he was a man of fine and large eyes. His nose was slightly hooked, upon which there was some fleshy growth. His face was broad, and he was very great-souled; and if any man ever was, he was surely a lover of God. Now the entire time of his life spanned sixty-five years, C of which he reigned for thirty-two years, with a few months missing, as I have previously mentioned. He held the empire with supreme power, ruling alone for twenty-six years. This eighth book of my history encompasses a period of thirty-two years, starting from the first year of Constantine and ending at his death; at which time the year of the world was five thousand eight hundred and forty-seven. From the birth of the Lord, then, the three hundred and forty-second year was being completed. D
NICEPHORI CALLISTI XANTHOPULI ECCLESIASTICAL HISTORY VOLUME IX
CAPUT I. Proem, setting forth the argument of the entire book.
A As for the events that befell the Catholic Church while Constantine was still alive, we believe they have been sufficiently addressed by us. It remains to follow up with what ensued and what was done by the holy order of bishops under his sons.
In this book, I shall recount how Athanasius, returning from the Gauls, withstood those around Eusebius; and how the empire fell to Constans and Constantius, and later to Constantius alone. I shall speak further of Paul, Eusebius, and Macedonius, the prelates of Constantinople, and of the events that took place under them; and what things occurred in Antioch and Alexandria regarding those who exercised the holy office there unworthily; and how Paul and Athanasius, returning from Rome with the letters of Constans and Julius of Rome, recovered their B thrones, and how they were soon expelled from them again.
I shall also treat of the various councils both in the West and in the East: those convened in Sardica, Sirmium, Mediolanum, Palestine, and Seleucia. We shall also speak of Gallus Caesar, and of certain heresiarchs: Photinus, Aetius, Macedonius, Eudoxius, and the two Apollinariuses. We shall also make mention of certain men renowned for their virtue, and, besides these, of Eustathius and Meletius of Antioch and Sebaste; and, in the end, we shall set forth how Constantius finished his life with an end that is not to be praised. I shall begin from this point.
CHAPTER II.
A How Eusebius of Nicomedia and his sectaries, wishing to confirm the dogma of Arius, stirred up troubles in the Church through a certain Arian presbyter.While Constantine was still living, no one dared openly to oppose the faith defined at Nicaea, although some did not secretly accept it. But after he departed this life, those who had previously harbored the venom of the heresy in the recesses of their hearts—and had been suspected on that account—suddenly emerged from wherever they had been hiding and abandoned their secret speaking. Henceforth they went out with unveiled head to confront everyone, laboring with great zeal to strengthen the opinion of Arius. The Bithynian bishops, Eusebius and Theognis, were their leaders. They thought that their plans would reach their desired end more easily if they could prevent the return of Athanasius to the city of Alexandria. B And having thus formed their design, they used as an instrument in all things, as if by some hand, the presbyter who had been the cause of Arius’s own recall. For he was most acceptable not only to Constantine but also to Constantius, and through him those things which he desired were brought to completion. For he wished to start reigning over the East, which the testament of his father, which had been delivered into his hands by the presbyter, had for a time permitted him to do. Because of this, he held the man in honor, and granted him much freedom, as well as an open entrance to the imperial palace. This state of affairs made him known to all and caused him to be genuinely agreeable and dear to the wife of the emperor and to the eunuchs who presided over the imperial bedchamber, C of whom the chief was then a man named Eusebius, who possessed very great power in the entire house of the emperor. He, having been instructed by this presbyter in the matters of the sacrilegious doctrine and thus imbued with the madness of Arius, became a fiery praiser of his followers and quickly drew many in the imperial palace to his own way of thinking. Indeed, he even dragged the emperor’s own wife—through the serving women who were in the women’s quarters—and through the presbyter himself, into that impious opinion; and this evil, gradually creeping through the palace, passed over to the emperor himself. Soon, having wandered through the inner parts of the palace, it progressed openly outside the palace and ran through every part of the city. D Then a kind of dialectical and disputatious war broke out. And in the streets, in the congregations, in the shops, and in all the gatherings, even the women and children had no other object of interest than to chatter about dogmas: some devoted to the opinion of Arius, as if it were beautiful and good, and others adhering more to what had been decided at Nicaea. From these things, strife, zeal, and enmity were aroused.
CHAPTER III.
How Athanasius returned from the Gauls with a letter from Caesar Constantine; on the death of the same Constantine; and on Acacius, who became the successor of Eusebius of Pamphilus.This was the state of affairs in the cities of the East; for those in the West kept the decree of Nicaea inviolate.
A Progressing for the worse, and, so to speak, being kindled day by day, affairs proceeded according to the wishes of those around Eusebius and Theognis. They were most eager to bring the plan they had devised to completion. This was, as a matter of fact, to appoint one who held their own opinion to the hierarchal throne of Alexandria. But Athanasius, returning from the West, impeded their design, relying on the letters of one of the Augusti—namely, the younger Constantine, who ruled over the Gauls in the West. For, having learned that his father, who bore the same name, had in his will annulled the exile of Athanasius, and having granted his return, he provided for him to reach Alexandria. The letters he brought with him were worded as follows:
« Constantine Caesar to the people of the Catholic Church of Alexandria. I do not think it has escaped your holy minds why Athanasius, the minister of the adorable law, was sent for a time to the Gauls; namely, that since the cruelty of his bloody and malevolent enemies threatened his very life with danger, he might not, through the perversity of wicked men, suffer any extreme harm. To avoid this, he was removed from the snares of those men hanging over him, and was B ordered to live under my jurisdiction, so that in the city where he resided he might be provided with all necessities in abundance; even though his illustrious virtue, trusting in divine assistance, most effectively lightens, or rather despises, the heavy burdens of a harsher fortune. But, although our lord of blessed memory, Constantine Augustus, my father, had intended to restore this bishop to his own place among your most pious selves; yet, after he was overtaken by the lot of humanity and fell asleep before he could fulfill his vow, it seemed fitting to me to execute the intention of that emperor of divine memory, which has been transmitted to me by succession. When this man comes into your presence, you C will recognize with what veneration he has been received by me. Nor is it to be wondered at if I have done something for his sake; for my own soul, both the image of your longing and the character of such a great man, urged and impelled me to this. May divine providence preserve you, beloved brethren. »
According to these letters, Athanasius was kindly received by the Alexandrians and presided over the churches of Egypt. But the faction around Eusebius, struck by his return as if by some spear, attempted to fight him once again with sycophancies and to lead the matter toward sedition, and they plagued him with fresh calumnies. For, without any delay, they approached the emperor and denounced him as a seditious man, one who disturbed the ecclesiastical D regulations and order, and who had usurped for himself entry into the church without the judgment of the bishops. They moved the emperor to such a degree that he once again removed him from the episcopal throne, as we shall say later. At that time also, Eusebius, who had received the surname of Pamphilus, having arrived at the same time as the episcopal function and the bishopric of Caesarea in Palestine...
A left this life, and had Acacius as his successor. Having learned the sacred laws from that master, and claiming a zeal no less than his, he became remarkably eloquent and witty of speech. He left behind many books worthy of study, and he also wrote a beautiful account of the life of his teacher. Not long after, Constantine Caesar, having entered into a dispute with his brother Constantius (for he had made an incursion into that ruler's territory, whence a severe war was stirred up between them), was slain by the latter's commanders not far from Aquileia. Thus the Roman empire, insofar as it turns toward the West, fell to Constans; but the East entire fell under the hand of Constantius.
CHAPTER IV.
B *How, after Alexander of Constantinople had ended his life, Paul and Macedonius obtained his see through the election of the pious and of the Arians; and how, when Paul was sent into exile, Eusebius of Nicomedia was substituted in his place.*A further tumult of the church took possession of Constantinople. For Alexander, its bishop—who by his prayers had vanquished Arius—having departed this life in the twenty-third year of his episcopate and the ninety-eighth year of his age, Paul was subrogated into his place. According to the Arians’ calumny, he appropriated the dignity to himself C without the consent of Eusebius of Nicomedia and Theodore of Perinthus (which is now called Heraclea)—bishops to whom, as being the nearest, the ordination of the bishop of Byzantium had long pertained. But as the truth itself holds, he received his ordination by the judgment and designation of Alexander and by the suffrage of the bishops who were then present. For when Alexander, in extreme old age, was about to die, and his familiars asked him to whom the see should be entrusted, he advised them to choose one of the two. If, he said, the bishop to be created must be one proven in divine matters and suited for teaching, you have Paul, a presbyter who is young in age but possesses a senile mind. But if a man is to be chosen who is apt for practical affairs and accommodated to the custom of great men who hold political power, then in that regard, and furthermore for his specious habit of reverence, Macedonius would be in many ways superior. The admirers of Macedonius D said that both had borne the testimony of Alexander—Paul, indeed, being famous for his doctrine and eloquence, but Macedonius being considered the better in life. The same men criticized Paul for luxurious living and a somewhat free manner of life. It seems, indeed, that Paul was of singular erudition and very fit for teaching in the church. In handling secular business and in human social intercourse, however, he held the secondary place, as the dangers that befell him demonstrate; for he lacked the skill to avert any of them, as those expert in such matters are wont to do. And although he was vehemently beloved by the multitude, he was nevertheless evilly received by the anti-clericals and those standing against the doctrines established at Nicaea. And thus the first...
accusation was brought against him, alleging that he lived not according to law, whereupon he was cast down from his see and condemned to perpetual exile. In which place, his enemies having contrived it, he was strangled and suffered death. But these things happened later. 678 At that time, a great commotion arose concerning the election of a bishop. For while Alexander was still alive, the Arians did not enjoy much liberty, and those who taught the confession of the consubstantial were superior to them, having seen Arius destroyed by a most shameful death, entirely through divine vengeance. But when Alexander died, the populace was divided into two parties, progressed to open hostilities, and a doubtful contention seized upon the multitude. For the followers of the Nicene faith designated Paul as bishop, while the Arians strove to commit the sacred administration to Macedonius. B In that very church which bears the name of Peace, and which is adjacent to the temple of the Wisdom of God, with the prerogative of the sentiment of the departed bishop, Paul was proclaimed bishop. The emperor took this election ill; for he had arrived [in the city] from abroad, and having gathered a council of Paul's long-standing enemies, he cast him out as one allegedly unworthy of the priesthood and granted the throne to Eusebius of Nicomedia: this, even though the ecclesiastical canon forbade it, prohibiting bishops from moving from one city to another. It is no wonder, however, that those who rage so madly against the divinity of the Only-Begotten should transgress His laws also without any fear. But he had not dared this for the first time then. For previously, while he held the bishopric of Berytus, he had leapt from there to Nicomedia. Having done these things, Constantius came to Antioch.
CHAPTER V.
C How Eusebius, having gathered a synod at Antioch, dictated another exposition of faith. And how he abrogated the bishopric from the great Athanasius. Also concerning Eusebius of Emesa.Eusebius, however, having been augmented with greater power, did not conduct himself with moderation; but, according to the proverb, he moved every stone to accomplish what he had once determined. And the church of Antioch was finally completed in the tenth year after its foundations were laid, which Constantine—employing his son Constantius as administrator—had magnificently erected from the very foundations, D second to none in magnitude and beauty. Therefore, under the pretext and occasion of the encaenia and the dedication of that temple, it seemed opportune to Eusebius to assemble a council to openly abolish the profession of the consubstantial and to change the decrees of Nicaea. And bishops gathered from everywhere to Antioch, ninety-seven in number: where at that time, after Euphronius, Placitus ruled the church; and at Jerusalem, after Macarius, Maximus: who deliberately refused to come to this synod, considering with himself, lest he should again act against his own judgment, just as previously he had unwillingly subscribed to the deposition of Athanasius. But not even the [bishop] of Rome...
neither did the Roman bishop Julius, the successor of Sylvester, attend the synod either in person or through anyone holding his place; and this, even though an ecclesiastical canon decrees that the churches ought not to make conciliar determinations without the consent of the Roman prelate. Moreover, not one of the other Italians or of the Romans from beyond [the Alps] came there. This was the fifth year from the death of Constantine, and the synod was being held with the emperor present. Those around Eusebius accused Athanasius of having transgressed ecclesiastical regulations, asserting that he had reassumed his throne before it had been permitted to him by a synodal assembly of bishops. And [they accused him] of having been the cause of death for many, on account of a sedition that arose at his entry, in which some were killed and others were handed over for judicial examination and punished with fines. B After many other calumnies had been woven against Athanasius, they voted first for Eusebius, who was surnamed Emesenus, to be [bishop] of Alexandria—of whom we shall speak later. But since he feared to go to Alexandria, they voted for Gregory. Then, having come to the investigation of doctrine, they had nothing to fault in what was done at Nicaea; yet they granted themselves the opportunity to hold frequent synods and to proclaim other formulas of faith, so that by one subtle change after another, they might gradually cause men to slip into the Arian abyss. How these things happened, history itself will show more clearly. The things, however, which they wrote to the bishops of the cities were these: «We have neither become followers of Arius—for how could we, being bishops, follow a presbyter?—nor have we accepted any other faith besides that which was set forth from the beginning. C But we, having been investigators and testers of his faith, have rather accepted him than followed him. And you will know this from what we say: for we have learned from the beginning to believe in one God, the creator and provider of all things, both intelligible and sensible. And in one only-begotten Son of God, who exists before all ages, and co-exists with the Father who begat him, through whom all things were made, both visible and invisible; who in the last days, according to the good pleasure of the Father, descended and took flesh from the holy Virgin and fully accomplished all his Father's will; who also suffered and was raised, and has ascended into the heavens and sits at the right hand of the Father, and is to come to judge the living and the dead, and remains King and God forever. D We believe also in the Holy Spirit. But if it is necessary to add, we believe also concerning the resurrection of the flesh and eternal life.» These things they first wrote and sent to the bishops, passing over in silence whether the Son is co-eternal or consubstantial with the Father, or the contrary. Furthermore, remaining at Antioch, as though they had condemned the previous formula, they drew up another profession of faith, in all things harmonious with that of Nicaea—though I do not know if some subtle meaning does not lie hidden within the phrases. And concerning the end, they even say: «Holding, therefore, this faith before God and Christ, we anathematize every heretical false doctrine; and if anyone...
teaches doctrine at variance with the sound and right faith of the Scriptures, saying that there is a time or an age or that it existed before the Son of God existed, let him be anathema. And if anyone says the Son is a creature, as one of the creatures, or an offspring, as one of the offspring, and not in the way the divine Scriptures have handed down each of the aforesaid—or if anyone teaches or preaches anything else beyond what we have received, let him be anathema. For we both truly and openly believe and follow all the things that have been handed down from the divine Scriptures by the prophets and apostles.» B In this confession, while they declared the divinity of the Son to be immutable and unalterable, and an expression of the divine substance, will, power, and glory that does not differ, and the firstborn of all creation, I do not know how they nevertheless refused to call him consubstantial with the Father. To be sure, some spread the rumor that they had found such a faith written thus, and conceived by Lucian, who contended for the faith in martyrdom at Nicomedia—a divine man, and profoundly learned in the Holy Scriptures beyond others: C they did this, I suppose, to attribute the fame of the martyr to their own document rather than to speak the truth. Now, Eusebius, who was transferred from Nicomedia to the see of Constantinople, was present at this council; as were Acacius, the successor of Eusebius Pamphili both in his throne and in his learning; Patrophilus of Scythopolis; and Theodorus of Heraclea in Perinthus—a celebrated man, who even dictated interpretations of the Gospels; and Eudoxius of Germanicia, who governed the Church of Constantinople after Macedonius; and Gregory, whom the Alexandrian D Church had designated as bishop; all of whom held the same view. But indeed, also Dianius, bishop of Caesarea in Cappadocia, and Georgius, bishop of Laodicea in Syria, along with many others, prelates of distinguished sees and invested with metropolitan dignity, were present—except for Julius of Rome and Maximus of Aelia, who, for the reasons we have listed a little earlier, were not present. Eusebius of Emesa also joined them. I shall now speak of who he was. Born at Edessa in Osroene of illustrious parents, he learned the sacred scriptures first, and afterward the Greek disciplines, from the masters of that place. Then, living more familiarly with Eusebius Pamphili, and also with Patrophilus, the bishop of Scythopolis, he was instructed more accurately in the sacred scriptures. He came to Antioch at the time when Eustathius, as a result of a charge brought against him by Cyrus, had been deposed from his rank; and he resided in the same house as his successor, Euphronius. Having declined the priestly dignity, he frequented the schools of Alexandria, and there, having been exercised as much as was necessary, he returned again to Antioch; and he lived with Flacillus, who had become bishop after Euphronius. But when Eusebius of Constantinople convened a synod there, he voted to install this man in the throne of Alexandria. For he thought that, being a person who could speak effectively and who lived his life well and chastely, he would be able to reform the Egyptians more quickly regarding the situation of Athanasius. And when he learned of this...
and judged the matter as it truly was—that he would find nothing but hatred from the people of Alexandria, who would bear to see no one else as bishop instead of Athanasius—he withdrew to Emesa. But Gregory was advanced to the see of Alexandria. Having been slandered A while in Emesa, as if he were an expert in that part of astronomy which is called "apotelesmatic" (specifically, the part concerned with giving oracular responses), he fled to Laodicea to George, the bishop there, who was an old friend of his. And having gone with him to Antioch to visit Placitus and Narcissus, it was there that he was restored to his own bishopric among the Emesenes. He was also very pleasing to the Emperor Constantius, who took him along when he was about to wage war against the Persians; for George of Laodicea, who wrote his life, reports that God performed many prodigies through him. Yet, despite being such a man, he did not escape the snares of envious men, who are accustomed to attack good people; for he was accused of holding to the opinion of Sabellius. At that time, however, as has been said, he was among those who gave their vote to the decisions at Antioch. So much, then, for Eusebius; and the synod at Antioch, having acted in this manner, was dissolved.
Chapter VI
C How, after Athanasius was cast out, Gregory occupied the church with a military phalanx; and concerning Julius, the Roman bishop, and how he grieved over the fall of Athanasius.Even at that time, public affairs were conducted unhappily. For the Franks, a bellicose nation, overran the western parts of Gaul and devastated them greatly. Meanwhile, in the East, many places were shaken by severe earthquakes; especially Antioch, which endured that misfortune for a whole year. It was at this time that Gregory set out from Antioch to Alexandria with a great force of soldiers—five thousand men in number—led by Syrianus. The army accompanied him so that his entry might be secure and free from sedition, as the multitude was possessed by an unspeakable longing for Athanasius. The Arians who were there also contributed no small amount to this, deliberating on how Athanasius might be driven out; for they feared that if the multitude broke into tumult, they would be badly treated by them. Athanasius, sensing this, slowly fled. For as evening was now falling, he was in the church, as a synaxis and assembly were expected, attending to sacred duties. And the military force had already occupied the church, stationing itself by companies in order, when he, having finished his prayer, ordered the psalmody to continue. The soldiers were quiet for the time being, thinking it inopportune to make an attack upon him while the harmonious melodies were resonating. In the meantime, Athanasius, having secretly and quietly left while leading everyone out through a single door, passed through the midst of those chanting the psalms unharmed, and...
returned to Rome. A Gregory, meanwhile, once he had been removed from the way, took the throne. Because of this deed, the multitude, ill-disposed, burned with fire the church which was among them under the name of Dionysius the Bishop. Eusebius and his party, having brought that matter to pass according to their will, and having dismissed with great zeal the Catholic bishops in the East, and having appointed to the distinguished sees—Alexandria, Antioch-on-the-Orontes, and the royal city on the Hellespont—others who felt the same as they did, had the bishops of all those places render them complete obedience.
Julius, however, the Bishop of Rome, and the priests of all the West, steadfast supporters and praisers of the Nicene Synod, were grievously afflicted by the things which had happened in the East contrary to their expectation. Naturally, when Athanasius came to them, they received him most kindly, and thought such a man worthy of honor, especially as he was established in the same sentiments as they were. They undertook to have the case against Athanasius decided before them and, writing to one another, they summoned a synod to themselves. Eusebius, enraged at these letters, sent emissaries to Julius, attempting to entrust to him the judgment of affairs decreed at Tyre against Athanasius.
Chapter VII. How after Eusebius, Paul received the throne again; but the Arians brought forward Macedonius, and concerning the slaughter of Hermogenes the general; and how Paul was driven out again.
Before he could learn the response from Rome, Eusebius reached the end of his life, not long surviving the Synod of Antioch. Once that beast was removed, the pious congregation at Constantinople, with the zeal and ardor they felt toward the Nicene decrees, led Paul back into the church. At the same time, the faction of the Arians, and the followers of Theognis and Theodore of Perinth—whom they call of Heraclea—gathering in the church known as Paul’s, elected Macedonius as Bishop of Constantinople. Among them, along with many others, were Ursicius and Valens; the former was bishop of Singidunum in Upper Mysia, and the latter of Mursa in Upper Pannonia. D These men did later repent and, presenting a book of repentance to Julius of Rome, assented to the consubstantial (homoousion), and were deemed worthy of communion.
At that time, however, the ardent zealots of the Arian opinion stirred up no small disturbances in the Church, one of which was that concerning Macedonius. For a civil war arising from this cause, the populace stirred up sedition almost every day, and with the multitude clashing from both sides, it happened that many were crushed and perished. When the Emperor, who was still lingering at Antioch, learned of this, he was moved to anger and commanded Hermogenes the general (who had been sent at that time to the regions of Thrace) that on his way he should turn aside with his cavalry to the imperial city and cast Paul out of the church. When he arrived and was about to execute the commands by employing the military force, the populace
A offered resistance. But Hermogenes, seeing that they were prepared to resort to force, pressed on further with military might. Thereupon the multitude, gradually incited to sedition and tumult, rushed beyond reason into an assault; and then, all falling upon him at once, they burned down the house of Hermogenes and killed him; and, having tied a rope to his feet, they dragged him through the streets of the city. When Constantius learned of these things, he rode on horseback to the imperial city. And although he had determined to punish the multitude severely, he remitted their offense because he saw them meeting him in tears. However, he took away about half of the grain which Constantine had granted annually to his citizens from the tributes of Alexandria and Egypt; for Constantius deemed it better to remove the causes of sedition in this way, which usually arise for the most part from luxury and the license of prosperity. For eighty thousand medimni of grain were given daily to the populace by Constantine, half of which Constantius then reduced. He turned all his anger against Paul, and he cast him out not only from his throne but also from the city. Being also enraged at Macedonius as the author of the seditions, tumults, and even the murder of Hermogenes, and because he had accepted the episcopate without his command—his election being neither approved by him nor formally annulled—he allowed him to remain in the church in which he was holding meetings, and returned to Antioch. Meanwhile, the Arians removed from the episcopate Gregory, B as being slothful regarding religion and unpleasant to the Alexandrians, and also because of the conflagration of the church which had been Dionysius's—the bishop among them—upon his entry; and they replaced him on the throne of Alexander with a certain George, a Cappadocian by birth, who in his youth had lived by the trade of cheap bread and bran, and had even been a steward and larder-keeper of pork, but who was so industrious in defending religion as to warrant his appointment.
CHAPTER VIII. How Athanasius and Paul, relying on the letters of Julius, recovered their own thrones.
Athanasius was then staying in Rome, while Constans, the youngest son of Constantine, ruled over the whole West. To the same place also came Paul of Constantinople, and Marcellus of Ancyra—for the cause which we have already related—and Asclepas, the bishop of Gaza. He too, having C bravely resisted the Arians, had endured an accusation and trial as if he had overturned an altar of sacrifice, and for this reason was compelled to lay down his episcopate, to which Quintianus had succeeded. Furthermore, Lucius of Hadrianopolis, having been accused of the same crime and likewise stripped of his dignity, also fled to Rome. When Julius, the prelate of Rome, had examined their case, finding them to be in agreement with the matters decreed at Nicaea, he deemed them worthy of communion.A Well aware that, by the ancient privilege and prerogative of his see, the care and judgment of all bishops everywhere pertained to him, he provided them with thoroughly frank letters and restored them to their own churches, sending them back to the East. At the same time, he rebuked those who had rashly deposed them, as men who did not follow righteous counsel, who created commotions and disturbances in the churches, and who did not abide by the faith once ratified at Nicaea. Furthermore, he ordered that some of them should appear in Rome on a set day to prove that the sentence previously pronounced against the condemned was just. Otherwise, he added threats: unless they desisted from these innovations, he would exact heavy penalties from them. Athanasius and his companions, having sent letters to the Eastern bishops, recovered their churches. But the others, considering the rebuke of Julius to be an insult, B gathered together at Antioch and with one mind sent him a letter. It was written with considerable elegance but was filled with much irony and composed in a forensic and judicial manner; in the force of its style and the weight of its threats, it was by no means lacking. For they said that while the city of the Romans was indeed accorded honor by all—inasmuch as it was of old the home and school of the Apostles, and, as one might say, the metropolis and primary city of piety, even though its heralds had come from the East—nonetheless, they did not believe that for this reason they should occupy the second place, since they were not inferior in the size of their churches C and deemed themselves to be superior in virtue and other matters. They also brought an accusation against him, that he had determined to communicate with Athanasius; they took this indignantly, as if an insult had been cast upon their synodical sentence. They also slandered the deed itself as an unjust act, since it had proceeded contrary to the canons of the Church. And they stated that it was hard for them, and that they justly rebuked him, when they said: finally, if he would approve of their sentence by which they had condemned those men, as well as the election of those whom they had appointed to those churches in place of them, they would be pacified and would also communicate with him. But if he persisted in opposing them, they added that they themselves would go against him in unity; yet their ancestors had not even attempted anything against Cornelius, the bishop of Rome, when he had removed the presbyter Novatus from the Church. Regarding the matters at Nicaea, however, they wrote nothing, claiming it was superfluous to do so, even though they had very many things which they might have written, by which they could have conveniently excused their own deeds. Such was the letter the Eastern bishops sent to Julius.
CAPUT IX
C How the emperor caused Paul to be driven into exile by Philip the prefect, and installed Macedonius on the throne; and how Athanasius provided for his own safety by flight.When they wrote to the emperor Constantius, who was staying at Antioch, they slandered those who had been expelled by them as seditious men. When he heard that Paul had recovered his place, he was extremely fierce; and to... D
A Philip, the prefect of the city, who at that time held the second rank after the imperial power, he wrote that he should cast Paul out of the city and deliver the Church to Macedonius. Philip, having learned caution from what had previously happened to Hermogenes, and fearing the fury of the multitude, approached the matter with a certain artifice. For before the news could be spread abroad, as if he intended to deliberate on some public business, he called Paul to him at the Zeuxippus—a public, famous, and very vast bath, which subsequently was known by the name of the Numeri—and when Paul arrived with the honor befitting him, he showed him the emperor’s letters. Taking him through the imperial palace adjacent to the bath that we have mentioned, he led him to the sea, placed him on a ship, and sent him to Thessalonica, which it was said he had as his fatherland and that his ancestors originated from there. At the same time, forbidding him from the whole of the East, he granted him free liberty to live in Illyricum and the regions beyond. The prefect, departing from that place along with the impious Macedonius, hastened at a running pace to the church. The B multitude, a mixed crowd from every class of men, having heard of this, flocked to the church, each one eager to secure a place for himself, as countless and innumerable people streamed together. A military force, armed and with swords drawn, followed to strike terror into the populace. When they came very close to the church, as there was no thoroughfare because the great crowd was running about everywhere, the soldiers dared with violence to thrust the men aside. But when the people, reduced to a great strait on account of the multitude, could neither yield nor stand firm, the soldiers, thinking that they were resisting and did not wish to give them passage of their own accord, drew their swords and began to cut them down as if they were opposing them, and, as is wont to happen, put many to death. It is said, moreover, that not a few perished by being trampled and crushed by one another, so that the number of the slaughtered exceeded three thousand one hundred and fifty. Macedonius, however, as if nothing new had happened, and as though he were innocent and pure, C appeared suddenly in the entry of the episcopal chambers and the more secret sacred places, like someone from some stage of illusions, or a god (as is said) "from the machine," a hierarch appearing, and was led onto the throne by the prefect rather than by the custom of the Church, or by the order of bishops. In this manner, and by these slaughters, Macedonius and the Arians occupied the Church. Thus also did Paul suffer his unjust exile. Athanasius, however, fearing the threats of Constantius, took counsel for himself in flight and disappeared. For he had threatened that he would punish him with the sword, because his detractors and conspirators had denounced D him as seditious, alleging that by his return from the Roman city to the church, a huge multitude had been trampled and perished. But in particular, that calumny which the Arians had aimed at him had incited Constantius against him: that Athanasius had sold the grain for the poor, which the emperor’s father, Constantine, had decreed should be given for the sustenance of the needy in Alexandria, and had turned it into money. It is necessary to know, however, that at the time when Macedonius held the priesthood, Constantius was distributing [to the poor] the great
church, which was named Wisdom [Sophia], adjacent to the church of the same name as Peace [Eirene] (1), which Constantine, the father of Constantius, had enlarged from its prior modest size to the magnitude now observed, so that the borders of these two temples are contiguous, and they appear to have one ambit and one set of walls.
Chapter X. How Julius, the Roman pontiff, wrote to the Eastern bishops that they should send men to render an account for Athanasius and Paul; and what Constans, the Emperor of the West, wrote to his brother Constantius; and that those who came from the East promulgated another exposition of the faith.
Julius, the bishop of the city of Rome, having received the letters which Eusebius had written against Athanasius before his death, and those B which they who had gathered at Antioch sent, and yet again others from certain Egyptian bishops declaring that all the charges against Athanasius were false; and as these documents sent to him were contradictory, Julius wrote back to those who had sent the letters from Antioch, and he refuted the arrogant and stubborn sentiment of their epistle, and [challenged them] because they had secretly attempted to innovate and adulterate the faith against the decrees of Nicaea. Furthermore, he rebuked them for having neglected to invite him as well to the synod, contrary to ecclesiastical custom. For there exists an ecclesiastical canon C decreeing that all those things which might be done contrary to the judgment of the Roman bishop are invalid (2). He further objected that the matters decided in the city of Tyre and in Mareotis had not been conducted lawfully, as the investigation was carried out with only one side present. He also threw in their faces that the [matter of the] hand of Arsenius was a manifest and clear slander. And upon all these points, he concluded that it was right that Athanasius and Paul should be supported. Not long after, Paul also, pretending to go to Corinth, came into Italy and lamented his own plight in a pitiful manner. D But when Julius achieved nothing by writing to the Eastern bishops, he informed Constans, the emperor of the West, about the affairs of Athanasius and Paul. When they approached him, they exposed the cunning frauds of the Arian faction: they brought up the mention of his father, so that he might convoke an oecumenical and universal synod and confirm the decrees by his own constitution, showing [the bishops] and urging him to emulate his father’s zeal. Constans, having learned of these matters, considered the misfortune of these men to be his own calamity; and writing to his brother, he advised him to preserve the uncorrupted and integral norm of their father's religion. For he said that he, having established his empire through true piety, had both completely destroyed the Roman tyrants and defeated the barbarian enemies on every side. He also signaled to him that three bishops from the East should be sent to the West to give an account regarding the deposition of Athanasius and Paul. And they chose Narcissus, the bishop of Irenopolis in Cilicia, and Theodore of Perinthus, and [the bishop] of Arethusa in Syria.
A When they had arrived in Italy, they attempted to persuade the Emperor Constans that the judgment passed against them was just; but they did not deign to enter into discussions with the followers of Athanasius. And since they were also strictly examined as to how they believed, they drew up a different [confession] from the one at Antioch and presented it to Constans, proceeding word for word as follows:
"We believe in one God, the Father Almighty, the creator and maker of all things; from whom all fatherhood in heaven and on earth is named; and in his only-begotten Son, our Lord Jesus Christ, begotten of the Father before all ages, God from God, Light from Light, through whom all things in the heavens and on the earth were made, both things visible and invisible; who is the Word, and Wisdom, and Power, and Life, and true Light. Who in the end of days, for our sake, became man and was born of the holy Virgin; who was crucified, and died, and was buried, and rose from the dead on the third day; and ascended into the heavens, and sat at the right hand of the Father, and is coming at the consummation of the ages to judge the living and the dead, and to render to each according to his works; whose kingdom, being unending, abides into the infinite ages. For he shall be seated at the right hand of the Father not only in this age, but also in the one to come. And in the Holy Spirit, that is, the Paraclete; whom, having promised to the apostles, he sent after his ascension into heaven to teach and remind them of all things; through whom also the souls of those who have sincerely believed in him shall be sanctified. But those who say that the Son is from non-existent things, or from another distinct substance, and not from God, B and that there was a time when he did not exist, the Catholic Church regards as aliens."
Having delivered this exposition, Constans, perceiving that they had conspired unjustly against those divine men—not due to any accusations, nor because of any depravity of life, as the records C attested, but that the entire issue was a disagreement over doctrine—sent them back without having accomplished anything of that for which they had come. And a chasm remained between the Easterners and the Westerners, as the disagreement had come between them. At this same time, the heresy according to Photinus emerged in Sirmium, which is a city of Illyricum; he, having been born in Lesser Galatia, and having been instructed by the aforementioned Marcellus, the bishop of his homeland, was presiding over the churches there, teaching that the Lord was a mere D man. We shall speak of them in their proper place.
CAPUT XI.
That, as the Western and Eastern parts were disagreeing for three years concerning the doctrine of the faith, the bishops from the East drew up a confession of faith—which they called the "long statement"—and sent it to the Westerners. Then, when three years had passed, the Eastern bishops drew up another document and sent it to the priests in the West, which they called the long statement.
A, inasmuch as it was composed of many arguments and concepts. Yet not even in this did they make mention of the substance of God by name. Those, however, who said that the Son was from non-existent things, or from another substance other than from God, and that there was once a time or age when He was not, these they excommunicated. Eudoxius, the bishop of Germanicia, who also presided over the Church of Constantinople after Macedonius, carried this document, as did Martyrius and Macedonius, who held the bishopric of Mopsuestia in Cilicia. But the Western priests did not accept the document; they asserted that the Nicene confession of faith was sufficient for them, and they did not think they ought to wish to inquire further or with excessive curiosity; furthermore, they put forward as a pretext the fact that the document was written in a foreign language and that they did not understand the meaning of the words. This longer statement, however, contained the following word for word:
The Long Creed
"We believe in one God, the Father almighty, creator and maker of all things; from whom all fatherhood in heaven and on earth is named. And in his only-begotten Son, Jesus Christ, our Lord, who was begotten of the Father before all things, God from God, light from light, through whom all things were made, those in heaven and those on earth, the visible B and the invisible; being the Word, and wisdom, and power, and life, and true light. Who in the last days became man for our sake and was born of the holy Virgin; who was crucified, and died, and was buried, and rose again on the third day; and was taken up into the heavens, and sat down at the right hand of the Father; and is coming at the consummation of the ages to judge the living and the dead, and to render to each according to his works; whose kingdom, being unending, remains for infinite ages. For He sits at the right hand of the Father not only in this age, but also in the one to come. We believe also in the Holy Spirit, that is, in the Paraclete, which He promised to the apostles after His ascension into heaven, and sent to teach and remind them of all things; through whom also the souls of those who sincerely believe in Him are sanctified. But those who say that the Son is from non-existent things, or from another substance and not from God, and that there was once a time when He was not, the holy catholic Church knows to be aliens. Likewise, it anathematizes C those who say there are three gods; or that Christ was not God before the ages; or that He is neither Christ nor the Son of God; or that the same is Father, Son, and Holy Spirit; or that the Son is unbegotten; or that the Father did not beget the Son by His own will and purpose. For to say that the Son is from non-existent things is not safe, since this is nowhere reported concerning Him in the divinely inspired Scriptures. Nor, indeed, are we taught that He was begotten from any other substance existing prior to Him besides the Father, but rather that He was genuinely, or natively, begotten from God alone. For the divine Word teaches that there is one unborn and principle-less Father of Christ. Nor indeed is that saying, 'There was once a time when He was not,' to be entertained by those D who unguardedly speak from non-scriptural terms as if it were a measure of time for Him; but rather that only He who begat Him timelesslyis to be contemplated as God. For both times and ages have been created through Him. A Nor indeed is the Son to be thought of as co-unoriginate or co-unbegotten with the Father; for no one will properly be called Father or Son as co-unoriginate and co-unbegotten. But we know that the Father alone, being unoriginate and inaccessible, begat in an inaccessible and to all incomprehensible manner; and that the Son was begotten before the ages. And [we hold] that He is no longer to be considered equal to the Father in being unbegotten, but that He has as His beginning the Father who begat Him; for the head of Christ is God. Nor yet, while confessing three things B and three persons—the Father, the Son, and the Holy Spirit—according to the Scriptures, do we for this reason make three gods; since we know only one God, the Father of the Only-Begotten, who is the perfect and unbegotten, the unoriginate and invisible God, who alone has His being from Himself and alone generously bestows being upon all others. Nor, indeed, while saying that there is but one God—the Father of the Lord Jesus Christ, who alone is unbegotten—do we on this account deny that Christ is God before the ages, as do the followers of Paul of Samosata, who say that He was later deified after the incarnation by progress, because he was born as a mere man by nature. 693. C For we know that He, even if He is subject to the Father and God, is nonetheless begotten of God, and is truly God perfect by nature, and not a man who later became God, but God who for our sake became man; and that He never for a moment ceased to be God. Furthermore, we abhor and anathematize those who call the Word of God merely nude and without subsistence, fictitiously [asserting] that He has His being in another, sometimes as what some call the spoken [word], and sometimes as [the] internal [word]; and who are unwilling for Christ Himself to be Lord and God and Mediator and the image of God before the ages, but want Him to have become Christ and Son of God only from the time when He took our flesh from the Virgin, four hundred whole years ago. For from that time they wish Christ to have had the beginning of His kingdom, and to have an end of it after the consummation and judgment. D Such are those from Marcellus and Photinus of Ancyra in Galatia, who reject the pre-eternal existence and divinity of Christ, and likewise His unending kingdom, in the manner that seems to them to establish the monarchy, or rule of one. For we know Him not simply as a spoken or internal word of God, but as the living God the Word, subsisting in Himself, and as the Son of God and Christ; and thus, through [divine] foreknowledge, as existing and abiding together before the ages with His own Father, and as having served Him in all His creation, whether of invisible things or of visible; but as the Word of the Father having independent subsistence, and as God from God. For this is He to whom the Father said, "Let us make man according to our image and likeness," who also appeared to the Patriarchs, gave the law, spoke through the prophets, and in these last days became man, revealed His own Father to all men, and reigns unto the
nexion, whether of invisible or visible things, as one who is the subsisting Word of the Father, and God from God. For this is He to whom the Father said: "Let us make man according to our image and likeness," who also was seen by the fathers when He gave the law, and spoke through the prophets; and who finally became man, and manifested His Father to all men, and who reigns for ages of ages. For Christ assumed no new dignity, but we believe Him to have been before perfect, and in all things like the Father. And likewise, those who say that the Father, the Son, and the Holy Spirit are the same, and who impiously take these three names for one and the same thing and person, we justly proscribe from the Church: because they make the Father, who cannot be comprehended and is not subject to suffering, to be comprehensible and subject to suffering through His becoming man. Such are those who are called Patropassians among the Romans, but Sabellians among us. For we know that the Father, who sent, remained in the state of His immutable divinity; while Christ, who was sent, fulfilled the economy and office of the incarnation. Similarly, we recognize as most impious and alien to the truth those who unholily say that Christ was not generated by design or will, but who clearly impose a necessity upon God, attributing to Him a substance lacking will and choice, so that He generated the Son against His will; since they dare to determine such things concerning Him contrary to the common notions about God, and indeed contrary to the sentiment of the divinely inspired Scripture. For we, knowing God to be of most absolute power and most perfect in His own right, piously believe that He generated the Son spontaneously and by His will. And while we believe what was said of Him with fear, "The Lord created me the beginning of His ways for His works," we do not think that He was generated in the same way as the creatures and works made by Him. For it is impious and alien to the ecclesiastical faith to compare the Creator with the creatures created through Him, and to think that He has the same mode of generation as those things which are alien to Him. For the divine Scriptures teach us that the only-begotten Son alone, and in a unique way, was genuinely, or rather naturally and truly, generated. But neither, while saying that the Son lives and exists by Himself similarly to the Father, do we for this reason separate Him from the Father, imagining corporal places and intervals between their union; for we believe them to be joined without intermediary and without space, and to exist inseparably from one another, the Father indeed embracing and holding to His breast the whole Son, and the Son being entirely bound and applied to the Father, and resting eternally in the Father's bosom alone. We believe, therefore, in the most perfect and most holy Trinity, and acknowledging the Father as God and the Son D—not as two Gods, but as one according to the dignity of the Godhead, and as one precise union of the kingdom; the Father ruling over all in general, and over the Son Himself, but the Son being subject to the Father; and besides Him, Himself reigning over all things that are after Him—those things which came to be through Him—and bestowing the grace of the Holy Spirit abundantly upon the saints by the Father’s will. For thus have the sacred words handed down to us the account that must be maintained regarding the monarchy in Christ.
A These things we were compelled to set down more broadly after our confession of faith was expounded in summary, not from any superfluous vanity, but so that we might cleanse away every alien suspicion conceived against our position among those ignorant of the facts. And further, so that all might recognize at once the impudence of the calumny of the heterodox and, simultaneously, the ecclesiastical opinion of the Easterners, to which opinion the divinely inspired Scriptures, which are preserved inviolate among them, bear witness without any forced or violent interpretation. In this way, then, that longer exposition was composed.
CHAPTER XII.
Concerning the Synod of Sardica.
B As it was rejected by those in the West, Constans Caesar demanded one favor from his brother: that Paul and Athanasius should recover their own sees. But when he achieved nothing by his letters, because the adversaries resisted, and the people were raising a sedition on account of these things, Paul and Athanasius went again to Constans and requested that an ecumenical synod be convened, so that the matters of the faith and their own cases might be precisely examined. For they maintained that they were suffering the ignominy of deposition on account of the sincerity of their faith. Therefore, out of the judgment of the two emperors, it was decreed C that the bishops of both empires should gather on a certain day at Sardica, which is a city of Illyricum. This was what Constans had requested and Constantius had agreed to, so that the sedition might be resolved. From the Western parts, about three hundred bishops came together, as the holy Athanasius mentions somewhere, but from the East, as Sabinus the Macedonian reports, seventy-six. With them was numbered that Ischyras, who had taken the priesthood upon himself. And having become, on this account, adverse to Athanasius, he approached the opposing faction and, having concocted lies, was proclaimed bishop of the Mareotes by them. D The others, however, finding fault with the narrowness of the appointed time, stayed away, alleging various pretenses; most of all, they laid the blame for this on Julius, even though the date had been proclaimed twenty months before the arrival of the bishops. This was the tenth year since Constantine, the father of both emperors, had departed to the better life. But the Easterners, who had come to Philippopolis in Thrace, wrote to the Westerners, who were already present at Sardica, that they should exclude Athanasius and his followers from the gathering, as having been deposed from the priesthood; for they asserted that otherwise it would not be lawful to meet together. Then, having eventually arrived at Sardica, they maintained the same thing; the others
A, and especially Hosius of Corduba (this is a city of Spain) and Protogenes of Sardica, replied that they had never avoided their communion, nor would they do so now, even though Julius the bishop of the Romans had examined their case and judged that they were unjustly entrapped by plots; and that they themselves were present and wished to refute that unjust judgment. They also wrote and sent many other things back and forth to each other through messengers, whence a greater enmity and deeper hatred was stirred up between them, and the appointed day also passed by. B Accordingly, a separation was immediately made, and both sides having met apart, they brought forward contrary judgments against one another. For those in the East held their council at Philippopolis, and having still further confirmed their decrees against Athanasius, Paul, Asclepas, and Marcellus, they moreover deposed Julius, the prelate of Rome, because he had been the first to communicate with them. On this account they also deposed the confessor Hosius, and also because he had been a friend of Eustathius and Paulinus, bishops of the church of Antioch. In addition to these, they also deposed Maximinus, who was bishop of Trier, because he was the first who had granted communion to Paul and had procured his return to the city of Constantinople; C and furthermore because he had proscribed the Eastern bishops who were coming into the West. Nor did they merely strip these men of their sacred dignity, but also Protogenes of Sardica, because he was aiding Marcellus of Ancyra, whom he had previously condemned by his own vote; and likewise Gaudentius, because he was bestowing much honor upon those whom they had disgraced by deposition; and because he held different opinions regarding divine matters than Cyriacus, whose successor he was. Regarding the faith, they indeed rejected the term "consubstantial," but they wrote and sent everywhere the opinion of the "dissimilar," in which they also instructed the bishops in various regions not to receive into communion those whom they had recently noted in their judgment, nor even to consider them worthy of letters. Others say that they ordered that the faith should be believed according to the long formula which we have set forth above, in which they made no mention at all of the term "consubstantial," but only of those who say that there are three Gods, or that Christ is not God, or that the Father and Son and Holy Spirit are the same, or that the Son is unbegotten, or that there was a time or age when He was not. These things, then, the priests of the East were doing at Philippopolis in Thrace. D But Hosius and those who were with him at Sardica, first of all condemned them for contumacy, the case having been left undefended and unheard; they received Athanasius, and anathematized what had been done against him at Tyre. They restored his bishopric to Marcellus, because he had not admitted to holding those things for which he was accused. They also confirmed Asclepas in the bishopric of Gaza, as he had previously received the episcopal dignity by the vote of many bishops, and especially of Eusebius Pamphili. And the record of the trial also provides the proof for this. They also restored Lucius, since his accusers had had recourse to flight; and they wrote to their parishes that they should have no one else but them as their bishops, and that they should expect their arrival at any moment. These also deposed Gregory in Alexandria, Basil of Ancyra, and Quintianus in Gaza; and not even did they spare the bishops
the title of Christian. Besides these, they deposed Theodore of Perinthus, Narcissus of Irenopolis, Acacius of Caesarea in Palestine (the successor of Eusebius Pamphili), Menophantus of Ephesus, Ursacius of Singidon, and Valens of Mursa in Pannonia, as well as George of Laodicea, even though he was not present at the Synod of the Orientals. They deposed these men and cast them out of communion on the grounds that they separated the Son of God from the paternal substance, and because they had received those who had long ago been rejected for the Arian heresy, and had advanced them to higher dignities in the ministry of God. Having passed judgment against them, they sent the decisions to bishops everywhere to be ratified, and concerning those things which had seemed good to those at Nicaea, they were of one B mind; for, having strengthened those matters, they discarded the "dissimilar" [anomoion] and explicitly proclaimed the "consubstantial" [homoousion]. And they issued a certain document—more extensive than the one at Nicaea, yet preserving its definition and differing not much in its terms—and sent it everywhere. But in order that they might not appear to be introducing anything new beyond what was at Nicaea, Hosius and Protogenes, who were then leading the synod, wrote to Julius with secure testimony, that while they considered the things at Nicaea to be supreme, for the sake of clarity they were expanding slightly upon what had been defined there; so that, they said, those of the party of Arius might not lead those who are unskilled in dialectic into absurdity by means of a curtailed confession of faith. Having accomplished these things, they dispersed for home, both sides being of the opinion C that they had acted justly: the Easterners because the Westerners had received those who had been deposed and rejected by them, and the Westerners because those who had deposed them had fled before a common investigation, and because they [the Westerners] embraced the decisions at Nicaea, while those in the East dared to corrupt and counterfeit them. And in the Council of Sardica they restored to Marcellus, the aforementioned bishop of Ancyra in Galatia, his priestly office, as we have mentioned; for he explained to the synod that his terminology in his book, which had been dictated, was not understood by many, and that for this reason he had come under the suspicion of holding the opinions of Paul of Samosata and Sabellius.
CHAPTER XIII
Regarding what Socrates the ecclesiastical writer recorded concerning the opinion of Eusebius Pamphili, and what the opinion of the West and the East was concerning the faith of Nicaea. D It is necessary to know, however, that Eusebius of Pamphilus, in three books, refuted that suspicious commentary of Marcellus.A For having divided it into parts, he then brings in his refutation, and he does this throughout the entire work. From this study, Socrates, the ecclesiastical historian, cites many things, on account of which Eusebius was accused of being an Arian. And subsequently he relates that he was present at the first synod, and consented to the decrees made by the other bishops, just as B Eusebius himself records in his third book to Constantine. The same author also brings forward his pious interpretation of that verse, "The Lord created me the beginning of his ways," in which he writes thus: "That the Lord says he was 'created,' he certainly does not say this as if he had not existed before and then for the first time began to be, as some have wrongly understood, as if he, like the rest of creation, had likewise come into being from non-existence; but as one who is constant, living, pre-existing, and subsisting before the foundation of the whole world, and was ordained by the Lord, his own Father, C to rule and administer all things; so that in this place the word 'created' is said in place of the word 'ordained' or 'constituted.' The Apostle clearly called human rulers and leaders a 'creature,' saying: 'Be subject therefore to every human creature for the Lord's sake, whether to the king as preeminent, or to governors as sent by him.' And the prophet, speaking from the person of God: 'Behold, I am he who confirms the thunder and creates the Spirit, and announces his Christ to men'; he did not take this word 'creates' in the sense that he had not existed before; D for God did not create the Spirit at the time when he announced his Christ through him to all men; nor was he something recent under the sun, but he was and had pre-existed. But he was sent at the time when the apostles were gathered, when there came a sound from heaven as of thunder, as of a rushing violent wind; with the word 'creates' standing for 'sending down' or 'ordaining' or 'establishing,' while the thunder itself signifies the evangelical preaching in another way. Such also is that which says: 'Create in me a clean heart, O God,' where he did not pray as if he did not have a heart, but that it might finally be purified and perfected. And that: 'That he might create the two into one new man,' in place of 'gather' or 'bring together.' See furthermore if such is not also that which says: 'Clothe yourselves in the new man, created according to God,' and that: 'If anyone is in Christ, he is a new creature,' and whatever others are of this kind. So do not be amazed if, metaphorically and by way of transference in the words, 'The Lord created me the beginning of his ways,' 'created' is said in place of 'constituted' or 'ordained.'" These are the words of Eusebius in the third book against Marcellus. And Socrates also uses these very words to respond on behalf of Eusebius: "If, therefore, Eusebius, making mention of the synod of Nicaea, says that the matters then in dispute were resolved and settled, and that all were of one mind and one opinion, how do some suspect him of Arianizing? But the Arians are deceived..."
A who think that he thought as they do. But someone will say that in his writings he appears to be an Arian, because he frequently says, "Through Christ." To this we answer, that ecclesiastical men have frequently used this phrase, as well as others which signify the economy or the office of the humanity of our Savior. And before all these, the Apostle himself used these words; and yet he was never considered a teacher of false doctrine. And again he adds, saying: "For they cannot demonstrate that Eusebius gives a beginning of existence to the Son of God, even if they find him in his books making use of the terms of the economy; especially since he was also an admirer and follower of the books of Origen, in which those who are able to understand the depth of the books of Origen find that the Son is everywhere said to be begotten of the Father." B Such are the things which Socrates brings forward, and he insists on attributing the soundness of [Eusebius’] doctrine to him. I, for my part, would rather wish that the man was such as this; however, the Catholic Church perhaps does not judge him to be so, and it is more proper to follow her. But whether he is truly in the sincerity of piety, as this man who is a Novatian claims, must be left to God, who accurately and certainly perceives all hidden things. And enough has been said of these matters.
But the Sardican council having been thus concluded, each returned to his own home. And from that time on C the West was divided from the East by a secession. For the Westerners were no longer willing to have any business or connection with the Easterners, since they did not hold the same views as themselves. And the boundary of communion for the Westerners was between Illyricum and Thrace, near the mountain which is called Susacis. But they were by no means willing to communicate with each other beyond that place, on account of their divided faith. And, as is wont to happen, there were calumnies and dissensions in the churches. And a great turmoil and confusion invaded the Catholic Church. For previously, even if they disagreed, they were nevertheless joined together by custom, and did not consider it a serious matter; and they thought that those of such custom held the same belief regarding Christ. D To speak briefly, the whole Church in the West, being guided by the religion of the fathers, was free from strife and removed from empty talk about dogmas, sincerely sounding forth and professing the Nicene faith. Although even then Ursacius of Pannonia and Auxentius of Milan endeavored to distract the churches and transfer them to the Arian opinion, they were nevertheless unable to accomplish this, while the Roman See and other Western bishops kept watch and immediately rooted out the shoots of that heresy. The East, however, after the council at Antioch, stirred up seditions and openly transgressed against the faith at Nicaea. The truth, however, insofar as it can be gathered, is that the opinion of the majority inclined toward the view at Nicaea, confessing the Son to be of the essence of the Father; but, held fast by the rivalry born of contentiousness, they differed excessively over the term "consubstantial," some, as some have said, from [index: entries preserved]
A the beginning having stood against that term, and, as men of that sort are wont to do, fearing that if they yielded they might appear to have been defeated, they persisted in their opinion and sought to abolish that word, judging it to be a disgrace to themselves if they changed their mind. Others, because they had frequently babbled about these matters, preferred to think in this same way in their own minds; and when they had once fallen away from what was proper, they firmly retained their own opinion. There were some who, weighing within themselves the indecorous zeal for contention, would incline toward a more graceful view, either out of desire for glory or fear, or because of force or intimacy, or generally because of friendship, and perhaps for other reasons by which men are led, as circumstances suggest, to comply with others, even in matters that are little becoming: finally, because some could not freely and openly refute and disprove what was being objected by their adversaries. But not a few men of that time, considering it sheer nonsense and superfluous trifling to struggle over things of this kind, were separated from their company, and in silence within themselves embraced and honored the decrees of Nicaea.
CHAPTER XIV.
Concerning the Egyptian monks, namely the Scetiots and the Tabennesiotes. And therein concerning the two holy Macarii, Pambo and Pachomius. Likewise concerning Apollonius and Anubius.
C Above all those in the East who defended with great freedom the sounder doctrine, Paul of Constantinople and Athanasius, bishop of Alexandria, held most tenaciously to the Nicene decrees; and with him the entire body of Egyptian monks: whom Antony, still living, led, and those who were associated with him—and very many they were, ascetics throughout Egypt and other places of the Roman Empire: many of whom lasted until the empire of Constantius and even later times: such were (for I omit Ammon and Paul the Theban) those called by the same true name, Macarii, that is to say, blessed: namely, that Egyptian one, and he to whom the surname "of the City" was given: Paphnutius and Pambo, Anub and Pityrion, D Serapion and Orsesius, and the Tabennesiote Pachomius, Ephraim also and Hilarion; such as were also, around Illyricum and Thrace, Martin from Sabaria in Pannonia, and Hilary of Poitiers, men to be admired: of whom I shall speak a little later in their proper place. Finally, many other men, distinguished in various ways, flourished in those same years and shone in the churches of God; among whom, preeminent in learning and eloquence, flourished Eusebius, bishop of Emesa, Titus of Bostra, Serapion of Thmuis, Basil of Ancyra, Eudoxius of Germanicia, Acacius, who after Eusebius presided over Caesarea in Palestine, Cyril, who after Maximus steered the church of Jerusalem, and Theodore of Perinthus: all of whom left to the churches the fruits of their doctrine, not to be repented of. It seems, however,
A that Ephraim the Syrian excelled everyone in this regard, and adorned the universal Church. At that time also flourished Lucifer, Didymus, and Aetius, men who were indeed distinguished, yet who fought greatly against the truth. To speak summarily, the leaders of the churches at that time were devoted to the most exacting rules of life, by whom the crowds were well shepherded in the worship of Christ, and the faith increased day by day. For the Church, quietly, through the virtue inherent in it and the radiance of good works—by which wonders and signs were wrought by holy men and others associated with the Church—was led to great glory; and the religion of the Greeks was plundered, and turned from bad trifles toward the true faith.
Since I have made mention of these holy men, I believe it necessary for the time being to run through in this account all the other illustrious men who flourished and gained fame at that time. Let the renowned leaders of Scetis and the deserts there be placed first. Both had the name Macarius; the one originated from Egypt, while the other was called the Urbanite, for he had Alexandria as his fatherland. Both were truly divine men, and admirable in monastic philosophy; neither were they lacking in divine foreknowledge, for they were skillful at expelling demons, and were ready and prompt workers of wonders and healings. The former, the Egyptian, even raised a dead man, in order to persuade a certain follower of an alien dogma to believe that the dead B are raised. It is said that he lived more than ninety years, more than half of which he spent in the solitary life. He excelled in the study of wisdom while still very young; and for this reason he obtained the nickname "the Boy-Elder," and he accepted the rank of presbyter at forty years of age. C The Urbanite, however, arrived at the same rank in a shorter time. He cultivated all the exercises of piety to the highest degree, which he in part discovered himself, and in part attempted to accomplish in every way through what he heard from others. He was so emaciated and worn by fasting that he did not even have the means to grow a beard. The Egyptian was severe with a kind of reverence; the Alexandrian, while equal to the Egyptian in all other respects, differed from him in this: he was cheerful and pleasant to those he met, and by using witty jests he led the young toward the study and practice of piety. Evagrius became a disciple of these men, and acquired the philosophy of actions, whereas he had previously professed the study of wisdom by words alone. At that very same time, and in the same places, the celebrated Pambo D also practiced philosophy with them, and he who, if one had not seen him, practiced a manner of life that was absolutely angelic.
(1) Pambo, being illiterate, went to a teacher of the Psalter; and when he had heard the first verse of Psalm xxxviii (I said, I will guard my ways, that I may not sin with my tongue), he departed, saying that this verse was sufficient for him, so that he might learn to express it in actions. The teacher remonstrated with him because, from that time, he had been away for six months, [and he said]...
and Poutubastis, and Arsisius, and the great Serapion; moreover, there is that Pityrion, who elsewhere—in Athens, clearly—had his asceterium, or dwelling for the exercise of religious piety. Furthermore, there is that great Pachomius, who is said to be the leader and author of the Tabennesiotan life and rule. For their mode of life was something new, differing in some respects from the rest of the monks. It accustoms the soul to aspire to virtue, to spurn earthly things, and to look ever upward, so that, having easily cast off this dust, one might arrive at the heavenly region. For their garment was a sheepskin: a symbol and monument, I think, of the noble and strong Elias the Thesbite, and of the maceration and mortification of lusts and desires, so that by emulation and the ardor of the same hope as his, they might strenuously hasten toward continence and chastity.
Moreover, the clothing of the other monks in Egypt also, as opinion holds, points to some model and example of a more hidden philosophy. For they did not change their clothing rashly from the common habit. For I assume the garment devoid of sleeves is a sign and instruction not to have hands ready for inflicting injury. And the covering of the head, B pointed at the top, signifies that they should be simple, and not seek redress for injuries, but live purely and innocently, like suckling infants, whose heads are wont to be covered with such linen miters, which cover and cherish the part that holds the command and sovereignty of reason. Further, the belt and the girdle that encompasses the shoulders and arms obscurely indicate a prompt alacrity in the ministry of God: that they may perform, girt up, what they have been commanded to fulfill. Perhaps others may have given other reasons suited to the monastic philosophy; for me, it is enough to have said these things.
Regarding Pachomius, it is said that when he was first constantly applying himself to this philosophy in a certain cave, an angel stood by him from heaven and commanded him to gather a new company of monks. For it behooved him who worthily represented the truer philosophy by an irreprehensible life to become a leader of many, to whom he might be of service, and to instruct them with certain laws. C When he had said these things, the angel gave him a tablet, and showed himself as he was clothed in his robe; which tablet, indeed, is preserved to this day. In that writing, according to the custom of one prescribing laws, it was set forth that it should be permitted to each one to eat, drink, and work as much as he could and would; and likewise that he might fast or not fast according to his own judgment. And [it provided] that those taking stronger food should have harder labors, while those using food more sparingly, and those aroused to asceticism, should have [other tasks]. It was also ordained that they should be in modest houses in a circle, and that three should remain in each. Further, it was ordained that their food should be prepared in one long house, and that they should eat sitting in profound silence, covering their faces so as neither to see one another, nor [do] anything else. D
than see the table and the food set before them. He decreed that no other person should eat at that same table in other attire, unless a guest who happened to turn that way were received. They were to ask for what was necessary by certain signs, such as by a movement of the hands or by nods, from those upon whom the lot had fallen to be in charge of the tables. If anyone wished to live with them, he was, for three years beforehand, to undergo harder labors, having his habit slightly altered; and thus at length, being initiated into their sacred secrets, he would be in the same place with them. He ordered that their garment should be a skin mantle, and for a covering for the head, a woollen cap—which cap, in the case of some, was distinguished by purple threads, having its own stitches denoting the form of the cross. Their tunics and girdles, moreover, were to be of linen; sitting together in these, as well as in their mantles, upon beds built up for them, they were to take moderate sleep. He also ordered that the dwelling be fenced about in a circle, so that it might enclose each one's bed. On the first day of the week, which is called the Lord’s day, when they came for the communion and participation of the divine mysteries, they were to unfasten their girdles and lay aside their skin mantles. He ordered that each should pray twelve times during the day; and likewise toward evening, and in like manner at night; and again at the ninth hour, a third time. And when food was to be taken, he ordered that a psalm should precede each prayer. Furthermore, he divided the whole community into twenty-four orders according to the number of the Greek letters. And he applied to each the designation that was fitting, according as the mind, life, and character of each allowed; for instance, he called the simpler ones *iota*, and those who were crooked and not straight, *zeta* and *xi*; B and the others differently, according to the choice of each and the shape of the letter, assigning the name aptly. By such laws did Pachomius lead those under him, being a man extremely humane and God-loving; he advanced to such a degree of greatness that he was not even ignorant of future things, for he knew these things especially by constant conversation with angels. He had his workshop of philosophy in the Thebaid on a certain island which was called Tabenna; from which they are called Tabennesiotes to this day. These, in time, made such great progress that they increased to seven thousand, and they became very famous for their life, which was lived with exact precision according to the aforementioned laws. For inside Tabenna, where Pachomius himself was, there are said to have been about one thousand three hundred; others, however, dwelt throughout the Thebaid and the rest of Egypt. The discipline and mode of life of them all were one and the same, and all things were common to all, as they regarded the island as a kind of metropolis and those who presided there as fathers; from whom leaders for each community were sent out, being [themselves] zealous followers of the customs. And so much for Pachomius. At the same time, Apollonius also was widely renowned because he possessed great love for the philosophy according to God. Having begun to philosophize in the desert at fifteen years of age, when he had reached his fortieth year, he was by divine C
A vision commanded to go forth again into places inhabited by men, and he built for himself a small hut in the Thebaid. And since he was, above all, most loving toward God, he produced admirable works: and he omitted nothing, so that he might excel in these, of whatever pertains to that kind of philosophy. He was of excellent character, and had great grace in teaching piety extensively. In his prayers, he held God to be so kind and propitious that he obtained from Him by prayer whatever he asked. And because of his wisdom, he asked for those things which God is accustomed to grant easily. At that time, there also flourished that Anub, who, they say, after the confession he made for Christ during the persecution, never afterward uttered a lie, nor coveted any earthly thing; but whatever he had prayed for from God, he had obtained everything: and having used the divine angel as his instructor, he reached the summit by exercising the virtue of piety. But it is enough to have said this much concerning the Egyptian monks.
CAPUT XV. Of the monks of Palestine and Syria.
C Thence, indeed, Palestine also, being instructed, began to embrace the same manner of philosophizing. In which Hilarion first flourished: whose fatherland was a village named Thebasa, which is situated no less than fifteen stadia from Gaza, toward the south, by a torrent which, flowing into the sea, took its native name from the village itself. But when he was frequenting the Alexandrian schools, having heard the report of Antony which had by then spread, he sought out the wilderness for the sake of seeing him: and having stayed with him a little while, he decided to follow the same rule of life. But because many flocked to Antony daily, he was unable to obtain his desire. Therefore, having returned to his fatherland, when his parents had departed from this life, having distributed all his abundant substance to his brothers and the needy, he left nothing of it remaining for himself. And soon after, in a certain maritime place, twenty stadia distant from the village, he built for himself a hut of brick, with a roof made of a heap D of broken tiles. Its breadth, length, and height were so great that he was necessarily obliged to incline his head while standing, and while wishing to lie down, to draw his feet toward himself. By habit, he made this hardship prompt and easy for himself in all respects. And working excellently in moderation and temperance, he conceived no pride at all from his deeds, even though he had no superior in that matter. Moreover, subduing the pleasures of the body and the enticements of the soul, he struggled strenuously with hunger, thirst, cold, and heat. He was endowed with upright character, was humane and placid in speech, and accurately kept in his memory whatever he had learned of the sacred oracles. So greatly
A became he dear to God through virtue, that even today, by the grace given to him, many are delivered from incurable diseases, and demons flee from those who approach his monument—not only among the Cypriots where he was first buried, but also among the Palestinians, to whom he later came. For when he had finished his life while sojourning in Cyprus, and had been committed to burial, he was held there in high honor. Afterwards Hesychas, most celebrated among his disciples, having removed his body by a certain art, brought it to his own home in Palestine. From that time, as the custom of that region prevails, his memory is celebrated publicly. For thus the Palestinians are accustomed to honor those famous men among them; just as they do also in the case of Abrillus of Anthedon, and Alexion of Bethagathon, and Alaphius of Asalia, who, having lived at the same time, lived godly lives and, by the abundance of their virtues, caused the pious religion to make the greatest progress, struggling mightily in the cities that were strongly Hellenized under the current empire.
At that time also, Julian the Great lived the philosophical life in Edessa, in a manner equal to the angels and with an exact way of life. So great was his self-control that his bones, devoid of flesh, seemed to have only skin drawn over them; Ephraim the Syrian indeed took the trouble to write an account of his life. And God from above gave approval to the opinion of men concerning him; for He granted to the man the healing of various diseases and provided the power to drive out demons, in all of which the one ready and available remedy was prayer. Many others also throughout this region embraced the philosophy according to Christ, even toward Amida, and to the mountain which is called Gaugalius, of whom Daniel and Symeon were the leaders. Let these things then be said concerning the monks in Syria; but God willing, we shall speak more broadly in the future concerning them and their successors. B
CHAPTER XVI. Of the monks of Pontus, Europe, and Italy, and therein of Eustathius, bishop of Sebastia, as he became the founder of such — and concerning Saint Ephraim.
Indeed, it is said that monastic philosophy began among the Armenians, the Paphlagonians, and those in the mountains of Pontus with Eustathius, who presided over the sacred matters of the Church in Sebastia of Armenia. He is said to have pursued this institute, his manner of life, his clothing (what should be used and what should not), and an exact mode of morals with such zeal that the book which is ascribed to Basil the Great and is called the *Asceticism* is rumored by many to be the work of this man. It was said, however, that for the sake of minute precision C he had veered into absurd observances not in accordance with the ecclesiastical canon. There are those, however, who exempt him from censure, but blame some of his disciples—those who were accustomed to forbid prayers in the houses of men living in wedlock; and if they were presbyters, they did not even deem them worthy of speech. They also fasted on the dominical days; D
A and they often held their ecclesiastic assemblies in private houses. They deemed the wealthy to be entirely excluded from the kingdom of heaven. Those who had eaten meat even once, they rejected. Rejecting the customary dress of other monks, they used a strange and unusual covering. Many other things they also innovated, by means of which many women of noble birth were deceived and, under the pretext of continence, abandoned the husbands to whom they had been married in their youth; yet, being afterwards unable to maintain their restraint, they fell into slippery paths of lust. There were some among them who, having cut their hair—which is not permitted for women—assumed the dress of men. On their account, a synod was gathered by the neighboring bishops at Gangra in Paphlagonia, in which it was decreed that they should be excluded from the Catholic Church unless they should see fit to condemn all the aforementioned things with anathema. Whereupon, it is said, Eustathius also, in order to show that he had not legislated such things out of obstinacy, but for the sake of practicing piety towards God, changed his unusual dress and, using from that time the same habit as the rest of the priests, went out into public just as they did. And as his life was such, so also was his speech consistent with it; he was not, however, a man powerful in eloquence, which he had not learned with more exact care and diligence, but by using admirable morals, he easily led many by his persuasion to where he wanted; B so much so that he persuaded some men and women living in fornication to follow a more chaste and exact way of life. They tell, indeed, of a certain man and a woman who had feigned to observe celibacy under a pretext of the ecclesiastical custom, and who had fallen into the infamy of a clandestine association. Eustathius, moreover, strove greatly to persuade them to desist from such a meeting. But when he accomplished nothing, drawing a deep sigh, he said that he had persuaded most women who had lived with their husbands according to the laws of matrimony, as is right, to withdraw from the company of their husbands and to embrace chastity through his exhortation; but among those who had come together against the laws, the persuasion of his speech was ineffective. And he indeed was the guide and author of the highest institution and of a complete philosophy in those parts of the world. In Europe, however, throughout Thrace and the Illyrian land, although men were up to that time ignorant of the monastic custom, these regions were nevertheless not entirely devoid of men skilled in Christian philosophy. C Among these flourished that Martin, who, having Sabaria of Pannonia as his fatherland, was so famous in both lineage and military service that he earned military honors and led ranks. But he placed the Caesarian service after the divine warfare. He first practiced philosophy in Illyricum; and from there, being sought after by various persecutions and plots, he was forced to withdraw. For he had exposed many of the bishops who had caught the contagion of Arius, having been caught in the act. And then he lived alone at Mediolanum. Fearing the plot of Auxentius, the bishop of that city, who did not hold sound views according to the dogmas of Nicaea, he withdrew again, and moved to a certain island, which the locals called Gallinaria. The roots of herbs were his food. Now the island is very small and uninhabited, looking out towards the Tyrrhenian Sea. From which
A he was eventually carried away and undertook the administration of the church of Taracena, or rather, of Tours. He shone so brightly with divine gifts that he even restored the dead to life, and performed very many signs and wonders, which were not far short of the apostolic signs. At the same time and place, that divine man Hilary also flourished, who endured the same fortune when Martin fled; for he was carried toward the faith with the same ardor as the other. He governed the church of Poitiers, and he composed books very well suited for persuasion concerning the faith and against certain men who held opinions alien to sound doctrine. Among the Italians and in the regions beyond, Eusebius and Lucifer shone forth, excelling all others in the eloquence of their fathers. Eusebius presided over the church of Vercelli; Lucifer, however, as we shall say a little later, took the lead of a heresy named after himself. B Furthermore, Flavian and Paulinus were famous at that time, men who later administered the affairs of the church of Antioch; Leontius, because they disagreed with his opinions, deprived them of the episcopacy. These are they who were companions to Eustathius when he was carried into exile; and they certainly did not allow anything at all in those times to be corrupted, regarding the sacred concerns of the church of Antioch, or rather, regarding the whole of the more sincere piety. C In this same age, Ephraim the Syrian was also famous, who indeed surpassed everyone by a long interval. He had Nisibis as his homeland, and, having been trained in the philosophy of the monks, he progressed so quickly in the language of the Syrians—even though he had neither been taught it by others before, nor had he offered any specimen or hope that he would turn out such—that he not only reached the peak of contemplation through his exercise of piety, but also, through the brilliance, facility, and sweetness of his words, as well as the density and gravity of his thoughts, he surpassed even the most illustrious of the Greeks, who had anciently excelled in eloquence. For if anyone were to translate the Greek writings of those men into Syrian or some other foreign language, and were to strip away the blooming grace of Greek adornments and the shining polish and charm of their expressions, the ignobility of the thoughts would immediately become plain, as that cosmetic grace would flow away. D Yet, with the words of Ephraim, it is otherwise; for even while he was still alive and thereafter, when his words were translated into the Greek language, they did not stray at all far from their own native virtue. It is a wonder to hear that, being read by both Greek and Syrian, he was admired; for which reason the great Basil, mighty in word and virtue, who adorned the metropolis of the Cappadocians, admired the man exceedingly and deemed him blessed in his learning. As is clear from his accurate testimony, and also by the common opinion among those Greeks of that time who were admired for their eloquence, he was held to be the most learned of all
A Indeed, legend has it that the divine Ephraim wrote three million verses. Many, too, were his disciples who emulated his teaching and philosophy; among whom the more famous were Abbas, Zenobius, Abraham, Maran, and Symeon—men of great renown among the Syrians—and those who partook precisely of their learning. In those same regions, and especially distinguished for their eloquence, were Paulonas and Anarad, who, as the account later says, slipped and fell away from sound doctrine. B Others also appeared among the Osrhoenians, equally illustrious: Bardesanes and his son Harmonius. The father indeed established the heresy that bears his name; but the son, well-educated in Greek studies, subjected the traditional songs to the rules of meter and musical rhythm, and committed them to be sung in a circular chorus, which the Syrians continue to chant to this day—not, however, in the exact form he devised, but using only the melodies. For, having shared in his father’s heresy, and holding opinions similar to the Greeks concerning the generation of the soul and the corruption of the body, and about the future resurrection, he sprinkled such doctrines into the lyrics sung to the lyre. By these, many of the Syrians were spellbound, and by degrees grew accustomed to accepting such doctrines because of the beauty of the words and the rhythm of the melody. The divine Ephraim, therefore, having recognized this, although he was unskilled in Greek discipline, mastered the meters of Harmonius and, setting to his melodies odes in harmony with ecclesiastical doctrines, gave them to the Syrians to sing to this day. C For he composed a great many divine hymns, offering praise to God, and also eulogies of men who had pleased God by their conduct of life, according to the rule of Harmonius’ odes; from which I believe that later composers of the Church also took the foundations of their melodies, preparing to increase and improve them all the more. Such, then, was he in his speech, as one may gather from this very fact. His life, moreover, was highly disciplined and illustrious for its good works. He pursued quietude with great zeal. And because of the chastity of his morals, he so much avoided calumny that he almost entirely recoiled from the sight of a woman. D It is said, therefore, that a woman of entirely undisciplined life and lacking all shame, having encountered Ephraim in a very narrow passage—whether designing to tempt the man, or driven by others for reward to do this—fixed her gaze steadily upon him. When he reproved her and bade her look to the ground, she replied: "But how, I pray, shall I look to the ground? It is far more righteous for you to look at it, since you are of the earth; whereas I, having had my birth from you, have good reason to look at you." Admiring this saying, he deemed it worthy to be recorded, and the Syrians even now consider it one of his notable sayings. At first, however, he was moved to anger—since he had begun to live a life of philosophy—being in no way pleased to be beheld by her. And so, on many days, being accustomed...
to fasting, when his attendant brought him food, it happened that he broke the pot. B But Ephraim, seeing him seized with shame and fear, said, "Be of good courage. For since the victuals refuse to come to us, let us go to them," and, sitting down by the fragments of the pot, he ate. That he was also superior to vainglory will be evident from this. He was designated C as bishop of one of the cities, and when those who were to lead him to be ordained arrived, he himself, immediately upon learning it, went forth into the marketplace, behaving in an unseemly manner like one who had lost his mind, dragging his garment behind him not at all modestly, and snatching up goods for sale and eating them in public. Thus, being considered to have lost his senses, he escaped being seized, and hid himself until another received the priesthood. Many other things, most worthy of mention, both the book written about him and the local inhabitants—both Romans and Syrians—report concerning him, which it is easy for anyone who wishes to encounter. D Yet I, too, shall commit to my history that which I consider worthy of record, which he accomplished at the very end of his life. A severe famine afflicted the city of Edessa; and he, who for many years had not stepped outside his house, then putting his concern for philosophy in the second place, went forth and pressed heavily upon the wealthy, since they—while their fellow countrymen were perishing—neglected them in the scarcity of necessities and paid no heed; and he rebuked them for setting their own souls in the second place, while expending their whole effort on pampering their bodies. But they, revering the integrity and poverty of the man, did not at all admit that this was the case, for they said that it was easy and ready for them to distribute their wealth to the needy; it was lacking, at least, someone who would show himself faithful in that ministry, as was proper, for all were agape for gain and shamelessly trafficking in such things. Ephraim then said, "And what sort of person do I appear to be to you?" They replied, "Good and noble, and just such a man as befits the reputation held of him." "Well then," he said, "am I ready to serve you in all such matters?" And indeed, having taken a sufficient amount of money from them, he bought three hundred beds, and taking those who were wounded by the famine into the public porticoes, he provided all care; he also humanely attended to strangers and others who were otherwise oppressed by need. And he did this as long as the famine continued. But when it ceased, he returned to the workshop of his philosophy, where, after remaining for a few days, he passed away, having been deemed worthy of the deacon's ministry in the Church. And, having become renowned in his monastic way of life, he is celebrated equally for his priesthood and learning, and for his good life. These few things out of many have been said concerning the achievements of Ephraim. For to recount all that was his according to its worth—and indeed that of the others who lived the philosophic life at that time, and how each lived and what manner of life he practiced—would require a writer such as he himself was; as for us, it is entirely impossible, being weak of word and ignorant of the things that were accurately done by them. For since they were in the deserts, the majority of their deeds were hidden from most people. But if some, even in the cities, held their converse...
and they are indistinguishable from the many, stealing their work, desiring the praise that comes from men. For, regarding God alone as the witness of their deeds, they laid no claim whatsoever to human glory. Regarding, then, those men who were philosophizing during the present reign and were conducting their lives with precision according to the laws of the Church throughout the whole of the empire, this is what I have learned.
CHAPTER XVII.
BConcerning Didymus, and also Aetius and Apollinaris, the heretics.In those times, the ecclesiastical writer Didymus also became well known; he was the head of the school of sacred disciplines at Alexandria. And he had earned a reputation not only in that field but also possessed a precise knowledge of every other kind of wisdom besides. For he had been trained to the highest degree in poetry and rhetoric; and as for astronomy and geometry and the proportions of numbers, nothing escaped him. He had applied himself to the diverse opinions of the philosophers to such an extent that he seemed to know nothing else—all of which he acquired through the mind and hearing. For, having become completely blind while still a young child, at the time when he had to learn the basic elements, he came to the experience of the letters alone. But when he reached adolescence, he became enamored of the learning of literature. And indeed, by attending the schools, he would only listen. In a short time, through the magnitude and speed of his intellect, he reached such a degree of wisdom that he learned the obscure points of the mathematical arts and the arcana of the theorems to the highest degree. C It is said that, blind though he was, he learned the letters by the touch of his hand. For he recognized the characters of the letters that had been carved in relief upon a tablet by repeatedly touching them; the other things—syllables and combinations and what follows in order—he grasped by the sharpness of his mind and by hearing. It was an extraordinary marvel both to be heard and to be seen. Many indeed came to Alexandria, some merely to see the man, others to hear the grace that resided in his words. Standing firm for the dogma of Nicaea, he opposed the Arians. He used to choke them off with the persuasiveness of his arguments, which he seemed to employ without any force. To those who were debating, he would put forth his arguments and refer the judgment of the disputed matters to them. He was very yielding, and for this reason he was especially beloved by those of the orthodox faith. He was held in honor not only by these, but also by the monks in Egypt. And more than all, the renowned Antony, who was in the ascetic life, held him in such wonder that—as they say, when he arrived in Alexandria and testified to the steadfastness of the faith of Athanasius—he spoke thus to Didymus: "It is not fitting, O Didymus, to waste yourself away with grief, deprived D
A of those eyes which mice, lizards, and other vile creeping things possess. Rather, you ought to be overjoyed and rejoice, for you possess, like the angels, inner eyes, through which you clearly contemplate the pure and divine knowledge and gaze accurately upon the truth." B He left behind these books: various commentaries on the entire book of the Psalms; five books on Hosea and Zechariah; eighteen books on Isaiah; and not small commentaries on the Gospels according to Matthew and John. Furthermore, he composed writings against the Arians, on the Holy Spirit, and many others.
In that same age, there flourished also the Syrian Aetius, who was considered a marvelous disputant by those who teach doctrines contrary to our own. In debates, verbal contentions, syllogisms, and tricks of speech, he was notably skilled, having spent his entire zeal, one might say, on these things. C For this reason, and because being such a man he was ready to theologize—or rather, to prattle—rashly about God regarding whatever came to mind, he was called "the Atheist." His homeland was Coelesyria. When his father, having suffered misfortune in military service, had departed from this life, the prince who managed affairs at that time confiscated his property. Thus, Aetius, reduced to extreme poverty along with his mother, was driven to learn the goldsmith's trade, so that he might in some way provide for his living. Having employed himself sufficiently in this craft due to the vigor of his nature, he turned toward the discipline of rhetoric. He listened to Paulinus, who had been transferred from the church of Tyre to Antioch. D Yet when his mother died—for whose sake he had devoted himself to the art of working gold—he immediately gave himself entirely to the study of rhetoric, and within a short time he began to gain ground, overcoming many in debate. But after Eulalius was placed on the throne of Antioch following Paulinus, a great multitude was stirred up against Aetius, and he was expelled from the city. At that time, he retired to Anazarbus in Cilicia, and there he practiced his craft again for the sake of his living, though without forsaking the contest of words. A certain sophist, admiring Aetius’s nature and being eager to share his own art with him, took him into his house; Aetius served him, performing every menial task one might expect of a servant. The sophist taught him grammar and logic. However, when Aetius convicted his master of his incorrect opinion regarding the divine oracles, he received as his reward for the house that had so well benefited him his own expulsion. Driven from there, he spent time with Athanasius, the bishop of Anazarbus, and in his company he read the Evangelists with close scrutiny. Thence he arrived at Tarsus to visit Anthony, who was an acquaintance of the martyr Lucian. Having been instructed by him in the Apostle, he spent a considerable time with him, as he was fulfilling the office of a presbyter. But when Anthony became a bishop, and was no longer able to give attention to the teaching that occupied Aetius, he left that place and reached Antioch. There, under Leontius—who was still a presbyter—and Lucian the martyr (of whom he was also a disciple), he studied the prophets, and more especially the...
A book of Ezekiel. But because of his unbridled tongue and the impiety of his opinions, he was once again expelled from there. Thus, practicing sophistry and engaging in debates with those who were renowned in that field, he traveled through many places. Later, he also learned the medical art with diligence. Sopolis was his teacher in this discipline, a man of such skill that he had no equal in that field. Aetius himself also became most excellent in this practice, and he treated the poor without charge. If he ever lacked any necessities, he would go by night to someone skilled in his craft, so that he would not be distracted from his more important studies during the day, and he would ask for the gold that required more refined workmanship. By finishing this work quickly and receiving his pay from the master of that craft, he supported his own life.
When Leontius attained the throne of Antioch, Aetius was appointed deacon by him and chosen for the office of teaching in the church. He was hesitant to accept the diaconate, but he did not refuse the office of teaching. After spending a considerable amount of time there, he went to Alexandria in order to oppose Athanasius; for Athanasius was then vigorously defending the consubstantial doctrine. B Yet, when some sought to promote him to the episcopate, he despised that honor. Now, before Aetius had defected to the Arians, although they held views contrary to those who confessed the consubstantiality, they nevertheless shared in prayers, hymns, councils, and almost everything else with them, with the sole exception of the mystical sacrifice. But after he first began to make a secession, he broke the bonds of friendship and custom that had united the congregation, and he led the parties into opposition against those who held a different opinion, mainly through factionalism. C It was then that Eunomius, drawn by the fame of Aetius's wisdom, traveled from Cappadocia to Antioch and joined himself to Secundus, who recommended him to Aetius while he was still residing in Alexandria. The two were then bound to one another, the one teaching and the other learning, and both labored in sacred studies. Aetius was also known D to Gallus Caesar, who cared greatly for religion and held those who devoted themselves to the Holy Scriptures and the churches in high regard. For this reason, he practiced this type of discourse so that he might be more pleasing to him. For it is said that he had also read the works of Aristotle and frequented those who taught such things in Alexandria. However, because he had incurred the hatred of Gallus on account of his perverse opinion, he would have had both of his legs broken by his order, had not Leontius of Antioch, by his dissuasion, removed the sentence of condemnation. Gallus truly became well-disposed toward him and treated him as one of his closest friends, often sending him to Julian when he learned that he was leaning toward Hellenism, so that he might draw him back from the abyss of impiety. Moreover, Gallus also made Aetius a teacher of divine learning. Thus much, then, concerning Aetius: but as to how he attained the priesthood and became no small part of the Anomoeans and Heterousians, and how he was deposed and carried off into exile, and how Eunomius became far worse than him, slandering his own faction and Eunomius himself, I shall speak a little later. At that time, also, during the...
period of the A Laodiceans, two men were flourishing, both of whom were called by the same name, father and son; for each of them was named Apollinaris. The father was a presbyter, and the son filled the office of reader. Both were instructors in the Greek arts: the father taught grammar, and the son explained rhetoric. The old man was born in Alexandria. After teaching in Berytus, he married in Laodicea and begot the younger Apollinaris. Since they reached the peak of their influence at the same time as the sophist Epiphanius, they honored him as a true friend. Theodotus, who was then governing the Laodiceans, fearing that through constant association they might incline toward Hellenism, forbade them to frequent him. But their friendship with Epiphanius was more powerful. Consequently, Theodotus’s successor, George, having tried many things to separate them, when he saw that his efforts were in vain, cut them off from ecclesiastical communion. The son, regarding what had been done B as an injury, and relying on his own sophistic machinations, became the leader of a new heresy, which bore the name of its founder. Some say that they did not differ from George on account of the aforementioned reason, but because that man held opinions alien to them—now favoring the doctrine of Arius, now professing the Son to be equal to the Father, as he had agreed in the council at Seleucia—and that taking this as a pretext, they separated from him. And paying no attention to those who were strictly adherents of nothing, they attempted to introduce a strange religion. They taught and said that the Lord, in carrying out the dispensation of the flesh, had not assumed a human soul. C But later, as if correcting this absurdity through a change of mind, they admitted that He had taken a soul, but that it did not possess a human mind; for they argued that the divinity which assumed the man sufficed in place of the mind. And it was only on this point that they differed from those of Arius and Macedonius. In other things, they held the same teachings as those at Nicaea. But we shall speak again of Apollinaris in his proper place.
CHAPTER XVIII.
Concerning Theophilus the Indian.
There was also at that time a man greatly praised for his virtue and learning, that Theophilus who was surnamed the Indian. He was not the author of any heresy, but was strongly addicted to the Arian D doctrine. Under Constantine, he had been sent as a hostage into the Roman domain from the Adiabeni while he was still a very young man. Adiabene is a large island, and a famous Indian country. Theophilus, by long association, so conformed his character to the Roman customs that he even chose the monastic life, and was ordained to the rank of deacon.
A Eusebius of Nicomedia laid his hands upon him. When an embassy needed to be sent by Constantius to the Adiabeni for the purpose of promoting true piety and confirming the faith, he undertook the embassy with great zeal; and foremost among those chosen was the aforementioned Theophilus. Constantius, acting most magnificently and desiring to make him as agreeable as possible, sent him off with two hundred fine horses from Cappadocia loaded onto ships, along with other gifts, in order to evoke wonder at his own munificence and greatness of soul. Theophilus carried out the embassy and brought it to a successful conclusion. For the one who held the kingdom in those regions turned from Greek superstition to the religion of true piety, and erected three churches in different places, B not only with the gifts received from the emperor, but also with funds that he himself added, showing an eagerness that vied with the emperor’s own. One of these churches was founded in the metropolis and principal city of the whole nation, which they call Tapharum; the second in a place where the Roman emporium was, facing outward toward the Ocean, and which they call the region of Adane; the third in another part of the country, where what is called the Persian emporium was built at the mouth of the Persian Gulf. Theophilus, having arranged matters among the Homerites splendidly and well, and having consecrated the aforementioned temples, and having adorned them as much as he was able, sailed off to the island of Diabun, which the account has taught us was his homeland. Afterwards, he arrived at the other India and corrected many things that were not being done properly among them. For they sat and listened to the evangelical oracles, and practiced many other things which ecclesiastical canon did not command. He changed all these things beautifully and arranged them according to the pleasure of the Church, injuring them only in one, single, and greatest matter: by teaching them to worship the *heteroousion* (the substance that is different). C From Great Arabia he set out for the Auxumite Ethiopians, whose dwelling was on the first shores of the Red Sea. This is the sea that the Ocean, flowing into it here, creates; and indeed this Red Sea, extending to a very great length, is divided into two gulfs. One of them rushes toward Egypt, where it ceases to bear its own name; this is where the sons of Israel, in ancient times fleeing the Egyptians, crossed the roiling waters on dry feet; the other runs toward Palestine, near a city whose old name is Aeila. In the outer parts of this Red Sea, to the left, are the Auxumites, whose metropolis is Auxumis. D Before them, reaching toward the outermost Ocean, are the Assyrians toward the East; they bear this name also among them, for Alexander the Macedonian drove them out from Syria and settled them there; and they use their native language even to this day. They are all dreadfully black, as the sun’s rays strike them keenly. Among them, both cassia...
and casamum, and cinnamon are produced in the greatest quantity, along with an infinite multitude of elephants. A Theophilus, having set the affairs of the Auxumites in order, returned to the Roman domain. Following his return, he was held in great honor, though he was not allotted a city or a church of his own to preside over as bishop. Everywhere, however, out of reverence for the man, all eyes were fixed upon him as a sort of marvel, until Aetius and Eudoxius were driven into exile for having communicated their counsels to Gallus Caesar and for favoring his cause; Theophilus, who had been in close association with Gallus, was likewise deported to Heraclea in Pontus to remain in permanent exile.
CHAPTER XIX. Concerning Philostorgius, and what he has written regarding Happy Arabia, the four great rivers, and Paradise.
But since the God-hating Philostorgius, while recording the history of the aforementioned Theophilus, goes into great detail, it is well for our account to run through it. B He says that into the gulf of the Persian Sea—which the Ocean makes by flowing into those parts, forming a vast body and encompassing many nations round about—other great rivers and the Tigris pour their currents. This river comes out of the ground visibly in the Cordyaean mountains, toward the east, below the Hyrcanian Sea; then, flowing along Syria until it reaches the land of Susa, where the channel of the Euphrates mingles with it, it proceeds with a roar, already great and rapid in its flow. From this, they say, he received the name of what is known as the "tiger" beast. Before it descends into the sea, it is split into two great rivers; then, through two extreme mouths separated from one another, it makes its C discharge into the Persian Sea, cutting off a great deal of land in the middle and making it an island, both riverine and maritime, which is inhabited by the nation called the Meseni. The Euphrates river rises visibly from the Armenians, where the mountain is that is called Ararat by the locals, upon which the Scripture says the ark rested; and they say that even now not a few remains of its wood and nails are preserved there. From there, the Euphrates, small at first, as it proceeds always becomes larger, absorbing many other rivers into its own channel and designating them by its own name. Having passed through Armenia, both the greater and the lesser, it proceeds further, cutting through the Syria which is peculiarly called Euphratesia, D and then the rest of it. Having left this behind, and having traversed the others and broken into coils of many kinds as it goes, it buckles when it approaches Arabia. There, indeed, being borne round in a circle over against the Red Sea and enclosing no small territory, it then turns its course toward the Caecias wind; the which originates between Boreas and Apeliotes.
Leaving the middle, and having rushed toward the river Tigris, it is not able to mingle with it at all; but being brought A along through the intervening space in certain portions—with the remainder being very large and most capable of sustaining ships—it meets the Tigris most notably at Susa. And having ceased from its own name, it is swept along with that river into the Persian Gulf. And the land that extends between these two rivers, the Tigris and the Euphrates, happens to be called Mesopotamia. Now as to where the Tigris and the Euphrates ostensibly emerge, it has been stated; but our holy Scripture, saying that they flow forth from Paradise, relates the most truthful account. For indeed, bearing the first sources of their streams from it, they proceed for some distance perhaps flowing above ground; but then, after the great and most sandy desert has received them, being swallowed up into the depth there, they do not cease from their downward course before they arrive at the very compact and stony land of that place. A standing point for their downward progress being provided by the foundation there, the streams, being gathered together there B by the multitude and force of the water always being brought upon them, press forward straight ahead. But though these rivers travel underground, with no small portion of their water being taken away by the earth in between, they arrive at the places of their emergence already smaller and weaker. And that it is not incredible that they roll for a very long way in an obscure, subterranean course, one ought not to doubt; for there are also other streams on all sides, both very large and very rapid, that are carried under the earth. This is manifest from the sound that is brought to our ears from them as they rush with much roaring and crashing. And some people, having dug wells above those rivers and having broken through the stony ground that presented itself to them from below, have seen the water, roaring and making effort with a certain force to direct its course upward, and they were barely snatched back and rescued by those who stood at the brim of the well-digging. And that water, having followed up, escaped into a channel which no drought of the sky could ever trouble, on account of its force and its perpetual flow. For the unutterable wisdom of God has fashioned the courses of waters, both those which are hidden and those which are manifest, as if they were veins supplying what is necessary, C providing for the flow of the streams, some hidden, and others manifest. Thus, therefore, the prophet David also sang: *He founded it upon the seas, and prepared it upon the rivers* (Ps. XXIII, 2). The seas, indeed, accumulating as in a treasury in the greatest gulfs of the earth, after having consolidated their foundation more robustly, for the sake of sustaining such great force and mass of the waters that are brought into it. But the rivers—by a convenient and wondrous constitution, granting them a free passage, always as the regions fall away and recede from the heights, and yielding place by the momentum of the waters rushing from higher to lower shores. And the same man D, led by conjecture, says that Paradise is situated in the East under the equinoctial circle. Primarily because it is manifest that almost all places toward the south are habitable, except at the very end toward the sea, which the sun now scorches (1), casting its rays upon it throughout the entire year. But in the memory of our fathers, under the leadership of Columbus the Ligurian, the new navigation of the Spaniards discovered a great part of Africa unknown to the ancients, and very many islands in the southern Ocean, and other habitable islands. So that it is now sufficiently established that the Ocean is not of an inert magnitude, but of an immense magnitude, even including islands and lands.
A The same person, employing conjecture, also says that Paradise is situated at the equinoctial lines; first of all, because it is evident that all the regions towards the south are almost entirely habitable until the outer sea, which the sun already scorches, casting its rays upon it every year; and this is what is called the middle zone. Furthermore, because the river now called the Hyphasis, which the Scripture names Pishon, also takes its rise from Paradise, and seems to flow from the more northern parts of the East towards the south, discharging its stream into the Ocean there, opposite the island of Taprobana. On the banks of this river is found what is called the clove, whether it be a fruit or a flower. And those who inhabit that region are persuaded that this is one of the trees that are in Paradise. For the land above them is entirely a desert and most barren. But for the river to carry the flower, it would be clear that this river flows entirely above the earth, nowhere plunging underground; for otherwise it could not carry what grows there. B This river has also another sign of its earthly commingling with Paradise. For it is said that if anyone suffers from a burning fever and is immersed in that river, he is immediately delivered from the disease. But the Tigris and the Euphrates, because they go underground and rise again, can carry nothing from there, as the Hyphasis does. Nor indeed does the Nile, for the inspiration of Moses testifies that this river also flows from there, naming it Gihon, which the Greeks call the Egyptian. For this river, as far as one can conjecture, rushing forth from Paradise, before it reaches the habitable part of the world, is sent underground through channels, then enters the Indian Sea; under which, having been carried in a circle (as is conjectured, for who among men could certainly assert and demonstrate this?), and furthermore beneath all the land that stretches out in the middle, it proceeds to the Red Sea, and having passed under it, is carried off to the other shore, beneath what is called the promontory of the Moon (where it is said to create two fountains, not far distant from each other, bursting upwards with great force and crashing noise), and from there, rolling through Ethiopia, it runs into Egypt, plunging through most lofty rocks with an immense roaring. C He adds, moreover, that the whole tract of the world toward the rising sun and the south, however much it may be heated by an immense burning, nevertheless produces the greatest and most robust of all things which either the earth or the water breeds. For in that sea are found huge whales of admirable magnitude, which have often appeared to those sailing that Ocean, floating and emerging on the surface; and the earth itself has elephants that are by far the largest and most vast; besides those which are called pseudo-elephants, whose kind is in all other respects that of the largest oxen, but in skin and color, and even in size, that of an elephant. There are also dragons or serpents, no less in thickness than beams, extending to fifteen orgyae or paces in length, the skins of which have been seen carried even to Rome. D And it is the opinion of some that these were observed by Paphus, a disciple of Panaetius, and later also by Avicenna, the Arab physician.
A And, one might say, even the size. But there are also dragons B among these, not less in thickness than beams, and extending in length to fifteen fathoms. Indeed, their skins have been seen brought to the Romans. The unicorn animal is also among them; it bears the head of a dragon, and a twisted horn grows upon it, not very large. Its chin is covered with a long beard, and its neck is stretched out to a height, most closely resembling the drag of a serpent. The rest of its body is more like a stag, but it has the feet of a lion, the image of which one may see depicted in colors. The camelopard is also an offspring of that region, which in other parts resembles the size of a stag, but in height it imitates the body of a camel. It carries its neck, which is very long and disproportionate to the rest of its body, stretched toward a height. Further, it has its entire hide from the top of its head to the extremities of its feet marked with a most varied coloring, closely approximating to the leopard, and its forefeet are much taller than its hinder ones. C Among them also is the creature called the goat-ape, which is a kind of monkey; for there are innumerable species of monkeys. For there are among them bear-apes, and lion-apes, and dog-headed ones, and the simian form is mixed with the characteristics of many other animals, as is made manifest by many that are brought to us—among which is also that which is called Pan, who in his head, countenance, and horns resembles a goat, and from the loins downward stands upon goat feet, but in his belly, chest, and hands is purely an ape; whom the king of the Indians also sent at that time to Constantius. This animal lived for some time while it was carried about, shut up in a cage on account of its ferocity; but when it died, those who were D bringing it embalmed it with aromatics and carried it to the city of Constantine preserved, for the sake of showing such an unusual form. And it seems to me that the Greeks of old saw this animal, and being astonished at the strangeness of the sight, deemed it a god, it being their custom to deify that which surpassed belief; as indeed they also did with the Satyr. This, also, is a monkey, red in the face, quick in its movements, and having a tail. Moreover, the Sphinx is also of the genus of monkeys, whose body is for the rest hairy, like other monkeys, but the chest up to the neck is bare. It has breasts like a woman, and the whole body, where it is bare, is surrounded by a certain red and thin, millet-like prominence, which runs in a circle and harmonizes with the color that is in the middle, which is human, adding to it much beauty and grace; the face is rather rounded and inclines to a feminine form. The voice likewise is entirely human, but not articulated, resembling one shouting some indistinct thing quickly and with a kind of indignation and grief; it is deeper and more troublesome if it becomes acute. The animal itself is also terribly wild and most cunning, and not easily tamed. It seems to me that one of these was brought to Thebes in Boeotia in ancient times, and when it chanced to fall upon some who had gathered to see it and had disfigured their faces with its claws, Oedipus, not bearing the reproach of his citizens, killed the beast and thus gained an illustrious name. But the fables
A adorning him with praise for his bravery, attach wings to him, because he would swoop down swiftly upon those he met. They adapt to him the chest of a woman and the body of a lion: the former on account of the distinctness of the nakedness and the likeness to a woman's form, the latter on account of ferocity, and because it usually rests on four feet. The fiction also attributes speech to the beast, because its voice was conformable to that of a human; and it attributes riddles to it, because it would shout things that were obscure and unintelligible. And this is not to be wondered at; for it was a common practice for the Greeks to alter many other things through the invention of fables. This same region also produces wild donkeys, huge in size, and wearing a hide wonderfully piebald beyond the ordinary: B the white and black colors being varied quite significantly among themselves, and certain bands descending from the top of the spine to the sides and belly, and there dividing, and by certain rotations being intertwined with one another, they produce a wondrous and strange plaiting and variety. But come now, the phoenix, that much-celebrated bird, also happens to exist among them. And we know, too, that the parrot is brought to us from thence, the most talkative of birds, and the most capable of imitating the human voice; and also those varied and spotted birds which some call Garamantes, having been given the name from the nation from which very many are brought. Furthermore, very many other things, clearly most extraordinary, grow there, the multitude of which this present narrative shrinks from recounting. For even the purest gold is born here, as if certain golden filaments C springing up of their own accord from that earth, lying one upon another, and providing proof of its formation. And there are fruits, most beautiful and largest, among which nuts are well known. But indeed the entire climate above the Homerites, as far as the Red Sea, yields its fruits twice a year; whence they have named that region Arabia Felix. And, in short, the entire land towards the rising sun excels the rest of the world in all things. But as regards Paradise, which the furthest Eastern sea washes, since it is the most beautiful and pure of the entire East, having a most joyful and pleasant sky, and being watered by the most transparent waters, it is sufficiently evident that by an incomparable superiority it bears the better part of all things that the earth under the sun produces and brings forth. And these things, D even if they have been said by way of digression, will appear to be necessary, I think, to those who have chosen a life of pious and liberal learning. Besides these, however, many other men have existed who understood the sacred Scriptures thoroughly, and discoursed upon them copiously. But to recount them all, besides being outside the scope of the present work, would be difficult. Yet let no one rightly reproach me, because I have commemorated some authors or followers of heretical sects among those men who have thought and written most excellently concerning the holy things of our religion and profession. For we have not now undertaken a judgment of their faith and opinions: but for this reason alone mention
A of such men as these, because they were highly gifted in serious and festive eloquence, we have added these things. For we have not, as we have said, resolved to pass judgment on dogmas: but simply to narrate what occurred in its own time as it happened, adding nothing rashly of our own will. Regarding opinions and other matters of that kind, the truth stands clearly manifest. And let those to whom it is permitted by the laws pass judgment upon these things. Those, therefore, who in that time were distinguished and renowned for both virtue and the education of their speech, these were they; in the following section, I shall set forth those who came after them, according to their place. Furthermore, we shall recount those who followed in their own time.
CHAPTER XX.
B Of the excellent zeal of the sons of Constantine the Great for the Christian religion, and of their opinions: and how Constantius was somewhat led astray: and of the dissension or contention over the consubstantial and the like-substantial: and of the fiction of the Arians.Now, however, let us resume the history we have begun. Not only, therefore, did the aforesaid God-loving men, who were flourishing in life and in the study of wisdom, adorn our religion by increasing it with new exercises, but the emperors themselves also, in emulation of their father, held ecclesiastical affairs and divine worship in great reverence. C For they decorated the clergy of God, and their children and kin, with signal honors and immunities, and brought others also to religion through good and honest ancestral laws, out of their own love for God. These, indeed, all utterly abolished the worship of idols and the care of images; and everywhere, locks were placed upon the Greek temples, and some were even brought back to their material components by our people and immediately razed to the ground. Nor was it a matter of small concern to them to restore the sacred shrines of the churches that had almost collapsed from the length of time, and to build some even from their very foundations. Of these, one is D more excellent in beauty and magnitude than many others, which Constantius built at Emesa. In addition to this, they decreed by law that no Jew should possess a Christian slave, of whatever sect he might be, bought with coin and balance. If anyone should be found having done otherwise, he was to become a public slave. But if he were discovered to have circumcised him, he was to suffer the penalty of death, with his goods being confiscated. For since they had it firmly in their minds to propagate the Christian worship, they also took the greatest care that no one should be rashly drawn away by Jews into their religion, but rather that all for whom there was any hope should be preserved for the true Church, and become Christians. For the Christian piety was receiving its growth more from the Greeks and the Gentiles. But in truth, the sons of Constantine at first safely guarded their father’s opinion, intact and certain, and both were ardent praisers of the faith at Nicaea. Constantius, indeed, remained in it to the end; but Constantius, for a time, followed them, yet later, as the word of the consubstantial was being shaken, a little of his
A mind slipped; yet he did not entirely abstain from the consubstantial, nor did he cease to proclaim aloud that the Son is similar to the Father according to the essence. For those around Eusebius of Nicomedia, and other bishops of the East at that time, who had acquired a reputation for virtue and learning, suggested that there was a difference between saying "consubstantial" and "similar in essence," which is also called "similar in substance." They argued that "consubstantial" is properly used only of bodies—as, for instance, of men and other animals, and further, of trees and plants—to all of which the participation and generation from the similar applies. But they said that "similar in substance" ought to be used for things devoid of matter, such as God and the angels; for each of these, if considered by itself in mind and intelligence, subsists separately for itself. By these words, as it seems, Constantius was seduced, and being otherwise persuaded than he was before, he was somewhat led astray. And indeed, as it occurs to me to conjecture, in his disposition and opinion he thought the same as his father and brother; but by changing the word, he did not consider himself to be slipping at all in the practice of piety, if, instead of "consubstantial," he said "similar in substance." Which, indeed, appeared to those who suggested it to be more correct and more accurate. For they insisted that if anyone did not speak in this way, he would be in danger of saying and thinking that that which is incorporeal is a body. This, being full of folly, appeared ridiculous to many. For they ought to have understood that the names of intelligible things receive their transference from visible things. What danger, indeed, could there be in words, when no error arises as to the meaning? From this it occurs to me to judge that even the great Gregory in theology, in his invectives against Julian, while being entirely occupied in praising Constantius, does not unjustly crown him with marvelous praises, and proclaim his piety, as when he says that even angelic powers led him forth and escorted him, and honored him with strange songs, as we shall relate at the end of the present volume. Nor should it appear wonderful if the emperor, being occupied with the administration of affairs, persuaded by the advice of great men, approved of this word: since many, even among the holy men, being in mind and opinion in agreement with the dogma at Nicaea, without any contention, simply accepted this as well. Others, suspecting nothing evil about either expression, used one or the other in the same sense of pious opinion. Whence it is sufficiently clear that it is mere tumor and pride, which the Arians fabricated for their own convenience. For they say that after the assembling of the three hundred and eighteen holy Fathers, many of the bishops, among whom were also Eusebius and Theognis of Bithynia, no longer wished to say that the Son is consubstantial to the Father, even though they had subscribed to it; upon which Constantius being angry, he forced them into exile. But it is said that it was revealed from God in a dream to the sister of the ruler that they had been unjustly exiled, rightly holding the true belief regarding God. From this, they having been recalled, the ruler asked why they thought contrary to what was decreed by the council, even though they were co-voters and partakers of the writing and the rest of the things of the council. And they answered that they did not agree to the decrees according to their own judgment. For fear, they said, was entering into us not less,
lest by the rising of strife over this matter, the emperor himself might fall away from the Christian faith as from something useless and controversial, and might relapse into his former superstition: he who, as they say, had started to be a Christian only yesterday or the day before, and not long ago had been initiated by baptism (1), and who might therefore, by changing his mind, become a persecutor of Christians. Having heard these words, Constantine had indeed remitted their exile and approved the reason for their plan and action, but he had intended to gather another synod. And while he wished to do this, death hindered him. But he had commanded Constantius, A as the eldest of his sons, to carry out this plan: saying, when he spoke of it, that divine worship is of no profit unless it is offered by all with one consent. Consequently, he, not wishing to transgress the commands of his father, B had convened the council at Ariminum. But it is easy for a discerning person to detect the falsehood of this fabrication. For it was the twenty-first year of the reign of Constantius (2) when the synod was gathered at Ariminum; many other assemblies had been held before that time, in which the question of the consubstantial, and of the similar substance, was especially disputed. But all, without exception, refused to teach that the Son is similar to the Father in substance, until Aetius the Syrian thought wrongly on this matter; because of whom, that he might not teach better things while thinking wickedly, Constantius at the same time ordered the bishops from everywhere to meet at Ariminum and Seleucia, to abolish an opinion of such a sort. So that now it is clear to everyone that Constantius did not institute the Ariminum synod for the reason that the Arians feigned, C but on account of the opinion which Aetius had wrongly spread. And that these things are true, the history as it proceeds will show. Although these things have been said somewhat by way of digression, yet because they are in harmony with the work in hand, they seemed to me necessary to be set forth. But let us return to where we turned aside.
CHAPTER XXI.
D How after the Sardican synod, brought to it by the threats of Constans Caesar, Constantius recalled Paul and Athanasius from exile: and what Constantius wrote to Athanasius.Constans, the emperor of the West, having learned what had been done at Sardica, sending two bishops and a certain commander, Salianus by name—a man famous for piety and justice—to his brother, declared to him by letters also what had been done at Sardica, and ordered him to return their own churches to Paul and Athanasius, who had been treated unjustly. But when Constantius was wasting time in vain,
A he insisted once more by letter, [telling him] either to receive those around Paul and Athanasius and to restore their own thrones, or, if he was unwilling to see this done, that he must prepare for war. Having shared the plan with certain bishops, he declared that they believed it was better for Athanasius to withdraw from the churches than to be ruined by civil strife. Thus, in these exact words, the letter to Constans was Laconic: «Athanasius has come to us and has proven that the bishopric of Alexandria belongs to him. Let him, therefore, obtain it through you; for otherwise he will recover it by my arms.» Constantius, B compelled by these things, summoned Athanasius to himself by public transport. But as he hesitated—for he suspected the treachery of his opponents—Constantius summoned him again and many times over by letter. I shall include the letters themselves in the narrative for the sake of proof: «Constantius Victor Augustus to Bishop Athanasius. The humanity of our clemency does not allow you to be tossed and buffeted for so long, like the wild waves of the sea; nor does our tireless piety disregard you, cast out from your ancestral home, stripped of your own possessions, and wandering in the trackless places of wild beasts. Indeed, I have long delayed writing the intention of my mind to you, supposing that you would come to us of your own accord to seek a remedy for your labors. But since perhaps fear has hindered the purpose of your intent, for this reason we have sent these letters, full of munificence, to your steadfastness, so that without any fear you may hasten your own swift arrival before our presence, in order C that you may enjoy your own honor, and having experienced our humanity, may be restored to your own. For this reason, also, I have petitioned my lord and brother, Constans Victor Augustus, on your behalf, that he might grant you permission to return, so that with both of us consenting, you may be restored to your fatherland, and have this as a pledge of our grace toward you.» «Constantius Victor Augustus to Bishop Athanasius. Although we signified in our previous letters that you should come to our court without any anxiety, because we desire above all to restore you to your own rights, yet now too we have given these letters to your steadfastness. Therefore we urge you, having put aside all distrust and fear, to board public vehicles and hasten to come to us, so that you may obtain the things which you desire to recover.» «Constantius Victor Augustus to Bishop Athanasius. When we were residing in Edessa, and your presbyters were present there, it seemed good to us that, a presbyter having been sent to you, you should hasten to come to our court, so that upon seeing you in our presence, you might immediately journey to Alexandria. But since a long time has now passed since you received letters from us and did not come, for this reason we have also been eager to remind you now, so that even now D you may be eager to make your arrival to us swift, and thus be able to be restored to your fatherland
and reach the prayer you desire. A For a fuller account, we have sent Achytas the deacon; from whom you will be able to learn the intention of our soul, and that you will be able to obtain these things for which you pray. Athanasius, having received the letters in Aquileia—for he was staying there—after making arrangements with Julius, arrived in Rome. And he brought great joy to him and to the Romans, having shown them the letters. For they believed that the ruler of the East also held to the same faith, since he invited Athanasius to himself so kindly. Julius provided him with what was necessary, and sent him with letters to the clergy and people of Alexandria, through which he showed that he rejoiced and congratulated them on the restoration of such a great high priest. As the words were spoken: B
CHAPTER XXII. Letter of Julius of Rome concerning Saint Athanasius, sent to those in Alexandria.
I also congratulate you, beloved brothers, that you see the fruit of your own faith before your eyes; for this is what one would truly see having happened in the case of my brother and fellow-bishop Athanasius, whom God restores to you on account of the purity of his life and because of your prayers. From this indeed it is possible to perceive that your pure prayers, full of charity, have always been borne up to God. For being mindful of the heavenly promises, and of the love for Him which you were taught from the instruction of my aforementioned brother, you truly came to know, and according to the correct faith that is in you, you grasped this: that he, whom you held in your pious souls as being present always, would not be separated from you to the end. Therefore, there is no need for many words from me as I write to you; for whatever can be said to you by me, your faith has already anticipated, C and the common prayers of you all have been fulfilled by the grace of Christ. I congratulate you, therefore—for I will say it again—that you have kept your souls unconquered in the faith. And I no less congratulate my brother Athanasius, because, although he suffered many grievous things, not for a single hour did he become forgetful of your love and of your yearning for him. For even though he seemed for a time to be torn away from you in body, yet in spirit he was always with you as if he were present. And for my part, beloved, I do not think the trial and hardship that befell him to be without its own glory. For both your faith and his have been recognized and proven to all; for if these things had not happened, who would have believed that you possessed such judgment and such love for such a bishop, or that he was endowed with such virtues, D through which he would not fail of the hope in heaven? For he has obtained in various ways, both in the present and in the future, a glorious testimony of confession and martyrdom. For, having been tossed about in various ways on both land and sea by many storms, he trampled upon all the plot and fraud of the Arian heresy, and, having been plotted against many times out of envy, he despised death, being guarded by the omni-
Apotent God and our Lord Jesus Christ, while hoping at the same time to escape the plots and to be restored for your consolation, bearing to you at the same time greater trophies from your own conscience; through which he has become known as illustrious to the very ends of the earth, having been tested by his life, speaking with boldness in his purpose and in heavenly doctrine, and having been shown to be loved by you by an immortal judgment. Therefore, he returns to you now more shining than when he departed from you. For if fire tests precious materials—I mean gold and silver—for their purity, what could anyone say worthily of such a man? Having conquered such a conflagration of tribulations and dangers, he is now returned to you blameless, having been received not only by you but also by the entire synod. Receive him, therefore, beloved brothers, with all the glory and joy that is acceptable to God, your bishop Athanasius, together with those who have been partakers with him in his adversities. And rejoice, enjoying your prayers; because you have nourished and watered your shepherd, if I may so speak, who thirsted and longed for your piety, with salutary writings. For even during his time spent in foreign lands, you have been his consolation; and him being persecuted and plotted against, you have cherished with your most faithful souls and minds. It already gladdens me to think of and to foresee the joy of each one of you at his return, and the most venerable meetings of the multitude, and the glorious festival of those running together. And what, then, and what kind of day will that be for you? When my brother is restored, and those who were before him are removed, and a most precious return, in accordance with your prayers, unites everyone into a certain most full gladness of joy. Such joy reaches even to us in the greatest measure, to whom it has been granted by God to have come to know such a man. But it would be beautiful to conclude this letter with a prayer. May God, who is Almighty, and His Son, our Lord and Savior Jesus Christ, grant this grace to you permanently, He who gave the reward to your admirable faith, which you exhibited by a glorious testimony regarding your bishop, so that for you and for those after you, both here and in the future, might remain those good things which eye has not seen, nor ear heard, and which have not entered into the heart of man, which God has prepared for those who love Him, through our Lord Jesus Christ, through whom to the Almighty God be the glory to the ages of ages. Amen. I pray that you farewell, beloved brothers. B C D
CHAPTER XXIII
Concerning the bishops of Antioch, and the malice of Stephen, to whom Leontius succeeded.
Instructed by these letters, Athanasius crossed over to the East, to Antioch in Syria, where Constantius was staying at that time. Now the church there was governed at that time by Leontius. For after Eustathius...
Leontius. For from the time that Eustathius had been ordered into exile, as we stated above, Euphronius had first obtained that see, whom Placitus succeeded, and to him in turn succeeded A Stephanus. This man, on account of the deceit and snares which he had laid—by means of a certain kinsman of his, a man most ferocious in both spirit and character, Onagrus by name—for the legates coming from Rome on behalf of Constans, who was the brother of Constantius, and who had been sent on behalf of Athanasius, namely the bishops Euphratas and Vincentius, was rejected by Constantius, acting as judge, as being unworthy of that dignity. For, being an enemy to the truth, he afflicted with every kind of tribulation those who stood fast for the true doctrine. B Wandering through the forum and entering homes, he assailed and reviled with insults not only men, but also women distinguished by their modesty and the sanctity of their lives. From this one thing alone—what he dared against the legates—it is easy enough to conjecture what kind of man he was. For fearing that Athanasius, for whose sake the embassy had primarily been sent, might recover the churches, he bribed a girl from a brothel by means of the aforementioned Onagrus and placed her in the bishops' lodging; he then posted a group of seditious and wicked men not far from that place, preparing them to rush with force into the dwelling of these holy men. When one of the latter heard the noise of the shameless woman approaching, supposing it to be a demon, he began to chant a psalm. Through the emperor's own investigation into the origin and method of this charade and calumny, Stephanus was discovered to be the author, and as the architect of such an impious crime, he was deposed, and Leontius was chosen as bishop of Antioch. C Him Athanasius avoided because of his depraved doctrine; he communicated with the Eustathians, who held their churches and meetings in private houses.
CHAPTER XXIV. How Athanasius was received, and how his followers recovered their own sees.
Constantius indeed received him not unwillingly, yet he nevertheless tested his benevolence and humanity. For wishing to deceive him with captious speech at the suggestion of his adversaries, he spoke to him thus: "I, for my part, according to the common opinion of the synod and of my brother and myself, fulfill what you desire and restore to you your throne. D Yet it is just that you should also render me this favor in return, that you should grant one church in Alexandria to those who dissent from you and abhor your communion." And Athanasius said: "It is indeed most just, O emperor, that your wish should be gratified. But I likewise ask you for the same favor in return, since at Antioch also there are some who avoid the communion of those who think otherwise than we do here; command that they too have their own church, in which they may freely perform the rites that please them and which they are accustomed to perform." The emperor, having nothing to object to this, thought it better that the adversaries should remain quiet and desist from their petition as being of little benefit; and so he moved the matter no further. And they, very rightly, indeed...
A thought that the affairs in Alexandria would nevertheless have the possibility of growth, since Athanasius was able not only to protect his own [flock] from danger, but also, through his diligence, to attract others to himself. But if what he requested were to happen at Antioch, no small increase would accrue to the Eustathians, who were not few in number. And perhaps they would aspire to revolutionary changes, since they could do what they had planned without risk. A fear no less than this also entered their minds: that although the supreme authority of the churches of that place lay with them, they did not, however, have the entire clergy and people obedient to them. For the opinion which each man held concerning God, they would declare at the end of the psalmody, standing in choir. For some, celebrating the Father and the Son with equal honor, and some [celebrating] the Father in the Son (by inserting a preposition, they attributed the secondary role to the Son, somewhat obscurely), others would say, "Glory to the Father through the Son in the Holy Spirit"; and others, "Glory to the Father and to the Son in the Holy Spirit." They say that Flavian of Antioch was the first of all, after gathering a company of monks, to declare explicitly, "Glory to the Father and to the Son and to the Holy Spirit." This, as having no cause for suspicion, prevailed in the churches of God. Leontius, seeing this, did not dare to forbid those who sang praises to God according to the tradition of the Nicene Council, fearing sedition; and they say that once, stroking his white hair with his hand, he remarked that when this snow was melted, it would leave much mud, B indicating by his dark riddle that the discord in glorifying God would eventually end in sedition among the masses, nor would those who belonged to his own party agree with the rest of the multitude. Constantius, moreover, by a written edict restored the sees to those around Athanasius; and by his commands they went to their own sees, which he ordered the people to receive gladly. And the Gazaeans readily accepted Asclepas, and likewise did the Adrianopolitans [accept] Lucius. But at Ancyra, upon the return of Marcellus because of the expulsion of Basilius, no small commotion was stirred up; which commotion provided the adversaries with an opportunity for reviling. And Macedonius also, not unwillingly, withdrew from the throne of Paul, and for a short time, in a certain house of prayer inside the city, conducted the synaxis and meetings. C Nor indeed was the return to Egypt difficult for Athanasius. For Constantius had summoned George thence by a letter; and having arrived in his own fatherland, he lived there in resentment, managing his own affairs. To Athanasius, however, Constantius gave other letters, by which he permitted his return and ordered that the things which had been done against him in various ways during the trials should be abolished and consigned to oblivion. I have thought it right to insert these letters, as well as the others, into this History; they read as follows:
Chapter 25. Letter of Constantius to the Alexandrians on behalf of Athanasius.
D Victor Constantius Maximus Augustus to the bishops and presbyters of the Catholic Church of Alexandria. The most reverend Athanasius, your bishop, D has not been abandoned by the divine grace; but
although he was for a short time subjected to human examination, he has nevertheless received the judgment due from the all-seeing Providence, having regained, by the will of the Highest and by our own judgment, both his homeland and the Church, A of which he happened by divine nod to be the guardian. To him, the following results from our clemency: that all the decrees previously issued against those who shared communion with him are now to be consigned to oblivion; that every suspicion against him is to cease henceforth; and that the immunity which the clergy who were with him formerly enjoyed is to be properly confirmed for them by these letters. Moreover, we have deemed it worthy to add this to the kindness shown toward him: that all who are in the record of the holy order should know that security has been increased for all those associated with him, both bishops and clergy. A sure sign of each person’s upright resolve will be his unity and communion with this man. For whoever, with better judgment and opinion, chooses to follow his communion, we have commanded that all such persons, following the likeness of the Providence that prevents us, and of the grace now provided by us by the will of the Highest, should enjoy it.
Victor Constantius Maximus to the people of the Catholic Church of Alexandria
Since your happiness, which arises from the just constitution of laws, is our goal in all things, and since we are not unaware that you have for a long time lacked the providence of a bishop, we have judged it right to send back to you Athanasius the prelate, a man known to all for the sincerity of his faith and for his innate probity of character. B Receiving him in the customary and fitting manner, and appointing him as a helper in your prayers to God, strive to preserve, for as long as it becomes you and is pleasing to us, the harmony and peace that is in accordance with the regulation of the Church. It is not at all becoming that any discord or sedition should be stirred up among you in this tranquility of our times, and we wish for that inconvenience to be absolutely absent from you. Rather, we urge you to persist in divine matters in the accustomed way, making use of him whom we have called your author and assistant; so that as your purpose of mind passes to the prayers of all, even those from the nations who are still entangled in the error of idols may hasten to arrive at the knowledge of the holy sacrifice, most beloved Alexandrians. We urge you again, therefore, to persist in what we have said, and to receive gladly the bishop who has been sent to you by the nod of God himself and by our own judgment, and to deem that he is to be embraced by you from the heart. This is what both becomes you and suits our own clemency. For in order that we might cut off every occasion for tumult and sedition from those who deliberately pursue worse courses, we have C directed the judges among you by our letters, that all whom they recognize as seditious are to be subjected to the punishment of the laws. Observing both things, therefore—both our own judgment together with that of the Highest, and the concern for you and for the
concord of your lives, and the legitimate punishment against the wicked; while you duly observe those things which befit the sanctions of our holy religion, and follow with all honor and reverence the bishop whom we have named, be diligent to pour forth prayers both for yourselves and for the prosperity of your whole life and the republic, to God the Father of all things.” B By the same pattern, he wrote to the prefects of Augustamnica, the Thebaid, and Libya, in which these things were also contained: “If ever before this time anything was found to have been done to the disgrace and detriment of those who were in communion with Bishop Athanasius, we wish this to be now abolished. For we decree that they should again receive the same immunity which the clergy previously held, and we order this our constitution to be observed, so that when Bishop Athanasius has been restored to the Church, those who are in communion with him may also retain the immunity which they had before—the same, of course, which the rest of the clergy have—so that they, too, may rejoice in the use of it.”
CHAPTER XXVI.
C How the cities received Athanasius; and concerning the synod at Jerusalem on his account, and what that synod wrote to the Alexandrians on behalf of Athanasius.Fortified by such letters, Athanasius traveled through Syria into Egypt, and from there proceeded through Pelusium to Alexandria. D As he went through the cities, those whom he found addicted to the Arian dogma he deposed, and to those whose doctrine he had proved and approved, he committed the administration of the churches. It is said that he did likewise as he passed through other provinces, if it chanced that the churches there had been committed to the governance of Arians. This matter later became the beginning and cause of other accusations against him, because, it was claimed, he had dared to usurp the right of ordination in parishes which did not belong to his own jurisdiction. And since he had returned not by the judgment and institution of his adversaries, but was of higher spirit on account of the friendship of Constans, he seemed the less to be scorned, in that he had been raised to greater and more illustrious honor and glory, so that many of his adversaries lost heart, and laying aside the hatred they bore against him, united themselves to his communion. This, indeed, the Palestinians did, as well as Maximus, the bishop of Jerusalem, who, in the persecution of Licinius, showed himself an illustrious martyr, having had one of his eyes put out for the sake of true piety. For after the acts of Sardica had been explained to them, and the letters of the Emperor which decreed the same things had been exhibited, Athanasius drew them to his own way of thinking. And they, having gathered a synod from Syria, Palestine, and the neighboring region, received him into communion and rendered to him the honor due to his dignity. Whence no small amount of blame came upon Maximus from those who wished ill to Athanasius.
because he who at Tyre had previously been of the same mind as those who deposed him, now separately cast his vote in his favor, confirmed his dignity, and most readily entered into communion with him. B The contents of the letter which the synod of Jerusalem wrote to the clergy and the rest of the people in Egypt, Libya, and Alexandria itself concerning him were as follows:
«We are not sufficient, beloved, to offer thanks to the God of all things in a manner worthy of the wondrous deeds He has always done, and which He has now done for your church by restoring to you your shepherd, our master and fellow-minister, Athanasius. For who ever hoped to see with his own eyes those things which you now perceive in reality? But in very truth, your prayers have been heard by the God of all things, who cares for His Church, and who looked upon your tears and lamentations and for that reason heard your supplications. For you were like sheep tossed about and scattered, having no shepherd; and the true Shepherd in heaven, caring for His own sheep, has restored to you whom you desired. For behold, we too, who do everything for the sake of ecclesiastical peace and join in your love, have received and embraced him. Receiving you into communion through him, we send these exhortations and our thanksgivings, that you may know that we are joined to him and to you in the bond of love. You ought also to pray for the piety of the God-loving emperors, who themselves, having learned of your longing for him and acknowledging his purity, C have deigned to restore him to you with all honor. Therefore, receive him with open arms, and strive to offer up the thanksgivings due for him to God, from whom you have received such a great grace, that you may be able to rejoice continuously with God and glorify the Lord in Christ Jesus our Lord, through whom to the Father be the glory unto the ages of ages. Amen.»
Such were the things that Maximus and the synod of Palestine wrote on behalf of Athanasius.
CHAPTER XXVII
D How the Arians, Ursacius and Valens, also presented a scroll of repentance to Julius of Rome, embraced the Nicene faith, and were reconciled with Athanasius.But others, too, although they were possessed by a burning zeal for the Arian religion, nonetheless shifted to his [Athanasius’s] persuasion; this went for both Ursacius and Valens, who had been in the Mareotis with Theognis and others, investigating the matters that Ischyras had spoken of, regarding the broken mystical cup and other things. These men, having changed their former opinion, set out for Rome; and there, having presented a scroll of repentance to Julius, the bishop of that city, they confessed that they had been defeated by Athanasius.
A and pledged to stand by the consubstantial faith for the future. Writing also to Athanasius himself, they signified that they would kindly communicate with him. This affair in public became a very great triumph, and a certain proof that the sentences passed in Tyre against Athanasius were unjust.
What they wrote to Julius of Rome was as follows: "To the most blessed Lord Pope Julius, Ursacius and Valens: Since it is known that we have heretofore suggested many grave things in our writings concerning Bishop Athanasius, and have not been persuaded by the letters of your goodness to hold a different opinion, being hindered by the business regarding which we wrote to you, and unable to render an account of them; therefore, in the presence of all our brethren the presbyters, we now profess to your kindness that all the things which have previously come to your ears concerning the name of the aforementioned Athanasius are false and fabricated, and are in every way alien to him. Wherefore we eagerly desire his communion, especially since your piety, according to your innate goodness, has deigned to grant us pardon for our error. We also profess this: that if at any time the Easterners, or Athanasius himself, should maliciously wish to call us into judgment concerning this matter, we will not proceed except in accordance with the sentiment of your disposition.
"Moreover, the heretic Arius and his defenders, who say, 'There was a time when the Son was not,' and that 'Christ is from non-existence,' and who deny that Christ is God and the Son of God before the ages, as we also stated in our former scroll offered at Milan, we now also anathematize. By subscribing these things with our own hands, we profess again, as we have just said, that we condemn the Arian heresy and its authors for all time. I, Ursacius, being present, have subscribed to this my profession: and likewise Valens."
B These were the matters addressed to Julius. But what they sent to Athanasius were as follows: "To our Lord, brother Athanasius, Bishop, Ursacius and Valens, Bishops: Having found an opportunity through our brother and fellow-presbyter Musaeus, who is traveling toward your love, beloved brother, for this reason we address you from Aquileia; and we pray that you may read our letter in good health. You will give us confidence if you also reply to us in writing. For know that we have peace with you and ecclesiastical communion with you. The sign of these matters is this address of our letter."
Such, then, were the affairs concerning Athanasius; and thus, having returned from the West to the Eastern regions, he governed the churches in Egypt once more. Likewise, Paul, Marcellus, Asclepas, and Lucius also recovered their own sees.
CHAPTER XXVIII.
AThat public affairs—as well as the expedition of Sapor, king of the Persians, against Nisibis, and the Western tyrants Magnentius, Britanio, and others who rose up after the death of Caesar Constans—were at that time in a sorry state.At that season, the state’s affairs were in distress. For of the three sons of Constantine, the youngest, who bore his father’s name, was put to death by the soldiers of his brother Constans—not by his order, indeed, but neither did he prevent it, as we have mentioned above. It should not be overlooked that, along with the sons of Constantine, after his death, Dalmatius Caesar, a young man of most excellent character and very like his father, had reigned over his father’s people, but was shortly thereafter butchered by the soldiers, with Constantius allowing it rather than ordering it. Furthermore, affairs in the East did not prosper for Constantius: for a great expedition having been undertaken by the Persians, as if a kind of night had been cast in a mass upon the Romans, victory inclined toward the Persians, B at a time when the situation concerning Athanasius and the war over the consubstantial were causing turmoil. Now Sapor, having arrived at Nisibis—which some also call Antioch of Mygdonia—attempted to besiege it for seventy days, placing engines in a circle, raising mounds to a great height, and deploying siege towers, while also digging trenches and earthworks. But since he achieved nothing by all these efforts, he held back the river that cuts through the middle of the city, which is called the Mygdonius, at a distance, and by banking up the water with very high embankments on either side, he suddenly launched it against the wall like some kind of engine. The wall, unable to withstand the violence and force of the waters, yielded and collapsed on both sides, providing a passage for the water. The Persian, elated with the hope of taking the city, on the following day, once the muddy and watery areas had dried, approached the parts of the wall that had fallen with all his forces, C but saw the walls restored just as they had been before. For the bishop of the city, James, who partook in no small measure of divine grace, by prayer quickly restored the wall, and drove off the approaching Persians with missiles that could not be seen. Sapor, observing this, was struck with awe and amazement. And because he had seen a man adorned in splendid, royal attire by the wall, he thought it was Constantius, and threatened death to those who had reported to him that he was not present. But when they confirmed that what they had said was true—namely, that Constantius was staying in Antioch—he recognized the miracle of the vision and declared that God was fighting for the Roman cause. For this reason, lapsing into rage, he shot arrows into the air, foolishly thinking he would strike the incorporeal one. Ephraim, D who became the most excellent historian among the Syrians, climbed the wall and, seeing the countless host, begged James—for that was the bishop’s name—to send gnats and mosquitoes against the Persians, so that the Persians might learn, even through small creatures, how great a God assists them. And indeed, with his prayer, a swarm of insects flew down upon them like a cloud, and swarming like a flock into the trunks of the elephants, they poured into the ears and noses of the horses and other animals. Those creatures, unable to bear the attacks of the insects,
A rushed about in disorder, colliding with one another and falling down in their flight. Ephraim, however, who was the finest writer among the Syrians, having climbed the wall and seen that innumerable multitude of enemies, asked Jacob, who was acting as bishop there, as has been said, to unleash gnats and mosquitoes upon the Persians; so that by these means they might recognize that God brings them abundant help even through the smallest creatures. And behold, simultaneously with the prayer itself, an aerial host of insects flew upon them like a cloud, and rushed into the trunks of the elephants, which stood out like straight pipes, and into the ears and nostrils of the horses and other beasts of burden. They, unable to bear the assault of these insects, losing all order, mingled together as they ran about with great force, and falling in their flight were shamefully destroyed. But Sapor, having learned from such small things that God’s help was great, although he had attempted much during that expedition, departed thence with disgrace and ignominy, having brought upon himself ruin rather than victory.
Meanwhile, as Constantius was occupied in the East with the Persian war, Magnentius seized the tyranny in the West; he treacherously murdered the emperor Constans in the regions of Gaul, and subjected the empire under him to his own rule. Thence the cause of civil war arose. For Constantia, the sister of the emperor, fearing his ungovernable spirit, placed the imperial diadem upon Britannio and commanded him to stand against the tyrant. When Constantius learned of this, he himself sent the imperial insignia to him. But he too, corrupted by the lust for power, broke out in tyranny at Sirmium. B There was also no small tumult at Rome, because Nepotianus, the son of Eutropia, sister of Constantius, claiming the empire for himself in the city, had gathered a strong army of gladiator guards. Yet Magnentius soon killed him, after he had possessed power for only a short time; he did not cease to devastate all the regions in the West itself. So many evils were accumulated in a short space of time. That year was the fourth after the events in the church at Sardica. Constantius, who had been declared emperor in the East, strove to subject the West also to his own power, and prepared for war against the tyrant who was overrunning those parts. At that time, Athanasius gathered a synod of Egyptian bishops at Alexandria: in which those things that had been decreed concerning him at Sardica and in Palestine were approved and confirmed.
CHAPTER XXIX.
How Athanasius was again driven out through the machinations of the Arians, and how he himself took to flight; and how George was again brought down to Alexandria, and brought infinite evils upon the Alexandrians: just as Athanasius recorded the matter in his Oration on his Flight.The emperor, however, led astray by the importunate solicitation of the opposing sect, changed his previous opinion. For they had suggested to him that Athanasius was again disturbing Egypt and Libya. They had added, moreover, that he had designated bishops C and presbyters in parishes that were not within his jurisdiction; and, greatest of all, that he—
A had stirred up his brother Constans to enmity against him. By these accusations, they caused Constantius, who was like a Euripus, to abolish entirely what had been established at Sardica and to order the expulsion of those bishops who had been restored through that synod. Thus it happened that, with Marcellus deposed, Basil was brought back to Ancyra of Galatia, and Lucius, the bishop of Orestias, died in prison in chains. Paul of Constantinople, punished with perpetual exile, was deported to a certain town in Armenia situated in a desert called Cucusus, where, strangled by a noose, he perished through the agency of the followers of Macedonius. So great, moreover, was the power of the slander brought against Athanasius before the emperor, that he sent a man to cut off his head wherever he might be found, and along with him, Theodulus and Olympius, bishops of certain churches in Thrace. When Athanasius perceived this, he disregarded the emperor's threats and took thought for his life by fleeing. This flight of his the Arians slandered, and especially Narcissus, bishop of Neronias in Cilicia, and Leontius of Laodicea, who at that time stood over the church at Antioch; of whom Athanasius says that, being a presbyter, he was removed from his ministry because he mutilated himself. For he lived with a certain beautiful young woman named Eustolia, and when he was eager to abolish the foul suspicion growing against him on account of this, he castrated himself so that he might then freely reside with her. B Yet not even by this deed did he remove the suspicion. For this reason, he was at that time deprived of his rank; but later, through the efforts of Constantius, he became head, first of the Laodicean, and then of the Antiochian congregation, after the God-hated Stephen, who had succeeded Placitus after Euphronius. But truly, after the flight of Athanasius, as has been said, George, having been substituted in his place, treated the Egyptian churches ill. What he committed, however, is more correctly understood from the words of Athanasius, who was present at those events and endured them. For in the book in his Apology which he entitled *On his Flight*, while setting forth a defense against those who had criticized him and making mention of what happened at that time, he relates these things word for word: "For they rushed into Alexandria again, seeking to kill us; and the last things became worse than the first. For soldiers suddenly surrounded the church, and instead of prayer, war was instituted. Then, having entered during Lent, George, who had been sent there by them from Cappadocia, increased the calamities and evil practices which he had learned from them. C After the week of Easter, virgins were thrown into prison, bishops were led away in chains by soldiers; the houses and bread of orphans and widows were plundered. Attacks were made upon homes, D and by night the Christians were dragged away; houses were sealed; and brothers of the clergy were in danger on behalf of their brothers. And dire as these things were, those which followed were still more dire..."
A For in the week following the holy Pentecost, the people, having fasted, went out to the cemetery to pray, because all refused communion with George. But the arch-villain himself, having learned of this, incited Sebastian the commander, who was a Manichaean, and consequently he, with a multitude of soldiers carrying unsheathed swords and bows and arrows, B rushed against the people on that very Sunday. And finding a few only, who were praying (for the majority had already departed on account of the hour), they performed such deeds as were fit to be done by such men. For having kindled a fire, and placing virgins by the fire, he tried to compel them to say that they were of the Arian faith. And when he saw that they were superior to him and disregarded the fire, having stripped them, he so beat their faces that after a time they were scarcely recognizable. Having also seized forty men, he punished them in a novel way. C For having cut rods from palm trees, while they still had their spines upon them, he so flayed their backs that some of them had to be treated repeatedly by surgeons on account of the spines that remained embedded in them, while others, unable to endure the agony, died. And he sent all the survivors, together with the virgins, at once into exile to the Great Oasis. They did not even permit the bodies of the deceased to be returned to their own people at the time; but they hid them or left them unburied as they pleased, D in order that they might seem to escape the notice of the world regarding such cruelty. The madmen do this, being deluded in their understanding. For while the relatives of the deceased rejoiced on account of their confession, but mourned on account of the bodies that were denied to them, the accusation of impiety and cruelty against them increased all the more. For immediately from Egypt and Libya they exiled the bishops Ammonius, Thmuis, Gaius, Philo, Hermes, Plenius, Psenosiris, Nilammon, Agathon, Anagamphus, another Ammonius, Marcus, Dracontius, Adelphius, Athenodorus, and the presbyters Hierax and Dioscorus. And they hounded them so bitterly that some of them died on the roads, and others in the very place of exile. They exiled more than thirty bishops. For their zeal was, like that of Ahab, if it were possible, to root out the truth. Such then were the things that happened at Alexandria at the hands of George.
CAPUT XXX.
*How Macedonius did similar things in Constantinople and its surroundings: and how Marcianus, Martyrius, and Paul, the bishop of Constantinople, suffered martyrdom.*Not less did Macedonius, after having seized the Church in Constantinople following Paul, behave with savagery; for having received very great authority from the emperor, he waged war against the Church, in no way inferior to him...
A who had been agitated by tyrants. And having circumvented the emperor by artifice, he confirmed by his authority the thefts and plunderings which he had decided to carry out in the churches. The emperor’s letters were circulated through the cities. The military hand assisted in these decrees: and not only from the churches, but even from the cities themselves were they expelled who favored Paul and professed the consubstantial. And at first they urged only persecution: but then they also imposed such necessity that they should communicate with them; an imposition lacking nothing of the cruelty which had formerly been inflicted on those who were forced to offer sacrifice to idols. For the matter was not conducted by proscription alone, but by public confiscation and looting of goods, besides scourges, beatings, and various kinds of tortures and exiles. Many perished, worn out by blows. From others the right of citizenship was taken away. Some were branded on their foreheads with marks, that they might be recognized as stigmatized. This ruin even proceeded to the point of murder. For with many others, Marcianus and Martyrius also died with great praise of fortitude, who had been members of Paul’s household and his scribes. Macedonius handed them over to the prefect, alleging that crime, that they were seditious, and had contributed not a little to the murder of Hermogenes. One of them was a subdeacon, the other, Martyrius, was a psalmist or cantor, and a reader of the divine B Scriptures. Their sepulcher is outside the city wall, enclosed by a celebrated shrine, which shrine was a monument to the martyrs. John Chrysostom first began to construct this house, and Sisinius afterward finished it—both of whom later presided over the Church of Constantinople. For they rightly thought that they were worthy of the honor of martyrs, who had obtained glory from God, both for casting out demons and for healing various other diseases by the touch of the monument. And so that place, condemned before and dreadful with the apparitions of idols, was expiated and purified by them. And Macedonius indeed carried out these things in the cities of the East. But the cities of the West and Greece, even as far as C Illyricum, endured nothing of the sort: because they were of one mind, and from the very beginning held constantly to the decrees of the Nicene Council. But Paul, as has been said before, while exiled in Cucusus, ended his life through the cruelty of impious men by strangulation. Athanasius also mentions his death in his Defense of his Flight, saying these words: "For having pursued and found Paul, the bishop of Constantinople, they openly saw to it that he was suffocated in the town of Cucusus, using as executioner for this murder Philip, who had been prefect; for he was the leader of their heresy, and a servant of their wicked plans." And these things were thus reported. D
Chapter XXXI. Concerning the heresiarch Photinus; and concerning the three confessions of faith in Sirmium; and especially the exposition of faith of Mark, Bishop of Arethusa.
A Constantius, moving his army from the East into Illyricum on account of the tyrants—the events of which against them I shall recount shortly—was at that time staying in Sirmium, and brought the case of Photinus under examination. This man was eloquent and highly capable of persuasion, and he presided over the church of that place. Having appeared as the leader of a new heresy, he drew many to his own opinion, and he especially spoke with boldness during the emperor's stay. For he indeed maintained that there is one God Almighty, who established the whole universe by His own Word; B but he entirely denied the pre-eternal generation and existence of the Word, and taught that Christ had His beginning from Mary. As this was noised abroad everywhere, all the bishops throughout the East and the West—both those who adhered to the faith of Nicaea and those who favoured Arius—were greatly distressed, for they considered that the dogma of Photinus introduced innovations against everyone alike. Nor was the emperor himself only moderately moved by this dissension; whence it followed that Constantius gathered a synod there. And indeed there came, from the East, Mark, Bishop of Arethusa; George, who presided over the Church in Alexandria, whom the followers of Arius had sent; and Basil, who had again cast out Marcellus and presided over Ancyra in Galatia; as well as Pancratius of Pelusium and Hypatianus of Heraclea. From the West there came Valens, bishop of the Mursians, and the man of great virtue, Hosius, bishop of the city of Corduba C in Spain, a confessor and a participant in the Nicene synod, who was present at Sirmium very much against his will. For, having been driven into exile not long before through the deceit of the Arians, he had been brought back by an imperial edict through the efforts of those who had convened at Sirmium. For they had entertained hopes that, if he were to become their supporter either by persuasion or by force, he would contribute much to the establishment and stability of their dogma, as he was accounted a witness of proven faith and appeared as a kind of miracle to the men of that time. But when he refused to consent, he was subjected again to various tortures upon his body, already withered by great age, to such an extent that he endured the rack and stripes. D Whence, compelled by necessity, he assented to and subscribed to the three confessions of faith that they issued. The synod, having detected that Photinus thought and taught the same as Sabellius the Libyan and Paul of Samosata, immediately stripped him of his episcopal dignity; a decision which, as having been rightly performed, all men both then and afterwards accepted, and judged worthy of due approval. But still, for a long time afterward, no one was appointed consul either from the East or the West, on account of the uprisings of the tyrants and the disturbance of the republic.
A While remaining there, they condemned the former formulas of faith and promulgated three others. One of these, indeed, Marcus of Arethusa composed in the Greek tongue, while the rest had been written in the Latin language; these differed entirely from the exposition of Arethusa, both in words and in their structure and composition. Moreover, they did not contain the same things that the former formulas comprised. For the Greek one spoke of the Son neither as consubstantial nor as similar in substance to the Father. And those who taught that the Son is without beginning, or who made the Son an extension of the substance of God, or who said he was merely joined to, but not subject to, the Father, it excommunicated. Likewise, the other Latin one, treating of substance, forbade that the Son should be called consubstantial or even similar in substance at all, as these terms were nowhere to be found in the Holy Scriptures, nor held by the primary thoughts or cognition of men. B It established, however, that the Father must be called greater in honor, dignity, and divinity, and by the very name of paternity. It also decreed that the Son, along with all things, is subject to the Father. And that the Father is indeed without beginning, but that the generation of the Son is unknown to everyone (the Father excepted). When this formula had been widely promulgated and handed down, the bishops strove to retract it, as one not rightly composed. The emperor himself, acting seriously, threatened them with coercion and punishment if they did not turn over the copies that had been made public. Yet, because it had reached the hands of many, it was not entirely abolished. I shall for the present set forth the other, which is connected to that which was issued by Marcus of Arethusa, produced by some among the Latins. The other, however, which was read later, I C will replace in its proper place when I record the events that took place at Ariminum. The one that Marcus dictated is as follows: “We believe in one God, the Father almighty, the creator and maker of all things, from whom all paternity in heaven and on earth is named. And in his only-begotten Son, our Lord Jesus Christ, begotten of the Father before all ages, God from God, light from light; through whom all things were made, those in heaven and those on earth, visible and invisible. Who is the Word, and true light, and life. Who in the last days, for us, became man, and was born of the holy Virgin, and was crucified, and died, and was buried. And he rose from the dead on the third day, and was taken up into heaven, and sat at the right hand of the Father; and he is to come at the consummation of the age to judge the living and the dead, and to render to each according to his works. Whose kingdom, being without end, D remains into the infinite ages. For he sits at the right hand of the Father, not only in this age, but also in the one to come. And in the Holy Spirit, that is, the Paraclete, whom he promised to the apostles that he would send after his ascension into heaven to teach them and remind them of all things, he sent; through whom also the souls of all those who sincerely believe in him are sanctified. But those who say that the Son is from non-existent things, or from another substance, and not from God, and that there was a time or age when he was not, the holy catholic Church knows to be aliens.”
A And again we say, if any one professes the Father and the Son to be two Gods, let him be anathema. And if any one, while calling Christ the eternal Son of God, does not confess that He ministered to the Father in the creation of all things, let him be anathema. If any one dares to say that the ingenerate [nature] or a part of it was born of Mary, let him be anathema. If any one says that he who is of Mary is Son by foreknowledge, and does not confess that He who is of Mary was born of the Father before the ages, is with God, and that through Him all things were made, let him be anathema. If any one says that the Son makes the substance of God to be dilated, or names the dilation of His substance the Son, let him be anathema. If any one says that the substance of God is dilated or contracted, let him be anathema. If any one says that the Son of God is a word conceived in the mind or spoken by the mouth, let him be anathema. If any one says that the Son who is of Mary is mere man, let him be anathema. If any one, while saying that He who is of Mary is God and man, understands Him to be the ingenerate God, let him be anathema. If any one takes the words, "I am the first God, and I am hereafter, and besides me there is no God," B which were said for the destruction of idols and of those who are not gods, as applying to the destruction of the Only-Begotten Son of God who exists before the ages, and interprets them like a Jew, let him be anathema. If any one, hearing that "The Word was made flesh," thinks that the Word was changed into flesh, or that in undergoing change He assumed flesh, let him be anathema. If any one, hearing that the Only-Begotten Son of God was crucified, says that He suffered corruption, or passion, or change, or diminution, or destruction in His divinity, let him be anathema. C If any one says that the words "Let us make man" were not spoken by the Father to the Son, but that God spoke them to Himself, let him be anathema. If any one says that it was not the Son as man who wrestled with Jacob, but the ingenerate God or a part of Him, let him be anathema. If any one does not understand the words "The Lord rained from [the] Lord" as referring to the Father and the Son, but says that He rained from Himself alone, let him be anathema; for the Lord the Son rained from the Lord the Father. If any one, hearing "Lord the Father, Lord the Son, Lord and Lord the Father and the Son," says so, and while saying "Lord from [the] Lord" declares there to be two Gods, let him be anathema; for we do not place the Son in the same rank as the Father, but we say that He is subject to the Father; D nor did He descend into a body without the will of the Father; nor did He rain from Himself, but from the Lord, the Father being the author; nor does He sit at the right hand of Himself, but He hears the Father saying, "Sit at my right hand." If any one says that the Father and the Son and the Holy Spirit are one person, let him be anathema. If any one, in professing the Holy Spirit the Paraclete, understands Him to be the ingenerate God, let him be anathema. If any one, as the Scripture has taught us, does not say that the Paraclete is another from the Son, he has...
A for it is written, "And He shall send you another Paraclete whom I shall ask," let him be anathema. If any one says that the Spirit is a part of the Father or of the Son, let him be anathema. If any one says that the Father and the Son and the Holy Spirit are three gods, let him be anathema. If any one says that the Son of God came into being as one of the creatures of God, let him be anathema. If any one says that the Son was begotten without the will of the Father, let him be anathema. For the Father, not being unwilling, nor compelled by natural necessity, but having willed it, begat the Son; and He brought Him forth, having begotten Him of Himself timelessly and impassibly. If any one says that the Son is ingenerate and without beginning, speaking of two things without beginning and two ingenerate things, and making two gods, let him be anathema. For God is the head and the source of all; and God is the head of Christ. For thus we piously refer all things to one source, which has no beginning, through the Son. B And again, therefore, investigating more accurately the meaning of Christianity, we say: If any one does not say that Christ Jesus, the Son of God, existing before the ages, served the Father in the creation of all things, but asserts that it was only from the time He was born of Mary that He was called Son and Christ, and that He then began to be God, let him be anathema, as was Paul of Samosata. Since it seemed good that there should be some discussion concerning the faith, and everything was safely investigated and interpreted at Sirmium in the presence of Valens, Ursacius, Germinius, and the others, it was established that there is one God, the Father Almighty, as is proclaimed in the whole world; and one only-begotten Son of His, Jesus Christ, our Lord and God and Savior, begotten of Him before the ages. But we must not say that there are two Gods; since the Savior Himself has said, "I go to my Father and your Father, and my God and your God." C Because of this He is also the God of all, as the Apostle also taught: "Is He the God of the Jews only? Or is He not also the God of the Gentiles? Yes, also of the Gentiles, if there is one God who shall justify the circumcision by faith." And all the rest is in agreement, and has no doubt. But since the word for substance (substantia), or as it is more accurately understood, "similar in substance" or "consubstantial," disturbs very many, no one should make any mention of these terms at all, nor teach them in the Church, for this reason and cause, that they are not written in the divine Scriptures, and that they exceed the capacity and knowledge of the human mind; and because no one can explain the generation of the Son, as it is written, "Who shall declare His generation?" D To the Father alone it is manifest how He begat the Son, and likewise to the Son, how He Himself was begotten of the Father. And it is doubtful to no one that the Father is greater in honor, and dignity, and divinity, and the very name
A of Father; the Son Himself also bearing witness: *The Father who sent me is greater than I.* And that this is catholic, no one is ignorant, that there are two persons of the Father and the Son, and that the Father is indeed greater, but the Son subject, together with all things which the Father has subjected to Him. And that the Father has no beginning, and is invisible, and immortal, and without passion; but that the Son was begotten of the Father, God of God, light of light, and that no one knows His generation, as has been said before, except the Father alone. And that the Son Himself, our Lord and God, took on flesh or body, that is, man, just as the angel had announced. As indeed all the Scriptures teach, and especially the Apostle himself, the teacher of the Gentiles, B *Christ took a man from Mary the Virgin, through whom He suffered.* But the head of the whole faith and the foundation is that the Trinity should always be preserved, just as we have read in the Gospel: *Go, teach all nations, baptizing them in the name of the Father, and of the Son, and of the Holy Spirit.* And the number of the Trinity is entire and perfect; and the Paraclete, the Holy Spirit, sent through the Son, came according to the promise, that He might sanctify and teach the apostles and all who believe. » Such is this formula, to which they urged Photinus to assent and subscribe, even after the abrogation of his episcopate, promising him the dignity of the throne C and the priesthood, if only by repentance he would condemn with anathema whatever he had wrongly taught. But he could not bear even to hear this, but provoked them to a disputation. And indeed, by imperial command, when all who seemed to excel in the knowledge of the word and in dignity had gathered in one place, Basil, who at that time was overseeing the Church of the Ancyrans, accepted the challenge of arguing. As that contest was prolonged, rapid shorthand writers took down the statements of both sides; in which Basil was considered to be by far the superior. Furthermore, Photinus was condemned to exile. While dwelling there, he committed his own opinion to writing in Greek and Latin (for he had much grace in both languages). The thing, however, in which he labored most within them was that he attempted, D with little propriety, to prove that all the opinions of others, besides his own, were nothing. The affairs of Photinus, indeed, and of his opinion, proceeded after this manner.
CAPUT XXXII. How the Western tyrants were overcome, namely Britannio and Magnentius. Concerning the Jews of Diocaesarea, and how Gallus Caesar was killed.
A The Emperor led his army against the tyrants, and settled the war with Britannio by means of certain terms and agreements, having persuaded his soldiers to change their minds and declare him alone as Emperor. For once their conspiracy was known, Britannio threw himself miserably at the Emperor’s feet in the guise of a suppliant, and was a pitiable petitioner. Constantius stripped him of the insignia of the empire—the purple robe and the crown—and ordered him to remain in peace and live a private life, saying that it was more fitting for an old man to live in leisure than to hold a title full of turmoil. He assigned him ample expenses from the public revenues, as was proper for an old man, at Prusa near Mount Olympus; where, residing, he afterwards wrote to the Emperor and gave him thanks for having delivered him from so many evils and myriad anxieties which attend the empire. When affairs concerning Britannio B had been successfully concluded, he sent the greatest part of the forces he had with him into Italy against Magnentius. He ordered his cousin Gallus—who was the son of Constantius, who was the brother of Constantius’s father, Constantine the Great—to go into the East and Syria, so that he might be a protection to the provinces there against the incursions of the Persians; and he bestowed upon him the dignity of Caesar, and, adding his own name to his, proclaimed him Constantius Caesar. At that very time, as he was traveling to Antioch, the sign of the cross again appeared in the sky over Jerusalem, excelling the sun in its rays, with a huge arc, which they call a rainbow, surrounding it like a crown, at the third hour of the day, at the onset of the feast of Pentecost, while Cyril was at that time C managing the sacred helm in Jerusalem after Maximus.
However, that light of the cross did not diffuse scattered about, as is wont to happen with a comet, but stood thick and transparent in a great and extensive brightness. It occupied the sky reaching down about fifteen stadia. Its length, as far as could be gathered, extended from the Mount of Calvary to the mountain which is called the Mount of Olives; its width corresponded in proportion to its length. At the miracle, fear also took hold of all people, as the event was so unusual and unexpected. Therefore, all of them, with their wives and children, fled to the great temple, praising God, and everyone abandoned whatever work they happened to be doing at the time. As the report of this wonder spread to all lands, it struck everyone with awe, as those who had come from all provinces to Jerusalem for the sake of prayer D communicated it everywhere. It drew many, both of the Jews and of the Greeks, to the Christian faith. The Emperor also was informed of it, through letters from his intimates and from Cyril himself. And it was said by those who knew of it that this had come to pass according to a divine oracle, appearing in ancient books. That light-bearing and venerable sight was not even hidden from those in the military camp
A For the sign appeared when the emperor overcame the tyrants of the West, Britannio and Magnentius; for the army languishing there was illuminated and bathed by the abundance of brilliance from that quarter, and witnessed the sign. For Magnentius, having seized the elder Rome, was committing terrible deeds, putting many of the senate to death and destroying the populace. But when he learned that the army of Constantius was very near, he retreated a little and headed for the Gauls through the Julian Alps. The Alps are narrow passes, where great mountains close in on both sides toward a single place until they are near to meeting; they are quite similar to the narrow passes at Thermopylae. The Julian Alps divide the Gauls from the Italians; but the Alps which are called the Susacenses are between Dacia and Thrace. Consequently, when the armies of both sides clashed frequently, sometimes one side prevailed and sometimes the other. At last, however, Magnentius was defeated and fled to a fortress in Gaul; its name was Mursa. B There, attempting to dissolve the despondency of the army and urging them to take heart, he sought to be acclaimed as was the custom for emperors, but they were unmasked, unwillingly proclaiming Constantius Augustus instead of Magnentius. Understanding from this that the kingship had not been granted to him by God, he abandoned the fortress and hurried forward. But since the army of Constantius was pressing on close behind, he fled alone and escaped into the city of Lugdunum (Lyons). There he butchered his brother under the pretense of benevolence—as if he were snatching him from the hands of the enemy and their insults—and then his mother, and afterwards any other of his kinsfolk who were present. Finally, planting his sword against himself, he fell upon it and, having been pierced through the back, he expired, having held the tyranny for not even four whole years. A little later, his other brother, Decennius by name, whom he had named Caesar, took his own life by hanging. But not even then did the disturbances leave the commonwealth. C For immediately another tyrant, Sylvanus by name, arose among the Western Gauls; but he did not disturb matters for very long before the generals of Constantius destroyed him. Indeed, the Jews also in Diocaesarea rebelled against the Romans; having cast off the yoke of slavery, they took up arms and went ravaging through Palestine and the neighboring regions round about. D Against them Constantius Gallus set out from Antioch, where he was staying; he raised a great trophy after defeating them and razed their city from its very foundations. But having met with success against them, he did not bear such flourishing prosperity well; for he himself began to strive for new things and to contemplate tyranny. But his attempts perished before long.
A Constantius, indeed, discovered this through the unbridled audacity of Domitian, the prefect of the East, and of the quaestor Montius, whom he put to death by his own authority, without notifying the emperor of the cause of his execution. These and other incidental matters caused the emperor to want him removed as a personal grievance. Incited by wrath, he summoned him to himself. Suspecting that this summons was intended for his detriment, and fearing for his own life, he set out even against his will, sending his wife Constantia ahead to intercede for him, but she died on the journey. In the retinue of Gallus was also Theophilus the Indian, of whom we spoke above; for he acted as an intermediary in the agreements between Gallus and Constantius, confirming their union and concord when Gallus was designated Caesar, and the pacts were made. But Gallus, first having his purple stripped from him, was slaughtered by the treachery of the eunuch Eusebius near the island of Flanona B in the Western regions. Constantius had indeed ordered it to be done so at that time, but later he repented the deed. Shortly after, summoning his brother Julian from Ionia, realizing the burden of the empire, he created him Caesar and sent him into Gaul against the barbarians, that he might pacify and settle the turbulent affairs there. But of the affairs of Julian we shall set forth everything more accurately in the following history.
CHAPTER XXXIII.
That the Arians again, by celebrating synods at Antioch and Milan, assaulted Athanasius; and what plans Constantius entertained regarding the perversion of the faith.Constantius, having been freed from the care and danger of the tyrants, arrived at Rome, where he thought it necessary to celebrate a triumph over the tyrants. At the same time, thinking he would bring the Eastern and Western bishops into concord of dogma, he ordered a synod to be held in Italy. C At that time Julius, having administered the Roman Church for twenty-five years, passed away, and Liberius obtained his province. Then indeed those who had abrogated the Nicene profession of faith, thinking that an opportunity had been presented to them, again wove calumnies so that they might utterly drive from the churches those who professed the *consubstantialis*, whom they had previously deposed as followers of another opinion. For while Constans was still alive, they had not dared to set the empires at odds; for he had declared war upon his brother if he did not receive those around Athanasius, as has been said. But they strove with every purpose to expel Athanasius above all; for though Constans had not yet been killed, and Constantius was pretending to embrace Athanasius for his sake—so great was their hatred—they could not remain quiet. D For thirty of that malignant multitude gathered at Antioch—namely Narcissus the Cilician, Theodotus the Thracian, Eugenius the Nicaean, Patrophilus and Menophantus, of whom the one was of Scythopolis and the other of Ephesus—they blamed his return as unlawful, and were writing to all bishops everywhere not to communicate with him, nor
indeed to write to him; but to hold George in honor, whom they themselves had appointed. A Athanasius, however, paid no heed at all to them. And this continued until Constantius, having put down the tyrants, became sole master of the empire of the East and the West. For when Constantius was in the West, he pretended to be in agreement and of one mind with the bishops there who stood by the faith of the consubstantial, and perhaps he truly decided to be on their side. He certainly used artifice, at first without applying any force to them, but only persuading them that they should themselves pass the same sentence against Athanasius that the Eastern bishops had passed. For he reasoned that if, by the vote of all the Easterners and Westerners, Athanasius were out of the way, it would be most easy for him to settle the matters of religion as he wished. And thus he B gathered the synod at Milan in Italy. Now, very few arrived from the East; for the length of the journey and sickness and advanced age hindered the arrival of many. But more than three hundred Westerners gathered. And what the Easterners were striving for was to condemn Athanasius, so that Alexandria might be inaccessible to him. And the rest of the synod, either out of deception, or fear, or even ignorance, went along with the resolution. But out of all of them, only Dionysius, the bishop of Alba (which is one of the metropolitan cities in Italy), and Eusebius of Vercelli in Liguria, and Paulinus of Treves (for Treves is in Gaul), and Rhodan and Lucifer—having detected the trick, that the Easterners were urging the deposition of Athanasius for the sake of overthrowing the dogma at Nicaea—stood up and shouted that this was a trap and a deception against Christianity, and that the matter was not about Athanasius, but that the emperor and those of the Arian persuasion were setting a snare against the things rightly decreed long ago concerning God. When they had said these things, the synod was dissolved without effect. But those who had spoken with such boldness were condemned and sent into exile, being driven away. Among them was also Hilary, the bishop of Poitiers. C That the true cause for which the synod was gathered at Milan—under the pretext of Athanasius—was against the faith, the following events will confirm. For not long after, at the same time, the councils held both at Ariminum in Italy and at Seleucia in Isauria attempted to innovate against the things decreed at Nicaea, as we shall presently explain. For the emperor, in his irritation, wished to convene a universal synod and to drag all the bishops of the East into the West—to set everything in motion, if he could, so that he might make all of one mind. D But when, upon considering the matter, it appeared to be a difficult task—for the great length of the journey stood in his way—he decided that the synod, though one, should be gathered in two places. And he ordered by his letters that the Westerners should assemble at Ariminum in Italy, and the Easterners at Nicomedia. Now, as for the [champion] of the consubstantial,
he thinking that this would A result in the agreement of all, commanded it thus: but his aim was moving in the opposite direction. And both parties were divided among themselves. For neither did those at Ariminum reach an agreement among themselves; and a greater rift was caused by those at Nicomedia, who, being hindered by an earthquake, gathered instead at Seleucia. But the history that follows will show what was done in those places. For the present, however, we shall briefly relate what befell Athanasius throughout the whole reign of Constantius, so that our discourse may proceed in its proper order.
CAPUT XXXIV. What calamities the great Athanasius suffered under the reign of Constantius, and how God often delivered him from the greatest perils, and how he possessed divine foreknowledge.
B He indeed, having heard of the threats that had been prepared against him in the imperial court, fled for a time. Then, having selected five of the bishops under him, among whom was Serapion of Thmuis, a man in the highest degree loved by God, and formidable in both speaking and writing, he sent them to the emperor who was residing in the West, having also attached to them three presbyters of his own church, so that, if the emperor should command it, they might refute the calumnies of his adversaries. While they were sailing, letters from the emperor arrived in the meantime, by which he was summoned. And so he and his companions were in great care and anxiety. For he did not think it safe enough to be obedient to the word of an emperor C who was wandering in error concerning the faith. Yet neither was it without danger not to comply with them. He remained, then, and the one who had brought the letters returned empty-handed to the emperor. But as summer approached, another came, with a certain illustrious citizen of the city of Alexandria; and he began to expel Athanasius from the city, and to treat the clergy ill. But when the rebelling populace prepared to use force, and he himself accomplished nothing, he withdrew.
Afterward, in the dead of night, the commander of the military ranks there, as one who had been sent by the emperor and was in charge of these things, Hilarius, when he understood that Athanasius was hiding in the church which is called of Theonas, D pressed upon him with a chosen and strong band of Egyptians; and having broken down the doors, he indeed rushed into the temple, but he did not lay hold of the Athanasius he was seeking. For God having forewarned him of the incursion, he had departed a short time before they arrived, and the soldiers had been too slow to seize him. It is said that he escaped many and varied dangers through divine messages; for as he was a man most intimate with God, he saw what was to come as if it were present, as God vouchsafed it to him. For many wonders bear witness to the man's knowledge of future events. For in the first year of Constans, and when Constantius was plotting against him, when he had consulted his own safety by flight, he lay hid with a certain acquaintance in a dark and gloomy underground cave, which had once been a cistern for water.
A Then, through the agency of the handmaid who was privy to the matter—the only one believed to be faithful, who served his necessary needs—the divine providence, having intervened, revealed the conspiracy. He departed to another place, while she, having been accused by her masters of having spoken falsely, received lashes. For a heavy penalty had been established for those found guilty of hiding Athanasius, as if they were opposing the imperial commands and subverting the correct administration of the state. Many, indeed, suffered harsh things on this account.
A similar incident also occurred to him at another time. B For the same reason, while fleeing to Egypt, he was travelling up the Nile. But when some people had informed on his flight and he was being pursued, he was told from above what was happening, and he commanded the sailors and passengers to turn back toward Alexandria. Having passed his pursuers on the downward journey, he mingled with the crowd in the very populous city, remained hidden, and was saved. For this reason, not only the Arians, but the Greeks and pagans as well, slandered him as a magician and prestidigitator on account of such things. For at one time, as he was entering the city, a crow flying in the air was croaking, and a crowd of Greeks standing there, mocking him as a conjurer, asked what the crow was saying. He, laughing softly, urbanely, and very pleasantly, said, "It says 'Cras,'" which in the Roman tongue signifies "tomorrow." He was hinting that the morrow would not turn out well for them. "For a command coming from the emperor will stop your festival, and your magnificence will be unpleasant to you." C This remark of Athanasius had an immediate outcome; for letters came from the emperor commanding the magistrates henceforth to forbid the Greeks from going to their temples and from celebrating their festivals in the manner of their superstition. And that celebration which was now at hand, and was esteemed most highly by the Greeks and celebrated with the greatest veneration, was then dissolved, and was never again performed. These things are enough to show that he was a thoroughly divine man, and not without a share of the prophetic gift.
While he, as has been said, was a fugitive, his clergy held the churches, until the dux arrived with armed men and handed them over to those awaiting George; later, George himself arrived and occupied them. Because he did not institute his administration D according to the form and manner of a bishop, he showed himself to be a terrifying person. Toward those who praised Athanasius, he was quite savage, seizing men and women and, like some cruel tyrant, casting them into chains. For this reason, he stirred up the public hatred of the people against himself. He would certainly have perished, had he not escaped the danger by fleeing to the emperor. Then the followers of Athanasius were in charge of the churches, although for a short time; for the prefect of Egypt, having ejected them, restored them again to the faction of George. But not long after, he himself also returned, having become more terrifying, but no less hated, since he had stirred the emperor to anger against them. He was also slandered as being untrustworthy and full of arrogance, especially by the Egyptian monks, to whom the masses adhered more, and whom they thought to be speaking the truth, inasmuch as they pursued virtue and lived philosophically. And for Athanasius, to speak briefly upon the reign of Constantius
A regarding the events that followed, it went this way.
CHAPTER XXXV.
B How Liberius, who succeeded Julius at Rome, having opposed Constantius, was sent into exile, and how Felix took his throne.The emperor, before going to Rome and celebrating his customary triumphal victory, summoned Liberius, the bishop of the Romans, who had succeeded Julius, and endeavored to persuade him to be of the same mind as the priests who were with him, one of whom happened to be Eudoxius. When he resisted and refused to do this, Constantius condemned him to exile, and Berrhoea in Thrace was designated as his place of banishment. Another cause for his condemnation was said to be the fact that he absolutely refused to renounce communion with Athanasius. Rather, he spoke in his defense before the emperor, who was accusing Athanasius of having wronged the churches and of being the cause of death for his two brothers; he also maintained that the events which had transpired in Tyre against Athanasius were the result of the envy of those who followed alien opinions. In addition to this, Liberius showed the emperor the document of penitence that Ursacius and Valens had presented to Julius, his predecessor, C in which, signaling that the things that had occurred at Mareotes were false and fabricated, they sought forgiveness. He further requested that he not condemn Athanasius without a hearing, and that he not validate things which had been wrongly judged and were clear calumnies. Regarding the brothers, he said that he should not by any means desire that justice be executed by an episcopal hand, which God had appointed not for such deeds, but for sanctification and every other good work. But Constantius, seeing that he was not at all in the process of departing from his opinion, granted him a period of two days for deliberation, and ordered that if he did not change his mind, he should be taken away to Thrace. Liberius, however, said: "But for me, these things have long since been decided and considered; and I am prepared to go into exile." When he was being led away, Constantius sent him five hundred gold pieces, which he rejected, and told the person who had brought them to report to the D emperor that he had no need of them; he should give them to the flatterers and hypocrites who were around the palace, whose insatiable lack of contentment, always dwelling in their souls and tormenting them, could never be filled. "For me," he said, "Christ, who is like the Father, is ever a provider of food, and a steward and dispenser of all good things." These were the causes of Liberius’ exile to Thrace. Felix, however, a deacon of that church, received the administration of the throne; he embraced the faith of Nicaea, and for the sake of religion was irreproachable. But a charge was brought against him that, before obtaining the episcopal ordination, he had held communion with the
A partisans of a different opinion. When Constantius came to Rome, the notables of the people and women of distinction, interceding for Liberius and begging for his return, pressed him. The emperor, having consulted with the bishops in his entourage, promised he would restore the man to them, if he would agree to the same opinion as the bishops who were with him.
CHAPTER XXXVI.
Concerning the blasphemy of Aetius the Syrian, and Eudoxius of Antioch; also the synod gathered at Ancyra, and the writings of Georgius of Laodicea and the Emperor Constantius to that synod against Aetius and Eudoxius.
During the same time, as we have mentioned above, Aetius the Syrian was manifesting and freely propagating his own opinion concerning God. He was then still a deacon, having been ordained by Leontius, the bishop of Antioch. He held the same views as Arius, namely, that the Son was created, was from non-existence, and was dissimilar B to the Father. But because he dared to dispute about God with great contention and vehemence, and to employ various syllogisms, he seemed different even to those of his own party. For this reason, having been cast out of their church, he cunningly avoided them and shunned their communion, as if they had joined themselves to Arius after his perjury—that is, after the time when, being moved by repentance, he had sworn to the Emperor Constantine that he believed in accordance with the faith of Nicaea. But enough of this.
While the emperor was still in the West, news arrived that Leontius, whom we have identified as bishop of Antioch, had C died. Now Eudoxius, who was bishop of Germanicia and was in the emperor's retinue, wormed his way into that vacant see through the agency of the eunuch chamberlains and claimed it for himself. For, pretending that the place was in need of consolation and custody D and guardianship, he requested of the emperor that he be allowed to go into Syria. When this was granted to him, he arrived there with great speed; and having seized the throne, he suddenly appeared as the bishop of Antioch on his own authority, without having shared his design with any of the distinguished bishops in Syria, with whom the election was concerned according to a certain ancestral custom—I mean, for example, Mark of Arethusa and Georgius of Laodicea—nor had he consulted the others. It was said that this was done by the will of the ruler and those who held power in the imperial court; for they, together with Eudoxius, were zealous for the opinion of Aetius, teaching that the Son was dissimilar to the Father. When he had thus obtained Antioch and seized greater power, he was already openly championing the opinion of Aetius and trying to assist him as much as possible. And he was very eager to gather a synod of bishops for that man, and to restore to him the dignity of the diaconate. But he was in no way able to accomplish this, for Eudoxius's prestige and influence among everyone were such that they were outweighed by the hatred felt toward Aetius. Having, for the time being, gathered a synod of bishops who were of the same mind as himself in Antioch, among whom were Acacius of Palestine…
successor to Eusebius, and Uranius of Tyre, who rejected both the A *homoousios* and the *homoiousios* under the pretext of the authority of the Western bishops who had so decreed it at Sirmium. For the admirable Hosius, along with some others who had gathered there, having suffered much violence, as we have mentioned, due to the contention they had engaged in against Ursacius, Valens, and Germinius, had conceded that the Son should be called neither *homoousios* nor *homoiousios*, as if these terms did not appear so explicitly in the divine Scriptures; moreover, because it was beyond the grasp of the human mind to inquire too subtly and anxiously into the essence of God. And because it seemed to them that the letters of Hosius would be of great moment for their B enterprises, they sent a letter to them in the name of Hosius and other Westerners from Sirmium to the Orientals, giving great thanks to Ursacius, Valens, and Germinius, and attributing to them the credit for the benefit that the Westerners finally thought correctly. But as Eudoxius was introducing such innovations, many in Antioch who defended the orthodox doctrine were driven out by him; these went to George of Laodicea and recounted what was happening. Armed with letters from him, they set out for Ancyra in Galatia. For Basil, who held the bishopric there after Marcellus, had C called many of the neighboring bishops for the dedication of the church which he had recently constructed. There, having laid out the whole matter in their complaint, they delivered the letter, written in these words: "To our most honorable lords, Macedonius, Basil, Cecropius, and Eugenius, George sends greetings in the Lord. The shipwreck of Aetius has seized almost all of Antioch. For those whom you branded with ignominy, the disciples of the execrable Arius, Eudoxius has received and co-opted into the order of the clergy, and he pursues the heretic Aetius with the greatest honor. Therefore, take hold of such a great city, lest the whole world be dragged into his shipwreck; and D once you are gathered in one place, with as many as can possibly be there, demand the signatures of the decisions of the other bishops, so that Eudoxius may cast Aetius out of the church of Antioch, and cut off his disciples who have been promoted to the canons; or if he persists in calling the Son 'unlike' with Aetius, and honors those who dare to say this above those who do not—as I said just now—your Antioch is lost." Such were the words of George. But those who were gathered at Ancyra, when they discovered that Eudoxius, because he had arrogated to himself the dignity of the see of Antioch, was attempting innovations, immediately signified the matter to the emperor and besought him to provide aid, so that what had been decreed in the synods at Sardica, Sirmium, and elsewhere might remain in force—in all of which it had been decreed that the Son is similar in substance to the Father. They also sent an embassy to the emperor: Basil of Ancyra himself, Eustathius of Sebaste, and Eleusius of Cyzicus, and a certain presbyter from the imperial palace named Leontius. When they arrived, they discovered Asphalius, a presbyter who was among the greatest of Aetius's partisans, and who had accomplished whatever he had been sent to do, and was already about to leave with imperial letters. When the emperor learned the purpose for which the envoys from Ancyra had come, he took back the letter which Asphalius was about to depart with; he [wrote]
another letter, in which he condemned Eudoxius. The words of this letter were as follows:
"Victor Constantius Maximus Augustus, to the holy Church of Antioch. Eudoxius did not come to you sent by us; let no one think this. We are far from favoring such persons. If they cunningly contrive this along with other things, it is evident that they are sophistically perverting what is better. For from what power would those be deterred—men who roam through cities for the sake of preeminence, leaping from one to another like certain wanderers, prying into every nook out of a desire for more? It is said that there are certain charlatans and sophists among them whom it is not even fitting to name—a most ungodly and villainous workshop. You surely understand the system yourselves. You surely recognize the cause from their words, and also those who have occupied themselves with this heresy: for them, this is the only work, to corrupt the multitudes. But those bold and in all things courageous men have already dared something of this sort before certain people: that we rejoice at their ordination, which they perpetrated for themselves. These things are sung by those who know how to babble such trifles. It is not so at all, nor even close. And recall for me the first words when we were considering the faith; in which our Savior was manifested to be the Son of God, and in essence like to the Father. But these noble men, who speak easily about God regarding the better, have gone so far in impiety that they even think other things than what is the case, and attempt to teach others. That these things will turn back upon their own heads, we are fully persuaded; but for now, it will suffice to keep them away from synods and the common assembly. For I might have been brought at present to say what they will suffer a short while later, if they do not desist from this madness. And they (for what is there that they do not bring in to make matters worse?) are gathering the most wicked men, as if by command—these ringleaders of heresies—and enrolling them in the clergy, so shamefully defiling the venerable order, as if it were permitted to them to lead and carry everything. And yet, who could endure these men while they are still numbered among the living—they who fill cities with impiety and cover their exile with foul deeds, loving this one thing alone: to be perpetually hostile to those who are good? Perish those who are eager to seat a B crafty system in holier chairs. Now is the time for those nurtured in the truth to come into the light, and for those who had previously fled from these ways in fear to stand in the midst. For the cleverness of these men has been exposed, and there will be no empty trick that will remove them from their impiety. It is the work of good men to live with the faith of the ancients, and to increase it, as has been said; but not to busy themselves further. I would also advise those who have turned late from the pit to agree to this decree; that which the divinely wise men decreed concerning the better, rightly as bishop. Through such means, the glory of the anomoeans was in danger of prevailing for a little while, had not the emperor diligently stood in the way of the bishops. C And you have those who, as it were, might be their constant enemies in all good things? Let the throne cease. It is time now that the children of the truth should come into the light, and those who D were previously held in check by fear should stand in the midst. For their cleverness has been convicted, and there will be no way of artifice that will save them from their impiety."
impieties. It would be appropriate for good men to live by the faith of their ancestors, to increase that one faith, as has been said, and not to investigate anything further with excessive anxiety and curiosity. Moreover, I would admonish those men, that at long last they might burst forth from the abyss, and with changed minds, accede to that opinion which those endowed with divine wisdom, the bishops, have duly and orderly established concerning God. Truly, the danger was so great in that brief moment that the cause of the unlike would have prevailed had not the emperor himself intervened through the work and diligence of the bishops.
CHAPTER XXXVII
Concerning the events at Sirmium; and how Liberius, having returned to Rome, administered the episcopate together with Felix his successor, until Felix departed from the living shortly thereafter.
AShortly thereafter, when Constantius had returned to Sirmium from Rome, and upon the entreaties of the Western bishops, Liberius was brought back from Beroea. And there, in the presence of those whom we have mentioned and many other Eastern bishops, the emperor attempted to persuade Liberius to believe that the Son is not consubstantial with the Father. Basilius and those who were with him also urged this, and they suggested this matter to the emperor, in whose eyes they were held in great esteem. And bringing forward all the things that had been decreed at Sirmium—whether concerning Paul of Samosata or Photinus—and furthermore the formula of faith which had been published at Antioch at the Encænia (that is, the consecration of the church), they pleaded the cause of the "consubstantial" as a pretext and opportunity, as if certain men were contending to establish their own heresy under the guise of the consubstantial; and in this way they strove to bring Liberius, Athanasius, Alexander, Severianus, and Crescentius, the African bishops, into their own opinion. B No less did Ursacius and Valens of the Mœsians endeavor to do this, along with Germinius, the bishop of Sirmium, and all others who were present from the East. Liberius, however, composed another profession of faith separately, which excluded from the communion of the church all those who did not say that the Son is in essence and in all things similar to the Father. He did this because Eudoxius and those of his faction, who had not long before gathered at Antioch on account of the heresy of Aetius, while they held the letter of Hosius in their hands, spoke much, slandering him as if Liberius also had rejected the consubstantial and had declared that the Son is entirely dissimilar to the Father. C The delegates from Rome, having brought these matters to such a successful conclusion, and taking Liberius with them, returned to Rome, conveying letters from the bishops assembled at Sirmium to Felix, who was then presiding over the Roman Church, and to the clergy and people of the same church, by which they were admonished to receive their own pastor willingly. Furthermore, it was permitted to both, to Felix and to Liberius, to supervise sacred matters in common, and that both should govern the apostolic see alike, and that they should manage sacred matters by mutual consent, and also that both the bitter misfortune that had occurred at the ordination of Felix, and the exile of Liberius, D should be consigned to oblivion.
A For although Liberius was in other respects a very good man, and had steadfastly resisted the Emperor for the sake of the right doctrine of the Church, the Roman people were so full of piety and kindness toward him, that upon his ejection, a sedition stirred up on his account proceeded even to slaughter. But shortly after, Felix died, and Liberius alone administered the episcopate. God thus rightly provided for the Church, as was fitting, regarding its affairs, lest the primary see of the apostles should contract that foul and inconvenient stain of being governed by two leaders—a thing that is utterly alien to the constitutions of the Church, and which usually breeds discord.
CAPUT XXXVIII. How a sudden earthquake dissolved the synod instituted at Nicomedia on account of Eudoxius and Aetius; and how it pleased them that the synod should then be split and divided between the East and the West.
These things were done at Sirmium. And it seemed that the Eastern and Western bishops would then agree; but the state of affairs was otherwise. For the fear of the Emperor was producing these results; and on account of the innovations stirred up by Aetius and Eudoxius in the city of Antioch, it pleased the Emperor to assemble a synod once again at Nicaea. But since Basil of Ancyra strove against this—because the investigation of the faith had been conducted there in the first instance—it was judged that it would be more fitting for it to take place at Nicomedia. And from every nation, bishops who were powerful in either wisdom or eloquence were hastening thither. When a great earthquake arose, it shook the city and the temple that had been newly erected from its very foundations and cast them down, and as it chanced, it saved or destroyed many, depending on where each one was caught; B Cecropius of Nicomedia and another bishop escaped the danger in a brief moment. This event, being spread everywhere by report, hindered the coming of the bishops. For the report had announced that Nicaea also, and Constantinople, and Perinthus, and other cities of Thrace had been overturned by such a calamity. It was said that a certain Arsatius, a confessor who had lived under Licinius—having been a soldier who once tamed and kept lions and other wild beasts at the imperial court, but at that time was living in the citadel of Nicomedia, practicing philosophy in piety—had this calamity revealed to him by a divine vision, and that he had gone down from the citadel and predicted it to the clergy and the people. But he was so far from being believed that he was even ridiculed for predicting such an unexpected disaster. C It is said that he went back up to his place, and lying supine upon the ground, he besought God. There, even in the very onslaught of the disaster, with the tower itself remaining unmoved and stable, he was found by many who had run there to watch the earthquake from a higher place to have died a martyr in the posture of prayer. They say that he had prayed and besought God that he might end his life before he saw that calamity of the city in which he had come to know Christ and had been initiated into ecclesiastical philosophy. D
A He did many things beyond human power and understanding, for he cast out demons, restored men afflicted by other misfortunes, and brought many back to a sound mind. By prayer, he also drew forth from its lair a dragon, or some other venomous creature of the reptile kind, which was lurking on a public road and killing travelers with its mere breath, so that it came out of its own accord and, once or twice, dashed its own head against the ground until it finally burst asunder. Truly, many mortals perished at Nicomedia in the ruins of buildings, while many others saved themselves by flight into the wilderness and the fields. For the flame of the conflagration, having arisen from the furnaces and baths and from the workshops of craftsmen who work with fire, and being enclosed by the collapse of the overhanging roofs, and with nearby materials and brushwood—as is wont to happen—mixed in, and with planks exuding resin and further increased by a supply of fuel suitable for catching and spreading the fire, crept into all parts; and turning back upon itself, it had turned the whole city into, so to speak, one burning pyre. Through this fire, because there was no passage out from the buildings, many were consumed. B And since the catastrophe at Nicomedia had disturbed the gathering of the bishops, it seemed good at first to the emperor that they should congregate again at Nicaea. Basil, however, deliberated for a long time and much about that place. And thus, in the city of Nicaea, with the whole populace there disturbed by the earthquake, the deliberation remained at a standstill. Furthermore, to Marcus of Arethusa, George of Alexandria, and Basil of Ancyra, who were at that time at Sirmium conducting their own affairs with the emperor, Tarsus of Cilicia seemed suitable. But since this was also considered less than agreeable to others, it was finally decreed that the synod should be held at Seleucia in Isauria. When this had been thus determined, because Valens, Ursacius, and Eudoxius—who were the foremost leaders of the Anomoean opinion—were present there, they contrived to have the bishops who were gathered in that place subscribe to a formula of faith composed on the spur of the moment, in which the name of "substance" (ousia) was not inserted. C Moreover, they reflected in their minds that the bishops gathering at Seleucia would embrace, some the faith of Nicaea, others the profession of faith issued at Antioch at the dedication of the temple, and would defend both with fiery zeal; and that both formulas contained the name of "substance" and explicitly proclaimed the Son to be in all things like the Father. If, therefore, they were to come together into one place, they would undoubtedly repudiate the opinion of Aetius, which those men, showing their approval, were endeavoring with all their might to establish. What do they do? They plot craftily to send those from the West to Ariminum, and those from the East to Seleucia in Isauria, so that they might the more easily accomplish what they were planning; for they thought it easier to persuade the few than the many to what they wanted. D And if they could have both synods follow their own vote by causing division within each, they would; but if not, then at least one of them, lest their own heresy be rejected by the votes of all. They carried out these things through the eunuch Eusebius, who at that time was in charge of the imperial household; for he was of one mind and spirit with Eudoxius. Certain other persons of rank who were favored by the court also carried out everything that had been decided. Constantius, persuaded by them that it was disadvantageous to the public treasury on account of the great expense, and also to the priests themselves on account of the long journey, for all to meet in one place, divided the synod into two and ordered the assembly to be held at Ariminum and Seleucia. And by writing
A in his letters, he decreed that first of all the controversy concerning the profession of faith should be decided, and then deliberation should occur regarding other ecclesiastical sanctions. Furthermore, it should be consulted regarding those who appeared to have been unjustly deposed and driven into exile—among whom was also Cyril, bishop of Jerusalem—and afterwards that an investigation should be made concerning those bishops who were currently under accusation. For very many were being accused, and by the Egyptians especially George, on the grounds that he took pleasure in the plunder of others' property and delighted in certain abusive men. Finally, [he ordered] that through ten selected delegates they should inform him of their proceedings.
Chapter 39. On the Synod of Ariminum, in which the Westerners disagreed with the Easterners.
The bishops gathered, just as the emperor had ordered; and first of all, the Westerners at Ariminum, to the number of four hundred and something more. And those who were bitterly disposed against Athanasius did not think that anything at all should be set in motion concerning him, because they reckoned that this was more convenient. But after the question was proposed concerning the faith—how it was proper to profess it—Valens and Ursacius, who at first had defended the opinion of Arius, but in the intermediate time, by means of a petition presented to Julius, the Roman prelate, had assented to the consubstantial (as we have said, always accommodating themselves to the times and to those in power, suggesting other things as is wont to happen), B said that the prior formulas of faith should be abolished, and that that single one should hold sway which not long before had been composed at Sirmium in the Roman tongue, which indeed the emperor himself held in high regard. For the synod also ought, in their view, to approve that confession of faith and to inquire no further or more curiously, so that in this way every occasion for discord might be cut off, with words having nothing ambiguous—those which had been weighed by subtle and accurate examination—being inserted into the formula. They asserted that it was far better to hold a correct opinion about God with a certain rusticity than to introduce terms from the trivialities of the Greeks, which were not understood. By these words they were hinting at, or rather openly casting aspersion upon, the word "consubstantial," as not being C mentioned in the sacred Scriptures. Following these words, a document was produced, and they requested that it be read, in which they stated that the Son is similar to the Father according to the Scriptures; but they altogether forbade any mention of "substance" regarding God, and in its place they wanted the Son to be declared "similar to the Father in all things." This, moreover, was that same formula which they had previously D kept in reserve, but now brought forward into the light. The chief proponents of this were Germanius, Auxentius, Gaius, and Demophilus; and as it was read, the majority insisted that there was no need for any newer faith, and that they were satisfied with that which had been [produced] at Nicaea.
They had gathered together in that place, therefore, to prevent anything new from being introduced. And although those things that were then read contained nothing new, they nevertheless demanded that those who had composed the document, and the followers of Arius [themselves], since that teaching had stirred up turmoil in the churches everywhere, should first be subjected to anathema. A When Valens and Germinius rejected this petition, the others ordered that the formulas of the heretics and also the Nicene [formula] should be brought forward, so that the former might be rejected and condemned, but the latter confirmed again by the authority and votes of the synod; and they decreed that henceforth there should be no discussion concerning the faith, nor any request for a synod. For it sufficed, they said, to be content with what had been established long ago by the fathers; *posterity ought* to embrace these, and it would be utterly absurd for those who had but recently begun to believe to write a new creed now, and to abolish the ancient tradition by which they themselves and their fathers had governed the churches, many of whom had been adorned with martyrdom and the crowns of their confession. B And these, having thus declared their opinion, resolved to stand by the ancient decrees and to bring in nothing new; but the others, Valens and the rest whom we named a little before, opposed them. For they contended with the utmost effort that the synod should approve the formula of faith recently composed at Sirmium. But so far were the Fathers from doing this, that they even stripped Ursacius, Valens, and their accomplices of their rank by a sentence of condemnation. And the synod furthermore confirmed the Nicene profession. Those, however, taking the condemnation ill, fled to the emperor. C But the synod blamed not only the preface of the formula, but the formula itself as well. For it said: «The catholic faith was set forth in the presence of our lord Constantius the eternal Augustus, in the consulship of the most illustrious men, Flavius Eusebius and Hypatius, at Sirmium, on the eleventh day before the Kalends of June.» And next: «We believe in one only and true God, the Father almighty, creator and founder of all things.» And towards the end they also said: «But the name of essence, because it was set down by the Fathers with more simplicity, and yet is not understood by the people, brings scandal; and because the Scriptures do not contain it, it has pleased that it be removed, and that henceforth there be no mention at all of essence in God, because the divine Scriptures make absolutely no mention of the substance of the Father and the Son. But we say that the Son is like the Father in all things, just as the holy Scriptures say and teach.» D For it seemed ridiculous to the bishops to name the emperor eternal, but to be unwilling to call the Son of God eternal, and to place a definite time at the beginning of this document; for it seemed like a direct slander against the faith of those who had gone before; and Athanasius especially brought these things under accusation, as he declared somewhere in writing to his own people. I would have included the letter that exposes them, had I not been avoiding burdening the discourse, and encouraging the studious to examine for themselves the things that were powerfully stated in it. Those who had been deposed, then, fled to the emperor, carrying the document with them; but the syn-
synod, having sent ten bishops as envoys, informed the emperor by letters of their own regarding what had happened, which contained the following points. A
CHAPTER XL.
The letter of the Council of Ariminum sent to the Emperor Constantius.
We believe that the things long ago decreed have come to pass by the command of God and the behest of your piety. For all of us bishops from all the cities of the West gathered at Ariminum in the same place, in order that the faith of the Catholic Church might be made known, and those who think otherwise might be made manifest. B For having examined the matter at great length, we found it fitting that the faith which has remained from of old—which the prophets and the Gospels and the apostles, through our Lord Jesus Christ, who is the guardian of your empire and the protector of your health, have preached—that we, having held fast to it, should preserve it, and preserving it, keep it until the end. For it appeared absurd and unlawful to change any of those things which were rightly and justly defined, and which were deliberated in common at Nicaea with your most glorious father, the Emperor Constantine; whose teaching and opinion reached C and were preached to the ears and minds of all men, which alone stood as the adversary and destroyer of the Arian heresy; through which not only that heresy, but also the others were overthrown. In it, indeed, even to add anything is unsafe, and to take away is dangerous. For if either were to happen, there would be freedom for the enemies to do whatever they might wish. Hence Ursacius and Valens, since they had long ago been supporters and participants of the Arian dogma, were adjudged to be separated from our communion. But they were admitted to it D after they recognized that they had erred, and prayed to be admitted to repentance and to obtain pardon for their fault, as the document written on their behalf testifies. Wherefore, they obtained that they might be received back into favor and that their offenses might be forgiven. That happened at the time when the synod for the council was being assembled at Mediolanum, in the presence also of the presbyters of the Roman Church, who knew that Constantine—who is worthy of memory even after his death—had promulgated the faith that was set forth with all accuracy and investigation. Since, however, after he had been baptized, he ceased to be among men and departed to his due rest, it would be absurd for anyone after him to introduce anything new, and to despise so many holy confessors and martyrs, the authors and discoverers of that very dogma; who indeed, according to the ancient custom of the Catholic Church, all [...]
sanction, remained in the same opinion: A and God has preserved their faith even until the times of your reign, through our Lord Jesus Christ, by whose favor you hold the empire, and rule over our world as well. But again, those pitiable and wretched men, with an impious mind and nefarious daring, proclaimed themselves heralds of an impious opinion and attempted to overturn the entire foundation of truth. For after the council of the synod was assembled according to your command, they revealed the design of their own seduction and fraud: for they contended, introducing themselves with a certain tumult of craftiness, to innovate somewhat, having found men of their own company and impiety—Germinius, Auxentius, and Gaius—the authors of divisiveness and sedition, whose inconstant doctrine exceeds in its impiety a whole heap of blasphemies. But when they perceived that we were not of the same heresy, nor did we agree with their depraved opinions, they insinuated themselves into our council, as if to decree something else. But a very short time intervened, which brought their opinions to light and refuted them. B Truly, lest the affairs of the Church be always afflicted by the same misfortune, and a tumult and disturbance, once unleashed, should overwhelm everyone, it seemed safest that those things which were decreed of old should be kept entire and inviolate; and that those whom we have mentioned should be separated from our commerce and communion. For which reason we have sent our envoys to your clemency, who might also indicate and declare to you the judgment of our council by writing. To these envoys, we have especially mandated this before all else, that they should make certain of the truth from the ancient and justly defined decrees, and confirm it; they will also declare to your holiness that there will by no means be peace, as Ursacius and Valens said, if anything in the legitimate constitutions should be changed. C For how can they maintain peace, who destroy peace itself? Rather, contention and tumult will arise from these things, both elsewhere and in the Roman Church. Therefore, we supplicate your clemency that you may look upon our envoys with a serene countenance and hear them with benign ears, and that you do not permit any innovation or change to be made to the injury of the deceased, but rather permit us to rest in those things which have been determined and legitimately constituted by our ancestors, men whom we would certainly say acted throughout with sagacity, prudence, and the inspiration of the Holy Spirit. For the things now being innovated by these men create disbelief in the faithful, and ferocity in the unfaithful. We supplicate further that you may command that the bishops who live in distant and foreign regions, and who are oppressed either by the infirmity of advanced age or by the difficulty of severe poverty, may be allowed with benevolence to return to their own, D lest the churches, being separated from their bishops, remain any longer in such solitude. In addition to all these things, we also pray this of you: that nothing be taken away, nor anything added to those things which previously existed, what
remained intact and whole, just as they have been preserved by the piety of your father up to this very time; and that you do not henceforth allow us to be afflicted by the toil of the journey and to be far away, separated from our parishes, but that the bishops may rather be able to be free for sacred feasts and divine matters with their own people, praying for your health, empire, and peace, which may the divine Power deem worthy to bestow upon you in perpetuity. Our envoys A also bring with them the subscriptions and the names of the bishops; these men will, by means of the Holy Scriptures themselves, inform your piety more fully of our opinion. These things the bishops gathered at Ariminum wrote to the emperor.
CHAPTER XLI.
Regarding the disagreement of the bishops gathered at Ariminum with the emperor, and the synod convened with evil intent at Nicaea, a city of Thrace.
B But Valens and Ursacius outstripped the envoys, and explained the whole matter to the emperor according to their own will, and having shown the document which they had read, they calumniously disparaged the synod, as one which had not accepted the formula that he himself had been present to help draft. And he, being furious with the synod, kept postponing the envoys, to whom the long delay in the court was burdensome, putting off the matter day by day; however, he held in high regard those whom the others had deposed. And having finally given an excuse with difficulty, he wrote that because necessity urged him to go against the enemy, he was unable conveniently to see the envoys during the expedition, but he ordered them to wait for him as he returned from Adrianople, so that there, free from disturbances, he might hear the embassy at his leisure and resolve what was necessary. He added that one intending to deliberate about divine matters ought to be free from other business and possess a sincere and quiet mind. To these things the synod responded again, that they would never perform anything other than what had been decreed by them, even if anything else were to be decided. And not only did they write this, but they also commanded the envoys to say it. Furthermore, they entreated him to receive the envoys kindly, to hear graciously what they were ordered to say orally, and to read diligently what they themselves had written. They also signified that it was somehow harsh, while he was reigning, for so many churches to be deprived of their pastors for such a long time, while the bishops were still alive; C and that it was necessary, if it seemed good also to him, for each one to return to his own church before winter overtook them. Having written these and other similar things, as it was proper for suppliant priests to do, with words and language much calculated to persuade, and having placed this in the letter in a seemly manner, they remained there for a short time. But when he signified nothing at all to them, after having waited, they then departed, each to their own thrones. That the bishops who had gathered at Ariminum confirmed the faith of Nicaea is already manifest; but that many later subscribed to the formula brought from Sirmium by the party of Ursacius and Valens, this too we shall declare. A double opinion is held regarding this matter. For the one says that the emperor, having seized the pretext of the dissolution of the synod, as though it were dissolved not by his own will, gave power to the party of Valens to govern the western churches according to their own desire, and that which [was] by them... DA read, to publish it to all; and those who chose not to subscribe to it, to drive from their thrones, and to bring in others whom they knew to be of like mind. Having seized such authority, they compelled all by force to subscribe to the aforementioned faith; and those who did not wish to do so, they pushed out with all speed. Among these, they first drove out Liberius by force, because he would not comply. Some say this was his second exile, others that it was the first, when the events concerning Felix also occurred, as we have mentioned a little before.
Having accomplished these things in Italy, those around Valens intended to do the same in the East. And so, passing through Thrace, when they arrived at a certain town B of that region named Nice, they gathered a synod and, having translated the faith which had been read in Ariminum from the Latin into the Greek tongue, they attempted to confirm it, and proclaimed that the faith [published] at Nice had gained its validity as though it had been voted upon by an ecumenical council, so that by the similarity of names they might craftily deceive the simpler folk, in such a way as to make them believe it was the document issued at Nicaea in Bithynia. But the sophistry was exposed, and the proceedings became a laughingstock.
These then say so. Another account, however, has it that since the bishops gathered at Ariminum were being worn down by the delay of the imperial reply, and because they were not permitted to return to their own sees, those who were addicted to C the other opinion suborned certain men to say that it was not fitting that some should so vehemently defend the Word of one substance, such that for its sake all bishops everywhere were at variance through sedition. It was permissible, they said, to call the Son like to the Father, and so to quell the contention of the entire world; for the bishops of the East would not be at peace unless the name of "substance" were removed. When these things had been said with a certain crafty gravity by those zealous for this opinion, the synod was at length with difficulty induced to think that it should subscribe to the formula of Ursacius and Valens. For the artificers of this ruse feared D that the envoys might disclose to the emperor the constant alacrity which the Western bishops had shown from the beginning, and the cause of the removal of "consubstantial." Wherefore they devised the plan to detain the orators in the town of Thrace which has been mentioned, Nice, by using as a pretext the severity of the winter and the claim that the pack animals were not capable of travelling or enduring the labor of the road; and that in the meantime, during this delay, they should translate the faith composed by themselves from Latin into the Greek tongue, and send it to the bishops in the East. For so it would come to pass, when they had inclined to their opinion, that they would accomplish what was being plotted, and such a deception would not be detected by those who were to consider this matter, namely that the synod of Ariminum had been forced to withdraw from the word "consubstantial," as though compelled by the Eastern bishops, who had utterly rejected that term. Which in reality was false. For almost all in the East
with few exceptions, held the opinion that the Son was similar in substance to the Father. And the controversy consisted only in this, that some called the Son consubstantial, while others called him similar-in-substance. And this, indeed, took place in the parts of the West.
CHAPTER XLII
What evils the Arians brought upon those who worship the consubstantial; concerning the cruelty of Macedonius; what evils also befell the Novatians because of the consubstantial; and how Macedonius, having moved the remains of Constantine to another place, stirred up a tumult of the people, for which cause Constantius was indignant.In the East, indeed, before the synod of Seleucia met, no fewer disturbances were occurring. For the champions of the Arian heresy, having gained great confidence from imperial assistance, were of unbridled and impotent spirit, and were always eager for new commotions. Consequently, Acacius of Caesarea and Patrophilus of Scythopolis, having deposed Maximus, committed the care of the church of Jerusalem to Cyril. And Macedonius was confounding and disturbing the prefectures and cities around Constantinople, appointing to them bishops whom he knew to be skillful at serving his own purpose. For he handed over the church of Cyzicus to Eleusius, who had formerly served with distinction in the imperial court. And he showed Marathonius to be the high priest of the city of Nicomedia, who, when he had been a deacon of that same church, is said to have shown himself an excellent man, building and caring for the dwellings of the indigent and for the schools of men and women. And although the lives of both these men were approved, they were nevertheless excessively industrious in afflicting those who professed the Son to be consubstantial with the Father; yet in this matter they were unlike Macedonius. For he did not merely cruelly persecute those who avoided his communion, but also cast the unwilling into chains and handed them over to the judges. He compelled those who abhorred his communion to join it by threatened violence, and struck many who were famous for their religion, and by forcing their mouths open with a piece of wood, he administered the holy mysteries even to the unwilling. This indeed seemed a huge infliction, surpassing by far other tortures. In the same way, he also seized women and children, and those who had not yet been instructed in divine matters or baptized, he compelled to be initiated into the mysteries. And if anyone refused, or argued against it, blows, scourges, bonds, prison, and things consistent with these followed him. But it will be quite sufficient, by making mention of one or two examples, to show how great was the cruelty of Macedonius and the inhumanity of those who flourished with him. For from certain women who shunned his communion, he tore away their breasts, having compressed them with vises and chests. There were others whose same parts of the body he would burn, sometimes with eggs roasted to the extreme in fire, sometimes with a red-hot iron. This was indeed an unusual and exotic punishment invented by those who professed Christ, which leaves far behind those things which the tyrants of the Greeks formerly devised with such great zeal and ambition. Nay, he also razed many churches to the ground, bringing forward the letters of the emperor which commanded that the houses of prayer of those who preached the consubstantial should be immediately overturned. From which cause, he also leveled the church of the Novatians in the Pelargus,
A because he knew that they too assented to the consubstantial. At which time they accomplished a magnificent work of strenuous labor, perhaps with the help of those who held the same opinion, as they were also of the confession of the consubstantial. For when that building was destroyed by those to whom this had been entrusted, they, with their wives and children, gathered in a body, and each, bringing what was needed and appropriate, worked beyond measure; and in a brief moment of time, in the place by the name of Sycae, opposite the city, they immediately built another church from the ground up, and called it B "Anastasis" (Resurrection), giving it that name from the very event. This later, when Julian was emperor and gave permission, they moved back to the former site, carrying the materials from Sycae, having completed both works with incredible speed.
As these things were being carried out by Macedonius, the Novatians and those of the catholic Church who confessed the consubstantial were almost united, having the same belief and being persecuted alike; they made peace with each other, were gathering together, and were sharing in prayer and other things. For there was no building left to those of the catholic Church, all having been occupied by the Arians. And considering it a C void to be separated from one another by the constant association and by this same suffering, they were inclined toward mutual communion. And the matter would have been perfected, had not a little envy intervened to hinder the readiness of the multitude, with many saying that the ancient custom must be kept, and that incomplete communion should be rejected.
In the same ways, Eleusius at Cyzicus was afflicting the Novatians; for he utterly destroyed their church there. The same thing was being suffered by those who lived at Mantineum, and by other Novatians in Paphlagonia. When the followers of Macedonius’s church could not drive them D out, they asked for the help of the emperor, who ordered four thousand armed soldiers to be assigned to them, thinking that they would yield and be overcome by the unusual fear of arms. But the outcome was otherwise. For the crowds there, having seized scythes, clubs, and whatever else chanced to be at hand, each man engaged the soldiers. And when a battle was joined on both sides, many of the Paphlagonians fell, but almost all the soldiers were destroyed. Wherefore Macedonius was blamed by many, even by his own associates. The emperor also withdrew the warmth of his benevolence from him, and was not so well disposed toward him thereafter. [Furthermore, another event occurred that stirred up greater hatred against him in the emperor: for when the building in which the sarcophagus and body of Constantine lay threatened to fall, and there was no small fear hanging over those who waited there, Macedonius was eager to move the bones of the emperor elsewhere. But the multitude, learning of this, were in an uproar, saying that it was not right to move so great an emperor, for it differed nothing from digging him up.]
Those who professed the Nicene dogma also agreed with these words, thinking that the transfer was an affront to the emperor. Added to this was the fact that they were intentionally opposing Macedonius. He, however, regarding such words with contempt, transferred the body into the temple where the corpse of Acacius the martyr was also buried. When this was done, a huge tumult arose among the divided people. And while some praised the act and others condemned it, at first they defended themselves by warding off the injury; then, turning upon one another, they proceeded to such a pitch of madness that they filled that very holy temple, and the place around it, with blood and slaughter. The emperor, still staying in the West, when he learned what had been done regarding his father's sepulchre, took it heavily to heart, and declared to Macedonius that his father had been insulted by him, since he had dared to move him against his will, and that he himself was the cause of the slaughter of such a multitude. And afterward he crossed from the West to the Eastern parts. He sent his cousin Julian, whom he had at that time appointed Caesar, into B Gaul, to be a protection for the Western provinces.
CHAPTER XLIII
Of the synod gathered at Seleucia, and of the other formula of faith which Acacius dictated.
But how Macedonius was thrust from his throne, and paid a small penalty for many evils, I shall relate a little later. Now I shall pass on to the synod celebrated at Seleucia, which Constantius, on account of the difficulty of the journey, ordered to be held in the East as a rival to the one at Ariminum. One hundred and sixty bishops assembled at Seleucia in Isauria. With them was Leonas, who had long held a distinguished position in the emperor's court. Under his supervision, Constantius had ordered the inquiry into the faith to be carried out in writing. Lauricius, C the commander of that nation, was also present, having received a mandate from the emperor to assist both him and the bishops in whatever matter might be necessary. When they had gathered in one place, and the shorthand writers were present to take down whatever was said, it was found that many were absent at the first session, especially Macedonius of Constantinople, Basilius of Ancyra, and Patrophilus of Scythopolis. The one claimed illness, another complained of his eyes, and another offered some other excuse; in reality, they were avoiding the meeting because they feared the mouths of their accusers. But when, because of the absence of these men, the synod refused to begin an examination of the controversial issues, Leonas ordered D that even so, each should bring forward to the inquiry whatever he thought best. Some, therefore, proposed that the doctrine should be defined first, while others suggested that the inquiries should be directed toward the lives of those who were under accusation among them; this they did on account of Cyril of Jerusalem and Eustathius.
of Sebasteia, and others. A Since the emperor's letters promoted this, urging them to inquire first into the faith and then into the lives of men, they began to make this a pretext. From this, they turned to verbal contentions, treating one another badly, and from this rivalry, they split into two B parties. One side was led by Acacius, bishop of Caesarea in Palestine, along with George of Alexandria, Uranius of Tyre, and Eudoxius of Antioch, who had with them thirty-two others; the other party was led by George of Laodicea in Syria, Sophronius of Pompeiopolis in Paphlagonia, and Eleusius of Cyzicus, whom the rest of the synod followed. C The opinion of those who argued that the faith should be examined first prevailed. When they arrived at this point, it seemed to those around Acacius that the creed set forth at Nicaea should be abolished and that some other new one should be proclaimed; however, the others of the opposing phalanx, who were also greater in number, said they were satisfied with that original creed and requested that it be accepted, only casting off the word D "consubstantial." This contention continued until evening, until Sylvanus, the prelate of the Church of Tarsus, cried out in a loud voice that there was no need to dictate another creed, saying it sufficed to hold to that which had been previously accurately and subtly dictated at Antioch, and that they ought to abide by it. Provoked by these words, Acacius left the assembly with the partisans of his faction. Those who remained then ordered the antiochene profession of faith to be recited before the council, and thus the assembly was dissolved. A On the following day, entering the temple of the divine Thecla with the doors closed, they confirmed with their own votes that which had been read, and ratified it separately with signatures. Some, acting as proxies for those who were absent, such as readers and deacons, signed on behalf of those by whom they had been sent. Acacius rebuked this action, saying that things done in secret B were far from noble and were not free from sinister suspicion. He was endeavoring to introduce a new faith, which, as it seemed right to him, he composed and read privately to the leading men, Leonas and Lauricius, and strove greatly to have it prevail. These were the proceedings of the second assembly. On the third day, those who had previously been absent were now present: Macedonius of Constantinople and Basil of Ancyra. C But those around Acacius refused to participate in the assembly unless those who had been deposed and accused by them were expelled from the council. Much strife having arisen from this, it was eventually decided that the others should depart; and this was done. They indeed yielded. The Fathers decreed this, thinking that Acacius was feigning a pretext to dissolve the synod so that the heresy of Aetius might be exempted from the present examination, D and that those who were defendants might escape judgment, and that the Acacians themselves, regarding the crimes of which they were accused, might not have to answer. But when they had left and Acacius with his own followers had entered, Leonas presented a document which had been given to him by Acacius and his partisans, stating that it was not an exposition of faith—for he fought against those present both secretly and openly—and indeed, while they were sitting in silence, not thinking it to be an exposition of faith, at that moment the Acacian creed was revealed.
A For he was attacking those who were present at the synod both secretly and openly; nor did his document trouble the readers any the less, whether openly or clandestinely. Since they were therefore silent, and sitting still, because they did not in the least suspect that a formulary of faith was contained in the writing, the profession of faith of Acacius was at that time published, with a preface composed in this manner:
The Exposition
"We who have gathered at Seleucia of Isauria by the command of the most pious emperor our Constantius, B yesterday—which was the day before the five days of the Calends of October—put forth every effort with all seemliness to preserve peace for the Church, and to discuss firmly concerning the faith, as our emperor commanded, in accordance with the prophetic and evangelical voices, and to introduce nothing into the ecclesiastical faith beyond the Scriptures. But since some in the synod have insulted certain of our number, and have stopped the mouths of others, not permitting them to speak, and have excluded others against their will, and have brought with them those who have been deposed from various provinces, and those who have been C ordained contrary to the canons, so that the synod was filled with tumult from every side—as the most illustrious Count Leonas and the most illustrious governor of the province, Lauricius, have observed with their own eyes—on this account we declare these things: that we do not shun the authoritative faith which was published at the very time of the dedication at Antioch, D which we also bring forward, since it is established that our fathers at that time agreed among themselves regarding the controversy of faith that was proposed. However, since the *consubstantial* and the *similar in substance* have disturbed past times, and indeed even now, and recently some have even innovated by declaring the Son to be *unlike* the Father: for this very reason we reject the *consubstantial* and the *similar in substance* as being words foreign to the Scriptures; but the *unlike* we anathematize, and we count all who are of such an opinion to be alienated from the Church.
"Yet we clearly profess the likeness of the Son to the Father, according to the opinion of the Apostle, who says concerning the Son: *Who is the image of the invisible God.* [Coloss. 1, 15] We also profess and believe in one God the Father Almighty, maker of heaven and earth, and of things visible and invisible. We believe also in our Lord Jesus Christ, his Son, begotten from him without any suffering before all ages, God the Word from God, the only-begotten, light, life, truth, wisdom; through whom all things were made, both those in the heavens and those upon the earth, whether visible or invisible. We believe that he, at the consummation of the ages, took flesh from the holy Virgin Mary for the abolition of sin, and became man, and suffered for our sins. Who also...
A ascended into heaven, and is seated at the right hand of the Father, and who will come again in glory to judge the living and the dead. We believe also in the Holy Spirit, whom he named the Comforter, and whom he promised he would send to the apostles after his departure, as he, the Savior and our Lord, indeed sent him: by whom he also sanctifies those in the Church who believe, and those baptized in the name of the Father and of the Son and of the Holy Spirit. But those who preach anything else besides this faith, them we declare to be aliens from the Catholic Church.» This is Acacius's formula, to which the thirty-two supporters of his faction also subscribed. Concerning which, the bishop Sophronius of Pompeiopolis in Paphlagonia is said to have openly spoken these words: «If to express one’s own will daily is to issue a formula of faith, the certainty of truth itself will desert us.» Sophronius indeed cried this out at that time with a loud voice. B But I would say that if those who came before them and those who followed them had thought and acted in the same way regarding the Nicene profession of faith, the dogma of the Church would have been preserved unadulterated, and all contentious wordplay would have remained far from the divine precincts. And the assembly was dissolved at that time, after they had said and heard many things against one another regarding the accusations. But at the fourth meeting, much empty chatter was manifest. Acacius insisted that there was nothing to prevent the introduction of another creed, since the Nicene faith had been altered once already, and not just once, but indeed many times. To this, Eleusius of Cyzicus replied: «The present synod,» he said, «has been gathered not so that it might learn what it did not know before, nor so that it might discover a more approved faith than that which was promulgated by the Fathers at Antioch. For adhering to their definitions, even if some other thing were to be issued by it, I would never abandon it.» To which I, opposing him, would say: «How then, most wicked Eleusius, do you call those who gathered at Antioch 'Fathers'? For it would have been much more fitting for you to call those 'Fathers' who, assembling at Nicaea, C unanimously proclaimed the consubstantial, since they are both older in time and those who gathered at Antioch received their own function of sacred offices from them. But if those men rejected their own Fathers, you should call them parricides rather than Fathers. Who, therefore, would follow such men? And if their faith is reprobate, then their ordination cannot, by any means, be beyond doubt. For if they did not possess the Holy Spirit before those others, which comes especially through the laying on of hands, then they are not to be reckoned among bishops and priests at all. For how could they have received such a dignity from those who never possessed it themselves?» A person could have used these words to oppose Eleusius. Furthermore, as the discussion proceeded, they arrived at another question. And because in the formula they had called the Son similar to the Father, Acacius's faction was asked in what respect they professed the Son to be similar to the Father. And while that party said he was similar by will alone, and not by substance, all the others insisted that he was D similar also by substance. And regarding this, a most lengthy dispute occurred throughout the whole day. They also cross-examined Acacius himself, as he had written differently in his own works, which he had also published, having called the Son similar to the Father in all things, and declaring him to be glorified in the same way as the Father. «And now why,» they asked, «do you deny the similarity by substance?» But he provided no defense, neither from any recent nor from any ancient writings. And with a most fierce dispute flaring up, finally Eleusius of Cyzicus said: «If Basil and Mark have done something on their own account, or are accusing one another of certain private matters, nothing of the...
B sort pertains to the synod. Nor do we have any necessity to inquire too curiously into what they may have written concerning the faith, either rightly or wrongly. I judge it necessary, however, to acquiesce in the Antiochene profession, set forth C by ninety-seven Fathers. If any man wishes to submit a different formula of faith, it is right that all should consider him a stranger to true piety and the Church.» With these words the meeting was again dissolved. On the following day, Acacius and George, with their followers, were unwilling to come to the assembly. Leonas himself, though summoned, also refused to come, declaring he would not attend. He openly sided with them, using the pretext that he had been sent by the emperor to reconcile the synod to concord. But since they were divided amongst themselves without observing any order, he said it was not easy for him to approach them; he told them that if they wished, they should depart and go sit in the church and trifle there. Thus time was wasted. Acacius, indeed, was being called with his party into the assembly. They, however, wished a certain number of bishops to come to the house of Leonas, where they were frequently accustomed to be; and furthermore, they asserted that they had a mandate from the emperor to judge others. Yet they could neither endure to profess the same faith as the others, nor would they deign to reply to the charges brought against them. Being called also to the examination of Cyril of Jerusalem, whom they themselves had deposed, they did not present themselves. Nor, indeed, was there anyone present to compel them. But those others not only acted thus freely, but also deposed Acacius and as many as had fled to his side—since they had feared to clear themselves of the crimes alleged against them—and deprived them of their dignity: namely, George of Alexandria, Uranius of Tyre, Patrophilus of Scythopolis, and Eudoxius of Antioch; others they subjected to the rule of excommunication until they should satisfy the charges brought against them by pleading their cause. And what was done concerning them they wrote to every parish. In place of Eudoxius at Antioch, they ordained Anianus, a presbyter of the Antiochene church, whom Acacius and his followers immediately seized and handed over to Leonas and Lauricius; these held him under military guard and later condemned him to exile. Thus the events at the synod of Seleucia, as I have been able to set them forth concisely, reached this end. Those, however, who wish to know all things accurately may seek them out from the acts of that synod, which the diligence of the assigned notaries finished with the utmost care. These things having been so transacted, the supporters of Acacius quickly set out for the emperor. The others, each one, returned to their own homes.
CHAPTER XLIV. Concerning the events at Constantinople after the synod of Seleucia; how Aetius was deposed; how those who had gathered at Seleucia and those from the West subscribed to the faith of Ariminum; and how afterward fifty bishops, having gathered in a synod at Constantinople, confirmed the exposition of Ariminum, with certain words added to it by the party of Acacius; and a catalogue of the various expositions of faith.
The emperor at that time returned to Constantinople from the regions of the West; having abolished the proconsular dignity, he appointed for the first time a prefect of the city, by name Honoratus. The synod, by common consent, had sent ten bishops to the emperor; upon coming to Constantinople, they found there the ten legates who had been sent from Ariminum, as well as Acacius and his followers, who had already accomplished what they had B intended. For by means of those around the emperor, they had secured his favor, for some were of the same mind as they, some had been corrupted by sacred gifts, and others were swayed by the blandishments of Acacius. For Acacius was by no means a man to be despised, whether in counsel or in speech, and was quite adept at accomplishing the things he had set out to do. He governed a famous church and had had as his teacher Eusebius, son of Pamphilus, whose bishopric he had also inherited; and as he had endeavored to learn many things, and was considered to surpass others both in reputation and in the number of books he possessed (which had been left by Pamphilus), he was judged to be set above the rest. Because he was such a man, it was not difficult for him to settle most matters according to his own judgment.
But when twenty bishops as legates from each synod were present there, along with others who had happened to arrive for the business, they were first ordered to deliberate upon and judge the case of Aetius, with many of the highest-ranking senators present, among whom the aforementioned Honoratus presided. Later, however, when the examination took C place in the presence of Constantius himself, Aetius was caught wandering far from the faith, so that both the emperor and those who held offices under him became ill-disposed toward him on account of his manifest blasphemy. Acacius, however, together with those who agreed with him, recovered his senses through penitence, feigning that he had been ignorant of that heresy at first. For he had previously contended and exerted all his effort that the prince should order his case to be judged casually and outside the regular order, thinking Aetius to be unassailable by arguments and sufficiently capable of convincing those who were to dispute with him, whether by the persuasion of words or the force of reasons, and that he would establish his own opinion without any trouble.
But when he did not succeed in the attempt, he produced in the midst the document brought from Ariminum, and ordered those ten bishops who had come from Seleucia to accept it. When they vehemently resisted and said that it was altogether impossible to omit the name of "substance," they persuaded them by swearing an oath by the name of God that they did not hold the Son to be unlike in substance, and that they were prepared to anathematize those who held otherwise. Now, since D the Westerners at Ariminum had also, paradoxically, omitted the name of "substance," they claimed that such an exposition of the faith was of the utmost importance; for they thought that if that one prevailed, the name of "substance" being altogether passed over in silence, they would have practiced a profound silence regarding the "consubstantial" as well. This, indeed, out of reverence for the synod at Nicaea, the priests throughout the West...
A valued highly. Yet, the emperor himself also praised this creed. For he reasoned with himself that so many bishops who were at Ariminum would not have erred to such a degree as to profess "similar" and "consubstantial," and that it made no difference to him in meaning, provided that one did not use terms unknown to the holy Scriptures, but in an equivalent and indisputable term, confessed the meaning of "similar." Having such an opinion, therefore, he did not cease persuading the bishops sent from Seleucia, until they too signed the Ariminum creed. But those around Acacius, lingering in Constantinople, also summoned the Bithynian bishops—among whom were Maris of Chalcedon and Ulphilas, bishop of the Goths, B who formerly cherished the faith at Nicaea, following Theophilus who was before him, who had been present at the Nicene synod and had confirmed the opinion with his vote. Having gathered to the number of fifty, they ratified the creed read at Ariminum, adding that henceforth they should in no way name "substance" or "subsistence" in relation to God, and that they would not accept any other creed aside from the one set before them, either previously issued or to be issued in the future. Since we have barely mentioned this, I think it necessary, as they also added certain things, to set this forth as far as possible. The one at Ariminum, with the addition, reads word for word as follows:
"We believe in one only God, the Father almighty, from whom are all things; and in the only-begotten Son of God, begotten from God before all ages and before every beginning; through whom all things were made, visible and invisible; begotten C as the only-begotten from the only Father, God from God, similar to the Father who begat him, according to the Scriptures; the generation of whom no one knows except the Father alone who begat him. We know that this only-begotten Son of God, the Father sending him, came from the heavens, as it is written, for the destruction of sin and death; and was born of the Holy Spirit and of Mary the Virgin according to the flesh, as it is written; and he associated with the disciples; and the whole economy having been fulfilled according to the Father's will, he was crucified and died and was buried; and he descended into the lower parts of the earth, whom even hell itself feared; who also rose from the dead on the third day, and spent time with the disciples; and when the forty days were fulfilled, he was received into the heavens; and he sits at the right hand of the Father; and he is to come in the last day of the resurrection in the Father's glory, so that he may render to everyone according to his works. D And in the Holy Spirit, whom the only-begotten Son of God himself, our Lord and God, promised to send to the race of men as a Comforter, as it is written, the Spirit of truth, whom he sent to them when he was received into the heavens."
The name of "substance," which was put forth more simply by the Fathers, but being unknown to the common people, creates a scan-
scandal or offense, because the Scriptures do not contain it; it is therefore agreed to remove it, and to make no mention of it hereafter, since the divine Scriptures likewise do not mention the substance of the Father and the Son. Nor should the Father, the Son, and the Holy Spirit be called by the term "subsistence." We profess the Son to be like unto the Father, as the divine Scriptures say and teach. And all heresies, whether they have been condemned already, or those that may arise hereafter, being contrary to this written statement, let them be anathema. A Such was the formula of faith first read at Ariminum, and subsequently at Constantinople. But since we have at last barely extricated ourselves from the labyrinth of these confessions, it seemed good to briefly enumerate them in one place. First, the faith of Nicaea is correctly stated; the second after that was pronounced in a twofold manner at the dedication of the church at Antioch; the third is that which was announced by those around Narcissus to the Emperor Constantine the younger in the Gauls; to these was added the fourth, of Eudoxius, which was sent to the inhabitants of Italy; B at Sirmium three others were edited, one of which was also read at Ariminum; the eighth, Acacius composed at Seleucia; the ninth and last is that of Constantinople, which also received the addition that neither "subsistence" nor "substance" should be spoken of in regard to God. And concerning these matters, enough.
CHAPTER XLV
C How Acacius and Eudoxius deprived Macedonius, Eleusius, Basilius, and Sophronius of their episcopates, not for the sake of doctrine, but on account of certain private crimes.But in truth, Acacius and Eudoxius, along with the supporters of their faction, while they were at Byzantium, also made it their study to retaliate by depriving the bishops of the opposite party of their dignity: not indeed for the sake of religion, but for other reasons. Collectively, it was because they had disturbed the churches and violated their ordinances; but separately, they brought different charges against each one. Yet although they disagreed among themselves concerning the profession of faith, they did not include the crime of the faith in their decrees of deposition. D First, they deprive Aetius of the diaconate, as having been an author of disturbance and sedition in the Church, and one who, in the manner of the sophists, used disputations contentiously for the sake of display, with an ill reputation, against the custom and institution of the Church, and followed the same method in writing. They deposed him in this way, not from a sincere conviction, but so as to abolish the opinion of many, who thought that almost everyone held the same views as he did. They utilized the anger of the Emperor as an ally, which they also kept in reserve against others, and especially against Macedonius, as we have said above.
A And since, because of the translation of the urn of the ashes of his father, Constantine, and also because he had admitted to communion a deacon caught in fornication, they deposed this man forthwith. Third among them they deposed Eleusius of Cyzicus, bringing against him the accusation that he had inconsiderately admitted to the holy baptism, and had even advanced to the order of deacon, a certain Heraclius, a Tyrian, who was a priest of the Hellenic god Hercules in the city of Tyre, a manifest impostor, and who merely feigned the Christian faith—a man who had become a fugitive from there because of his sorceries; and even when he later learned that he was such a person, he did not exclude him from the priesthood. And [they accused him] of having uncanonically granted the dignity of the priesthood to men who, on account of a condemnation, had been driven away by Maris, the bishop of Chalcedon. B They also deposed Basil, who is also called Basilas, as having two names, and who, in place of Marcellus, had obtained the throne of Ancyra, because he had, without any reason, handed over a man to be tortured and kept him in chains in prison for a long time; and because he had woven grievous slanders against certain clerics of Antioch, Cilicia, Galatia, and Asia, and by handing them over untried to the governors, he became the cause of their fines and exile. Furthermore, [they charged] that he had taken away from Diogenes, a presbyter of Alexandria who was passing through Ancyra, the papers which he carried with him, and had even beaten him. They also brought another charge against him: that he had dared to oppose the imperial mandates, by which it was ordered that Aetius and certain others should be brought to Cecropius, to give an account of the charges of which they were accused; and that he had written to Hermogenes the prefect and to the governor of Syria concerning whom and to which places they should be deported—for although the Emperor, when writing, had ordered them to be brought back to their own country, Basil had cunningly brought about the opposite, opposing both the magistrates and the bishops. Moreover, C that he had incited the clergy of Sirmium against Germinius so that they would not communicate with him, and he was caught in perjury; and that he had been the cause of discord and sedition among the Illyrians and the Africans through his letters; and that he had calumniously accused Ursacius and Valens when writing to the African bishops; and that he had forced a bound serving-woman to bear false witness against her mistress; and that he had baptized a man living in a foul relationship with a woman, and had even granted him the dignity of a deacon. And that he did not exclude from the church a certain traveler who had been the cause of many murders; and that he had organized conspiracies at the mystical table, and had prepared those among the clergy to swear upon oath not to accuse one another; and that he did this by deceit, so that he himself, being D the first among the clergy, might escape the accusations. These, then, were the causes for the deposition of Basil of Ancyra. As for Eustathius of Sebasteia in Armenia, first, when he had been enrolled among the presbytery, Eulalius, his father, having condemned him, had excommunicated him from the church, because he was wearing a garment unbefitting the priesthood. Now, Eulalius was the bishop of Caesarea in Cappadocia. Afterward, he was also cut off from communion by the council held in Neocaesarea of Pontus. And Eusebius—who was first of Berytus, then of Nicomedia, and thirdly of the Church of Constantinople, having received the oversight after Paul—deposed him, because he had been condemned for certain [mis]deeds of administration. And in addition to these, because he had not...
[merely] held and taught those things in the Church, but [also] acted upon them; for which reasons the Council of Gangra deposed him and cast him out with anathema. A Likewise, he fell under charges of perjury at the Council of Antioch; and because he attempted to subvert and scatter the things rightly decreed by those who gathered at Melitene; and being liable to so many accusations, he [nonetheless] chose to act as a judge, calling others strangers to the faith.
They also deposed Eortasius, the bishop of Sardis, because the bishops of Lydia had not ratified his ordination. And Dracontius of Pergamum, too, as having been bishop in Galatia previously; and having released him from the latter, they did not permit him to return to the former. And Sophronius the Paphlagonian, as one who trafficked in the money of the Church with a grasping attitude, and as one who, after a first and second summons, had barely arrived and did not deign to offer the council an apology, choosing instead to appeal to secular judges. B Additionally, they deposed Elpidius, the bishop of Satalis, as a comrade and teacher of disorder to Basil, and for having brought a certain man, Eusebius—who had been stripped of the priesthood by the Council of Melitene—to the rank of presbyter without proper judgment; and for having bestowed the diaconate upon a certain Nectaria, who was excluded from communion on account of certain violations of oaths, though he did not impart to her the ecclesiastical honor.
Neon of Seleucia was deposed, first because he had eagerly permitted Anianus to be ordained bishop of Antioch in his own church; and further, because he had thoughtlessly established as bishops some who were ignorant of the Holy Scriptures, and devoid of the Church's institutions, and who lived not well—men who afterwards chose to acquire money from their priesthood, and having selected in writing to administer while holding their own properties, rather than to exercise the episcopacy without them. C Silvanus was deposed as a cause of madness to others, both in Seleucia itself and in Constantinople; and Theophilus, who presided over the Church of Castabala, because he had previously been ordained by the bishops of Palestine for Eleutheropolis, and had sworn an oath against his will never to accept another Church.
It should be known that the Council of Gangra deposed Eustathius of Sebaste because he did many things contrary to ecclesiastical custom; for he repudiated marriage and suggested abstinence from meats. Through these [teachings], many were severed from the marital union; and he persuaded those who avoided the communion of the Church to communicate at home; and he separated slaves who had chosen to serve God from their masters. D He himself wore an eccentric garment in the style of philosophers and clad his followers in strange attire. He ordained that women should not wear their hair long; he turned away from the established fasts but taught that one ought rather to fast on Sundays; and he forbade prayers from being held in the houses of married people. And if any layman having consorted with a woman took the ordination of a presbyter, he avoided that man’s blessing and communion as a defilement. Such things and other similar matters...
A taken an oath of his own free will that he would never accept another church. It must, however, be observed that the synod of Gangra deprived Eustathius of Sebaste—who had previously been deposed also in the convention of Caesarea—of his bishopric because he had done and authorized many things contrary to the custom of the Church. For he forbade marriage, and taught that one ought to abstain from the eating of meat: whence it came about that many dissolved their marital unions. And those who avoided communion in the church, he persuaded to communicate in private houses. Slaves who had decided to serve God, under the pretext of piety, he granted their freedom even against their masters’ will. And alongside his adopting for himself a singular and unusual habit after the manner of philosophers, he also prescribed new garments for his followers. He established that women should not have long hair. He turned away from the established fasts and taught that one ought rather to fast on the Lord's days. He forbade prayers to be performed in the houses of married people. And if any layman, having a wife in lawful wedlock, had been ordained a presbyter, he ordered that his blessing and communion be avoided as a detestable sin. These things, and others similar to these, he both taught and performed; for which reason the synod of Gangra in Paphlagonia deposed him, and, along with his institutions, slew him with anathema as well.
CHAPTER XLVI
B How Cyril of Jerusalem, too, was deposed; and who replaced those who had been deposed. Also concerning the dishonest and troublesome sophistry of Eudoxius of Constantinople, and regarding the persecution that proceeded from Acacius at that time.After all these, they deposed as the thirteenth Cyril of Jerusalem, a man renowned for virtue and excellent at instructing the masses in discourse; whose writings are those which the Church names the "Cyrillia." Now, the causes for his deposition were, first, that he had held communion with Eustathius and Elpidius, who had opposed the synod at Melitene, of which he himself had been the most important part; and because he had likewise admitted to communion Basil and George of Laodicea, after they had been removed from the order of bishops in Palestine. Furthermore, when he had been made bishop of Jerusalem and ascended the apostolic throne, he disputed with Acacius of Palestine regarding the boundaries of ecclesiastical jurisdiction and metropolitan right. For this reason they were led into mutual hatred, and accused one another of not holding correct views C about God. For the one was previously teaching the doctrines of Arius; while Cyril from the beginning followed those who hold to the consubstantial. Because of this, Acacius, feeling ill-disposed toward him, gathered together the bishops of Palestine who were of the same mind as himself and hastened to stop him from officiating, bringing forward this cause above all: famine was afflicting Palestine, and the multitude, in need of the necessities of life, looked to the bishop. And when he ran out of money and grain, he sold the treasures and sacred hangings of the temple, and as far as he was able, he comforted their want. And it is said that a certain honest man recognized his own offering, namely, a garment D which a certain woman from the theaters and stage had put on. When the matter was investigated, it was discovered that she had bought it from a merchant, who had first purchased it from the bishop. Under this pretext of an affair, Acacius [strove] to have Cyril depart from his bishopric. This was the cause of Cyril's deposition that I learned of; though indeed it is not at all credible to me, because the pretext was famine and poverty. When Cyril had sold it, and subsequently the merchant had sold the dancer's [costume] and she had put it on, it is said that she fell down dead during the very dance.
A Now, as for all those whom they deposed and cast out of Constantinople, those of Acacius’ party were ten in number, who were least willing to cast their votes for such depositions; they commanded them to be kept in a secure place and to live quietly among themselves, neither touching the liturgy nor performing any of those things that are the duties of a bishop, until they should subscribe to the depositions. And they threatened that if within six months they did not manifest repentance and consent to all things that the synod had decreed, they too would be deprived of their churches, and others would be appointed to them who would agree with them, as is customary. B When they had resolved upon this and carried their counsel to completion, they sent letters to all the bishops everywhere, [commanding them] to keep the faith of Ariminum along with its addition, and to confirm it with their signatures; and those who were of a different opinion were to be led off into exile. This was confirmed also by a decree of the emperor. They made these matters known also to Patrophilus of Scythopolis; for he had immediately set off from Seleucia to his own Church. Then, not long after, Eudoxius and his followers substituted others into the episcopal sees. For Eudoxius himself was the first to be surrogate for Macedonius; to Ancyran Basil succeeded Athanasius; and to Eleusius succeeded Eunomius, who indeed became the founder of the heresy named after him. And in place of Eustathius of Sebaste, the divine Meletius was entrusted with the bishopric. C Macedonius, having been deprived of the bishopric of Constantinople, lived for a long time opposite the city toward the East, in a place called the Gates, and there, vomiting forth blasphemy against the Holy Spirit with unbridled mouth, he finished his life miserably. But Acacius and his followers enthroned Eudoxius in the Church of Byzantium, enacting things contrary to those which they had judged only a little while before. For they did not perceive that they who, a short time earlier, had stopped Dracontius from officiating because he had moved from Galatia to Pergamum, were—while transferring Eudoxius, not into one church, but now into a second [one]—decreeing and doing things D contradictory to themselves. When he ascended his church, at that time the great church, which is called Sophia, celebrated its dedication on the fifteenth day of the month of February. He, sitting upon his throne, first uttered that much-bruited voice in the church, saying: "The Father is impious, but the Son is pious." As a tumult and sedition on the part of the multitude naturally arose at this, he exhorted them not to be disturbed; for he said the Father honors no one, but the Son is pious; for he honors, as is right, the Father. When these things were said, the tumult was quieted; but much laughter ensued, and to this day what was said continues to be held in derision. Pursuing and tricking themselves with such things, the impious ones tore the Church asunder, just as even now both he and Acacius busied themselves more than necessary, forgetting what had happened at Nicaea; and they sent out everywhere the faith of Ariminum with the addition, and punished those who did not wish [to accept it] with mandatory exile, as has been said. This, therefore, showing their irrational haste to traverse the effort without toil, was the beginning.
A other disasters, for it brought about no small disturbance to the entire Church and to the city as well. A persecution, in no way lacking in comparison to those that in olden times befell the Hellenists, ran through the Roman empire. For even if it had less of the bodily tortures, the shame involved made it greater and more grievous to those who understood what is right. For both the persecutor and the persecuted were of the same religion and Church. And the evil was as much greater than the disgrace as it is worse to see war waged against one’s own kin; and that one should be such toward foreigners, the law of the priesthood forbade. Now, this novelty, having been praised, was gradually increasing and was provoked toward innovation; and, creeping toward arrogance, it despised the ancient and ancestral laws, and it established laws of its own. Nor did it wish at all to entertain the same views about God as the ancients; but it was always inventing strange doctrines and could not keep a fixed state, always discovering new things upon newer ones, just as was happening at that time.
Chapter 47. On the heresy of Macedonius, and of Marathonius of Nicomedia, and Eustathius of Sebaste, bishops who first began to utter blasphemous words against the Holy Spirit, and were therefore called Pneumatomachi.
Macedonius, indeed, although he had formerly been of the same mind as Eudoxius and Acacius, nevertheless, once he was removed from his church, no longer chose to hold the same views as they did; but he chose to strengthen the faith confirmed at Antioch previously and later at Seleucia—which he, or rather Marathonius, whom he had made bishop of Nicomedia as some suppose, termed *homoiousios* (that is, of similar substance). But he did not merely do this; he also denied in his theology or in the setting forth of the divine nature that the Holy Spirit ought to be called a person of the Trinity. For while he said that the Son was God perfect and in substance similar to the Father, he held the Holy Spirit to be devoid of such honors. For he introduced Him as a servant and minister, and as something only slightly superior to the angelic orders.C Communicating in this opinion with him were Eleusius of Cyzicus, and Sophronius the Paphlagonian, and Eustathius of Sebastia—who, however, being supposedly more moderate, chose to call the Holy Spirit neither God nor creature. Many others also were with them, and almost all those who were deposed along with them by the opposition. D They brought over to themselves no part, or at least a very small part, of the people in Constantinople.
and also of those in Bithynia, Thrace, the Hellespont, and the surrounding nations. For they were also very diligent about their manner of life, to which the common people are accustomed to pay the most attention. Their processions were indeed quite grave, and their general conduct differed not much from the monastic life. Their speech, blended with a certain elegance, set forth a character well-suited to persuade; such as indeed was Marathonius. He, having been a public accountant and having gathered a large purse of money from the soldiers serving under the prefects, once he ceased from that occupation, was a curator of public poorhouses and devoted himself to the service of the sick. Afterwards, he followed the ascetic or monastic life, under the guidance of Eustathius of Sebastia. He also built a notable monastery in Constantinople, which lasted for a long time. So zealous, indeed, was he for the heresy of Macedonius that he used his own money to promote it and persuaded the people to call those of that sect Marathonians. And he alone appears to have stood forth to prevent B such a heresy from perishing entirely in Constantinople. For Macedonius had neither church nor bishop from the time he was cast out of the church, until the time Arcadius came to power. For the followers of Arius drove out those who thought otherwise than they did, not only from the churches, but afflicted them with many other evils; these are called not only Macedonians and Marathonians, but also Pneumatomachi, that is, fighters against the Spirit. It would be a laborious task to recount all those who were cast out of their episcopal sees at that time; but to speak briefly, there was hardly any nation in the Roman empire that did not experience that calamity.
CHAPTER XLVIII
How Eudoxius was transferred to Constantinople, Meletius from Sebastia to Antioch, and how, after the former was cast out, Euzoius obtained the see there.
When Eudoxius looked toward the wealth of the bishopric of Constantinople, and now held possession of it, no small contention arose out of ambition regarding the Antiochene see. For because, so to speak, everyone thought that this bishopric pertained to himself, seditions were stirred up in the clergy C and the people alike, as is wont to happen. The followers of each opinion were eager to have someone chosen from their own party in the expectation of obtaining the bishopric. For there was still a great dissension in the multitude concerning dogma; whence they did not even agree with one another in their psalmodies, but each, according to the opinion he held, modified the hymns that were chanted. And as the situation at Antioch was such, it seemed good to Eudoxius and his followers to transfer to that city Meletius, who was excellent in speaking and persuading, and highly praised for his life and conduct, and who had previously been a supporter of the same opinion as them. For they entertained no small hopes that, by the man’s many superior qualities, he would capture not only the Antiochenes, but also the surrounding D cities; and especially all those
A who were called Eustathians after the divine Eustathius, who preserved the faith of Nicaea entire, and who held their own assemblies and meetings apart. But they were greatly deceived in their expectation. For when he reached Antioch, very many Arians, and many also of the other party that had followed Paulinus, approached him: some on account of the man’s great glory (for a famous report of his arrival had preceded him), others for the sake of seeing him; and they were also eager to discover to which side he would incline: for it was common knowledge from rumors that he held most of the Nicene decrees, as the outcome indeed confirmed. B And at first, he made dogmatic discourse his secondary task, while he publicly treated of the teaching of morals. But proceeding further, he brought forward the faith of Nicaea, and preached the *consubstantial*. It is said, indeed, that an archdeacon of the clergy approached him while he was teaching, and laid his hollow hand upon him, and obstructed his mouth; but that he, by his hand rather than his voice, indicated his judgment concerning the faith; extending three fingers openly, then drawing them back again gently, and raising one alone upright. By which act he showed to everyone through an image what he was unable to express in words. But when the deacon, leaving his mouth, clasped his hand, then he, with free mouth and grave voice, C clearly promulgated his judgment about God, and commended the Nicene faith to all, openly declaring that those who thought otherwise were straying from the right opinion. But because he did not cease, whether speaking or gesturing with his hand, to assert his own mind in the struggle, as occasion offered, against the archdeacon’s interference and resistance—and because that conflict between the elders, like a *pancration*—that is, a contest in which they fought with every kind of struggle and with all their might and resources—lasted for a long time, the Eustathians were filled with joy and shouted aloud, while the Arians, affected by shame and disgrace, withdrew. And for this reason Eudoxius, together with his own, was indignant and expelled Meletius from the Church: and then, thinking he would thereafter vote for his own opinion (for so he believed) and correct his former sayings, he restored him. For Meletius had been made bishop of Sebaste by the suffrages of the Arians, and from there had been transferred by the same men to Beroea in Syria, and had subscribed to the faith-formula of Acacius in the council of Seleucia. D Furthermore, he had been present at the synod of Constantinople, and had acted and decreed with them those things that were pleasing to them, and had been raised by these same men to the see of Antioch. But they, as we said, restored him. However, when he could in no way be led away from the right opinion, the emperor, learning of this, punished him with exile: and entrusted the Church of Antioch to Euzoius, an intimate of Arius, with whom he had previously been deposed. Furthermore, those who followed Meletius...
A, though they were separated from the Arians, kept their own churches and assemblies. For the followers of Paulinus, and those who asserted the consubstantiality—who were called Eustathians—were averse to Meletius and his followers, nor would they have communion with them: because Meletius had been ordained bishop by the election of the Arians, and his followers had been initiated by their baptism. Although they were united in their opinions, yet for the sole reason of the ordination they were divided among themselves. Thus it came to pass that a schism arose in the Church of Antioch, between two parties who held the same views. At the same time, Constantius learned that the Persians were planning new hostilities, and betook himself to Antioch.
CHAPTER XLIX.
*How Acacius attempted to remove the word "similar" from the faith of Ariminum, and how, when he could not accomplish this, he kept quiet; and concerning George of Alexandria, and how he was burdensome and troublesome to the Alexandrians.*Acacius and his partisans could not remain quiet for long: B and repenting of what they had done, they attempted to change their former decrees. For this reason, they came with a few others to Antioch, and with Euzoïus governing the churches there, and while the Emperor was present, they determined to delete and abolish the name "similar" from the confession of faith which was issued first at Ariminum, and then at Constantinople. For now, no longer secretly but openly, without shame, they taught and preached in all respects, in substance as well as in will, that the Son is dissimilar to the Father, and that He was begotten from non-existent things, just as Arius had opined from the beginning. To these men, those who championed the opinion of Aetius were the greatest supporters: he who first after Arius brought such names into public view C and openly 804 declared them with great confidence. Hence he himself was deemed worthy to be called "godless," and his followers were termed "Dissimilars" and "non-existentialists" by those at Antioch who professed the consubstantiality. Those, indeed, were separated at that time on account of Meletius, as I have said a little before. But when the Arians were questioned by our side, asking why, when they had previously said in their profession of faith that the Son was God from God, they now dared to profess Him to be dissimilar and from non-existent things? They responded that the Apostle Paul also says, "All things are from God D," and hence the Son is also one of all things: and for that reason, they added that expression to the articles of faith, "according to the Scriptures." With such sophistries they attempted to evade the objections. The author of these cavils was George of Laodicea, who, not having well grasped such expressions, was ignorant that in earlier times Origen had examined these matters more broadly and had interpreted the apostolic character of the words. However, although they arrogantly boasted of these things in their responses, they were nevertheless unable to bear the reproaches of many.
And since they had no crime to bring against their adversaries, having reaffirmed the formula they had issued at Constantinople, they dissolved their council and returned individually to their homes. During this same period, while Athanasius was still in hiding, George of Alexandria not only treated those who thought differently from himself with malice, but he was also burdensome, even to the Greeks themselves. For he wished them to opine and think just as he deemed fit, and he persecuted those who were unwilling to do so; indeed, he proved himself troublesome to the entire population of the city. He was a censurer of the most prominent men, and he was hated by the learned and distinguished for his contempt of them, as well as by the multitude itself, being looked upon as tyrannical and as one who laid claim to dominance as if by his own right. In particular, he exacerbated the followers of the Greek superstition, because he forbade them to perform their ancestral rites and to celebrate their feast days. And having brought a military detachment from Egypt, he plundered and took away the images of their gods, other votive offerings, and whatever else was in their temples as an ornament. These things, in truth, all provided the cause for his slaying, as I shall show in my subsequent history.
Regarding Cyril, in the manner already related he was deposed, and the Church of Jerusalem was entrusted to Herennius. After him there followed Heraclius, and subsequently Hilarius; for these men are reported to have administered that Church up until the reign of Theodosius, after whom Cyril himself recovered his see. B
Chapter L. De imperatoris Constantii obitu, et quæ Gregorius Theologus de eo scripta reliquerit.
The Caesar Julian, having conquered the barbarians about the Rhine in battle, and having put some to the sword and taken others prisoner, was at that time proclaimed Emperor of the Romans by the soldiers, due to the reputation for moderation and equity that he seemed to possess. When this thing was reported to Constantius, it caused him great anxiety. And having been baptized in the sacred font by Euzoius at Antioch, he set out with his army from there to wage war against him. But when he arrived at the springs of Mopsus, which are between Cappadocia and Cilicia, he was consumed by his heavy cares and ended his life from apoplexy. C What kind of person Constantius had been in character and religion, I would describe in the present work, were it not that the most vehement orator, Gregory the Theologian, had most beautifully displayed his virtues. And since it is permitted to declare what kind of man he was using his words, I have considered it superfluous to wish to relate his affairs otherwise. Therefore, in his first invective against Julian, as though censuring him for having been created Caesar, he relates the following word for word on behalf of Constantius: “What is this affair, most holy and most Christ-loving of emperors (for I am carried away to censure you as if you were present and hearing this; although I know you to be far superior to our reproach, since you have been translated to God and are an heir of heavenly glory, and have withdrawn from us as far as that empire you exchanged for this one is more august)? What is this decision you have taken? You who exceed all in prudence and acuteness of mind, not only of those princes who were in your age, but also of those before, who cleared the barbarian [nations] in a circle,
A and subdued the tyrants at home, some by words, others by force of arms; and you performed each of these in such a way that the one brought you no difficulty because of the other? And although many things were acquired by war and arms, were not the trophies you set up without the shedding of any blood greater and more illustrious? To whom did envoys and supplicants from everywhere among various nations come, of whom some were already doing what was commanded, and others were about to do so? Whatever you hoped for, was almost already accomplished for you. So much were you led by the hand of God to all counsels and actions. Whose prudence indeed was more a matter of admiration than his fortitude, and his fortitude even more so than his prudence: but more than both of these, his piety was praised. And a little later: B "For who of those who knew him even in part is unaware that, because of [his] true piety and [his] love for us, and [his] desire to reconcile all good things for us, he would not have exchanged-not to mention his being overlooked-not only the honor of his entire lineage, or a part of his empire, but even his own empire, and all things that exist, and his very soul, than which there is nothing more precious or excellent to all men, for our safety and salvation? For never did such a warm passion and love for any matter ever seize anyone as it did him for the Christians to be increased, and to proceed to the highest point of glory and power. And neither conquered nations, nor a commonwealth established by noble laws, nor a vast amount of money, nor the amplitude of glory, nor the fact that he was and was called king of kings; nor finally other things by which the happiness of men is manifest, nor indeed anything from all things so gladdened him as that we might, through him, and he through us, achieve praise both before God and before men, C and that our power might remain firm and perpetual for all time. For among other things, he knew this clearly—thinking about these matters more loftily and royally than most—that power entered into Christian affairs with the coming of Christ, which had never before perfectly arrived at a monarchy in every respect. And for this reason, he seemed to me all the more to take care of our affairs by doing good; for even if he caused us some pain, he did not do it out of contempt, or with insult, or to gratify others before us, but he did it so that we might all be one and think the same thing, and not be cut and separated by sects and factions." Then, while defending himself against detractors who accused him, after his death, of laziness and inexperience in affairs, he adds this: D "It would indeed be shameful, if we who were enriched by him with such great honor, and who believed that he excelled so much in true piety, would not speak the just defense, and that too [when it is what] is owed to us by those who are ministers of word and truth, even by those who have nothing to be grateful for, and this after his departure from here, when we have escaped the appearance of flattery, and [our] word is free from wicked suspicion; for who would not have hoped, if nothing else, to make him more mild by honors? For he had confidence not so much from his own faith as from his own power. And yet why do I struggle with this, when it is possible to prevail even over what has been defeated? For if he who believed was evil, what then could he who was believed be in comparison to him? And if the failure to foresee the character is blameworthy, shall we attribute the wickedness itself to him? But truly wickedness is an unaccountable thing, and there is no one whom one could make the wicked better [?]
A or whom anyone could compel to be good. Since then even he—from whom it was right to appear more well-disposed, and if he had anything of wickedness [as] merchandise, to put it away—was rather inflamed by these things to greater hatred; and he pondered how he might avenge himself upon his benefactor. These things he sets forth in the first [Invective]; and in the second Invective he adds these things:
"Since the one who departed this life before him is dead for you, let us also look here at the difference between the two emperors, if this also contributes anything to the happiness or misery of the departed. The one is escorted B with public accolades and processions, and with these, our solemnities, with all-night songs and torchlight processions, by which we think it right to honor the pious departure of a Christian; and the carrying out of the body becomes a festival accompanied by grief. And if the account is trustworthy, this also was spread to the ears of the faithful: that since the body, being conveyed to his ancestral city—this city, I say, which is namesake to them and glorious—was crossing the Taurus, a certain voice was heard by those from the high places, as if of those chanting and escorting, of, I suppose, angelic powers, as a prize of piety and a funeral requital. For even if he seemed to unsettle the correct faith, this was the crime of the perversity and ill-counsel of those in delegated power, who, having received a soul simple and easily led toward piety, not foreseeing the chasms, led it wherever they wished; and under the pretext of piety they made zeal a wickedness. But we, considering more generally both the father who laid the foundation of the imperial power and faith for Christianity, and the inheritance of the dogma which came down to him, we honored with fitting rites the corpse of him who had lived with a just kingship, and had ended his life with a holy end, and had left the power to us. But as it approached the great and royal city, what need is there to speak of the escorts of the whole army, and the armed formation occurring as if for a living king? Or of the most famous outpouring of the bright city of any that have ever been or shall be? But that bold and noble one, and he who was adorning himself in the new purple, and for this reason, as is likely, being high-minded, becomes himself also a part to him of the funeral honor, both giving back and receiving the same grace, in one respect forced, and in another willing, as they say. For the entire army, even if it had been defeated in the present power, yet for the departed it attributed more of reverence (since we are also naturally more well-disposed to things that have recently happened), being strongly affected by the bond of affection, and adding pity to this, and for this reason not enduring that he should not be honored and received as an emperor, they persuade the apostate and compel him to meet the dead man with the fitting demeanor. And that was, having removed the diadem from his head, and having bowed to the emperor as was fitting, thus to escort him to the tomb to those leading him to the celebrated shrine of the Apostles; if indeed the holy race received them and guards them, reaping nearly equal honors." C And the Theologian [speaks] such things D
and many others in the Invectives A in defense of Constantius; not even in his other orations attributing wickedness to him, but rather simplicity, or perhaps levity. But the rest of the historians do not grant that his act was good; among whom is also Theodoret, bishop of Cyrus. I, however, wish to follow above all Gregory the Great, the champion of piety. For some say that it is not to be wondered at if, while slightly criticizing him in other orations, he crowns him with altogether extraordinary praises in the Invectives. They say that the zeal B of the Great One against the apostate changed him, and that he became a genuine friend to him, because he had caused trouble moderately, not out of malice, but out of simplicity. For they say that the rest of the Father’s character was also such as to pardon those who had sinned slightly, out of an overflowing kindness. But I say that although the stated facts may hold true, yet I would deny that such a teacher of the Church would choose to bestow such favors for the sake of piety. And matters concerning Constantius went in this fashion: he died at Mopsuestia, C as has been said, on the third day of the month of November; having lived in all forty-five years, and having reigned thirty-eight of them, of which he ruled thirteen together with his father, and the remaining twenty-five years he ruled alone. This is what this ninth book of my histories contains; at the time when the year of the world was 6072, and from the divine birth of the Lord, the three hundred and sixty-seventh year was being completed. D
Book Ten. Chapter I.
NICEPHORUS CALLISTUS XANTHOPULUS ECCLESIASTICAL HISTORY VOLUME X.
CAPUT I.
ADe vita et institutione praevaricatoris Juliani: et ut permissione Dei, Romanorum imperator sit renuntiatus.Constantius indeed had this end of life; he repented not a little for having changed something of the profession of his paternal faith. Yet, although by the facility of his disposition and the enticements of religion he was seduced by the bishops in whose power he was, and under the pretext of the union and conjunction of all removed the word *consubstantial* (ὁμοούσιον) from the symbol of the faith, he nevertheless professed the sincere meaning of that expression. For when he called God the Word the genuine Son, and begotten of the Father before all ages, he appeared as a certain and manifest enemy to those who had dared to call Him a creature. And except for what we have said, he was a true image of his father in all things, but especially in piety and the worship of God, and in the abolition of the error and superstition of idols. Julian, however, with no one opposing, received the imperial power. But since the account itself has brought us to this place, it must be set forth in a few words who he was, whence he was sprung, and by what studies and training he came to the empire. B But the account must be taken up a little higher, not that we might display the charm and elegance of words and speech, but that we might pursue the deeds in a plain and simple style, which sacred history also demands, just as it was proposed to us from the beginning. For Constantine the Great had two brothers, from
the same father, Constantius, but born of a different mother: Dalmatius, who was the father of another Dalmatius, and Constantius, whose sons were Gallus and Julian. When Constantine passed away, and the empire came to his son Constantius, he, fearing tyranny and holding his own kinsmen under suspicion, did not treat them well. Consequently, the younger Dalmatius, though he was already Caesar, was killed by the soldiers. A And those two, Gallus and Julian, also nearly perished. But illness saved Gallus from the counsel of slaughter, as he was expected to die from it in a very short time; and the tender age of Julian preserved him, for he had not yet reached his eighth year. When the emperor's wrath against them had abated, they were first permitted to reside in Cappadocia, in a certain place called Macellum, not far from the city of Caesarea, situated at Mount Argaeus, which possessed a royal residence, baths, gardens, and perennial springs. There they were cared for as was proper, educated in the disciplines and exercises suitable to their age, and instructed in the Holy Scriptures by masters and teachers to such a degree that they were later enrolled in the register of the clergy and read the sacred books to the people. And they demonstrated their zeal and fervor for religion not merely in words, but also in deeds; for they greatly honored those who were adorned with sacred dignities, as well as other good men, and those who were renowned for piety and virtue. They were also frequenters of the sacred buildings, and they adorned and consecrated the urns of the martyrs with honors and votive offerings. B And that they might exhibit their eagerness in honoring the martyrs, as it were, in a public spectacle, they divided between themselves the honor of the tomb of the martyr Mamas, that they might surround it with a magnificent temple. And as they rivaled each other—as was natural—and in their ambitious desire for splendor and magnificence each strove to surpass the other in the construction, a situation occurred which was beyond all expectation: a thing which would indeed be almost incredible were it not that those who were present and saw it preserved the account of the facts by tradition down to our own times. For the building of Gallus proceeded beautifully and according to his intent, making progress daily. But in that part which Julian was constructing, the walls already erected partly collapsed, and partly, from their very foundations upwards, as if some opposing force were striving against them, the mortar and other materials were cast out and thrown to the ground as if by a strong wind. C And certain stones could not even be joined or cemented together. This sight seemed truly amazing to those who looked upon it, and it was understood more clearly afterwards. There were even some, however, who at that time perceived that the man was not honoring the religion from his heart, but was feigning Christianity through fear of the emperor, and therefore that the worship and approach to himself were less pleasing and acceptable to the martyrs. Julian first abandoned the Christian piety, having been led astray by the association of seers; for when the emperor's anger had further relented, Gallus was living in Ephesus, frequenting the schools, where also his paternal estate happened to be. But Julian, to the schools in Constantius's— D
A city, was attending his studies, having set his outward appearance in simple attire, led by the eunuch Mardonius. Nicocles the Laconian was his teacher in grammatical studies; as for matters of rhetoric, Ecebolius instructed him. Ecebolius at that time embraced the Christian religion. Constantius was the cause of such an arrangement, for he feared that by using a Greek teacher, he might incline toward superstition. Because he had been allotted a natural aptitude for learning and associated with many, he held a reputation as being capable both of managing affairs and was judged to be excellent at governing the common administration. Since talk of him was prevalent, it quietly led Constantius into distress. B Hence, he was moved from the greatest of cities to Nicomedia, though forbidden to attend the Syrian sophist Libanius; for at that time, having been expelled from the city by the tutors, that man had established his school in Nicomedia and, showing his resentment against the tutors, wrote a brilliant oration against them. Though Julian was forbidden to attend Libanius because of his religion, nevertheless, because he was joined to him with the greatest affection of soul, he secretly procured his books and studied to imitate them diligently. Meanwhile, the philosopher Maximus—not the Byzantine, but he who had Ephesus as his home, and whom Valentinian later executed after he was caught in magical impostures—moved by the reputation of Julian, came to Nicomedia; of whose philosophical discourses he became a listener, and was a fervent lover C of the other’s religion. It is said, indeed, that he incited him to a desire for rule to no small degree, having initiated him into the celebrated mysteries of divination, and urged him to the middle of Christianism. But since it was impossible for these things to be hidden from Constantius, becoming suspicious of difficult matters and beguiled by favorable hopes, he put on the habit of the monks, having shaved his head close; and the Christianity which he had truly embraced before, he then pursued only in pretense; and secretly he applied himself to philosophical discourse, but ostensibly, having assumed the rank of Reader, he read the sacred Scriptures, by which he dissipated the suspicion that the ruler had conceived concerning him. Since he advanced in time, if there were any art skilled in D foreknowledge of the future, he investigated it and considered a necessary enthusiasm for this matter. For this reason, if he knew anyone studious of this craft, he immediately made him a friend. He communicated his intent quietly and somehow to many of his companions, and predicted as if divining that the cities would flourish with glory when he himself attained supreme power. For this reason, having left Nicomedia, he went into Asia; and having associated with such men, he was further emboldened toward such things. His brother, Gallus Caesar, having been declared Caesar and having been reported to be engaging in revolutionary activities, he also became suspicious that he might indeed be reigning, and having been placed under guard, he used the consort of Constantius, Eusebia.
A For his own part, the ostensible reason for his departure was his pursuit of Greek studies, but the truth was that he might associate with the soothsayers who were there for the purpose he intended. While living there, he attended schools together with Basil and Gregory; they, by certain signs, discerned with the eyes of their mind the wickedness lurking within the man. From there, to sum up, Constantius summoned him and made him Caesar; and having betrothed his sister Constantia to him, he sent him to the western regions of Gaul. For the mercenary soldiers whom Constantius was maintaining in the West against the tyrants Magnentius and Britannio were of no use to him, but rather, being corrupted by barbarian practices, they were ravaging Gaul and, to his own detriment, were plundering the cities subject to the Roman Empire. But because he was still young, he permitted him to do nothing without the counsel of the commanders who were in his retinue. B But when they did not manage military affairs correctly, he himself conducted the war as best he could by himself, kindled a certain ardor in the soldiers, and made them more spirited for joining battle and facing dangers by his exhortations and by the rewards he proposed for those who slew barbarians. This, indeed, gave the start for the barbarians to be consistently inferior to the victor, while he himself became distinguished by favor and excellent fame. And when he revealed to Constantius the languor and sloth of the commanders, he received from him others in their stead; through their counsel and work, having often joined battle with the enemy, he bravely carried off victory and compelled them to send an embassy. C But when they presented the letters of Constantius, in which he invited them again to enter into a treaty and alliance of war with the Romans, he himself deliberately spun out the time, and when he had put off their spokesman for some time, and had given him hope that the treaty would be accepted by Constantius, he attacked the barbarians with his forces unexpectedly, afflicted them with a massive slaughter, and sent their king in chains to Constantius. Having thus attained success in this war, he was proclaimed Emperor of the Romans by the soldiers. Since an imperial crown was not at hand, one of the guards took the torque he was wearing around his neck and placed it on his head. Report holds that, even before this, when he was entering a certain town, a crown suspended between two columns, as is the custom for decorating cities, fell and fitted most aptly onto the head of the passerby. This event many add as an omen to those who are to possess authority. D There was also a rumor spread abroad of another account, that the war against the barbarians was given to him for the sake of a conspiracy, so that by becoming entangled with them he might perish. But the story does not seem very plausible to me. For why, indeed, did he make him Caesar at the beginning, and give his sister in marriage? And why did he also permit him to obey and to replace the sluggish commanders, and send those who were capable for battle, if he were not using him as a friend? One may therefore conclude that the ruler was well-disposed toward him when he gave him authority, whence he also proclaimed him Caesar. As for...
A the fact that he was proclaimed Augustus without him having granted it, or whether he was afraid, because of the injuries which he had inflicted upon them while they were young, or perhaps because he was grieved by the equal honor [with his own], that he was later moved to plot against him through the aforementioned barbarians—but let this be left to the judgment of each person.
CAPUT H. That the prevaricator and apostate, proceeding through Thrace, arrived at Constantinople after the death of Constantius.
B In this manner, then, Julian seized the empire; but whether his subsequent conduct was in accordance with the philosophers, I leave to the consideration of everyone. For, as is his wont, without having sent an embassy to plead his case to Constantius—whom he knew to be both his savior and benefactor—he immediately dismissed the officials whom the other had appointed, replacing them with others, and did everything according to his own will. And, mocking Constantius, he displayed his letters in various places, in which he had summoned the barbarians against Magnentius, and brought them into the Roman subjection. By artifice he circumvented the multitude and, having alienated them from him, drew them over to his own side. Suddenly casting off his pretense of being a Christian, he began to frequent the shrines of demons; and by sacrificing and offering himself to the statues, he called himself a high priest. He permitted the Greek [pagan] festivals to be celebrated, and persuaded all those under his power to worship in the same manner, and he fanned the flames of civil war. And indeed, as far as it depended upon him, the simplicity of his philosophy would have been judged by the shedding of blood, had not God, who directs all things toward the better in an unknown and hidden manner, translated the other unto Himself without any injury to his adversary. For while Constantius was in Syria restraining the Persian incursion, it seemed good to him [Julian] to bring the regions of Illyricum C under his own control without a battle, and to prevail without fighting. And indeed, pretending to be marching toward Constantius, supposedly to apologize for not having willingly received the symbols of the empire, he went forward, traveling through Thrace; and when he arrived at the borders of that region—it being after the grape harvest and the setting of the Pleiades—the vines blossomed with buds and fresh grapes; and a certain dew, which had poured down from the air, is said to have impressed the shape of a cross D upon the garments of himself and his followers. Others, indeed, said other things about such portents, but the fact that the harvest was untimely and the reign short was signified by the grapes.
Now, the cross, as a doctrine of the Christians, 11 was acknowledged. He received eleven thousand Romans who were serving having been captured by right of war, from the Alamanni, after Agrippina was occupied. He also waged war with the same Alamanni and, through the tribune Hariobaudes, captured the camps of the Herculii, Quadriburgium, Stricensium, Nivesium, Bonna, Antenacum, and Bingium, cities. He also defeated the Sarmatians and the Quadi. [Acc. to] Orosius, Ammianus. [alt-version omitted]
be signified, and they did indeed receive their confirmation in time. But when he arrived at the borders of the Thracians, it was announced that Constantius had died at the springs of Mopsus. Julian, having reached Constantinople, was acclaimed supreme emperor; and he conducted the funeral of Constantius with magnificence, and he marched in the procession for him, having removed the diadem from his own head, honoring the dead man whose life he had been campaigning to take away. On account of this, the Greeks were making up stories, [saying] that Julian, by some art of divination, knew of the change of affairs, and that for this reason he had hastened to Thrace. This would have been a safe assumption, if he had also known of his own impending death, as one who had tasted supreme power as if in a dream. For it is not far from senselessness to [claim that one] having foreknowledge of the death of Constantius, and of his own slaughter on the Persian frontier, would willingly rush toward death. For to him, one might attribute a lack of judgment and an ignorance of generalship, [saying that] he placed the Roman empire in such danger that nearly all of it, or at any rate the greatest part, became subject to the Persians. Let this, then, be said thus far. B
CHAPTER III. How Julian, having abjured the Christian faith, occupied himself with the temples of idols; and how, while sacrificing, he encountered monstrous apparitions.
Julian, furthermore, having obtained the empire, is said to have abjured the religion so shamelessly and openly that he even denied Christ himself, and with certain sacrifices and detestable invocations of demons, and with the blood of victims, he washed away the holy washing [of baptism], and cast himself out as one resigned from the mysteries of the Church; and from that point on, not only in private but also in public, he made use of whatever sacrifices and rites were permitted to the Greeks. Indeed, it is said that while he was sacrificing a customary victim, the sign of the cross surrounded by a crown appeared in the entrails of the beast. This struck no little fear into those who were working for him, who held the power of Christ and our doctrine to be a thing that would endure forever: for the crown was a sign of victory, and its circular shape, beginning from every side and ending in itself, signified that it had no end. C But the master of ceremonies warned them not to be disturbed; for he claimed the victim was showing something new, namely, that the Christian dogma was now being compressed and turning back toward itself, being narrowed into a circle—not, as before, being propagated far and wide to whatever place it wished with no boundaries set—and was being reduced into a confined space. At another time, when he was entering a certain famous sanctuary for the sake of divination, and suddenly some horrifying apparitions confronted him, he forgot the matter for which he had entered (for it was at a more advanced age that he had turned himself to the sacred rites of idols), which in doubtful matters D
A he was accustomed to use as a present aid, acting as though he were beset by danger, he fled to that familiar safeguard; for out of fear he signed B himself with the sign of Christ, and immediately all things vanished. Thus the thing which had been attempted remained at that time unaccomplished. But his sacred minister, who knew not what he should do, but was well aware of the cause why the demons had disappeared, said: They have fled, he said, because they hate this sign just as if it were an abominable curse. And having admonished him to be of good courage and neither to exhibit nor to entertain anything against the Christian cause, he led him back to those sacred rites. When the Christians heard these things, they were not a little struck with fear; for they feared for themselves, and seeing the emperor devoted to such rites, they fell into fear of persecution. And the expectation of dangers was greater than the dangers themselves. For since for some time already they had unlearned [the experience of] distresses and calamities, the mere recollection of the evils of old, being terrifying to them, caused them to shrink back in fear. All certainly were dismayed in their minds, because they perceived in the emperor such great hatred toward the religion, he who had previously been a Christian, born of pious parents studious of its dogmas, brought up according to the customs and constitutions of the Church, educated in the sacred Scriptures, and reared by bishops and priests. Wherefore they thought that such a change of his would be intolerable.
CAPUT IV.
A That having opened the temples of the idols, he bestowed upon them their ancient privileges and revenues, having taken them away from the Christians: and what he did in Gaza and Caesarea on account of the temples of the idols.Furthermore, when he was sole master of all things, he immediately opened whatever temples of idols still remained in the East; and he commanded those that had been treated negligently to be repaired. But if any had been utterly destroyed, he ordered them to be built anew; and he purified the altars, and taking away the revenues of old from us, he dedicated them again to them. He renewed the ancient rites of the cities, the former sacrifices, and the mad follies. Nor was he ashamed to sacrifice publicly to the gods. Always performing libations, he honored with the greatest honors those who were intent upon such things in his company. To the B hierophants and mystes and C canephori he gave what custom had brought down, and confirmed them by his own authority, which the emperors before Constantine had also assigned. He decreed an immunity from taxes for those who occupied themselves with these things; he returned the grain allowances of those who waited upon the temples; and he enacted by law that they should be pure or sacrosanct, and separated them from other men. He restored the cubit of the Nile to the god Serapis; and moreover [he restored] the old practices of their fathers, which Constantine, exhorting his citizens to true piety, had D granted to the Church of Christ. Whatever cities he learned were following the sacred rites of the Greeks, he bestowed upon them whatever gifts they desired in abundance; but those which he perceived to be more fervent concerning the faith of Christ, he held in hatred; and
A he did not wish to dwell among them. And often, when the provincials sent embassies to him because of some misfortune that had occurred, he spurned their pleas. This, indeed, happened to the city of Nisibis; for though they sent an embassy when the Persians began a campaign against them, he was far from being ready to assist them; rather, he threatened that he would not even look upon their city with his own eyes, nor ever visit it, as being polluted, so long as they would not open the temples of the gods and conform to the practices accepted by the Greeks. He treated those at Constantia in Palestine with the same reproach, and subjected their city to Gaza. For, as we have said above, the aforementioned Constantia—which was the port of the Gazaeans, and was formerly called Majuma—Constantine, recognizing it as being especially devoted to the Christian faith, had honored with the right of a city and, dedicating it to his son Constantius, had ordered by edict that it should use its own laws; for he deemed it improper that it should be subject to Gaza, a city very much addicted to Greek rites. But when Julian obtained the empire, the Gazaeans took legal action against the Constantians. He, acting as judge—just as he had done before—adjudged that Constantia, which is situated about twenty stadia from them, be B under the jurisdiction of the Gazaeans. He even took away the name of Constantius’s honor and called it the port of Gaza. Both places were then governed by one prefect and the same magistrates. The churches alone proved that there were two cities; for each city lived under its own bishop and clergy, and the temples of each designated the boundaries of both. Later, however, a certain bishop of Gaza, when his own prelate among the Majumites had died, endeavored to have both churches united into one, saying that it was not right for two bishops to exist in one city. When the Majumites resisted him, the provincial synod rightly decided the matter and ordained their own bishop for Majuma, judging it fitting that those who had once been honored by a pious emperor with the primary right of a city on account of the true religion should not choose to act otherwise due to the judgment of an impious prince; but rather, they ought to remain in their place and duly enjoy the rights once granted to their church. And C this matter happened a long time later. And so, this remained unchanged in that regard.
In the same year, Julian erased from the roll of cities the great and wealthy city of Caesarea in Cappadocia, and stripped it of the name of Caesar. For it was first called Mazaca, but Claudius Caesar honored it by changing its name to his own. The tyrant pursued the city with the utmost hatred because it was most renowned for its exceeding love and longing for Christ, and because they had utterly destroyed the ancient shrines of the idols—namely, that of Jupiter, who is the protector of the city, and of Apollo, who is the ancestral god. And when they later demolished the temple of Fortune as well, he was exceedingly D vexed with the whole city.
A He blamed the Greeks for their lack of defense, arguing that if they had to suffer anything harsh, they should have endured it for the sake of Fortune, if indeed it was necessary to suffer at all. He forcibly exacted three hundred pounds of gold from those who farmed the territory around the city; and he mandated that all the clergy in the region fulfill military duties—a measure that was considered both burdensome in its expense and insulting in its stigma. B Having also imposed a tax upon the entire Christ-named multitude, he treated the city as if it were a mere village. Moreover, appending oaths, he threatened that unless they rebuilt the temples of the gods as quickly as possible, he would bring upon the city every kind of misery, and finally that he would take the heads of the Galileans—for thus, in his insolence, he called the Christians. And he would have carried out his threats had not the fate that precedes death cut his life short. And it was not through kindness or a more humane spirit that he behaved this way toward the Christians from the beginning, nor was he less severe than those of old who had persecuted the Church. Rather, he knew from past events that no benefit accrued to Hellenism from the irreparable punishments inflicted upon Christians; he realized, in fact, that our dogma rather gained increase and that what belonged to the Christians became glorious precisely because so many of them chose to die courageously. Besides, he envied us that very praise. Thus, he abstained from tortures, fire, the sword, the depths of the sea, and from throwing people alive into pits or burying them in the ground—actions that others, his predecessors in persecution, had done with zeal. For such things did not necessarily alter the conviction of the mind; but he thought it better to entice the masses toward impiety through persuasion and exhortation, believing that he would easily prevail and accomplish his desire in that way; or perhaps he did not want to apply force immediately, so that he might appear as an object of admiration and strangely humane toward them.
CAPUT V.
C How, in order to court the favor of the populace, he recalled all the bishops everywhere who had been sent into exile under Constantius, both out of hatred for Constantius and because he wished for the Church to be in turmoil.Revolving such schemes in his mind, he granted all who had been sent into exile by Constantius on account of their religion the power to return home, and he restored to them the property that had been confiscated by the public treasury. He sent out edicts D that no one should commit injustice against Christians, and that no one should be forced or insulted for the sake of sacrifice. However, those who chose of their own volition to approach the altars were required to be first purified and cleansed for the sake of propitiating the gods. The food rations and exemptions that Constantine, by reason of his own piety toward God, had granted to the clergy, he himself revoked and returned to the public revenue. As for the supplies that had been allotted to widows and virgins to be distributed from the public treasury due to the poverty of the clergy, they were exacted with harshness and difficulty. For Constantine, when he was establishing and ordering the churches, had granted to all the clergy from the revenues of each city whatever was sufficient for the sustenance of life, and he had confirmed the practice by law; and it is maintained and well-observed even to this day. There was also
A a most inhuman and heavy exaction under Julian, as the very records of the tax-gatherers revealed. But the malice of the tyrant did not stop there. The hatred he bore toward the Church incited him to its total destruction. For whatever sacred vessels and offerings he found in her possession, he despoiled and re-deposited in the shrines of idols. He also applied force to those who, under Constantine and Constantius, had pulled down the temples of the gods, demanding that they either quickly rebuild them or pay the valuation of their structures. He ordered that, unless they did so, they should be treated more harshly and thrown into chains. B From this, one may fairly conclude that while he was more moderate than the persecutors of old in that he did not torment bodies with public ignominy, in all other respects he surpassed them by every means. For he was clearly seen to afflict the Church in every way; and he was judged to be more humane in one respect only, in that he recalled the bishops who had been punished with exile under Constantius and permitted them to return to their own cities. Yet he did not do this out of mercy, as one might infer, but so that by setting the bishops against one another, he might arm them for intestine war and cause the Church to be undermined by her own dissensions. C Perhaps also it was to bring Constantius into hatred and odium among the subjects of the Roman empire; for he favored the Greeks who shared the same rites as himself, and he vindicated from injury the bishops who had been afflicted for the sake of Christ. And so he also drove the eunuchs from the imperial palace. Eusebius, who had held the foremost place in it, he even punished with death; he was hostile to him for another reason also, for he suspected him of being the instigator of the murder of his brother Gallus. The Syrian Aetius, who had been the author and leader of the heresy of Eunomius, and who had been condemned to exile by the judgment of Constantius—for he, too, was regarded by him with suspicion on account of his association with Gallus—Julian recalled with very gracious letters and brought back at the public expense. For the sake of spite against Constantius, he even ordered Eleusius of Cyzicus to restore at his own expense, within a month or two, the church of the Novatians which he had leveled to the ground under Constantius. And from many other things it may be judged that, because of his hatred for Constantius, he not only did many things harshly against us himself, but also delighted in the things that were being done by others.
CAPUT VI
D How also the great Athanasius, at that time hidden by a virtuous virgin, entrusted himself to the public and received the Church, George the Arian having been killed by the people.At that time also Athanasius, who for many years had remained in hiding, upon learning of the death of Constantius, appeared by night in the church of Alexandria. And it seemed a miracle, as if suddenly some dead man had burst forth from the underworld; for from the time when, through the machinations of George and the command of Constantius, the prefect of Egypt failed to capture him, and he himself had taken refuge in flight, he had remained hidden until the reign of Julian, with a certain virgin-woman in Alexandria, by whom he was…
A hidden. It is said that she was so radiant in beauty that it struck those who beheld her with absolute stupor, and no one of those who had chosen to lead a chaster life would approach her in conversation, lest he be reproached on that account. Yet, although she was so flourishing and vibrant, she did not lapse from modesty and the sanctity of life. Only these things—even though they add nothing from nature to external decorum—are accustomed to be an ornament. So that it scarcely seems true, what was said by our ancestors: "As are the bodies, such also are the souls." On the contrary, rather, to the habits of the souls, the customs of the bodies are conformed; and whatever practice a person follows, such he appears to be, at whatever time this may occur. And if one were to examine the matter accurately according to this argument, I believe he would speak correctly, and would have no one to gainsay him. B Athanasius, however, guided to this virgin by divine providence, was kept safe with her. And if one wishes to consider the outcome of the matter, he will find it to be a completely divine arrangement. For so that no trouble or business might be brought upon Athanasius and his associates—should anyone resolve to test them or attempt to force them by oath to betray him—it was rightly ordained that he should lie hidden, concealed by a woman whom no one would have thought capable of such a thing. For indeed, because of her peerless beauty, one would not even have a suspicion that the priest was hiding with her; furthermore, by her manly spirit, she was brought to persevere, and through her prudence, she preserved the treasure to the end. So great was her faithfulness in performing honest services for him, that she alone served him right well in washing his feet, providing food and all other things necessary for our nature, and C bringing him the books he needed. And although she had done this for a long time, no one who inhabited the city of Alexandria knew of it. Athanasius, who had thus appeared so suddenly, was received by the entire multitude and led into the churches. The Arians, however, having been expelled, held their meetings separately, having chosen a certain Lucius to preside over them as bishop. For George had been killed by the people. For as soon as they learned that Constantius had died and that Julian had ascended to the height of the empire, at once, with all their zeal, all those at Alexandria who were followers of the Greek superstition rushed into sedition, and with one cry made an incursion upon George, as if to slay him. And then indeed they abstained from slaughter, and shut him in prison; but not much later they brought him out of the prison and killed him with the sword. Then, placing him on a camel, as a kind of strange D cargo, they led him through the middle of the marketplace, while for the rest of the day they raged over the corpse, impudently insulting it; and when evening came, as if sated, they burned what remained of the body with fire. 19 To the Arians, indeed, it seems that such a fate befell George at the hands of the supporters of Athanasius; but the matter is otherwise. For he had provoked the Greeks against himself with greater hatred…
because he had inhibited their ancestral rites, pulled down their temples, mocked their idols with insults, and confiscated their property. Moreover, the fact that he possessed A much authority with the emperor also increased the hatred against him. For the masses are accustomed to be hateful toward those who hold any power. Furthermore, the event which had occurred at the place called the Mithreum greatly increased the agitation against him. For this place, having been long neglected, Constantius had donated to the Church of the Alexandrians. George, however, while cleaning up the site in order to erect a house of prayer to God, discovered a subterranean cavern, in which were images and certain other symbols and signs of Hellenic trifles and deceptions, so to speak, belonging to those who were initiated or instructed in their rites. These indeed seemed ridiculous and strange to those who saw them, and therefore were deservedly mocked by them in derision. The Greeks, however, being affected by shame on account of their mysteries and secrets being revealed, gathered together in a throng and attacked the Christians with swords, stones, and clubs. They killed many, wounded not a few, and after crucifying B some of them—in mockery, forsooth, of the doctrine—they departed. George left the work he had begun unfinished. Then the Greeks, using the authority of Julian as if it were a certain opportunity provided to them, as they had wished, also slew George himself. This very thing the emperor himself also attests to in his own letters, blaming the people of Alexandria more than the Christians—a thing he certainly would not have done unless the force of truth had compelled him. For he would have preferred that the murderers of George were Christians rather than any Greeks whatsoever. And this he does not conceal; for in his letter to the Alexandrians, while pretending to be angry, he rails against them in words, while claiming to postpone C the punishment. He says that he is held back by reverence for the patron god of the city, Serapis, and for the founder of the city, Alexander, and also by reason of his uncle, Julian, who had been prefect of Alexandria and Egypt, a man most devoted to the superstition of Hellenic trifles and a most vehement enemy of the Christians. For he burned with such hatred toward us that, even without the emperor’s decree, he was the author of many things, so that they might carry the struggle of martyrdom even to the point of bloodshed. But it will not be troublesome to me to append to this work of ours that letter of Julian, and also what was written by his uncle Julian against our faith. D The letter was composed in these words:
CHAPTER VII. The letter of Julian sent to the people of Alexandria, on account of the murder of George.
Imperator Caesar Julianus Maximus Augustus, to the people of Alexandria. If the Alexandrians, who
A founded your city, and before him, the great and most holy god Serapis, do you not revere, how is it that you have had no regard at all for the common interest, for humanity, for decorum? I add also, for our own? Those whom all the gods, and in the first place the great Serapis himself, have deemed worthy to rule the whole world; to whom it was fitting that the judgment concerning those who have done you injury should be reserved. But perhaps anger and fury have deceived you; which, as they are wont to do, often rob men of their wits, and permit them to commit grave crimes. Yet, when that impulse was once stilled, to that counsel which you had at first rightly formed, you shortly after brought violence and lawlessness. Nor did you feel shame, being a people, to dare such things—things for which you rightly hated those others. B Tell me, by Serapis, for what offenses were you angry with George? You will say, no doubt, that he incited the most blessed Constantius against us; then, that he brought an army into the sacred city; and that the governor of Egypt, when he invaded the most holy temple of God, plundered from it the images, the votive offerings, and the sacred ornaments, while you quite rightly were indignant and tried to defend God, or rather the possessions of God. And he dared to send soldiers against you, unjustly, unlawfully, and impiously; perhaps fearing George more than he feared Constantius—he who would have better consulted his own interests if he had acted more moderately and civilly with you, and not so tyrannically. For these reasons, then, you being enraged against George, the enemy of the gods, polluted the sacred city, when you could have subjected him to the judgment of the magistrates. C For such a proceeding would not have been a murder, nor a violation of the laws, but a legitimate legal process; which would have kept you completely innocent, would have punished him who committed such great crimes, and would have brought all others to a better way of life—those who despise the gods, and count cities and flourishing peoples of such importance as nothing, and add their own cruelty against them as a kind of accessory to their power. Compare, therefore, this letter of mine with that which I sent to you a short while ago, and perceive how much they differ from one another. For what praises did I not write to you then? But now, by the gods themselves I swear, I would gladly praise you, but I cannot on account of the laws that have been violated. Does the people dare, as dogs are wont to do, to tear a man to pieces? D And then is it not ashamed, and does it not take care to keep its hands pure, so as to stretch them out to the gods free from the pollution of blood? But was George deserving of suffering such things? And perhaps I would say he deserved things even worse and more bitter than these. And will you say that this was on your account? I myself say the same. But that he should have suffered these things at your hands—this I cannot concede. For there are laws that restrain offenses; and these, surely, everyone in common ought to observe. And although it may happen that some citizens act against the laws, yet the state and the people themselves ought to be ruled by the laws and be obedient to the constitutions, nor to violate what were from the beginning rightly ordained. It has been a piece of good fortune for you, men of Alexandria, that such a transgression occurred under me; for I, through my reverence for God, and for the sake of the divine one who shares my name, who governed both Egypt itself and your city, broth
-Aerly benevolence toward you I preserve. For it is not fitting that any people should dare to despise the supreme authority, which ought not to be contemned, and which possesses the severity and sincerity of the Empire; lest such temerity, like some grievous disease, should need to be purged with a sharper remedy. Therefore, for the reasons I have just mentioned, I exhibit and propose to you, most placidly, an exhortation and words by which you (as I know well) will be persuaded; since, as I hear, you are Greeks by origin, and even now there is impressed upon your minds and pursuits some notable and generous character from that ancient nobility. Let this be proposed to my citizens, the Alexandrians. B Thus the emperor, by this writing, seems to assign the cause of the slaughter not so much to the Christians as to the Alexandrian populace. Regarding the cruelty of Julian, whom we just mentioned, these things are related: When he had determined to carry off the ornaments and vessels of great value from the Church of Antioch and to add them to the imperial treasuries, and to close the houses of prayer to the faithful, the rest of the clergy fled, but Theodoret alone, a presbyter, remained there. Because he was the custodian of the sacred gifts and could, if he wished, reveal them, and because he would not do so when force was applied, Julian seized him and cruelly tortured him, and at last killed him with the sword; he having given a reply of a generous mind to every torture attempted upon him, and having contended C for the dogma as it befits a man. Julian mocked the plundered sacred vessels, dashing them against the ground in derision, and when he had spoken as much blasphemy against Christ as he wished, finally, to increase the insult, he sat upon them. But vengeance followed immediately.
CHAPTER VIII.
On Eusebius, Nestabus, and Zeno, brothers who suffered martyrdom at Gaza: and on Saint Hilarion, a worker of miracles.
Since I have been carried forward in my discourse to the point of commemorating the slaughter of George and Theodoret, it seems right to me to make mention of others, and D especially of Eusebius, Nestabus, and Zeno, the brothers, whom the people of Gaza, accusing them of the destruction of temples and the abolition of the Greek superstition, held first in custody in a certain house, then, having beaten them with scourges, confined them in prison. Afterwards, when they had run together for a long time in the theater, and having, as the mob is accustomed to do, goaded one another into a fury, they rushed into the prison and, having brought the men out, killed them most cruelly, dragging them headlong and supine and dashing them against the stones; and some beating them with clubs, others with stones, and others striking them with whatever weapons fortune offered. It is said that women also, running out from their weaving,
A snatched up the pots of boiling water from the trivets and poured them over their naked bodies. Some pierced them with spits and skewers. And when they had sufficiently mangled them, and had crushed their heads and bones so that the brain flowed out like water, they dragged them outside the city to the place where it is customary to throw the bones of dead animals; there they lit a fire and committed their bodies to it. And insofar as the fire did not consume all of the bones on account of their hardness, they mixed them with the bones of camels and donkeys that were lying there, so that they might not be easily found by those seeking them. B Yet it did not escape notice; for by night God suggested to a certain woman the recovery of the bones. She, having gathered them according to the divine directive, hid them in a jar and entrusted them to the martyrs' nephew, Zeno, who was unknown to the woman—for the divine revelation led him to her house; for he too was hiding while the persecution was being stirred up. For because the populace was intent on the destruction of his holy relatives, he had fled to the city of Anthedon by the sea. Anthedon is about twenty stadia distant from Gaza. But even this city was one that rejoiced in Hellenism and was greatly stunned by the worship of idols. There, having suffered much at the hands of the Anthedonians, he secretly hid himself in the port of the Gazaeans; where the woman, happening upon him, gave him the remains. And for a time he kept these at home; but when, a long time afterward, Theodosius was wielding the scepter, and he was allotted the bishopric of the church of the Gazaeans, he set up an altar before the city C and erected an oratory; and he deposited the bones of the martyr there, near the confessor Nestor, who, having been seized together with his related cousins, had shared in their bonds and scourges as much as anyone could. The tormentors, however, seeing that he had a fine body and was still in the expectation of death, though he was breathing only a little with great difficulty, threw him before the gates. Some people picked him up and carried him to the aforementioned Zeno, with whom he died while his wounds and sores were being treated. The Gazaeans, having committed such a daring deed, were in great fear; and a rumor had gone about that the emperor was angry with them and wished to decimate the populace. But that was false, and a vain rumor of the mob, scattered by many out of consciousness of the crime they had committed; D because of which they were in an uproar without reason or cause. For he did not even perhaps reproach the Gazaeans with words, as he had done to the Alexandrians. So far was he from rebuking them by letter, that he even removed from office the leader who at that time was over that nation, and kept him under bad suspicion; and by having made him answerable to the laws, because he had not—he thought it humane to keep him from being killed and having death decreed for him. He put the man on trial, because he had confined some of the Gazaeans who had started the sedition in prison, asking for justice according to the laws. "For what," he says, "of the evils had they committed, if they replaced a few Galileans for whom..."
they had suffered the most numerous and grievous injuries, and against whom they had sinned regarding their gods, by tearing down their ancient temples, with a just retribution?" And these things were noised about in this way.
At precisely that time, Hilarion, the man renowned among the monks, being sought by the Gazaeans for slaughter, departed for Sicily; and carrying wood from the mountains on his shoulders into a nearby city, he sold it and thereby supported his life. But having been discovered by a certain man who was dreadfully vexed by demons and had been freed from that scourge through him, he arrived in Dalmatia. And having performed many miracles there, such as binding by his prayer the sea, which was accustomed to inundating the land with great force, he departed from there again; for it was not pleasing to him to spend his time among those who praised him. For he was eager to remain hidden by frequent migrations, so as to dissolve as quickly as possible the reputation gathering about him. Finally, having traversed very many places for the reason mentioned, and sailing past Cyprus, he arrived at Paphos; and invited by the one who was at that time the bishop of the Cypriots, he sought out the vicinity of Charybris (for so that place was named), and being pleased with the spot, he spent his time there quite willingly, occupying himself, as was fitting, with monastic philosophy. And that he did not suffer martyrdom was caused by his flight. He used flight, in as far as the divine oracle permits B that persecutors should be fled from; but if one is caught, it is necessary that he stand firmly and bear the tortures and punishments of the persecutors with nobility.
CAPUT IX. Concerning the calamities suffered in Phoenicia, Heliopolis, and Emesa: and concerning Emylianus, and Dorotheus, and Domitianus, and Marcus, bishop of the Arethusians.
For it was not among the Alexandrians and Gazaeans alone that such madness was dared against us; but also in Heliopolis, situated by Lebanon in Phoenicia, and in Arethusa among the Syrians, things more terrible and cruel were done. These cities, through an extreme contention of impiety, acted in such a way that they were shown to occupy the second rank in wickedness, as had been designated elsewhere. For the Heliopolitans (a thing which would indeed be incredible to relate, had it not been reported to us by those who were present at the time when the deed was enacted) forced certain sacred virgins, who could not even endure to look upon men, to stand naked and stripped of their garments in the midst of the public, for a spectacle and for the injury of anyone who wished to mock them. And when they had sufficiently insulted those holy bodies with such a sight and with other things according to each man's lust, finally they sheared and cut open their lower parts; and over the surface of that wound and incision, they scattered the food of pigs, which the animals were accustomed to—it is likely that it was barley or something similar—and called the pigs to their accustomed meal. Those animals, in their wild rush, not being able to distinguish easily, rushed upon the entrails; and because of the necessity of their accustomed
conspersed, and drew them to their accustomed fodder. Thus, the swine, rushing in with savage impetuosity and being unable to separate the food, fell upon the entrails as well; and through the craving for their usual food and the urgency of hunger, they devoured the internal organs along with the barley while the women were still alive and felt the agony. A I believe that the people of Heliopolis went to such a pitch of madness against the holy virgins because it had been their ancestral custom that virgins should first be prostituted to whomever they met before they could enter into the bond of marriage with their betrothed. This, Constantine the Great, by issuing a law, was the first to prohibit; and he destroyed the temple of Venus there and erected a church to God, as I have related in its proper place above. But how can that other wicked act they dared to commit in Phoenicia be passed over in silence? For they cruelly slaughtered B Cyril, the deacon of Heliopolis, and having cut open his abdomen, they tasted of his liver. But divine vengeance did not long delay to follow those who dared such things. For all who participated in so great an abomination lost their teeth, tongues, and palates through a savage putrefaction, and they even lost their very eyes. By these plagues, the power and efficacy of true piety were proclaimed. In Emesa, a neighboring city C to this, they dedicated a church to Dionysus, the womanish slave, and set up there a ridiculous statue of an Androgyne, of ambiguous sex, between male and female. At Dorostorum in Thrace, Aemilianus, the unconquered athlete, was burned alive by Capitolinus, the governor of Thrace. Dorotheus, too, that distinguished combatant who wrote a great ecclesiastical history and held the bishopric of Tyre, was put to death. Moreover, some person passing by a cave inhumanly buried under a heap of stones Dometius, a monk renowned among ascetics, while he was hiding within. And how could I pass over what happened to Marcus at Arethusa? For verily, the gravity of Aeschylus and Sophocles would be required to rightly set forth the tragedy of his martyrdom. For the Arethusians brutally slaughtered him—he who had long been their bishop, a man looked upon D as venerable for his life, his teaching, and his hoary hairs. They had long been hostile to him before, because, under Constantius, he had compelled many followers of the Greek superstition to honor the rites of the Christians, not by persuasion, but by a certain stronger power, and had razed to the ground a celebrated temple, second to none in the cost and magnificence of its structure. But when the state of affairs changed, and the populace was stirred up, and an imperial mandate arrived ordering Marcus, by the sentence passed, either to pay the valuation of the temple or to restore it to what it had been before; since he could do neither—and indeed, for the second option, it was not only unlawful for a bishop but for any private Christian to do such a thing in any way whatsoever; he first chose flight. But when he learned that many were suffering on his account and enduring most terrible trials, he returned from his flight and gave himself up, presenting himself to the people to do whatever they wished, having willingly surrendered himself. But they, instead of rightly admiring him
A as one who had chosen to live the philosophical life, thought they were being slighted, and the whole populace rushed upon him. He was dragged through the middle of the city, both old man and bishop; and every one of his sacred limbs was beaten as chance would have it; he was plucked and shoved; and people of every age, even women and children, set upon him with rage and zeal; and this to such a degree that they even wished to cut off the old man's ears with thin cords. Children too, as they went to their teachers, held the man as a laughingstock; and dragging him about and lifting him up, they pricked him repeatedly with their styluses, striking him mercilessly. When he was all covered in wounds and still breathing only slightly and beyond hope, they smeared him with brine and honey and placed him in a basket—a weave made of rope. Having hoisted him into the air in this basket at the height of summer, they left him to be tormented by wasps and bees. Being eaten alive by those creatures, as they flew upon him and fed on him, he is said to have uttered that famous saying: "As for me, I am on high, but I look down upon you who lie on the ground." From which one can also infer what was to befall both him and the Arethusians thereafter. The prefect, who was a great and strong man—and famous on that account—and who was then governing the province while holding to the sacred rites of the Greeks as much as possible, admired such generosity in Marcus and rebuked the emperor, saying that they were worthy of reproach for being overcome by one old man, who, through such constancy and fortitude, had borne so many evils with a great soul; to such an extent that there was a danger that he himself would deservedly be mocked, while those to whom they were inflicting these evils would be raised to the greatest glory. And in this way the blessed Marcus B endured the anger of the populace and those many tortures with a manly soul; so that he was deemed worthy of the proper praises not only from us, but also from the Greeks themselves.
CHAPTER X. Of Theodulus and Tatianus the Phrygians; and of those who were martyred at Ancyra in Galatia, Busiris and Basilius; likewise of Eupsychius the Cappadocian.
At this same time, Macedonius, Theodulus, and Tatianus, who were men of Phrygia, fought the contest for Christ in a courageous manner. For in a city of the Phrygians, the governor of that nation opened a temple which had been defiled by long neglect, and purified it. Yet those whom I have mentioned entered the temple by night and smashed the idols. When many were suspected of this deed and were being dragged to the courts, they denounced themselves. And when the prefect requested that they sacrifice to the gods—because by doing so they could have been acquitted, and by this act they would have compensated for their crime—they refused; he first tortured them, and finally placed them naked on gridirons and kindled a fire beneath them. And although they were being burned so cruelly, they nevertheless said to the prefect: "If you desire, Amachius (for this was the governor’s name), roasted meat, turn us over onto our other side, so that we may not be half-roasted and disagreeable to you when you eat." Thus, then, they too fought the battle with courage, covering the madness of the multitude and those heavy tortures, and were even deemed worthy of praise by the Greeks themselves, who were the worshippers of the idols.A In this way, they finished their life having bravely completed the contest, offering themselves to God as voluntary sacrifices and unblemished victims. They say that at that time Busiris also delivered a brilliant confession in Ancyra of Galatia for the sake of religion. He had previously been of the heresy of the Encratites—that is, the "Continent"—but having acted youthfully against the idols, he was seized by the governor of the province, who chose to torture him; bringing him with boldness, he ordered him to be hung upon the instrument of torture. Busiris, placing his hands upon his head, bared his sides and, turning to the governor, said, "Do not let the executioners trouble themselves in vain, taking me up to the stake and bringing me down again; for I am ready, as long as you wish, to offer my sides to them to be torn." The governor, having marveled at the man's promise, was even more astonished when he put it to the test. For he persisted in that posture, holding his hands up as long as it seemed fit to the governor to have him torn, receiving the blows with steady endurance. After being put in chains and kept in prison, he was released a little later when it was announced that Julian had been slain. And he extended his life until the reign of Theodosius.
B At this same time, Basilius, a presbyter of the church in Ancyra, also finished his life by martyrdom. Likewise, the Cappadocian Eupsychius of Caesarea, born of an ancient and distinguished family—who not long before had taken a wife and was still as it were a bridegroom in the bridal chamber—suffered. Eupsychius happened to be destroyed because of the temple of Fortune; on account of its destruction, as I have mentioned before, all the people of Caesarea fell under the emperor's wrath. Those who were the principals of the deed, and as one might say the actual agents, were some punished with death, others with perpetual exile. C Basilius, however, being most zealous regarding the Christian religion, had striven valiantly against the Arians while Constantius was alive; wherefore, by the vote of those around Eudoxius, he was forbidden from conducting public worship. But when Julian obtained the empire, he went about in public and openly exhorted the Christians to hold firmly to their religion and to abstain from the rites of the Greeks and from all their libations and propitiatory offerings, and not to set any store by the favors of the emperor, as they were fleeting and perishable and brought no other reward than everlasting destruction. For this reason, those who followed the Greek rites held him in suspicion and pursued him with hatred. Seeing them at one time sacrificing in public, he stopped, and with great groaning he prayed that no Christian might fall into such an error. And having been arrested, he was handed over; and having endured many tortures throughout the whole period, he bravely completed the stadium of his martyrdom. D [alt-version omitted]
These things, even if against the will of the emperor, nevertheless occurred. We know that many other brave martyrs also A existed during his reign, whose individual bravery and contests it would be a distinct labor to recount. Yet, for the sake of clarity, I have gathered and set them forth, even if the times of each one's martyrdom for Christ were somewhat different.
CHAPTER XI. On Saint Artemius; also on the saints Manuel, Sabel, and Ismael; and on the blessed virgin Publia.
For he also tortured countless others among both Greeks and barbarians alike. For because of his hatred for our religion, he permitted them to do whatever they wished against us; and they did things much worse and more inhuman than the Greeks themselves. Artemius, however, that noble champion of the faith, who was Dux and Augustalis of Antioch B—having also been a leader of military forces in Egypt under the emperor Constantius—he tortured himself. In reality, this was because he, serving Constantius and burning with divine zeal, had pulled down and overthrown many shrines of the gods; and because he had brought the bones of the divine apostles Andrew, Luke, and Timothy from Patras, Achaia, and Ephesus to Constantinople. But the pretext offered was that he himself had plotted the murder of his brother Gallus. Having stripped the martyr of all his goods and deprived him of his rank, after many other unbearable punishments, he finally cut off his head. He also afflicted the Persian envoys who had come to him at Chalcedon—Manuel, Sabel, and Ismael—because C they practiced the Christian religion, nor did he fear to violate the rights of ambassadors in them, contrary to the established custom of all nations.
But Publia also, a woman who had acquired a remarkable and distinguished reputation for virtue, who, having been under the yoke of marriage for only a short time, produced an admirable fruit—for that John who was for a long time presbyter at Antioch, and who, having been elected several times by legitimate vote to receive the apostolic see, always rejected that dignity, was the offspring of this field. She, therefore, presided over a choir of virgins who had determined to live their lives in chastity, and she served God continually, celebrating Him with constant hymns and praises. Moreover, when at one time that plague was passing D by their house, judging him worthy of laughter and reproach, they sang with a louder voice those words of the Davidic psalms which expose the weakness of idols: "The idols of the nations are silver and gold, the works of the hands of men. Let those who make them become like them, and all who trust in them." When the apostate heard this, he ordered silence. But they—
being even more intent upon the psalms, sang also this: *Let God arise, and let his enemies be scattered* (Ps. LXVII, 2). Enraged at this, the tyrant ordered the leader of the choir to be brought forth. Neither revering that venerable old age nor considering the modesty flourishing in her from virtue, he ordered both her cheeks to be struck so cruelly that they were thoroughly suffused with blood. But she, reckoning the injury she bore for Christ as an honor rather than a disgrace, returned to her little house, and there again pursued him with her spiritual canticles. And in another manner, she repressed the demons that were raging in him, which he had voluntarily introduced into himself; just as that master of melody used his lyre to soothe the spirit that was raging in Saul.
CHAPTER XII.
*How the apostate ordered the saleable goods in the market to be polluted and defiled. Concerning Saint Theodore Tyro: and the holy martyrs, Juventius and Maximinus.*As the deserter progressed, he used his impiety more freely, or rather more impudently, and armed himself against piety. And having nothing else he could do, he filled the goods for sale in the market with his defilement; for as many things as were edible—breads, meat, fruits, and cakes—were sprinkled with the blood and pollutions from the sacrifices. When those who are called by the name of the Savior did not at first perceive this, they were warned from heaven by the divine providence of this matter. For God, having sent the martyr Theodore in an invisible manner to the bishop of the city (this was Euzoius), ordered him to instruct those who had chosen to live piously to abstain from the things that were set up for sale in the market, but to cook wheat in pots—which they are accustomed to call *kolyba* among the Euchaitae—and by this means to relieve their need. B He ordered this on the great day of the fast; hence the Church, renewing the memory of this event, celebrates a feast to this day. This Theodore was the one who, from the order of the *Tirones*, received the name Tyro, and under Maximinus he finished his course in the stadium of martyrdom, having been delivered to the devouring fire. Many indeed were groaning and detesting what was done; nevertheless, clinging to the apostolic decrees, they partook of what was set before them: *Everything that is sold in the shambles, eat, asking nothing for conscience' sake* (I Cor. X, 25). C This abomination of the deserter was very neatly exposed at a certain banquet by two of his shield-bearers, who served in the military with high pay. For they had been singing those words of the illustrious youths in Babylon: *You have delivered us to an unjust and lawless king, a deserter and the most wicked above all the nations on the earth.* One of his fellow guests reported this matter to the emperor. And he, having sent for those excellent men, inquired what those words were that had been spoken at the meal. But they, using their boldness
nourished in true piety, said, “O emperor, with the best laws has the state been administered, which the most praiseworthy prince Constantine and his sons established; but now, seeing such a sin in food and drink, we rightly lament what has been done. And just as we weep for our own plight at home, so also in your presence, as you see, we are sorrowful and mourning.” Having heard these things, the tyrant ordered that they be scourged severely, A and after many tortures, he commanded that they be beheaded. And they were led away; but God, as if they were victors, awarded them the crowns of martyrdom. One of these was called Juventinus, and the other Maximinus; whom the city of Antioch, as excellent champions of piety, rightfully honored not only with a sacred coffin, but also magnificently dedicated to their anniversary memory.
CHAPTER XIII.
On the relics of the holy prophets, Elisha, and John the Forerunner and Baptist.
When such things were being perpetrated everywhere against the Christians by those who professed the Greek superstition, that also took place which was of all things most unworthy and horrendous, committed at Sebaste in Palestine. For the bones of the prophet Elisha and of John the Baptist (for both had their tomb there) were taken out of their coffins, and, mixed with the bones of irrational animals (O, the monstrous boldness!), were given to the fire; B they were reduced to ashes and scattered into the air. Furthermore, Christians, whenever they were seized somewhere, were cast upon burning altars like sacrificial victims: and men were incited by furies to other foul crimes against us. For they dug up the remains of Patrophilus at Scythopolis, and scattered the rest of their pieces. But they also treated his skull—having held it up on high for contumely—with great abuse, leaving nothing undone of execrable insult. But both he himself, and the Jews and the Greeks, committed very many other indignities against us. And when he heard these things, and knew them for certain, far from being offended by them, he even rejoiced greatly: since indeed the infamy of such crimes would redound upon others, while the intention of his own mind was being carried out by their deeds. C But when he saw that his plan through such fury was succeeding less, and that the spirits of the Christians were being increased and strengthened all the more thereby, he devised another fraud: he spurred into conflict, as we have said before, those bishops who for some reason had been cast out of their sees, together with their successors, and gave to each party complete power to do whatever they were able in order to defend and stabilize their own affairs, as they might freely do. Thus, having clashed among themselves, they brought much ignominy and reproach upon the true piety, which had been the desire of the apostate. And besides these things, he [resorted to] other tricks of his wiles D
for he even ordered those enrolled in the clergy to perform the duties and services of senators perversely, and he assigned the provisions of the churches to the ministers of demons, and permitted them to exact them. By these things he believed that the worship of demons would be increased, and the religion of true piety would be abolished. And these things were done in this manner.
Chapter XIV. Regarding Lucifer and Eusebius; and regarding the events in Antioch on account of Meletius and Paulinus. And regarding the synod in Alexandria, which theologically affirmed the Holy Spirit to be consubstantial with the Father and the Son, Athanasius presiding.
After the return of Athanasius, Lucifer, bishop of Calaris in Sardinia, and Eusebius of Vercelli, B of the Ligurians in Italy, also arrived in the East from the Thebaid, having been released by the letters of the emperor. For they had been punished with perpetual exile by Constantius. And having come together in common, they made it their concern to set in order the affairs of the Church. Eusebius, therefore, came to Alexandria, so as to assemble a synod together with Athanasius and to confirm the things decided at Nicaea; but Lucifer, having made an agreement with Eusebius, gave a deacon to Eusebius to stand in his place at the synod, through whom he promised to accept the things established by the synod. He himself, however, arrived at Antioch, and found the Church there to be in no small measure disturbed. For the throngs were C split within themselves; they were not only at odds with those of the heresy of Arius, whom Euzoius at that time led, but they were also distinguished from those who followed Meletius—as has indeed been related—by their zeal for him, and towards those who were of like mind with themselves. And as he had not yet returned from his exile, Lucifer, having ordained Paulinus as bishop in his place, departed again. Eusebius, having arrived at Alexandria, courageously held a synod together with Athanasius. And when many bishops had gathered at Alexandria, D of whom the great Athanasius was the leader, they not only strengthened the faith at Nicaea, but, having exercised themselves in discussions concerning many necessary questions, they confirmed them; at which time, having theologized concerning the Holy Spirit, they confessed Him to be consubstantial and of equal honor with the Father and the Son; and they named the Trinity; and they confessed with both soul and mouth the perfect human being whom the Word of God assumed, and they dogmatized that He was not only incarnate, but also animated by an intellectual soul, just as it had seemed good to those men in former times who had philosophized about divine things. For it was not some recent faith that they devised and delivered to the Church; rather, those things which the Church had received from above, and which divine men—philosophizing the things of the Christians—had demonstrated, these they themselves examined and ratified. For Irenæus, the bishop of Lyon, when Clement the author of the *Stromata*, and Apollinaris the Hierapolitan, [confessed] consubstantial, of equal honor,
confirmed what was explained to them. For all those whom we have just enumerated, and others besides, in their writings, have handed down that the Word who assumed humanity was ensouled, inasmuch as He is consubstantial with them. Moreover, the synod assembled on account of Cyril of Philadelphia—which is a city of Arabia—the bishop, published the same thing in their letters to Cyril himself. Origen, too, who was famous for his wisdom, in all his writings proclaims that the Word who became man assumed an ensouled humanity; and he asserts this very clearly, especially in the ninth volume on Genesis, where he makes Christ [to be] Adam, and the Church Eve. Reliable and competent witnesses of this matter are Pamphilus, the ecclesiastical writer, and Eusebius, B who was named after him; they wrote the life of that man, and in the defenses they composed for him against his opponents, they replied to them, saying that Origen was not the first author of his opinion, but that he was merely expounding the secret dogmas of the Church which he had received from the ancients by tradition.
CAPUT XV. What that same synod at Alexandria decreed clearly and plainly concerning these terms, substance and subsistentia.
C Since the question concerning substance (*ousia*) and subsistentia (*hypostasis*) disturbed the churches not a little, and frequent contentions and disputes about these words had occurred in previous times, the synod at Alexandria, having examined the meaning and property of them, also determined that there is no need for such terms regarding God. For in the sacred Scriptures the word for "substance" is nowhere to be found, but it was out of necessity for expounding dogma that the divine apostle Paul made use of the name of "subsistentia." They decreed, however, that these words should be used in another way when someone contends to refute the opinion of Sabellius, namely: that we should not, for lack of terms, think that the contemplation of the Godhead represents one thing under three names, but that by using three names, each thing in the Trinity might be understood as triply distinguished, with a peculiar subsistentia. D The first, indeed, who seems to have introduced the discussion concerning substance and subsistentia is that Hosius, bishop of Corduba, whom I have mentioned several times already. For when he was sent by the emperor Constantine to Alexandria to calm the disturbance raised by Arius, because he also strove to root out the dogma of the Libyan Sabellius, he raised the question concerning substance and subsistentia, from which much trifling and squabbling arose. And the Nicene synod, which was held later, indicated that this question was unworthy of being treated there. But afterward, when some began again to trifle about it, the Alexandrian council seems to me to have wisely determined the things which we have mentioned concerning it. These things, then, the synod at Alexandria decreed; but
A what we have learned concerning substance and subsistence, it may be permitted here to set forth in a few words, free from envy. Those who from the very beginning taught philosophy among the pagan Greeks, did not make any mention at all of subsistence: that is, they defined substance or essence in various ways. Irenaeus the grammarian among them, in the book which he entitled *Atticista*, where he collects and explains words in alphabetical order, calls the term "subsistence" barbaric, and says that it is not to be found among the ancients; but if it is found, he shows that it bears a different signification from that which is customary. For Sophocles, in his *Phoenice*, placed "subsistence" for "set ambuscades." Menander, moreover, used the same word for "garnish" or "seasoning," B and another used it again for the lees of wine settling at the bottom of a jar. However, it should be observed that, although the ancient philosophers did not use that term, more recent ones have nevertheless frequently taken "subsistence" for "substance." They have delivered diverse definitions of substance. But if substance is comprehended by a definition, by what reason can that word be properly and rightly spoken of God, whom it is impossible to enclose within any limit? Evagrius the Ascetic, indeed, in his monastic book, discourages one from meddling rashly and with impudent confidence in discoursing about the divinity, and thoroughly dissuades from wanting to define God Himself as a simple being. For he says that definitions are not for simple things, but for composite ones. The same author also C adds this: "Every proposition or statement contains either a genus that is indicated, or a species, or a differentia, or a proper attribute, or an accident, or that which is composed of these." And if none of these things can be found in the holy Trinity, what cannot be said or expressed must be adored in silence. But we shall make mention of Evagrius later. These matters, although they seem to be outside our prescribed task, I nevertheless consider useful and convenient to the history, and not at all foreign to it.
CHAPTER XVI.
What Athanasius commemorates in the oration which he entitled 'On Flight'.
At this synod Athanasius also recited the book which he had composed long ago concerning his flight; from which I shall insert into this work certain passages most suited to this D argument. But the entire oration, which is more prolix, the studious may inquire for themselves. He writes thus:
"Behold, this is the audacity of the impious. When they have done these things, and have not been shamed by the snares which they had previously planned against us, they still even now accuse us because we were able to escape their murderous hands—or rather, they lament bitterly that they did not entirely remove us from the midst. And finally, having sought a pretext, they reproach us with cowardice; nor do they understand, while they grumble these things, that they are drawing the whole weight of the reproach upon themselves. For if to flee is an evil, it is much worse to pursue. For he who takes counsel with himself to flee, in order not to perish, remains in hiding. But he who pursues another, strives to kill. And indeed, concerning fleeing, Scripture exists. Whoever..."
therefore, reproach A flight, let the persecutors be more ashamed of themselves. Let them cease plotting, and those who flee will straightway cease as well. But they do not desist from their own wickedness, and they do everything for the sake of overtaking them, knowing that the flight of the persecuted is a great refutation of the persecutors. For no one flees from a mild and humane man, but rather from one who is savage and wicked in character. For everyone oppressed by distress and in debt fled from Saul and took refuge with David. For this reason, these men also strive to kill those who hide them, so as not to appear to have a refutation of their own wickedness. But in this, too, they seem to be blinded in their error; for the more evident the flight is, the more conspicuous will their murderous assault or exile become. For if they kill, the death will cry out more loudly against them; and if they banish them, they are everywhere scattering monuments of their own lawlessness B against themselves. If, therefore, they possessed a sound mind, they would see themselves encompassed by these very things and stumbling against their own designs; but since they have lost all sense of prudence, it is no wonder that they are led into such persecutions. And while seeking to kill others, they do not perceive their own impiety. For if they rail with insults at those who hide because of the assassins sent against them, and if they calumniously accuse those who flee from the persecutors, what, I ask, will they do when they see Jacob fleeing from his brother Esau, or Moses withdrawing into Midian because of the fear of Pharaoh? What, C furthermore, will these men, who chatter about all things so rashly, say in their defense when they see David fleeing from Saul (who had sent assassins into his house to kill him), and hiding in a cave, and changing his countenance until he could pass by Abimelech and escape the snares laid for him? What, besides, will these men who blather on about everything say regarding the great Elijah, when they see him both invoking God and raising the dead, yet hiding because of the threats of Ahab and Jezebel? For at that time the sons of the prophets, who were being sought for death, were hidden in caves, lying concealed with Obadiah. Do they D know these as being of old, yet have no memory of those who are in the Gospel? For even the disciples withdrew because of the fear of the Jews, hiding themselves; and Paul, when sought by the ethnarch in Damascus, was let down from the wall in a basket and escaped the hands of his pursuer. Since, then, the Scripture discloses such things concerning the saints, what pretext or excuse for their own rashness will they be able to find? For if they reproach them with cowardice, their own boldness acts against them like the fury of madmen. But if they say that we have done these things against the will of God, they are clearly ignorant of the Scriptures. For in the Law, there was even a command that cities of refuge be built, so that those sought for death could somehow be saved; and at the consummation of the ages, the very Word of the Father, He who spoke to Moses, arrived and gave this command again, saying, "When they persecute you in this city, flee to the other." And a little later He says...
"When therefore you see the abomination of desolation A which has been spoken of by Daniel the prophet, standing in the holy place (let the reader understand), then let those who are in Judea flee to the mountains; let him who is on the housetop not go down to take anything from his house; and let him who is in the field not return to take his clothes." Knowing these things, the holy ones possessed such a way of life; for the things which the Lord just now commanded, these He also spoke to the holy ones before His manifestation in the flesh. And this is the goal set before men, bringing them to perfection: to do whatever God may command. For this reason the Word Himself, having for our sake become man, deigned, when sought as we are, to hide Himself, and again, when persecuted, to flee and to avoid the snare. For it was permitted that He should suffer B this, just as He felt hunger and thirst, and in this way also to demonstrate that He had become man. From the beginning, as soon as He became man, when He was a child, He Himself commanded through the angel to Joseph: "Arise, take the child and His mother, and flee to Egypt, for Herod is about to seek the life of the child." And when Herod was dead, it appears that He withdrew to Nazareth on account of Archelaus, his son. But when He had at last shown Himself to be God, and had made the withered hand whole, the Pharisees went out and held a council against Him, that they might destroy Him; but Jesus, knowing it, withdrew from there. For indeed, even when He raised Lazarus from the dead, from that C day, it is said, they took counsel that they might put Him to death. Therefore Jesus no longer walked openly among the Jews, but went away from there to the region near the desert. Then, when the Savior said, "Before Abraham was, I am," the Jews took up stones to cast at Him; but Jesus hid Himself, and went out of the temple, and passing through the midst of them, He proceeded and passed on in this way. Do these [men], seeing these things, or rather considering them, since they do not see them according to what is written, not wish to be consumed by fire? Because they plot and speak things contrary to what the Lord does and teaches. For indeed, when John had borne witness, and the disciples had buried his body, having D heard of it, Jesus withdrew from there in a boat to a desert place privately. The Lord did these things, and thus He taught; would that these men, even if this be so, might feel shame, and restrain their insolence so as not to reach the level of men, and, no longer being crazed, reproach the Savior with cowardice, having once studied to speak blasphemy against Him. But no one will endure them in their madness; rather, they will be refuted by not understanding the Gospels themselves. For the pretext for such a withdrawal and flight is reasonable and true, which the evangelists recorded as having been set forth by the Savior. It is necessary for us from these things, in all of the [cases],
to think the same regarding all the saints. For the things that are written in human fashion regarding the Savior, these it is fitting to apply to the common race of men; for He accepted our own things, and displayed the passions of our weakness in Himself. What John wrote is as follows: "They sought, therefore, to take Him, and no one laid hands upon Him, because His hour had not yet come." For indeed, even before this time arrived, He Himself said to His mother, "My hour has not yet come," and to those called His brothers: "My time is not yet present." But when that time had arrived, He said to the disciples: "Sleep on now, and take your rest. For behold, the hour has drawn near, and the Son of Man will be delivered into the hands of sinners." He neither permitted Himself to be seized before the time had come, nor did He hide Himself when the time was present; but rather, He gave Himself up to those plotting against Him. Thus, the blessed martyrs also in the persecutions that occurred in their own times B observed this. For those who were sought by persecution fled, and while remaining hidden, they persevered. But when they were found, they bore witness. These things, indeed, the holy Athanasius wrote in his defense of his own flight; and such an end did the synod in Alexandria have.
CHAPTER XVII
*That at that time there were three bishops in Antioch: Meletius, Paulinus, and Euzoius; and how Lucifer, having been offended on account of Eusebius, became the author of his own heresy; and how Eusebius of Vercelli and Hilary of Poitiers, having been in the West, in Illyricum, Gaul, and Italy, proclaimed the healthy doctrine of the Nicene faith in both the Roman and Greek tongues.*Now Eusebius of Vercelli, whom we mentioned was bishop, having finished the synod in Alexandria, arrived at Antioch. And finding the crowds at variance among themselves—for those who had followed the party of Meletius were utterly averse to Paulinus, who had been ordained by Lucifer, and were holding their assemblies separately C—he was distressed by the ordination of Paulinus, because it was not pleasing to all; and, while not communicating with either party, he indeed did not approve of what had been done. Yet, out of the respect he held for Lucifer, he said nothing publicly, but departed thence, saying only that this matter also ought to be settled by a gathering of bishops. And though he had put no small amount of effort into it, so as to unite by concord what had been torn asunder by dissension, he was nevertheless entirely unable to accomplish it. For in the meantime, Meletius had also returned from exile. And when he found his followers, who held him in great esteem, conducting assemblies apart, he presided over them in the episcopal manner. Thus it came to pass that at the same time there were three in Antioch who were D performing the pastoral [office]. Of the churches, Euzoius was in control, presiding over the Arian heresy; and Paulinus held one of the churches of the city—a minor one, which Euzoius had yielded, having long held the man in esteem...
But Meletius was holding his assemblies A outside the city, near the gate. With affairs at Antioch in this state, Eusebius departed again from there. But Lucifer, having learned that the ordination of Paulinus was displeasing to Eusebius, became indignant, as if he had been personally injured, and was utterly unwilling to join in communion with Eusebius. For he chose to reject the acts of the synod as not having been rightly performed. Since many matters were set in motion at that time which, as often happens, brought damage, this affair alienated many from the Church. For this reason, a certain new heresy arose again, which took its name from Lucifer. Lucifer indeed had a cause for anger that was not at all becoming; for he was caught in his own snares, having sent his deacon to profess that he would approve what the synod had decided. He himself, however, maintaining the judgment of the Church and laying aside his animosity, withdrew to his own see in Sardinia. But those who considered themselves B to have been affected by the same grief as he, having remained in the East, established their own sect and fought against the Church for a long time. While Eusebius was in the East, he cured those who were weak in the faith as a most excellent physician and restored them, rejecting what there was of impurity among them, and teaching and instructing them in what was appropriate and native to the Church. Departed from there toward the West, he traveled through Illyricum and arrived in Italy, performing the same tasks. There, Hilary, having crossed over previously, was bishop of Poitiers; this is a city of Aquitania. Since he was the first to be recalled from exile, he had been casting the seeds of the healthy faith, instructing both the Italians and the Gauls as to which doctrines were to be shunned and which were to be embraced. Hilary was C eloquent in both the Roman and Greek tongues; and he composed books for the Romans which both refute the doctrines of Arius and powerfully fortify the dogma of the consubstantial. These things happened shortly after the restoration of the exiles. Thus, then, Hilary of Poitiers and Eusebius of Vercelli clearly preached the dogma of the Nicene faith throughout the Western empire.
CAPUT XVIII. Concerning the Macedonians, how they then taught their impiety with great liberty. What they thought, and what defenses they used against their accusers.
At the same time, the followers of Macedonius, relying on the death of Constantius—among whom were Eleusius of Cyzicus, Eustathius of Sebaste, and Sophronius of Pompeiopolis—began to be openly called Macedonians. Having seized the opportunity of the time, they held frequent synods freely in various places, summoning those who had agreed with them at Seleucia, and they formed a faction D of their own sect. Then, moreover, they excommunicated those who were of the opposing party, that is, the Acacians, and the faith published at Ariminum
A, and they gave their votes; which indeed, in their opinion, afterward acquired validity at Seleucia, as I made mention in the book before this. But when they were accused by some who were making a reproach of their difference—asking why now they disagree with those around Acacius, despite having previously been like-minded and in communion with them—they made this reply through Sophronius: "The Western bishops," they said, "did not have a sound opinion concerning the Consubstantial; while Aetius in the East taught that the Son is dissimilar in substance to the Father; and both parties fell away from the right path. For the former, by the word B *homoousion* (consubstantial), confusing the hypostases of the Father and the Son into one unity, confounded them; while the latter, on the contrary, excessively separated the property of the Son from the nature of the Father. We, however, fleeing the error of both, have chosen the middle and entirely safe path; and we think we speak more piously, defining the Son as equal to the Father in hypostasis."
Thus, indeed, did they attempt to defend themselves when rebuked. But they are caught perverting the truth by sophistry, in that they accused not Acacius, but Aetius, as the author of the *dissimilar*. For they appear, in part, to shun both the Arians and those who honor the *homoousion*; yet by both, they are convicted by their own words C of having intended to introduce something else that is new, just as Sabinus also says, who wrote the synodal acts in the Latin tongue.
CAPUT XIX. Concerning the holy Athanasius, how, being sought by the apostate, he escaped into exile by a wondrous art.
The Emperor, when he learned that Athanasius was openly holding assemblies of the multitude in the church at Alexandria, and was persuading many of the Greeks, by the siren-song of his eloquence, to embrace the Christian religion, ordered him to be driven out from there; and if he should insist on remaining, he threatened him with the most severe penalties. He feigned as a pretext for this order that, having been condemned to exile by the emperors D who preceded him, Athanasius had occupied the episcopate by his own authority; and that he personally had not permitted those who had been driven into exile by Constantius to enter the churches, but only their return to their homelands. Therefore, being forced to flee by this mandate of the Emperor, Athanasius cast his eyes upon those standing around him who were mourning and taking his departure heavily, and said: "Be of good cheer, little children; it is a little cloud, and it will quickly pass away." Having said this, and having given instructions to his close associates, and having entrusted the church to good men, he went out, boarded a ship, and sailed through the Nile into Egypt. But those who had been sent by the prefect followed, striving with all zeal to capture the holy man. And he heard that the persecutors were already close at hand. When those who were with him in the ship were advising that he should turn his flight into the desert, he, having adopted a better plan, prudently escaped the hands of the soldiers. For, putting aside flight, he ordered them to turn back to meet the pursuers. And when this was done, and they were near those pursuing
and when those who were pursuing asked where Athanasius was, they replied that he was not far off and, as if they were accelerating their own pace to reach him, they immediately said they would catch him; and thus they escaped the danger. Thus, indeed, the persecutors were deceived by this clever ruse, and they accomplished nothing. Athanasius, however, returned secretly to Alexandria and remained hidden there until the persecution he was fleeing had entirely ceased. These things befell Athanasius at the hands of the followers of the Greek superstition. A
CAPUT XX.
How Julian once again supported the idolatry of the Greeks more vehemently and sharply; and concerning Eleusius of Cyzicus, Titus of Bostra, and Maris, bishop of Chalcedon.In the meantime, the Cyzicenes sent an embassy to the emperor regarding certain of their own affairs, with the request that the temples of the gods be restored. Julian praised their religion and granted them everything they sought. He forbade Eleusius, their bishop, from officiating in divine matters and from the city itself, because he had razed the shrines of the gods to the ground and had insulted them, and because he had established monasteries and built houses for the nourishment of widows and the elderly, and had performed many other works pleasing to God; and most importantly, because by the persuasion of his words—which was indeed the most serious thing—he had persuaded many Greeks to neglect their own superstition. B He also enacted a law that no Christian who was not a native should enter Cyzicus. The reason he gave for this decree was that he did not want sedition to be stirred up regarding religion, with the settlers and their fellow-countrymen who worshipped the same rites as they did rendering them aid, and furthermore with the Christian weavers and coiners from among the residents coming to them. For these people, divided into two very large classes and established by the edicts of many emperors, lived in Cyzicus with their wives and children, and contributed no small tax to the public treasury; the former providing military cloaks, the latter the new coinage. For since he wished to strengthen and confirm Greek superstition, he deemed it unwise to use public force and to punish such a great multitude. For the city rulers could scarcely even count the number of the Christian population, let alone identify them. C He did not, however, forbid them from gathering in the same place and praying as each of them wished. For he knew well that nothing could ever be accomplished by force in these matters, where a ready and voluntary judgment is required for them to stand firm. But the clergy and those who were in charge of the churches and of the faith, he strove with all his might to drive away. His purpose was to dissolve the customary assemblies of the masses by removing their leaders (for it was not easy to congregate, nor to be taught, and much less to partake of divine things and to celebrate the mysteries), and by the long passage of time to cause them to fall into oblivion of their own religion; otherwise, he also aimed at seeing how those among the clergy— D
A might easily be blamed for creating a disturbance. While harboring such designs—though there was neither any sedition nor any expectation of one—he ordered Eleusius and his followers to depart from Cyzicus, as I have already stated. It is said, indeed, that he imposed a very heavy condition upon Eleusius: that if, within two months, he did not restore at his own expense the church of the Novatians which he himself had demolished in Cyzicus, he would be driven from that city. As for Titus, the bishop of the city of Bostra, he issued a public edict ordering him to flee immediately, threatening him and his clergy with serious charges should the populace rise in sedition. For this reason, Titus sent a petition to the emperor, in which he stated that the number of Christians in that city was no less than that of the Greeks, and he signified that he had been exhorting his own multitude not to look toward turmoil. The emperor, however, in order to incite the rest of the populace against Titus, and casting a calumny upon the man before the Bostrenses, gave out letters stating that Titus had written to him saying that it was not by his own exhortations, but by the people’s own counsel, that they were breaking out into sedition. And by this means, he secretly moved the common people to cast the man out of the city as if he were a conspirator and an enemy to them.
Many other things of this same kind, whether by his own command or by the spontaneous rashness and insolence of the mob, B must be assumed to have occurred. Of these evils, he was the chief author, as he would not punish by law those who dared to perform such acts; while in words he would indeed rebuke such offenses, in his deeds he encouraged them to be carried out, as one in whom hatred for our religion had taken the deepest root; and he openly displayed this. Therefore, even if he did not openly exercise persecution himself, nonetheless the Christians everywhere suffered grave calamities from the common people. For the temples of the Greeks were opened, and the superstition of idols was approved with the greatest applause. He himself, moreover, publicly celebrated his own sacred rites, and at Constantinople he sacrificed in the basilica where the statue of the goddess Fortune had been placed. There, Maris, the bishop of Chalcedon in Bithynia, who was led by a boy—for because of his extreme old age a cataract of the eyes had deprived him of the power of sight—sharply rebuked the emperor, calling him an impious man, a despiser of God, and an apostate, in C an insulting manner. He, not at all provoked otherwise, taunted the old man with his blindness, revenging himself only in words; and mocking him, he blasphemed against Christ, and said that not even that God of the Galileans—whom he worshipped—was able to heal his blindness. For it was habitual for him to call Christ a Galilean, and the Christians Galileans. The bishop, using great freedom of speech, reacting to this, said: "I give thanks, I say, to my Savior God, who has seen to it that I have lost my sight, in order that I might not see D your most polluted face, which has turned toward impiety." He, pretending to be gentle, did not answer anything, but he pursued the matter with great cruelty. For he knew well [the acts of those] under Diocletian
those who had testified, as they were held in honor by the Christians, and the zeal of those hastening to martyrdom—as if envying them this too—he turned to another way. A And while he rejected the excessive cruelty of punishing the Christians himself, he did not refuse to persecute them quietly, for the most part allowing the common people and whoever wished to do some harm to the Christians to do so. For this is how it seemed good to him to strengthen Hellenism: to pretend to be long-suffering, using this as a kind of bait, and to feign a love for humanity and a gentleness equal to that of the followers of Christ.
CHAPTER XXI.
How Julian, intending to strengthen idolatry through art and deceit, set about adapting the peculiar customs of our religion to the temples of the idols.
B For having appeared pleasant to all at first, as he progressed he did not show himself to be the same, nor consistent with himself. For wherever there was some calumny and accusation against Constantius, he readily granted everything to the Christians; but where this was not the case, he brought into the open the hatred he had stored up in his heart against us all in common. And being eager for the entire population subject to the Roman Empire to embrace the Hellenic superstition, he was distressed to see that their religion was far surpassed in glory by Christianity. C For the temples, the sacrifices, and the ancestral festivals of the Greeks throughout the cities were proceeding according to his wishes; but he was especially troubled by the thought of how they might have stability in the future. For he reasoned that if they were to be deprived of his protection, they would soon collapse through a change in circumstances. He was especially struck by the crucial observation that the wives, children, and servants of many priests were learning to be Christians. And considering within himself that our religion is founded upon the virtuous life and conduct of those who embrace it, he left no stone unturned in order to transfer the customs of the Greeks to our own. He furnished the idol temples with seats and platforms; he instituted lectiones and doctrines, though these were based on Hellenic dogmas; D and he introduced priests and readers [in a way] equal to ours; he commanded formal prayers for certain hours and days; and furthermore he built schools and phrontisteria for men and women, and hostels for strangers and the poor. And he showed other such humanity, choosing to glorify the things of the Greeks from this source. He also instituted fitting corrections for voluntary and involuntary sins, just as is our custom, through the intervention of penance. And with the same zeal he attempted to emulate [our] letters of commendation—
and to show this B as best as he possibly could to Arsachius, the high priest of Galatia, as he sent them. He writes as follows:
Chapter 43. Letter of Julian to Arsacius, High Priest of Galatia, that he should emulate and pursue the customs of the Christians.
A The Hellenic [religion] does not yet act according to our expectations, because of those who profess it. For the works of the gods are brilliant and great, exceeding every prayer and every hope; and may Nemesis be propitious to our words. For no one a short time ago would have dared even to pray for such a great change in so short a time. What then? Do we think these things are enough, and do we not look to that which has most fostered impiety—the philanthropy toward strangers, and the care for the burial of the dead, and the feigned sanctity of life? I believe that each of these things should be truly practiced by us. And it is not enough for you alone to be such, but it is fitting that all priests throughout Galatia be like you; and either shame them, or persuade them to be diligent, or remove them from the priestly office, if they do not approach the gods together with their wives and children and servants, but instead tolerate their servants or children or wives acting as Galileans—impious toward the gods, and preferring their atheism to the worship of the gods. Then, exhort every priest neither to appear in the theater, nor to drink in a tavern, nor to preside over any shameful or ignominious craft or trade. And honor those who obey, but cast out those who disobey. Establish C numerous hostels in every city, so that strangers may enjoy our philanthropy; not only those of our own [religion], but also any others, whoever might be in need. But as to where you will get the money for this, I have already devised a plan. For I have ordered that thirty thousand modii of grain and sixty thousand sextarii of wine be contributed annually throughout all of Galatia for this purpose. I say that one-fifth of this tribute should be spent on the poor who serve the priests; the rest should be distributed by us to strangers and beggars. For it would be shameful, since among the Jews no one is a beggar, and the impious Galileans support not only their own [poor] but also ours, that our own people should appear to be in need of D support and help from us. Teach also those who profess Hellenism to contribute to such services, and the Hellenic villages to offer the first fruits of their crops to the gods; and accustom the Hellenes to such acts of charity, teaching them that this was formerly our own practice. Homer, at any rate, has represented Eumaeus saying exactly this:
A Stranger, even though a meaner man than you should come, It is not right for me to dishonor a stranger; for all Strangers and beggars are from Jove. And a gift, though small, is dear.
Do not allow others to emulate our own good deeds, lest we ourselves be put to shame by our sloth, or rather betray the observance and religion of the gods. And if I hear that you are doing this, you will make me cheerful and glad. Visit the governors of the provinces rarely at your home, but send letters to them frequently. When they themselves come into the city, let none of the priests go out to meet them; but when they repair to the temples of the gods, let him meet them at least within the vestibule. Let no soldier go before them as they enter the sacred temple, but let whoever wishes follow after. For as soon as the magistrate has reached the floor of the shrine, he becomes a private citizen. For you, as you know, hold command within the temple. And the divine commandments also demand this: those who obey them are true worshippers of the gods; but those who are carried away by pride are seekers of empty glory and vain prestige. I am ready to assist those at Pessinus, if they will render the Mother of the gods propitious to themselves. But if they neglect her, not only will this not be free from blame, but further—a bitter thing to say—there will be a danger that they might even provoke against us B the enmity of the gods.
For it is not right for me to support or pity Men who are hateful to the immortal gods themselves.
Therefore persuade them, if they wish to secure my concern and care, to supplicate the Mother of the gods all together. »
CHAPTER XXIII.
Concerning what the impious one did against our piety, and how he attempted to entice the army to sacrifice to the gods by giving a donative for that purpose.
Thus, then, Julian, by acting and writing in this way, C imagined that he would, without war, bring back the Christians to their ancestral customs; and, as the saying goes, he left no stone unturned in order to abolish our dogma. But persuasion was difficult for him. On the other hand, if he were to use force openly, he believed it would be to his disgrace, because he sought to avoid any suspicion of tyranny. Yet he did not on that account remit any of the ardor and zeal with which he sought to draw his subjects to Hellenic superstition. And some things he did by himself, others he expedited through his prefects. D As for the army in particular, he was training all of them systematically to follow the Hellenic superstition, and he especially sought to remold to their former state the greatest symbol of the Roman standards; for the one which Constantine, in accordance with the divine will, as we have said, had ordered to be refashioned in the shape of the cross and to be carried at the head of the army, he reduced to its anterior state. And in public…
A images he gave orders that his own likeness be painted with great care; and, furthermore, that Jupiter, the highest of his gods, be represented as looking down from a celestial cloud and letting fall a crown, a purple robe, and other insignia of empire; and that Mercury and Mars be on either side, gazing upon him blandly and testifying by a certain nod of the eyes that he excelled in eloquence and was no less proficient in the art of war. These things, and others akin to them, he ordered to be scattered upon public images, inviting many to the Greek religion. He did this so that, under the pretext of the honor which by custom they were accustomed to show the emperor, little by little they might also learn to worship those who were depicted with him, and by abusing this ancient custom with all sorts of craftiness and guile, he might furtively subvert the mind and judgment of his subjects. For he thought that his plan would only proceed according to his wishes if he could lead men where he wanted by such persuasion, and then easily approach the remaining tasks. Moreover, he deemed that he would rightly punish those who did not obey him and who intended to introduce innovations into the ancient customs of the Roman people; especially since they appeared to be sinning against the long-standing custom of the republic and against the empire itself. Few understood such cunning; those who did, and refused to worship such images, paid the penalty. The common people, B as is their wont, through supine ignorance and an unconcerned mind, approached the images blindly, as if they had to be obeyed as an ancient law. And when he devised such things, he achieved nothing further. Indeed, although his fraud was thus detected, he nonetheless attempted another way, reasoning and testing everything, so that he might draw his citizens into a vain superstition. And that which he instituted was in no way inferior to his earlier guile. Nay, rather, he ventured upon it with more manifest and greater violence. Wherefore he also gave occasion to many who served for wages in the imperial court to show their manly spirits. For, as if in the furnace of a refinery, those who were Christians in reputation and those who were so in truth became known to all.
For when the time arrived for the emperor to give a donative to the citizens—a thing which had been received as custom among the Romans of old, especially on the Kalends, and on the birthdays of emperors and imperial cities—thinking to himself that our military, for the most part, lives in simplicity and guilelessness, and is seized by the desire for money, and could easily be entrapped by the customary gift, he devised a certain artifice so that they would sacrifice to demons even against their will. For it had been provided by a law C of old that those approaching to receive the gift should sacrifice. And they were commanded to do this same thing. At the same time, incense and gold were set out beside the fire. There, some declared their brave spirit, by refusing to burn the incense and spurning the gift. Some, covering the wickedness of the old law under a pretext, were not even able to understand into what evil they had fallen. Others, allured by the profitable gain, and perhaps by fear of many riots, even though they knew they were erring, were nonetheless unable to escape from being tormented in their minds. As for those who, through such ignorance, had fallen into this wickedness, it is recorded that they acted in this way.
A Since, after sacrificing—perhaps by the prevailing custom—they were feasting together, as is often the case during drinking bouts, they pledged one another and invoked Christ while at their cups. It is said that one of the guests heard this and remarked, "You act very cleverly, by Hercules, to invoke Christ now, whom a little while ago you denied when the emperor was giving gifts and you were placing incense upon the altar." With this saying, they recognized their error and their misery. Immediately rushing forth from the banquet, weeping publicly, they called God and the more sensible of men to witness that they were Christians and would persevere in that resolve, and that they had sinned out of ignorance. As far as can be said, they asserted that their hands alone had performed the rites for the Greeks, but their minds had remained unchanged. Soon, driven by the fervor of their boldness in speaking, they approached the emperor, cast the gold they had received at his feet, and with a truly noble spirit asked him to take back his gift and execute them; for they would never feel repentance if, for the sake of Christ, their whole body paid the penalty for his sake. Since their right hand had sinned inconsiderately, both by receiving the gift and by sacrificing to the gods, they asked for it to be cut off; and likewise for their feet, which had hurried so inappropriately to accept the gift. The B emperor, when he heard these things, was indeed moved to anger, but he refrained from killing them, lest he should grant those who had insulted him the honor of martyrdom. Instead, he stripped them of their military rank and drove them out of the imperial palace. Among these were that Jovian, Valentinian, and Valens, who after him held the scepter of empire. Thus did they act.
But those who did not embrace the things of the Christians with an upright intention, and who preferred the fleeting happiness of worldly honor and money, ran without fear to sacrifice and to gratify the emperor. Such was the sophist Ecebolius of Constantinople, who, like an Euripus, adjusted himself to the characters of the emperors. Under Constantius, he had pursued the Christian religion with an intense fervor, perhaps more than anyone else. But when Julian turned his mind toward the Greek superstition, he shifted quickly, and became more superstitious than anyone among the Greeks. After him, he again professed himself a Christian; for, having fallen face downward before the doors of the church, weeping and crying out, he C piteously shouted: "Trample me, the salt that has lost its savor." Such were those men; such was Ecebolius both before and after.
Chapter 24. On his constitutions published against us, and how he began to collect money.
When the emperor was so hostile in his mind toward all Christians, having seized upon this opportunity—even though he had no grounds to charge them with any real crime—he nonetheless decreed by constitutional law, because they had refused to sacrifice, that they should not participate in the administration of the commonwealth or be judged worthy of D equal honors with others.
A He also legislated to this effect, further adding that the sword should not be used against those who committed crimes worthy of death. Finding a pretext in the war against the Persians which was then ravaging the East, and calculating that nothing could be accomplished without money, he fraudulently devised a way to collect funds from the Christians. For he declared that those who chose not to sacrifice were to be punished by a financial penalty. It was a bleak sight to behold, the harsh condemnation of the Christians, as they were required to pay what they did not even possess, even though everyone else contributed according to their means. And suddenly the emperor grew wealthy from this unjust collection of money.
At that time the Greeks, taking liberties with us without fear, had everything their own way. A motley collection of philosophers gathered from everywhere; they revived the ancient rites of the Gentiles and devoted themselves to the inspection of entrails and the divination of livers, to the point that they would sacrifice young boys and girls, still pure and untouched, and taste their flesh. B They did these things in other cities, but most especially in Alexandria, where Athanasius the bishop had opposed their wicked activities, because of which he was punished with exile by their study and effort. He journeyed by ship along the Nile into Egypt, but then turned his course and returned to that same city, a matter we related a little earlier.
The governors of the provinces perceived this policy of the emperor as an opportunity for themselves, and they treated the Christians more harshly than the emperor had ordered, extorting more money and even inflicting blows upon their bodies for that reason. When the emperor learned of this, he made light of it, and when Christians approached him and complained of the trouble, he replied: "It is a law given to you by Christ that when you are treated badly you should bear your sufferings bravely, and when you are wronged you should not speak back." C This is made clear by what Amachius did, as we mentioned above. Yet it would not be absurd to repeat the matter briefly, as it is worthy of special remembrance. In a small city in the province of Phrygia, he commanded that a certain temple of the gods be purged of its long-standing filth and decay, and that the statues be restored with diligent care. The work was done as ordered; but this caused the greatest grief to the Christians.
Some, then—namely Macedonius, Theodulus, and Tatianus—could not bear this indignity; warmed by a fiery zeal, they entered the temple at night and smashed the statues. The governor, incensed by this deed, resolved to put to death many who were innocent of the crime. And lo, the perpetrators of this noble deed presented themselves, reasoning that it was more beautiful for them to die than to see others suffer for their sake when they were in no way responsible. D The governor, having first shaken those holy men with many tortures, and seeing that he could not persuade them, finally placed them upon burning coals and—
A consumed them with fire. But they, at such an excess of cruelty, then displayed the crown of their courage, uttering that famous saying: "If you desire, O Amachius, to taste of roasted flesh, turn us over on our other sides, so that we may not appear to you only half-roasted and full of unpleasantness." Thus, therefore, did those noble men finish the race of martyrdom.
CHAPTER XXV.
B That, in addition to other things, the apostate also forbade Christians by law from the study of Greek culture; and how Gregory the Great, and the two Apollinarii, who were Syrians, adorned the divine Scriptures with every kind of meter, and opposed his purpose and plan.In addition to these things, he also decreed by law that the children of Christians should not participate in Greek education, nor be taught by their poets and writers, nor attend their public schools; so that, he said, they might not, by sharpening their tongues, be ready to stand against our dialecticians, and thus praise their own [doctrines] while showing ours to be easily refuted. Yet Gregory and Basil the Cappadocians caused him no small pain, having demonstrated every kind of skill and far C surpassing the orators of that time in greatness of nature; and especially Gregory, who cast his words into various kinds of poems, and named them verses. Many other illustrious men also did this, some of whom followed the faith of Nicaea, while others approved the opinion of Arius. The Syrians also, the two Apollinarii, being well-instructed in every form of discourse, became highly distinguished in that endeavor; they were father and son, sharing the same name and both being skilled in all kinds of learning. The father was indeed a grammarian, but the son was famous among sophists and rhetoricians. Both of them proved useful to the Christians at that time, making timely and convenient use of their talents and multifaceted learning. For the father, as one who had perfected grammar to the highest degree, in place of Homer’s poetry, composed in heroic verse the books of Moses D and the ancient history of the Hebrews, continuing down to the reign of Saul. He divided the whole work into twenty-four parts, bestowing upon each part the name of a Greek letter, according to their order and number, in imitation of Homeric poetry. He also edited, in emulation of Euripides, tragic acts. He also touched the lyre of Pindar, and treated comic arguments on the model of Menander, duly observing the laws of each type of poem. In a word, taking his material from the divine Scriptures, he devised for the purposes of the argument a number of treatises—the so-called "cyclic" disciplines, which cohere in a circle among themselves—composing these works in a very short time, and in character, diction, and
A economy, so that they differed in nothing from those who were well-regarded among the Greeks, to the end that no mode of Hellenic education might remain inaccessible to those who had chosen to lead a Christian life.
The younger Apollinaris, moreover, being well-versed in rhetoric, expounded the sacred Gospels and the Epistles of Paul in dialogue form, modeling the style and diction upon Plato. B So that, were it not that men highly esteem the privilege of antiquity and take pleasure in what is customary, their works would surely yield nothing to those who are similarly most celebrated among the Greeks, and the productions of our own people would be no less admired and learned than theirs. C But above all, one must admire the felicity of their genius: for each of the ancients applied his whole study to one thing alone, whereas these men, exercised in every branch of knowledge with great praise, whenever the need required, having felicitously polished their style beforehand, treated and confirmed the affairs and sentiments of the Christians in an outstanding manner. They also vigorously refuted the crafty cunning of the Emperor, and with the clever sharpness of their books, they overcame him with strength.
I myself also found the book of the Psalms excellently rendered by the father into heroic verse. The younger Apollinaris also composed a notable book to the Emperor himself, or rather to the Greek philosophers, which he inscribed *On Truth*; in it, he clearly demonstrates, even without the evidence of the sacred Scriptures, that they are far from the correct opinion concerning God. D For the Emperor, as though mocking and deriding our affairs, sent the following message to the leading bishops of that time: "I have read, I have understood, I have condemned." To whom they say that a certain person, in the name of all, wrote back: "You have read, but you have not understood; for if you had understood, you would not have condemned." They say this letter was Basil's, who at that time had the charge of the churches in Cappadocia. And it is not unlikely that this work is his. But whether it is his or someone else’s, the man seems worthy of admiration for the sake of his freedom of speech and his learning. Such were the actions of the Emperor, and such were the efforts of the Apollinares who stood against him.
CHAPTER XXVI
*That Greek and pagan arts and literature are useful even to those Christians who pursue piety, and that Christians ought to learn them.*Truly, however, Divine Providence was far more powerful than the counsel and impulse of the Emperor, and no less powerful than the zeal and work of the Apollinares. For the Emperor’s decrees, as we shall presently state as our narrative progresses, vanished shortly after he himself was taken away; and the works of the others were afterwards held in no great esteem, as if they had never been published. But someone may perhaps encounter me and say: "What is this that you are saying? Anyone might surely say that it was to the advantage of the Christian commonwealth that the Emperor’s contention against us was not of long duration, and that this should be attributed to Divine Providence. But to reject the zeal the Apollinares expended for Christianity, and to say that it is not to the advantage of Christianity that Christians should again occupy themselves with the institutions of Greek disciplines—since, indeed, the Greek word is
A mixed with fables, and teaches falsehoods. But we shall quickly bring forward our refutation against these points. Neither Christ himself, nor those who attended Him, appear to have deemed Greek education worthy of being accepted as good, nor to have thrust it away as harmful. And I think this was not done without the providence of God. B For from this, not a few of those who philosophized among the Greeks were not far from knowing God. And this is demonstrated by those whom even some decided to meet with a noble argument against the views of Epicurus; for he introduced atheism, and brought in the notion that all things happen by chance; and he openly taught that the world is governed without providence. And they stood in refutation of them, overturning their ignorance. And they provided no small benefit to us, who pursue the truth of true piety. Yet they were not led in such a way, nor was it granted to them C to attain the capital point, or rather the very summit of the doctrine; namely, to recognize that which had been hidden from the ages in the depth, I mean the divine mystery concerning Christ. Which Paul also, in his Epistle to the Romans, represents as standing thus in these passages: "For the wrath of God is revealed from heaven against all ungodliness and unrighteousness of men who suppress the truth in unrighteousness. Because what is known of God is manifest in them; for God has shown it to them. For His invisible attributes are clearly seen from the creation of the world, being understood by the things that are made, even His eternal power and divinity, so that they are without excuse; because, although they knew God, they did not glorify Him as God" (Rom. 1, 18, 19). Therefore, through these words, it is sufficiently clear that they possessed a knowledge of the truth, which God made manifest to them. But they are reproved because, having known God, they did not honor Him as God, as it was fitting. Hence, the judgment of those words seems to have been left to us: that the disciplines of the Greeks are to be pursued by those who so choose, and the more liberal learning is not to be rejected through them. And this is, indeed, one argument of ours; but there is also a second: The words of the Savior and the divinely inspired Scriptures are indeed truly divine doctrines and teachings, and they instruct those who follow them in an upright life and piety; D and furthermore, they provide a faith pleasing to God to those who are diligent. But they do not teach the art of disputation, so that we might be sufficiently capable, when we wish, as the occasion demands, to resist adversaries bravely on their behalf, and to defend them by wrestling. Yet to strike the enemy with his own weapons is the mark of a very brave and courageous man. Indeed, this is something that it would not have been possible for Christians to learn sufficiently from the writings which the Apollinarii have left behind. Since Julian knew this for certain, he forbade by law that Christians be educated in the doctrines of the Greeks. For he knew well that fables would establish nothing of his glory; and not far from [the cause of his] hatred—which also Socrates, having attained fame among the Greeks for philosophy, having disregarded—was rejected and condemned as one who began to corrupt their things and introduce new demons; and, thirdly, because it is deemed worthy that the divine word be like money-changers.
A And choosing the best in every way, to cast away the worse; to choose the good, and having found it, to hold fast to it; and to be on our guard, so that no one might choose to lead us astray by the empty glory and deceit of the doctrines in philosophy. But how could one have a clear view of this, if we do not take up their weapons? Not, however, so as to think their thoughts, but as weapons—from a position of abundance—employing our own against them. And we must certainly turn away the evil, but those things which are true and opportune, we should receive with careful selection. For wherever there is anything good, it belongs to the truth.
B But if anyone thinks that we are twisting these things with a persuasive argument, and speaking affectedly, let him consider this: that the most divine Paul not only did not forbid us to be instructed in Greek learning, so that he himself even appears to have employed their very words in his own discourses, inasmuch as he had even mastered that learning himself. And it seems that he knew many of the things said by the Greeks; for if he had not read the oracles of Epimenides the Cretan, a man who instituted sacred rites and ceremonies, how could he have brought forth the verse, “Cretans always liars, evil beasts, slow bellies”? And whence again did it occur to him to say, “For we are also his offspring,” if he had not had recourse to the *Phainomena* of the astronomer Aratus, C that is, the book concerning the visible stars? But indeed, also the statement, “Evil communications corrupt good manners,” shows that he was also happily conversant with the plays of Euripides. This, perhaps, Solomon had also said before him. But why is there a need to pursue this matter at greater length? For from the very beginning, as if it were a custom and study that was not forbidden, holy men, replete with the favor and grace of the Spirit, and renowned doctors of our Church, from their very tender youth even unto old age, assiduously read the books of the Greeks: partly to polish their language and speech and to exercise the mind; partly so that from inferior things they might gather what good there is within them. For which reason they also succeeded in being able, quite rightly, D to condemn the Greeks in that wherein they fell away from decorum and lapsed into error. The great Basil indicates this, and John, who received the name Chrysostom on account of the sweetness of his eloquence, and likewise the great Gregory in theology, who also discourses upon this very topic regarding Greek disciplines in his funeral oration on the great Basil. For it seemed indeed fair that, since I have the opportunity for such a passage in this present work, to remind the reader of these things as well for the sake of confirmation. For he appears not only to have mastered these things himself in the best way, but also to urge others to the exercise; and while regarding as an outrage those who…
obstruct those who pursue Greek learning. For thus he writes:
"All, I suppose, who are of a saner mind must admit that, among those things which are good for us, learning is the primary one; and not only this more noble one of ours, which, neglecting all elegance and ostentation of speech, clings to salvation alone and the beauty of the things understood, but also that external learning which many Christians, considering it to be treacherous, deceitful, and leading further away from God, despise and reject, in a truly perverse and dangerous conviction. For just as we do not despise the heavens, the earth, the air, and all things in them, even though some people have taken them amiss and have worshipped the works of God instead of God himself, but rather we reap as much utility from them as we can for the use of life, while we avoid what is harmful in them—not, like the foolish, setting the creation against the Creator, but rather understanding the Creator from his works, and, as the divine Apostle says, 'taking every thought captive to Christ'—and just as we do not know fire, food, iron, and other things to be in themselves either most useful or most harmful, but [judge them] according to the will of those using them; and we have even used certain creeping beasts when blended into medicines for the sake of health: so too have we received from these disciplines what is useful for investigating the truth and for sharpening the judgment, and for exercising contemplation, but have rejected and cast aside whatever leads to demons and a depth of perdition. For we are not aided in the study of true piety from that source, but we gain the better from the worse, and turn their weakness into the strength of our own doctrine. Therefore, liberal learning is not to be despised because it seems so to some men; rather, those who hold such an opinion are to be judged as depraved and uneducated, wishing all others to be like themselves, so that they may hide in the common crowd of their peers and escape the rebuke of their own ignorance." B Such are the words of the divine Gregory. C But Basil the Great not only permits the reading of Greek learning, but even confirms this most strongly in a renowned book, to which he gave the title: *How youths might derive benefit from Greek disciplines.* D Let so much be said concerning the Apollinarians and the teachings of the Greeks.
Chapter XXVII.
*How Julian, having undertaken an expedition against the Persians, came to Antioch; and being mocked there on account of his long beard, he composed a book against the Antiochenes, the Misopogon, that is, the Beard-Hater.*The Emperor, having extorted a vast sum of money from the Christians and having already set his momentum toward the Persians, came to Antioch of the Syrians. And wishing to demonstrate his own munificence to the Antiochenes, he [fixed the prices of things] for sale in the market and of basic necessities at a set...
A lower price; not considering within himself that wherever there is a host of soldiers, there a scarcity of all things occurs in cities, and that the neighbors too are affected by the damage to the supply of grain. And so the shopkeepers and those who lived by retailing, unable to bear the loss resulting from this, clamored much against the emperor, and refraining from commerce, brought it about that basic necessities failed. But the people of Antioch (for men are prone to insults) impudently and freely mocked the emperor, and toyed with jests about his beard—because it was overlong, saying that it ought to be shorn to plait ropes—and likewise about his coins, which bore the image of a bull; for they mocked, alleging that by this reckless bull, the world was being overturned by him who was reigning. For he, being superstitious if any man ever was, and sacrificing bulls to the altars of the idols every day, had ordered both the altar and the bull to be imprinted on his currency. Being, however, extremely enraged, he threatened to treat the Antiochenes ill, and moved B to Tarsus, having chosen to provide from there the necessities for the war. But he did not fully carry out his threats; rather, having softened his anger, he merely hurled insults at the Antiochenes in words and wrote a brilliant and witty oration against them, which he entitled the *Antiochene* or *Misopogon*, that is, *Enemy of the Beard*. And imagining that he had thus avenged the injury, he proceeded with the Persian expedition, having branded the city of Antioch with a perpetual mark of infamy. At Antioch, furthermore, he used the same importunity toward the Christians, doing everything in his power so that the superstition of the Greeks might prevail. But it would be very unfair were we to pass over in silence what happened concerning the sepulcher of the martyr Babylas and in the temple of Apollo at Daphne. I begin this matter from here.
Chapter XXVIII.
What befell this prevaricator in the grove of the Antiochenes at Daphne, and concerning the tomb of the holy martyr Babylas, and concerning the holy confessor Theodore.
Among the suburbs of Antioch, there is a certain outstanding one, in which cypresses flourish in abundance; a place very woody and distinguished by various other trees among the cypresses: and the spaces that are between the trees themselves, according as the season of the year brings, produce flowers of every kind, fragrant and good. It C has the likeness of a roof in that place, with the shade that everywhere arises from the density of branches and leaves, and does not easily allow the rays of the sun to reach the ground itself, nor is anything of beauty lacking to that region. There, there is no lack of an abundance of irrigating waters: and a pleasant tempering of the time, and Zephyrs and other winds, gently striking the branches with their breath and emitting a sweet whisper, bring much charm. In that place, the Greeks, having concocted a fable, [say] that Daphne, the daughter of the river Ladon, fleeing from Arcadia from her lover Apollo, was changed into the tree of her own name: but that he not even thus cast off his desire; that he— D [the river] Orontes, feeder of the Apollinean grove, laps it.
beloved maiden, and even after she had become a tree, embraced and clung to her, choosing not to depart at all, but rather to wait upon her with refined affection, and from this, to honor that place with his long residence; and thus he made it A appear more famous and pleasing to him than other places.
Here, those who chose to live temperately and in an orderly manner had the least desire to spend their time. For the place was very much yielded up to ease. Yet, to those of the young who were corrupt, it appeared especially delightful, as they were assisted by the myth, which was, in fact, amatory. For in them the passion was kindled twofold, as they put forward the myth not uningeniously as an excuse for their fault; for they rushed shamelessly into profligacy, being neither able to live temperately themselves, nor willing to tolerate those who were temperate spending time in that place. For he who spent his time there without a beloved would have seemed very ignoble and ungracious, and was driven away from there as some hateful abomination.
But the place was held in the greatest honor by the Hellenizers. For there happened to be an image of the Daphnaean Apollo, carved with great beauty; and a most beautiful temple, B made with ambitious craftsmanship, at once of height and magnitude: which tradition says was raised by Seleucus, the father of Antiochus, who also magnificently founded the city named after him—I mean that of Antiochus—at the beginning.
There was, moreover, a belief that had long existed that a certain prophetic water flowed down there from the Castalian spring, and that it differed in no way, whether in its operation or its name, from that other one at Delphi. They say that to the Emperor Hadrian, while he was still among the private citizens, his future was revealed there; for having dipped a laurel leaf in the spring, he drew forth a foreknowledge of what was to come, revealed to him in letters. And when the prophecy had its fulfillment in his case, so that it might not be permitted to others to learn the future in the same way, he obstructed the spring with much earth.
These things, then, the children of the Hellenes say. But when Gallus, having been appointed Caesar by Constantius, was living in Antioch, holding back the incursions C and attacks of the barbarians there, because he was a Christian and held in the highest honor those who had contended bravely for Christ and the faith, he decided to cleanse and deliver the place from its long-standing superstition and that licentious custom. Thinking, therefore, that he would not otherwise prevail over the evil unless he should set up a house of prayer in that place, this having been well accomplished, he transferred the coffin of the martyr Babylas to Daphne; he, who many years before had presided brilliantly over the Church of the Antiochenes, and under Numerian had bravely endured the contest for Christ.
The cause of his martyrdom came about in this way: Babylas was the bishop. But by the design of a certain demon, a desire possessed Numerian, and while the church was full he entered into it; but the hierarch [stood] at the entrance D of the Augusteum.
A shielding the entrance against him, affirming with all his might that he would not permit a wolf to be seen entering the flock. That man immediately desisted from his undertaking; yet he first accused the bishop for such audacity, and then ordered him to sacrifice to the demons, declaring that this alone would be the expiation for the crime, the abolition of the transgression, and the means of procuring future honor and glory. Babylas resisted him with a great spirit and received the crown of martyrdom. Gallus then transferred his bones. When this was done, the demon thereafter did not deliver oracles. And many indeed supposed that it had ceased because it had been despoiled of the sacrifices and the worship previously accorded to it. But it was found that the matter was otherwise. For the true cause was that the martyr who was resting in the vicinity did not allow the act, preventing his design with a greater power. For under Julian, although he was satisfied to satiety with blood and victims, it was no more vocal. And finally, when the emperor himself went to consult the demon about the outcome of the Persian expedition—for he frequented that place often, being a lover of sacrifice and honoring the Pythian with abundant blood—it revealed the reason for its previous silence. For when he approached the oracle to make trial of what he thought, and in the temple, B by honoring the demon with magnificent sacrifices, he requested that the god not be reluctant to answer concerning the matters about which he was anxious to inquire, it did not clearly declare that it was unable to deliver oracles as usual because of Babylas the martyr; but it hinted at this in another way. It said that the place was full of corpses, and that on this account it could in no way deliver oracles. And there were many others buried there. But Julian, judging that Babylas the martyr alone was hindering the responses, immediately ordered the coffin of the martyr to be removed. Wherefore the Christians, arriving, carried the martyr into the city to a distance of about forty stadia, where the martyr still lies, having given his own name to the place. Those who were carrying the coffin, both old and young, and otherwise a venerable choir, encouraged one another along the way to sing psalms, under the pretext that they might lighten the sweat and labor of the journey, but in reality being carried by the ardor of their zeal, that they might rebuke the absurd and monstrous religion of the emperor. Those who were more accurately skilled in this art led the singing; and among other things, the multitude joining in with them added this part to the songs: C "Let all be confounded who worship graven things, who boast in their idols." Then truly the emperor, who had previously professed to be a philosopher, was exposed. For, moved to great anger as if he had been insulted, he decided to afflict the Christians, and to do the same things against them that Diocletian had done. But since the urgency of the Persian expedition, which he was pressing, delayed his impulse, he commanded Sallustius, who was at that time holding the office of prefect, to seize those concerned in the psalmody and punish them. But he, D although he was much inclined toward the Hellenic religion, by no means praised the plan. Yet, being unable to resist the command, on the following day he arrested many of the Christians and was leading them to
prison. He brought forward one of these, by name Theodore, a youth in years; having subjected him to no few tortures, he hung him upon the rack. A Having prepared his body to be sufficiently flayed, since he saw that the martyr was unimpressed, not supplicating, but appearing as it were free from pain—for just as if he were a spectator of the things being done to him, and not the athlete, he valiantly endured the suffering, and again sang the same Psalm as before, proving by his deeds that he did not care for those things to which he was being subjected by that man—he hardly saw an end to his dreadful torments. Then he was released, when he no longer seemed alive to the tormentor. Salustius, struck with amazement at his persistence, went to the emperor and reported: “Unless we cease pressing upon the Christians, we shall soon make them glorious, while we shall place ourselves to be laughed at by all.” B Salustius’ opinion being approved, the prisoners were released. Theodore survived for a long time after this confession. It is said that afterwards, when he met Rufinus—who rendered the ecclesiastical history into the Latin tongue—he asked him whether he had felt the torments of the punishments, or whether he had borne the blows without any pain. He replied that he had not indeed been tortured without feeling, but that a certain youth stood by him, wiping away his sweat with the finest cloth, and pouring very cold water, by which he cooled the inflammation of his pains and removed the greater part of his agony, strengthening his spirit and infusing an unspeakable joy into his sufferings. To me, at any rate, it does not seem to be of man to despise the body so, unless divine aid be present.
So much for the admirable Theodore. C For this very reason, the martyr Babylas was transferred to Daphne, and again moved from there. Shortly after, a sudden fire fell upon the temple of the Daphnaean Apollo, consuming it, along with the roof and the very statue of the god, into ash. In an instant everything was laid bare: the walls, the enclosures, the columns before the gates, and the rear of the temple. The Christians thought that the fire had been cast upon the demon at the martyr’s request; the Greeks, however, attributed the act to the Christians. For this reason, the priest of the temple was led to examination to denounce the perpetrator. But having undergone many tortures, and being held in chains, he was utterly unable to denounce anyone. D This greatly lifted up the Christians, as it showed that the fire had descended upon the temple not through human intrigue, but by divine wrath. Such was the state of affairs. But from the events that had occurred to the temple in Daphne, as one could conjecture, Julian learned that it was because of the martyr Babylas, and that other houses were dedicated to the martyrs; therefore, very close to the Didymaean Apollo, which is before Miletus, he wrote to the governors of Caria: if they were not to set the table
A of buildings that were unfinished, they should tear them down from the foundations.
Chapter 29. On the fraud of the Greek oracles. A commemoration of those things suffered through divine vengeance by those who treated the sacred rites of the Christians and divine matters with insult.
B For the very means by which Julian and the Greeks were eager to increase and show off the power of their gods, by these very means, with divine providence assisting, their weakness and seduction were revealed. For it became clear that almost all the responses issued by the oracles were openly false and did not correspond to the outcome of events. For when he was about to lead an army against the Persians, he sent to Delphi and Dodona, to consult the seers there. And they promised not only war, but also victory. But they strayed as far from the truth itself as the later outcome of events revealed. Moreover, I am pleased to include one of the responses of that lie in the present work: "Now you gods and goddesses all, rise up: take up the war, And bring a sure trophy from the wild river, I, your leader, will be the fierce warlike Mars." They designated as the "wild river" the Tigris, because it has an animal of the same name. C Deluded by these oracles, the wretch dreamt of victory, and, being emboldened, armed himself for the war against the Persians. At another time as well, when the oracles, both together and separately, had all responded that Julian, the emperor's uncle, would not die of illness, while he was reading the responses themselves, he ended his life in misery and wretchedness. For many who had raged in their fury against the Christians and true piety paid just penalties; but most manifest of all was the case of these along with Julian himself, who was endowed with illustrious rank, who then ruled over the whole East with imperial power, the uncle of the deserter himself (as we have said). Furthermore, Felix, the curator of the imperial treasuries, and Elpidius, who at that time was prefect of the imperial house (whom the Latin language calls *comes rerum privatarum*). These three were highly favored by the emperor: to gratify whom, the latter two abjured true piety. D For Julian, investigating the cause of the fire at the temple of Daphne and the statue, suspected that the Christians had incited it out of hatred for the gods; even though he learned from the neighboring farmers that it had been struck by a bolt of lightning from heaven, he nevertheless did not refrain from taking up arms against the God of the universe. And so, he ordered the sacred vessels of the Great Church, which Constantine the Great had built, quite lacking in nothing for its magnificence, to be carried off to the imperial treasury; and, after closing the doors of the temple, which the Arians then held, he took care that no one should enter it. And with Julian, Felix and Elpidius entered the temple, they who were the stewards of the imperial funds, the one of the public [treasury], the other of the emperor’s private
and Elpidius, the one the questor of the imperial treasury, the other of the private, had come to pillage that temple. Julian was soon seized by a difficult and unknown malady, and lay stretched out for forty whole days, so that he neither spoke nor had any perception. The cause of the disease was that he had used the sacred vessels, which he had dashed against the ground, as a seat; and he had struck the bishop Euzoïus, who had attempted to prevent the sacrilege, violently on the head, adding furthermore the remark that the affairs of the Christians were not cared for by divine Providence. B And having recovered his health a little, when he condemned himself for this unholy opinion, he perceived the divine vengeance by which he was afflicted. And since he was himself the witness against himself for his impious crimes, his belly was then convulsed by rottenness and ulcers of every kind, which also brought death upon him. For his entrails and inward parts being corroded by that putrefaction, he no longer voided his excrement through the natural organs destined for that purpose, but his wicked mouth, which had become an instrument of blasphemy and cursing, became the part of his body through which he discharged them. His private parts and the passages around them were likewise corrupted; and the flesh in those parts, having rotted, turned into worms; and the malady was far more powerful than the art of the physicians. For they, having tried everything out of reverence and fear of the Emperor, and having applied every sort of remedy, and applying fat of precious birds, which they offered in sacrifice to the gods, to the corrupted members, attempted to draw out the worms that were hiding more deeply into the open, as if with certain baits. But they, crawling more and more deeply into the living flesh in the more hidden parts of the body, did not cease to gnaw until they had put the miserable man to death by a violent end. They say, moreover, that he was smitten by so great a calamity, by the wrath of God, because he had thus danced upon the Church and its holy vessels. C
And Felix, upon seeing the magnificence of the holy vessels (for Constantine and Constantius had provided them with great generosity), smiling and joking urbanely, said, "Behold, with what vessels does the son of Mary serve the divine rite!" And from this, and from no other cause, one of his deepest veins being ruptured as if it were a conduit, he emitted blood through his mouth; and having become a terrifying spectacle to all who saw him, he did not last even a whole day; but towards the evening, as the blood failed, he at the same time vomited forth his soul.
And the third, Elpidius, who had also blasphemed against Christ, though he paid the penalty more slowly than the others, yet having been caught conspiring with the tyranny, and having been stripped bare of all his possessions, and having suffered through imprisonment and other calamities, D he brought his life to an inglorious end.
cursed by all and judged abominable by everyone. A Besides these, someone else joined the others in entering the church, which they were pillaging and plundering, carrying off the sacred vessels and votive offerings, and insulting the one who was being venerated within them. This man, in addition to his other outrages, let down his trousers and most impudently urinated upon the altar of sacrifice. But immediately, he met with severe and sharp punishment for such a great crime: for the very organs with which he had sinned were consumed by rot right into his entrails, and a countless swarm of worms bred there, and he died in a state of misery, in a manner so wretched that one is ashamed even to describe the disaster.
But also that Heron, who was a native of the Egyptian Thebes and had been ordained a bishop, but had fallen away to Greek superstition by some chance, was suddenly seized by a rotting disease, which, having fed upon his whole body, rendered him an abomination to all. Being at a loss on every side, he was cast out onto the road, having obtained no mercy from anyone whatsoever. For the Christians, regarding him as a curse, shunned him in every way, while the Greeks acknowledged him only insofar as he had subjected himself to their error and deception. And so Heron departed from this life in such a bitter and most miserable manner.
Another man, however, named Theotecnus, who had likewise fallen away from our faith to the Greek religion, had his entire flesh consumed by putrid decay and became a mass of worms; B and having lost his eyes to their gnawing, he died in a fit of madness that seized him, having bitten off and devoured his own tongue. He passed from his heavy torments to pains far worse and greater. But others, too, who had dared to commit similar acts, suffered punishments worthy of their crimes. At that time, the divine Power displayed many such wonders, clearly exacting deserved and just penalties from those who impudently and openly attacked true piety. Of these, enough has been said.
CHAPTER XXX. Concerning the statue of Christ, which the woman who labored under a flux of blood erected in Paneas of Phoenicia.
I, for my part, will not allow to be buried by the force of time another notable miracle, which displays the power of Christ and shows no small proof of the divine vengeance against the impious. There is a city of Phoenicia which had the very ancient name of Dan, receiving that name from Dan himself, one of the sons of the patriarch Jacob, who was the tribal leader and founder of those who inhabited that place at that time. C Long after this, Philip, the son of Herod, wishing to please Caesar, rebuilt the city, which had been magnificently adorned with buildings, and named it Philippi Caesarea, after his own name and that of Caesar. But the Greeks, because they had set up a statue of the god Pan in it, called it Paneas. In this very city of Paneas, there is a certain fountain inside the city. By this very fountain, that woman D who had suffered from a flux of blood...
A erected a statue, rendering to her benefactor at least some thanks for having been delivered from her affliction; and it provided the greatest pleasure to those who visited and beheld it. At the feet of this image, a certain herb grew, a specific remedy for all sorts of diseases, but especially for consumption. It was impossible for those who were being healed to discover the cause, though they inquired with the utmost diligence. For, through the passage of time, it had been forgotten whose form it bore, and the deed for which it had been erected. Because the divine statue stood in the open air, uncovered by any roof, its body was not a little altered. For rains, washing down earth from higher ground, had always deposited it there, by which the knowledge of the inscriptions that declared everything was obscured. Therefore, when much searching was done at one time concerning the virtue of the plant growing from there, the accumulation of earth was dug away; the letters then plainly indicated the truth of the history, and from that time forward the herb was no longer seen, neither there nor anywhere else.
Julian cast down this statue of Christ and set up his own in its place on the column. But behold, a violent fire suddenly fell from heaven, and it severed the statue across the breast; it cast down the head along with the neck, and, having been broken off from the breast, it fixed it upon its face. It remained that way for a long time, the statue clearly bearing witness to the thunderbolt’s scorch-marks as if they were an inscription carved into the column. B The Christians, having moved the statue of Christ at that time, placed it in the deaconry C of the church, honoring it with fitting care and venerating it with a more solemn assembly, and with pleasure visited the place, looking upon the form and displaying their desire and love toward the archetype and original pattern of the statue.
But in the times of that impious emperor, those who were at Paneas, followers of the Greek superstition, being incited, dragged away the statue from its place, as I said, and binding cords to the feet, they led it through the middle of the public road, treating it with every form of contemptuous impiety. Thus they broke into pieces the rest of the body of the image, and the head, having been severed from its members by the dragging, was pulled apart. D Indeed, some who were grieved by such a great outrage as was fitting, secretly took it away and preserved it as best they could; likewise, they gathered the other parts of the body and deposited them in the church. The species of the herb which I said grew there was known to none of the physicians or others who pursued the knowledge of such things. To me, however, it does not seem a wonder at all that new benefits should be displayed to men, God visiting them in a new way from time to time. For as the following narrative most truly declares, many other miracles, which exist in certain villages and regions, are known only to the local inhabitants, as is reasonable, by the ancient tradition of their ancestors.
CAPUT XXXI. Of the fountain which is at Nicopolis, or Emmaus: and of the tree in Hermopolis, of the Persea, healing incurable diseases by the coming of Christ.
In Palestine there is a city named Nicopolis, which was a village in antiquity, known from the holy book of the Gospels, in which it is called Emmaus. For the Romans later, A having most valiantly conquered the Jews and captured and destroyed their metropolis, Jerusalem, gave it the name Nicopolis, naming it from the event. Near this city at the crossroads, where Christ after his resurrection from the dead, while traveling with Cleopas and his companion, pretended to be going on to another village, there is a certain fountain, a relief from diseases B for all men, and even for various animals themselves. They say that Christ, while he was sojourning on earth, having grown weary from a rather long journey, washed his feet here with his disciples; and from that time that water became healthful for dispelling ailments. At Hermopolis in the Thebaid there is also a tree, which they call the Persea, which is said to bring medical relief for many diseases, if either a small twig or a leaf from it is applied to the sick. Concerning this, the following fame still holds among the Egyptians: that the Mother of God, together with Joseph, fleeing Herod, came to Hermopolis under the guidance of Joseph. And as soon as she touched the gate of the city, the tree could not bear the coming of Christ, C and although it was very tall, yet it bowed down to the very ground and adored the planter of paradise of old. Concerning that tree, I have decided to write what I have read. But I think it was a kind of symbol or sign of Christ’s own coming into that city: or at any rate, as one may conjecture, because it was tall and beautiful, it was honored with divine worship by the inhabitants of the city according to the custom of the Greeks, and then it was shaken, because the demon who was worshiped through it shuddered at the presence of Him who was about to abolish and suppress them entirely. But at that same time also, all the idols of the Egyptians melted away, not enduring the coming of Christ: according to what was said of them by Isaiah. Moreover, the demon having been driven from that tree, to be a certain proof of what had happened, it remained bent, D healing those who approach in faith. Of these things, the Palestinians and Egyptians are suitable and trustworthy witnesses.
CAPUT XXXII. How the impious one, in an attempt to extinguish our religion, even permitted the Jews to restore the temple in Jerusalem: and what extraordinary things happened there.
The Emperor, although he was hostile to the Christians and always pursued them with hatred, nevertheless showed no small kindness and benevolence toward the Jews and their elders and leaders; and he wrote to the multitude of them…
that they should offer prayers for him and for his empire. This he did, as one may conjecture, not out of reverence for their religion—for he was not ignorant that it is, so to speak, the mother of the Christian dogma, and that we also glory in the same patriarchs and prophets that they boast of—but because he clearly perceived the implacable hatred of the Jews toward us. Being, therefore, angry with us, he attempted to cause us distress by showing favor to them. Furthermore, he calculated that they were prone and ready to be led to Greek sacrifices at the first opportunity, since they received only the words and letter of the Sacred Books and did not look, like the Christians and the wiser and more advanced among the Hebrews themselves, to the depth of the contemplation of their hidden meaning. Finding pleasure, therefore, in blood and superstition, he counted it a great loss if he did not drag others into the same evil. And he acted in another way as well: he desired to refute as false the oracles of the Savior, which say that B Jerusalem would be overturned to such an extent that not even a stone would be left upon a stone. Yet he achieved nothing by his efforts, and even against his will he confirmed the immutability of those oracles; and the audacity that seemed destined to bring disgrace upon the Lord's responses and to abolish them entirely, without him realizing it, only served instead to demonstrate the reverence of those things, upon which no reproach can fall. For that Roman emperor, Hadrian, who was also called Aelius, destroyed Jerusalem with the intention of utterly driving away and dispersing the Jewish nation from that city, so that not even a memory of its former name would remain for them, and so that they might not have any excuse or opportunity from any such title to lay claim to it as their fatherland; and having changed the name as best he could, he called it Aelia after himself. By this very act, though unwillingly and unwittingly, he attested to the truth of our Lord's oracles. For he had feared the hot-headed and rash character of the Jews, who were prone to danger, lest under the pretext of established worship, which was required by law to be conducted in that city, they might assemble an army and cause trouble for the Romans. Julian, however, increasing his insults against us, reminded the principal C men of that nation of the customs of their fathers, and inquired for what reason they did not live according to the laws of Moses. And when they replied that it must be avoided in every way as a forbidden thing to perform the ancestral rites anywhere except at Jerusalem, which city had been utterly destroyed, he gave them money and urged them to restore the temple of Solomon as quickly as possible, and to sacrifice in the ancient manner according to the example of their ancestors. And so he acted. But the Jews, having at last found a favorable time for the matter they had long desired, applied themselves to the work with all zeal. And now, terrifying the Christians with their looks and elevating themselves above them, they threatened to inflict upon us all the disasters and calamities which they themselves had once suffered at the hands of the Romans. But it did not enter the minds of those wretches that the matter could not by any means be brought to completion, D expressly because of the prohibitions of the prophets from of old.
A Nevertheless, since they were carried toward this work with such great zeal, all who were renowned in the art of building gathered together and procured all the materials for the structure, and they cleared and purified the ground itself in a magnificent manner. They were even provided with silver shovels at public expense. Indeed, so great was their zeal and enthusiasm for the work that they labored at it in such a way that even their women carried the rubble away in their own bosoms and garments, and they willingly contributed whatever necklaces or other feminine finery they possessed to the cost of the work. Although the Greeks were of a different opinion from them, they nevertheless assisted them in this zeal and labor, imagining that the undertaking would be brought to its conclusion, so that they too might boast that the prophecies concerning Christ were false and that His oracles had perished.
When they had already dug up the remains of the ancient structure from the very lowest foundations and had cleared the soil so that not one stone remained upon another, in accordance with that prophecy, they came to that place on the following day to lay the first foundation; and they say that a great earthquake then occurred. By the violence of this shaking of the earth, the stones were cast up from the very lowest base; and not a few of the Jews were destroyed, both those who had come to view the work and those who were in charge of the building. For the public buildings B near the temple, which they were tearing down, collapsed all at once, becoming places of burial for those whom they trapped inside. Those who managed to escape lay half-dead. There were some who suffered the loss of their legs or hands or other limbs, according to how the disaster caught each one by the sudden force of the collapse. But when the earthquake had barely ceased, those who remained set about the work again, at once eager to accomplish what they desired and also desiring to escape the inevitable indignation which threatened them by force of the imperial decree. For human nature is easily inclined always to pursue what is detrimental, provided it is toward things in which they take pleasure; and they think that what they have proposed to achieve will be profitable, being drawn along by their own error. Neither can they discern the utility of a plan before the work has been started, nor, when entangled in perils and admonished by the experience itself, do they prudently extricate themselves as they ought; just as it happened to the Jews at that time.
CHAPTER XXXIII. Concerning the fire which then suddenly arose in the same place: and concerning the signs of the figure of the cross which adhered to the garments of men; and concerning the divine Gospel found in the foundations.
C For when such a great obstacle was laid in their way, it was clearly evident to consider that the Divine was indignant at the work they had undertaken. Yet they, applying their hands again, set about trying to do what they could not accomplish. For when they attempted the structure a second time, it is said that fire leaped up from the very foundations, and another fire fell from heaven, and it is reported to have consumed more than before. And this is told and believed by all, that this was not something doubtful to anyone. Moreover, it is agreed upon: for some say that, although the word used was different, in a correct interpretation both expressions can be referred to the same meaning.
A It is only in this that it varies. For some say that when they strove to approach the sacred place, a flame met them, which is what is meant by what was said. Others, however, affirm that this occurred as soon as the earth began to be carried away. But whether the one or the other be true, nothing certainly is detracted from such a great miracle. Furthermore, the fire having been sent down from heaven, as was said, hammers, chisels, saws, axes, and adzes, and whatever implements for building the workmen had brought with them, were quickly reduced to ash, a conflagration such that it raged for the whole day. B And the Jews, seized with the greatest terror, even against their will confessed that Christ is the true God; yet, unwilling to follow Him, they remained still in their Jewish error. But indeed, did not the miracle that happened after these things lead them to belief? And it was truly more clear and more marvelous than the former ones. For on the following night, their garments were of their own accord marked with the sign of the cross, formed like rays. Thus, all had their clothing variegated as if by stars, and distinguished by the art and skill of weaving. When the day dawned and they saw this, they tried to wash and cleanse away the marks of the cross, but could do nothing. C Cyril, who was then the bishop of Jerusalem, seeing these things, pondered in his own mind the word of the prophet Daniel (which Christ later confirmed by His own authority in the holy Gospels*), and predicted to all that the time had arrived when the oracle of the Savior—that there should not remain a stone upon a stone in the temple—would find its fulfillment. And while he was saying this, a grave earthquake coming down cast up the stones from the foundations and scattered them. Moreover, a certain wild storm coming upon this, scattered the lime and gypsum of countless medimni into the air. And also fire, which suddenly crept up from the lower parts, consumed in a moment of time countless numbers of those who were either occupied in the work that was being persistently resumed, or had come there to watch. So much did Julian achieve, when he wished to show that the predictions of Christ concerning Jerusalem rested upon no authority of truth. And not only did he fail to do this, but by exhibiting the contrary, he confirmed that certainty even more. D And these prodigies truly suffice to confirm the truth of the oracle. Indeed, what will be said now, being marvelous, will confirm the matter itself even more. This I shall relate, having found it in absolutely secret writings. It has it thus. When the foundations of the structure were being laid, as has been said, and one stone, to which the lowest base had been fitted, was moved from its place, the mouth of a certain cave, cut into the rock, revealed itself. And as the cave could not be seen into at all on account of its depth, those who were in charge of that work, wishing to investigate the matter thoroughly, let one of the workmen down by a rope. And he, having been lowered, found water standing up as far as his shins; but having traversed the whole space within, he found the cave to be square.
*Matt. xxiv, 2.
as much as he could gather by the feeling of his hands. A And then, returning to the opening, he chanced upon a certain pillar in the middle of the cave, standing a little above the water. Placing his hand upon it, he discovered a small book resting there, wrapped in a very thin and most pure linen cloth. Taking it, he gave a signal to those who had lowered him, so that it might be drawn back up. Having been pulled up, he immediately showed the book, and cast everyone into amazement, especially because it appeared brand new and untouched, and that it was found in so abstruse and dark a place. B Furthermore, once the small book was opened, it terrified not only the Jews but the Greeks as well. For immediately from the beginning, in large letters, it said: *In the beginning was the Word, and the Word was with God, and the Word was God.* To speak simply, the writing contained within it the whole Gospel, which the theological tongue of the virgin’s disciple had auspiciously announced. C This, together with the other miracles that were revealed from heaven at that time, portended that the word of our Lord, which predicted the final desolation of the temple and the city, would never fail. For the book taught that He who had long ago decreed such things is God and the Creator of all things. It provided proof that those men labored in vain regarding the building, since the divine and immutable decree had determined the total destruction of the temple. From these and similar things, many all at once decided to confess that Christ is God, to whom D the restoration of the temple was displeasing. Indeed, many from among them shortly betook themselves to the Church, and having been instructed and initiated into our holier and more perfect rites, they appeased Christ with hymns and supplications for the crimes they had committed. If these things seem to anyone less than true, let them be persuaded by those who have already seen and heard these things, and have committed them to writing; but if not, let the Jews and Greeks at least be convinced, who left that work half-finished, or rather, were not able to begin it at all.
Beside other things, it is also fitting to observe that Jerusalem was formerly called Jebus, and that the tribes of Benjamin possessed it, before David, by the promise of the command of the army, captured it through his leader Joab. Having kept the promise to him as he had pledged, he built it into a city of the greatest size and established it as the metropolis and leading city of the entire Jewish race, giving it the name Solyma, which later, because of the holy temple, was named Jerusalem. But as for the restitution of Jerusalem, let these things that have been said be sufficient.
CAPUT XXXIV. How Julian, having made an attack into Persia, burned the ships by mistake by the Euphrates; and having engaged in battle, died, struck by an unseen blow.
A At that time, envoys from the Persians were present, seeking to settle the war on fixed terms. He sent them back, saying, "You shall see me yourself before long, and I have no concern for embassies." B Consequently, the transgressor, having been persuaded by the oracles of divination from all quarters—believing that he possessed invincible power against the Persians—haughtily armed his army, threatening that after the Persians, he would pursue the Galileans as was necessary, and especially the Caesareans, on account of the great and noble Basil and divine Gregory. As spring began, he busied himself with the task. Having crossed the Euphrates river, he passed by Edessa out of hatred for the Christians there, for indeed this whole city honored Christ most fervently. He seized Carrhae, and having sacrificed there in the temple of Zeus and offered prayers, he sent some twenty thousand of his armed men ahead to the river Tigris, for the sake of a guard and to be allies if need should arise; and he wrote to Arsaces, the leader of the Armenians, who was an ally of the Romans, to attack the enemies. In that letter, he used the greatest insolence, vilifying Constantine, whom he had succeeded, as unmanly and impious, while he raised himself up to a great height, as if he were suitable and most apt for rule, and as a friend to the gods. C Learning that Arsaces was a Christian, he intensified his insult, or rather, eager to blaspheme against Christ (for such was his constant custom in everything), he boasted insolently, saying that if he were to act negligently in the matters entrusted to him, he would not be helped by the one he believed to be God. Thinking that these things were being managed well, he led the Roman army through the land of the Assyrians. He seized many fortresses and cities, some by the law of war, and others by treachery. Whatever happened to occur to him, he proceeded against, without turning his mind to the things behind him. Everything he pillaged, he utterly destroyed, tearing some down from their very foundations, and burning others to total ruin. Traveling along the Euphrates, he drew near to Ctesiphon. This city is illustrious, and second after Babylon, D and capable of receiving the royal palace and all else besides. The river Tigris does not flow very far from it. And since it was not possible for ships to approach Ctesiphon through the intervening land, and it was necessary either to forgo the city or to place the ships in a second channel, he took some of the captives and discovered a certain trench that had been filled in with time, through which ships had sailed in the past. Having dug out the mound that obstructed it, he diverted the Euphrates into the Tigris. Having done this, he moved forward against the city, keeping his army sailing alongside the ships. When the Persians appeared with a brilliant array of cavalry and armed men with elephants above the bank of the Tigris, he was left behind those two greatest rivers...
and that his army was brought into the utmost danger—for if he chose to stay there, or if he preferred to return through the villages and towns which had already been burned and were suffering from a scarcity of the necessities of life, he saw that he would have to face the consequences—he offered rewards and called his soldiers as if to a horse race. When this was done, he ordered the captains of the ships to unload them and to cast the entire grain supply of the army and the baggage into the waves, so that the soldiers, seeing themselves in the greatest want and in the midst of danger, might summon up their courage and advance to meet the battle. After supper he gathered the commanders of the ranks and ordered them to put the soldiers onto the ships; and crossing the Tigris by night, they were landed on the opposite bank and engaged in battle. Those of the Persians who were aware of it resisted with all their might. However, the Romans attacked many of them suddenly and slew them; and a brilliant battle raged throughout the whole day. Having lost many, but also having slain no fewer, they came to the river, and the army took up a position before the city of Ctesiphon. C It did not seem advisable to the emperor to advance any further. Rather, it pleased him that the ships should be burned, because on their account many soldiers had to be kept back from the battle. He was already hastening his return into the territory of the Roman Empire with his forces, leaving the river Tigris on his left. At first, indeed, acting on information from prisoners, they came upon a region that was fertile and abounding in all things. But after this, an old man who had devoted his life for the common liberty of the Persians gave our men the opportunity to capture him, by design. Therefore, he was soon brought to the emperor as if he had not been captured of his own accord. Being interrogated on many matters, and appearing to speak the truth, he persuaded the emperor to follow him; for he promised that he would lead the army to the Roman borders as quickly as possible. He declared that they only needed to traverse a certain impassable region of two or three days' journey, and that they must carry food and other necessary things, and lead the forces through the wilderness. D Persuaded by the deception and seduction of this wise, or rather sophistical, old man, the deceiver—who had himself outwitted many with his own sophistic art—decided that they must travel where the old man led. When they had progressed for a three days' journey and fallen into wild places, the old man, under torture, confessed his intention: that he had surrendered himself to death for the sake of his fellow countrymen, and that he was prepared to endure any torture. The army was in the greatest peril, exhausted by the difficulty of the journey and the scarcity of food, when suddenly a brilliant Persian army was upon them; and as a fierce battle was joined, a storm wind blew with great violence, and it covered both the heaven and the sun with a very thick cloud.
while dust was whirled into the air, with much darkness and confusion especially prevailing. The Persian army, advancing, also brought with it the allied spearmen, the Saracens; one of whom, extending his spear, struck the Emperor violently in the region of the peritoneum. As the point was withdrawn, matter followed, dragged along with the blood. One of the bodyguards then approached the one who had struck him and cut off his head. Those closest to Julian, having taken up the mortally wounded Emperor on a shield, retreated toward the imperial tent. To some, the blow—because it was so sudden and they did not even see from where it had come—was thought to have been dealt by one of his own men. Some indeed asserted that it was a Persian, others a Saracen, and there were also those who insisted it was a Roman soldier, who was indignant, as was natural, because through his imprudence and rashness of mind [Julian] had lost such an army.
B Libanius the Syrian sophist, who was his intimate friend and teacher, writes as follows in the funeral oration he composed about him, concerning his slayer: "Who then killed him, does anyone wish to hear? His name I do not know. But that the slayer was not an enemy is clear evidence, because no enemy received honor and reward for the wound; although the King of the Persians called out for the slayer by heralds, and there were great rewards for whoever should come forward. Yet no one, even through desire for the rewards, was induced to claim the deed for himself through boasting. And indeed much gratitude is owed to the enemies, that they did not claim for themselves the glory of a deed of which they were not the authors. But they allowed us to inquire after the slayer, for whom it was not good to live any longer. These, however, are those who live by no laws. They indeed accomplished then what they had long attempted, when they were able: driven by the rest of their iniquity, for which there was no place under his empire, and especially by the worship of the gods, to which they were most opposed."
Libanius indeed seems to say that the slayer of the transgressor was a Christian. And it is not unreasonable that one of the soldiers who were under his banners should have pondered this within himself: that if anyone in times past had destroyed a tyrant, he was praised by all for the sake of asserting common liberty, or for avenging one of his relatives and kin, and even though he dared such a great deed at the peril of his life, he received praise; nor would anyone reprove him if, for the sake of God and religion, he should cast himself into certain peril. [CD] For my part, it does not seem necessary to inquire more accurately into these things which have been spoken of in various ways. For both Callistus, who recounted his affairs in heroic verse, having set forth the warlike events, says that he was struck by a demon and died. Yet, honoring his own master, he wrote thus: "Perhaps it might also be held to be the truth; for the Furies did pursue not a few." But the most truthful and very consistent story prevails everywhere, and has also reached us: that by divine wrath Julian was destroyed; and the books have declared to us that the great and mighty Mercurius was his slayer. And having caught his horse, he departed, remaining hidden.
CHAPTER XXXV
AThat divine visions appearing to certain men foretold the death of Julian among the Persians.A proof of this matter is a certain divine vision which was granted to a man named Julian, surnamed Saba, a man of outstanding virtue. Having heard the threats of that impious man, he prayed earnestly that God would deliver us from his tyranny as quickly as possible. And the slaughter which took place in Persia was revealed to him on that very day. When his disciples asked the reason for his ecstasy and distress, he revealed the fact itself to them; and they, in turn, reported the man’s words to others. But when a more exact investigation was made concerning that vision, it was discovered that he had seen the events at the very hour they were happening. B Didymus, the ecclesiastical philosopher who had his home in Alexandria, was also in the greatest sorrow, both on account of the emperor, who chose to pursue such an impious religion, and because he saw the Churches held in such great contempt. Therefore, he macerated himself with fasts, and invoked God with prayers, and took no food even at night, on account of his truly immense grief, and thus, sitting in his chair, he fell into a sleep. Having fallen into an ecstasy, he seemed to see white horses running through the air; and the riders who were upon them cried out with a clear voice: "Announce to Didymus that at this very hour Julian has been slain. Let this same thing be signified also to the great Athanasius, and let Didymus arise and take food." C A certain other person also, one of the close associates and friends of Julian, having set out on the public road to him while he was waging war against the Persians, since he happened to turn aside somewhere on his journey to rest, because there was no opportunity for other lodging there, was forced to sleep in a certain church. And there, while awake rather than asleep, as he asserted, he saw that many had gathered around him (it was a chorus of apostles, prophets, and martyrs), and they were deploring the emperor's outrage against the Churches, and one was asking another what ought to be done. And when they had deliberated with him at great length in such a manner, and were as if led by a D suggestion, he said that two from their gathering had risen up, Artemius and Mercurius, who exhorted the others to be of good courage, and with singular alacrity left that divine assembly, as if hastening to the overthrow of Julian's empire. Furthermore, he who saw this vision, fearing its outcome and end, neglected to continue his journey. And again, having been overcome by sleep there, he saw that same event anew: and those who had previously departed with great zeal, and who had been believed to be waging war against Julian the previous night, had returned, and were very swiftly announcing to the others that the deserter had been killed, and that henceforth there was no cause why they should be so anxious. These things which Julian the monk, and Didymus the ecclesiastical philosopher of Alexandria, and the friend and acquaintance of the apostate, saw, are the facts; and no one has fallen away from the truth, the event having become visible after the slaughter. But if anyone again should insist that he was not killed by divine wrath, as one who had outraged the Churches, yet for the time being—
let this prophecy persuade him, which a certain godly man foretold, who A was on friendly terms with Libanius, but had been instructed in the things of the Church. For when Julian was leading his army against the Persians, Libanius, mocking that holy man, said, "What might the carpenter’s son be doing?" The other replied, "He is fashioning a wooden coffin for the death of your emperor." And a short time passed, and that arrogant man was brought in dead, he who had breathed great pride and dreamt the glory of Alexander, or rather, had fancied that he even surpassed him; who, honoring the transmigrations of souls according to the doctrine of Pythagoras, claimed that he possessed the soul of Alexander by bodily transmigration, or rather, that he himself was Alexander in another body; not even realizing that while it is noble to win, to abuse victory through insolence is hateful. Maximus the philosopher also misled him, being present with him and leading him astray from what was right with certain divinations.
B Yet he did in some way understand from where this disaster came to him, and he did not at all ignore the author of his calamity. For they say that when he scooped up the blood from his wound in his cupped hand, and flung it into the air—as though seeing Christ, and attributing the cause of his own slaughter to Him—he cried out, "You have won, Galilean, you have won." Others, however, say that he blamed the sun, the guardian of his own birth, according to some astronomical cycle, that it had brought aid to the Persians but had not saved him. And if it is true that, as he was about to die and his soul was departing from his body, he was able to behold things more divine than is humanly possible, so as to see Christ, I cannot say; for not many have claimed this. Nevertheless, I do not refute this as a lie. For it is probable that this and things even more wonderful than this took place, so that no one could say that the religion which takes its name from Christ was established by human contrivance. And he, in such a state, and streaming with blood, exclaimed distinctly: "Be satisfied, Nazarene." He offered insults to the other gods as well, calling them evil and destructive. However, the excellent physician, the Lydian Oribasius, who was from Sardis, was present with him. But the wound mocked and despised all C his care. Thus, he who believed he would live for many centuries was snuffed out within three days, having spent five years in the dignity of Caesar, and two and a half years in the empire from the death of Constantius. He was at that time in the thirty-first year of his life. Indeed, during the whole time of his reign, God, being angry, subjected the Roman subjects to infinite disasters and manifold evils. For the earth, being violently shaken, did not offer security for those living in the vicinity to remain in their houses or to dwell in the open air. And during his reign, the oft-told disaster in Alexandria also occurred, when the sea, rising with great force, overstepped its natural D bounds, and for a long distance
A over the dry land, it overflowed it, so that when the water had receded back to its place, marine vessels were found upon the rooftops. Hence, the Alexandrians, from the time when such an inundation occurred, have continued to celebrate a festival on the day it happened; they light many torches throughout the city, and in hymns of thanksgiving they entreat God, with very great and manifest piety performing this annually. B Indeed, also droughts, becoming extremely intense during his reign, both destroyed the crops and rendered the air pestilential. Wherefore, as men were pressed by a scarcity of goods, famine grew to such a degree that men turned to entirely unaccustomed ways of living, and turned to the food of irrational animals. And to this famine a pestilence followed, which infested bodies and produced various diseases, from which most mortals perished. And such was the end that Julian’s affairs had, which was welcome and pleasant to all Christians, but especially to the Antiochenes; who, because of his slaughter, established a public festival, and even reviled the philosopher Maximus, singing out, "Where are your divinations, you foolish Maximus? God has C conquered, and his Christ." Many heads and bodies of slaughtered men were found in chests, in wells, and in the more secret places of the imperial palace at Antioch, whom he had secretly slaughtered while inquiring into future events; just as was also the case in the town of Carrhae. For having entered the temple there, and having carefully secured the doors with bars, he performed execrable magic rites through incantations and impostures. A woman was also found there after his death, suspended in such a way that she had been hoisted on high and hung by her hair, whom he had cut open while investigating the future.
CAPUT XXXVI. What Libanius wrote against us in his funeral oration for Julian; and a response refuting his statements.
Upon the death of this impious prince, the sophist Libanius composed a mournful oration, which he entitled *Julian* or *The Funeral Lament*, in which he enumerates many of his praises, and recounts his deeds as it seemed best to him; he also makes mention of the books which Julian composed against the Christians, opposing the holy Gospels and attempting to refute them as if they were false. D In this, he relates that he had also demonstrated them to be a mockery and trifles. If Libanius had chosen to praise his other affairs, I would have passed over those in silence and proceeded to continue our history; but since, relying on his power and art of speech, he lauds him and his books, and bitterly lashes our religion, I would do an injury to the truth if I did not rather show him to be a trifler, and reproach and refute him in the very point where he attacks us. But I will first set forth a few things that are in his oration, and then I will append my own opinion. "When the winter nights were longer," he says, "the emperor, applying himself to the books which
A he had long known, as he had once served in the sacred ministry, and did so with persistent study, he refuted them with great contention and force, and declared that religion to be utterly ridiculous and trifling. In this matter he showed himself wiser than the Tyrian elder. But may that Tyrian forgive me, and bear this statement calmly, that he was vanquished by his son."
Thus far the sophist. Now, I indeed know that the man was an excellent sophist and had great power of eloquence, like a formidable orator should possess; so much so that I protest to all that if he had not shared the same religious opinion as Julian, he would have said more against him than the Christians did, and, being a sophist, he would have delivered those words more brilliantly; for he composed laudatory orations for Constantius while he was alive, but composed invectives against him after he was dead. And if Porphyry had donned the imperial diadem, I believe he would have preferred his writings to those of Julian, celebrating them with his style, as I indeed think. B If Julian had exercised the sophistical art, he would have said that he too was not a good sophist, just as he did in the case of Ecebolius, in that same funeral oration of his about Julian. But since he was a participant in the same sentiment as Julian, his friend, and if it pleases one to add, a fellow-sophist, and attributed to Julian whatever seemed good to him, let us also, as much as we are able, refute him. For he says that he "applied himself" to the books during the longer nights of winter. It seems that by the word "applying" he means that it was his study to write invectives, just as sophists occupy their study in exercising young men. But it is consistent that he already knew the books, which, indeed, he had once used when in the sacred ministry. And he applied himself to them with longer study and contention, but he did not refute and disprove them by the power of speaking, as you say, but rather through the weakness of his intellect and the lack of truth, C as a facetious man, and one who gladly plays with insults, he attempted to tear down and slander things that are well established. For anyone who enters into battle with another in this manner—by mocking some things, adding others, and in every way suppressing the truth in every matter and opinion—lies and deceives; and being infested with hatred and enmity, he is eager not only to act but also to speak hostily, and he strives to impose upon his enemy whatever evils are within himself.
But that both of them—Julian, I say, and Porphyry, whom he calls the Tyrian elder—were pursuers of insults, we shall clearly demonstrate from their own writings. For in the D *Philosophical History*, as Porphyry titled it, it is amazing how much he attacks the life of Socrates, the leader of philosophers, by carping at it, inventing so many calumnies against him that neither Anytus nor Melitus, who indicted him for introducing new things contrary to the ancient laws, ever imagined. And this against Socrates, whom not only Plato and Xenophon, but also the remaining group of philosophers, have handed down to us as having especially admired him as a man beloved of God, and as one who thought more than is human. But the imitator of his father, emulating him, did the same things to the Caesars who were before him; for having cast blame upon all, he did not even spare the philosopher Marcus. And he attacks Constantine the Great and his son Constantius so much that one might conclude that he chose that composition for no other reason than to mock these men, who were truly beloved of God and had obtained renown for their virtues, their valor, and their true philosophy.
But that both men were scoffers, I need no further proof; for these facts are enough to offer a noble presentation of his own wicked soul. A little later, the admirable Gregory will also bear witness to me in his writings, excellently describing his nature and character.
B That, even before these men, many others attempted to do violence to the truth of our doctrine by perverting some of the divine oracles and twisting others to fit their own ends—this was demonstrated by many who stood against them in refutation and branded their sophistries with proofs. Chief among them is the most learned Origen, who lived long before Julian; he clarified whatever in the Holy Scriptures seemed to cause confusion or to disturb their readers, and by adducing contrary arguments and explaining every passage as he ought, he refuted the long-winded and sophistical attacks of those who understood them poorly and incompetently. This is shown by what he composed for Marcellus the Galatian, and what he wrote with such clarity against the aforementioned Porphyry, having produced treatises on such matters by which, due to the abundance of his arguments for the truth, he ensured they had nothing to say in return. If Julian had not read these books so cursorily, he would never have lapsed into writing such cavils and blasphemies.
That it was Julian’s intention to use mockery and saracasm, not against those who possess the solid truth and form of piety, but against simple and ignorant men, is sufficiently clear from this. For when he had excerpted from the Scriptures whatever things are expressed in human fashion—as the circumstances dictate—according to our capacity, concerning God and especially concerning the economy of Christ and the administration of our salvation, and had collected certain statements of this kind, he then added, saying verbatim: C "Of all these things, then, unless there is some reason having an arcane contemplation—as I think—these books contain many blasphemies concerning God." He says these things in his third book *Against the Christians*. But in that book which he entitles *On Cynicism*, arguing how it is appropriate for priests to invent fables, he writes this: "It is necessary that the truth regarding such things be concealed; for nature desires to be hidden, and that which is hidden regarding the essence of the gods does not endure to be cast in naked words into impure ears." From these words, it is clear that he holds the suspicion that the divine Scripture covers something mystical and arcane. He also seems to be indignant D that not all people possess this same suspicion, and he attacks the Christians on that basis, since they accept the words in a more simple manner. Yet he ought not, because of the simplicity of the many, have been blinded against the divine Scriptures, nor should he have hated...
and to turn away from those things, [to hold] that they themselves might suffer ills, because not all understood as he himself thought. And it seems that he himself suffered the same thing as his father and teacher Porphyry. For since that man was beaten by certain Christians in Caesarea, and not bearing the insult, as if seized by melancholy, he abjured Christianity; and he was carried away by his hatred of those who had inflicted the blows into blaspheming Christ and the Scriptures of the Christians; as Eusebius of Pamphilus says, who excellently refuted the books he composed against us. A And Julian, having conceived a great pride against the Christians on account of those who were more simple, inclined in equal passion toward the madness of Porphyry; and thus both, having chosen impiety with knowledge, abominable ones, paid the penalties for their voluntary sin. B And since Libanius, as if mocking, says, “They make the man from Palestine a God and the Son of God,” he appears himself to have forgotten how at the end of the aforementioned oration he deifies Julian, claiming thus: “They nearly stoned the first messenger of his death, as if he were lying about a God.” And again, having spoken a few words, he exclaims: “O fosterling of demons, follower of demons, assessor of demons!” Even if he supposedly meant otherwise in this, not having avoided the homonymy, he nevertheless seems to say these things which the Christians themselves say in reproach of Julian. If, therefore, his only concern was praise, he ought to have rejected the ambiguous word, as indeed he appears to have done elsewhere; for having been rebuked for a word, he introduced it into his own orations. C
But how the man according to Christ is proclaimed as God, and how that which was seen was man, but that which is understood was God, and how both are once again even man, both divine Scriptures set forth clearly, and the children of the Christians know. But the Greeks, before believing, how could they know? For that which was declared by the divine Spirit stands in the way: “If you do not believe, neither shall you understand” (Isa. VII, 9). D Indeed, it would have been more fitting for them to be covered in shame, for having deified so many men; and who were these? Would that they had been, if not just and temperate, at least in their manner good! But now, on the contrary, they lived in injustice, drunkenness, and corruption. Hercules, Dionysius, and Aesculapius demonstrate this, by whom Libanius, swearing continuously, is not ashamed, whose insane loves and other trifles, if the time permitted to recount,
A those who have arranged the matters concerning them have left behind babble rather than theology. But that it is more readily inclined for Greeks to deify men, even if beyond what is proper, it will suffice to mention a few cases. For at one time, when the Rhodians were beset by a grave calamity, the oracle proclaimed that if they worshipped Atys, the priest of the manic rites in Phrygia, they would be liberated from their distress. I shall set forth the oracle itself, word for word, as it was:
"Implore Atys the god, the great, the holy, the Adonis, The benign, the giver of wealth, the long-haired Dionysus."
And this is the oracle; it commands them to honor the Phrygian Atys—who, in a fit of erotic madness, emasculated himself—with the same honors as Adonis and Bacchus. But to Alexander the Macedonian, when he was crossing into Asia, the demon at Pytho, with the Amphictyons favoring him, delivered such an oracle as this:
"Honor the highest of gods, Zeus, and the Tritogenian Athena, And the king hidden in a mortal body, Whom Zeus sired with noble seed as a helper, Alexander, the king of order to mortals."
B This demon, perhaps fawning upon the power of Alexander, deified him. But how could I overlook the boxer Cleomedes, whom they deemed worthy of divine honor, and for whom they issued such an oracle:
"The last of the heroes, Cleomedes of Astypalaea, Is now a god; honor him with sacrifices and altars."
On account of this response, Diogenes the Cynic and Oenomaus the philosopher scorned the divination of the Pythian Apollo. And the Cyzicenes proclaimed the Emperor Hadrian the thirteenth god. But Hadrian himself, too, deified his own beloved Antinous. These things, then, the most excellent of the sophists, Libanius, disparages and rightly deems mockery and triviality. And he does so, if anyone does, having known well the oracles and that single book which the Alexandrians wrote about the life of Alexander. C Yet he is not ashamed, besides those mentioned, to deify Porphyry; for may the old man of Tyre be propitious, he says—since he prefers the writings of the emperor to his own books. I have related these things thus, by way of digression, on account of the insults of Libanius the sophist, which he vomited against our religion—he who is said later, led by the association of the divine Basil, to have renounced his own superstition and become a Christian. D
CHAPTER XXXVII.
A From the second invective of Gregory the Theologian against Julian, concerning the character, habits, physical stature, death, and burial of Julian.I could not bring forward a more trustworthy witness regarding what kind of man Julian was in his conduct, his character, and the structure of his body, nor regarding the nature of his end and his decision to deify himself, than the great and mighty in theology, Gregory. He lived with him, frequented the same schools, and understood his affairs better than any other man did, ridiculing them as was fitting and exposing them in his Invectives. In the second Invective against Julian and the followers of the Greek religion, he states the following verbatim:
“Experience and the power which it gained once it seized authority made these things evident to others; but to me, they were known in some way long before, from the time I was with the man in Athens. For he came there not long after his brother had plotted new revolutionary schemes against the emperor, seeking to clear himself of that blame. He put forward a double reason for his stay, making a show of Attic perfection: the one, more honorable, that he might study the affairs of Greece and visit the Attic schools; the other, more hidden and known to few, that he might associate there with the sacrificers and deceivers regarding those matters to which he was most devoted, at a time when his impiety did not yet possess open freedom. At that time, therefore, I knew myself to be no poor judge of this man, even though I was not one of those well-disposed to such things; but the unevenness of his character and the excess of his agitation made me a diviner—if indeed a diviner is best defined as one who conjectures well. For nothing in him seemed to me a sign of a good man: his neck was not steady, his shoulders were restless and jerking, his eyes were wandering and unsteady, looking with a kind of madness; his feet were unstable and shifting; his nose breathed arrogance and contempt; his facial expressions were ridiculous and betrayed the same vice; his laughter was uncontrolled and convulsive; his nodding and shaking of the head were without any reason; his speech was halting and interrupted by his breath; his questions were disorderly and senseless, and his answers were no better—falling over one another and not stable, nor proceeding with any order of learning. C Why should I write of these things one by one? I saw him to be the same before his deeds as I recognized him to be in the deeds themselves. And if any of those who were then with me and heard me were present, they would bear witness that, after I saw these things, I immediately exclaimed: ‘Good God, what an evil the Roman empire is fostering!’ And I predicted these things, and I prayed that I might be a false prophet. And truly it would have been better had that been so, rather than that our world should be filled with such great evils, and that such a monster and prodigy should appear in it as never before—even though there have been many widely known inundations of waters, many conflagrations, many earthquakes and chasms of the earth, and furthermore human-like forms that were inhuman and savage, D and natures that were strange and compound, which have been innovations. Thus, he met an end worthy of his madness. And not only one account is told regarding him; rather, one person composes and brings forward one thing, and another another, just as with those who are present…
A at the battle and those who were absent. For some say that he was struck by a javelin from the Persians while he was engaging in disorderly skirmishes and riding hither and thither with confusion. Others recount a story of this kind about him: that he ascended a certain rather high hill so that, as if from a watchtower, he might take a view of the army and learn how many remained for the war. When the multitude appeared to him to be so huge, and even greater than his own expectations, he said, "How grievous it will be if all these are brought under the dominion of the Romans!" And upon this utterance of his, as if he were begrudging them their salvation, a certain soldier who overheard it, moved with anger that he could not bear, without any regard for his own safety, thrust his sword through his vitals. B Yet others of the buffoonish barbarians, who are accustomed to follow the soldiers for the sake of amusement and to provide mirth at drinking parties, are said to have dared this deed. There are also those who attribute this glory to a certain Saracen. However that may be, he certainly received a lethal wound, one that was joyous and salvific for the whole world; and by the single blow he paid the penalty for the many entrails in which he had wrongly placed his trust. It is truly astonishing how this vain man, who thought he knew everything through augury, failed to foresee this one thing—the wound to his own entrails. But there is another act of this man which must by no means be skipped over, as it is among many other things the greatest indication of his demoniacal mind. He was lying on the riverbank, suffering severely from his wound; and because he knew that many before him had been deemed worthy of glory—as if they were thought to be more than human, having been removed from the number of men by some artifice, and C for this reason thought to be gods—he, also being captured by a longing for such fame and reputation, and at the same time ashamed of the disgrace of such a mode of death into which he had fallen through his inconsiderate rashness, what, I ask, does he plot and do? For wickedness is not extinguished even with life. He attempts to cast his body into the river, and for this he employed as collaborators and confidants of his secrets certain of his faithful followers—and as if it were some divine matter, he made use of these attendants. And had not one of the imperial eunuchs, having perceived the matter and shared it with others out of hatred for the wicked deed, prevented such an assault, he would have appeared to the ignorant as a new god resulting from his misfortune. And as for what follows: they led the dead man with mimes and ridiculous clowns, with all the filth of the stage, and performed a funeral procession for him, playing flutes and D dancing, reproaching him insultingly for his renunciation of religion, the disaster of the war, and his very death. For what evil did he not suffer? What indeed did he not hear of those things that such a class of men dares to do with juvenile insolence, treating outrage as an art? Until the city of Tarsus receives him, I do not know how or for what reason it was condemned to this outrage. There his shrine is dishonored, his tomb is most accursed and loathed, and not even fit to be seen by the eyes of the pious; and as I have heard from someone, he is not even received by the tomb, but is cast out and spewed forth by the earth which was shaken on his account—a prelude, I believe, of his punishment there. Thus did he reign, thus did he act as a commander, and thus he leaves this life in disgrace.
Chapter XXXVIII
Concerning the reign of the pious Emperor Jovian in Persia.
The soldiers and the commanders on the following day proclaimed Jovian as emperor, a man illustrious in other respects, and in his piety and his stature, truly worthy of an empire. When he had previously been a tribune, and Julian had offered the soldiers the choice of either sacrificing to the gods or laying down their military belt and dignity, he had preferred the latter rather than to carry out such an impious command. The emperor, A forced by the necessity of the war that was pressing upon them, had kept him with the others as an excellent commander. But then, in the enemy’s territory, being chosen as emperor because he was more outstanding than the others, he declined the leadership and would not accept the symbols of empire. He declared that he could not rule over men who had learned to behave like Greeks, while he himself remained among the Christians—until they all with one voice confessed themselves to be Christians. B Being left in the midst of the error and confusion of affairs, with the army weary from the command that had preceded his own and suffering from a scarcity of provisions, he recognized that it was necessary to proceed to negotiations. Having handed over to the Persians some of the regions that paid tribute to the Romans—I refer to the government of Syria and Nisibis in Mesopotamia—he resolved the war through a treaty. He acted in a manner unworthy for the Romans, but nevertheless out of necessity, having become the heir not of an empire, but of a defeat. C For if he had not done this—and the Persians, knowing how to be moderate, to measure their success by a limit, or perhaps fearing some other outcome, had not turned to negotiations (and those so mild and unexpected)—nothing would have prevented the total destruction of the army, not even a "fire-bearer," as the saying goes, would have survived. Now, however, being compelled to save the sinews of the Roman state, he agreed to terms that were shameful and unworthy, the result of the folly of the commander who preceded him rather than of his own or his soldiers' cowardice; D and he would be an unjust judge in my estimation who, leaving that man aside, should attribute the blame for this pacification to this one. For the crop belongs to the sower rather than to the harvester, and a conflagration is considered to be the work not of him who was unable to extinguish it, but of him who first ignited it. And to use the word of Herodotus: "Histiaeus indeed stitched this sandal, but Aristagoras put it on."
Chapter XXXIX.
A Jovinianus remitted the exile of the bishops, honorably restored the established Christian rites in the churches, and abolished the worship of idols.The Emperor Jovinian, having learned by experience that Julian had been afflicted with grievous evils by divine vengeance, wrote to all the governors everywhere, that they should allow all men to perform divine service freely, to assemble in congregations, and to worship God from the heart, and that the faith of the Christians should be considered the only faith throughout the entire Roman Empire. He also restored to the churches their former customs; and he gave back the privileges and benefits granted to the clergy, the widows, and the virgins—privileges which had been granted and established by law long ago by Constantine and his sons for the sake of increasing divine worship, but which had been taken away and destroyed by Julian on account of his supreme hatred for our faith, through his malicious purpose—and he allowed them to be used again. He also issued a general constitution to the praetorian prefect, that from thereafter B capital punishment should be inflicted upon anyone who should dare to woo a sacred virgin, or who should dare to cast an impure gaze upon her, much less attempt to carry her off for the sake of marriage. He was moved to promulgate this law because certain wicked and unchaste men had contracted such impious and incestuous marriages, either by applying force or by using persuasion, having corrupted the virgins under the reign of Julian, when lack of restraint and foul lust permitted such flagrancies to be dared while our religion was in peril. And so, the churches of God C were opened again; but the temples of the Greeks were closed, and the gods themselves retreated into the caverns and recesses of the earth. And those who up to that time had worn the coarse garments (the pallium) returned to common attire. The libations and blood-stained pollutions that had been accustomed to be performed publicly—in which they had indulged to satiety under Julian—came to an end. Moreover, whatever bishops had not yet been recalled from exile by Julian were then brought back, and each one returned to his own home.
CAPUT XL.
D How the Macedonians also offered a suppliant letter to Jovinian at Antioch; and how the synod there approved the Nicene faith, and sent their written confession of it to the emperor.Shortly thereafter, those who presided over the churches stirred up questions about dogmas once again. For under the reign of Julian, because the faith was in absolute peril, all had remained quiet, collectively beseeching God with prayers to deliver religion from such a tyranny. For it is somehow in the nature of human beings to live in peace with one another as fellow citizens when danger threatens them from elsewhere, but if they have peace with those outside, they stir up seditions at home. But since the prelates of the churches knew the piety of the prince, they [began to...]
A believed that he would attach himself to their own faith, and they thought that by his authority they would have greater freedom against those who seemed to be their opponents. But he had been devoted to the profession of the consubstantial from the very beginning, and he manifested this openly at that time.
The Macedonians were the first of all to appear; these indeed rejected the heresy of those who were called Anomoeans, but they accepted "like in substance" in place of "consubstantial." They offered a petition to the emperor, in which they gave thanks to God for his reign; then they asked that those who taught the "unlike" doctrine be driven from the churches and that those, the churches themselves, be committed to them to be governed. Furthermore, they asked that either what had been decreed at Ariminum and Seleucia should remain firm, and that what had been done by some through force against these be rendered void; or, if the previous schism and dissension were to persist, that it be permitted to the bishops everywhere to meet in whatever place they wished, provided that no layman be present during the meeting; and B they prayed that no one might achieve his own end if he had acted separately or had set out to deceive, just as had happened under Constantius. They also indicated that they would not come to the palace and the imperial court, by their own choice, so as not to be a nuisance; but if the emperor were to permit it, they showed that they would gladly do so at their own expense and with their own pack-animals.
Those who offered the petition to the emperor were these: Basil of Ancyra, Sylvanus of Tarsus, Sophronius of Pompeiopolis, Pausinicus of Zela, Leontius of Comana, Callicrates of Claudiopolis, Theophilus of Castabala, and others. But the emperor, having received the petition, gave them no answer, but only said this: "I hate the spirit of contention, but I solely embrace and cherish those who seek concord." C When this remark reached the ears of the others as well, it relaxed the strain of contention and caused the emperor's plan to succeed. For the spirit of altercation, characteristic of those who followed the authority of Acacius and who always openly accommodated their opinions to the judgment of the princes, was exposed. For when they saw that Meletius, the bishop of Antioch, was held in great esteem by the emperor, and as he was there at that time, they conversed with him and brought it about that a synod should be celebrated again at Antioch.
Now this Meletius was the one who, a little before, having separated from them, had adhered to the consubstantial. And so, having gathered together in Antioch of the Syrians, they confirm the Nicene faith and establish that the Son should be confessed as consubstantial with the Father without question. D Participants in this synod were the aforementioned divine Meletius, who held the charge of the see of Antioch; Eusebius of Samosata; Pelagius of Laodicea in Syria; and Acacius of Caesarea in Palestine; and Irenion of Gaza; and Athanasius of Ancyra, through the priests Orfitus and Aetius; Titus of Bostra; Theotimus of the Arabians; Lucianus of Arca; and many other distinguished men. Having done these things, they sent to the emperor what they had determined, writing thus: "To our most pious and most God-beloved sovereign Jovian, Victorious Augustus, the synod of bishops gathered at Antioch from various provinces, the ecclesiastical...
A peace and concord, which your piety has endeavored to promote B, is known to us, O most God-beloved sovereign; and that you have rightly understood that the head of such unity is the character of the true and orthodox faith, this also we do not ignore. In order, therefore, that we may not be supposed to be ranked among those who falsify the doctrines of the truth, we report to your reverence that we accept and hold the faith of the holy synod formerly gathered at Nicaea; since even the term used therein which seems to some to be strange—we mean the term 'consubstantial'—has been given a safe interpretation by the Fathers, signifying that the Son was begotten from the substance of the Father, and that He is like in substance to the Father. For neither is it understood as involving any suffering in that ineffable generation, nor is the term 'substance' taken in any Greek usage, but it is utilized to overthrow the notion which Arius wickedly ventured to hold regarding the Son—that He is from things that are not; just as the 'Dissimilar' ones who have now arisen are even more boldly and audaciously and shamelessly declaring their views to the detriment of ecclesiastical concord. We have also attached to this report of ours the copy of that very faith of Nicaea set forth by the bishops who were assembled there, which we also embrace. It is as follows: 'We believe in one God, the Father Almighty,' and the rest of the creed, recited without any change, as is fitting." And the priests who had gathered at Antioch thus declared their vote, confirming in express terms the faith of Nicaea.
CAPUT XLI.
*Concerning Saint Athanasius, how, being recalled from exile, he was held in great honor by Jovian, and once again took charge of the Egyptian churches.*Then too, Athanasius, standing at the head of the Alexandrian clergy, having used the advice of some of his closest friends, went to Antioch and met with the emperor; and having suggested to him the matters that were necessary, he returned again. There are some, however, who say that he was rather summoned by the emperor, to explain to him what ought to be done regarding religion. And having duly ordered the affairs of the Church there, and having established sound foundations of the faith with the emperor, he returned home. But Euzoius, who presided over the Arian heresy at Antioch, strove with the greatest zeal—in order that some one of his own persuasion, a certain eunuch by the name of Probatius, might be set over the Alexandrian Church—to bring this about. And for this reason, through the instigation C of the followers of Euzoius, a certain Alexandrian named Lucius, a presbyter ordained by George, was introduced to the emperor, where he vehemently accused Athanasius, alleging that in previous times he had always been guilty in his episcopate, and had been exiled by former emperors as D a cause of sedition.
A Jovian, however, who was well aware that the Arians were openly hostile toward him, was not in the least moved by their accusations; indeed, he ordered Lucius to keep quiet, and commanded Probatius and his fellow eunuchs, as authors of such disturbances, to conduct themselves more modestly. Furthermore, having become most friendly with Athanasius through their association at that time, he sent him back to Egypt and committed the churches and the people there to his care. It is said that he praised the man highly for his virtue, the innocence of his life, and the charm of his eloquent speech, which was tempered with an admirable prudence, and for the things which he had written in defense of our religion. B
CAPUT XLII. Concerning the Synod of Alexandria, whose decree the great Athanasius sent to the Emperor; and how the Nicene faith, having been long fought against, was restored to its former state.
When Athanasius had reached Alexandria with the honor that was his due, since the Emperor had indicated that he should send him a definite formula of the irreprehensible faith, he summoned a provincial synod, called together the most eminent of the bishops, and wrote back to the prince that the Nicene faith, which is conformable to Evangelical doctrines, should be preserved inviolate and entire. But there is nothing to prevent me, for the benefit of those who shall read these things, from inserting his letter here word for word. It is as follows: C “To the most pious and most humane Victor Augustus Jovian, Athanasius and the rest of the bishops, who have come on behalf of all the bishops of Egypt, the Thebaid, and Libya: A desire to learn and a longing for celestial things are fitting for a God-loving emperor. For thus, having your heart in the hand of God, you will also administer your empire in peace for many cycles of years. Since, therefore, your piety has desired to learn from us the faith of the Catholic Church, we have given thanks for this to the Lord, and have deemed it best, above all else, to bring back to the memory of your piety the faith confessed by the Fathers at Nicaea. For some, by trampling upon this, have devised various plots against us because we would not follow the Arian heresy; yet they have been the authors of sects and dissensions for the universal Church. D The true and pious faith in our Lord Jesus Christ is open and manifest to all, known and read from the divine Scriptures; for in this faith holy men, having been perfected, have given glorious testimony, and now, loosened from the bonds of the body, they rest in the Lord. And it would have remained incorrupt had not the wickedness of certain heretics dared to alter and deprave it. For Arius and his followers attempted to corrupt it, and to introduce impiety against it, alleging that the Son of God was from non-existence, and was a creature, and a work, and mutable; and to many in these things
A they have been a cause of stumbling, to the extent that even those who seemed to be of some standing were drawn into their blasphemy. But our holy Fathers, forestalling them, having assembled, as I said before, in the council at Nicaea, did indeed anathematize the Arian heresy, but confessed the faith of the Catholic Church in writing. Thus, as this was preached in every place, the heresy that had sprung up was extinguished by the heretics. This, then, was read and preached in every church. But since there are some who, wishing to renew the Arian heresy, have dared to reject the faith confessed by the Fathers at Nicaea, and some feign to confess it, but in reality deny it, misinterpreting the "consubstantial" (homoousion), and these also blaspheme the Holy Spirit by saying that He is a creature and a work fashioned by the Son, necessarily we also, having considered it proper to provide for your piety, have endeavoured [to present] the faith confessed at Nicaea; so that your godliness may know with what precision it is written, and B how greatly those err who teach otherwise than it. Know, most God-loving Augustus, that this is the faith preached from the beginning; this is what the Fathers who assembled at Nicaea confessed, and this is what all the churches in every region agree upon, both those in Spain and Britain and the Gauls; and those in all of Italy and Campania, and Dalmatia and Mysia, Macedonia and all of Greece, and all those in Africa, and Sardinia, and Cyprus, and Crete, and Pamphylia and Lycia, and Isauria, and those in all of Egypt, and Libya, and Pontus, and Cappadocia, and the nearby regions, and the churches in the East, C except for a few who hold the views of Arius. For we have ascertained the opinion of all those we have mentioned by their actual experience, and we have letters, and we know, most God-loving Augustus, that even if a few deny this faith, they cannot prejudice the whole world. For having been infected for a long time by the Arian plague, they now resist the true piety with greater contentiousness. And that your piety may know the Nicene faith—although you knew it before—yet, just as it was promulgated by the three hundred and eighteen bishops, we have wished to append it to these letters. It is as follows: We believe in one God, D the Father almighty, maker of all things visible and invisible: And in one Lord Jesus Christ, the Son of God, begotten of the Father, only-begotten, that is, of the substance of the Father; God of God, light of light, true God of true God; begotten, not made, consubstantial with the Father; by whom all things were made, those in heaven and those on earth; who for us men and for our salvation came down, was incarnate, was made man, suffered, and rose again on the third day; ascended into heaven, and is coming to judge the living and the dead; and in the Holy Spirit. But those who say, "There was a time when He was not," and that "He was made from non-existence," or who say that He is of another substance or essence, these
the holy Catholic and Apostolic Church A anathematizes. In this faith, most God-beloved Augustus, as being divine and apostolic, it is necessary to rest. It is not to be moved or changed by anyone, nor by any words of persuasion or contention. This is what the Ariomanites first did, saying that the Son of God is from non-existence, and that there was a time when He was not, and that He was formed, created, and therefore subject to change.
B For this reason, as we have said before, the Nicene Synod anathematized that heresy and promulgated the true faith. For those Fathers did not call the Son "like" the Father simply, lest He should be believed to be merely like God, but rather true God from God. But they also wrote "consubstantial," which is proper to a genuine and true Son, born of a true and natural Father. Nor did they alienate the Holy Spirit from the Father and the Son, but rather glorified Him together with the Father and the Son in the one faith of the holy Trinity, because there is also one Divinity in the holy Trinity. Having read these letters, the Emperor was firmly established, and he openly and immediately declared the affection and opinion he held regarding divine matters. For he C observed and liberally rewarded those who professed the "consubstantial." He also held to the purpose of resolving the zeal for contention among those who were divided, by persuasion rather than by force; nor did he cause trouble to anyone, whatever faith they might follow, nor did he leave anything undone to promote the highest charity. To those, however, who studied to restore the Church to concord and unanimity, he showed the greatest honor. That he did this, not only Christians bear witness, but also Themistius the philosopher, who is celebrated among the Greeks, in the oration he wrote to him, which he entitled the *Consular*. For having recounted his virtues and greatly extolled the man, he praises him most of all for this: that he permitted each person to follow the religion they wished. By which, he says, he broke the unrestrained habit of flatterers; whom he mocks very wittily and clearly, saying that they are caught by their own characters, as they worship the purple more than God—and that they differ in no way from the Euripus, which flows now here, now there, and even momentum against itself.
CHAPTER XLIII.
D How the Emperor Jovian, having arrived at Dadastana, ended his life, to the very great loss of all the pious.In this manner, then, the Emperor checked the boldness of those who had at that time resolved to disturb and annoy the Church; and the Nicene faith, having been besieged for so long a time in between, returned under his reign to its former glory and profession. But this success was not to be of long duration, lest it should fall again into similar turmoil and confusion. For it was not destined that those things which, under the Church...
A only, had come to pass, should be the end of the prophecy of the great father Antonius; but it pointed also toward the completeness of the wickedness, as the events which occurred later under Valens demonstrated. For the story goes that before the Arian faction began to rule over the churches under Constantius, the great and wonderful Antonine saw in a dream mules rushing into the sanctuary, leaping and kicking within, and overturning the holy table. Having awoken, he related and expounded the dream, saying that a confusion of bastard and strange dogmas would seize the Church of God, and that the uprising of the heterodox would trample upon the holy table. That this vision and the prediction of its interpretation were both true, the events which happened later, and all that was thereafter perpetrated under the reign of Valens, sufficiently declared. So much for these things.
The Emperor Jovian, departing from Antioch with great speed, hastened toward Constantinople; and when he arrived at Tarsus B in Cilicia, he there buried the body of Julian, having performed all the customary funeral rites. Not by design, but rather by a certain chance mistake, he laid his corpse in a tomb opposite the one containing the bones of Maximinus, with a public road separating the two graves. There, having also been proclaimed consul, he set out for the city of Constantine; and from thence he arrived at the Bosporus, at a place which is the border of Galatia and Bithynia—Dadastana is the name of the place. There the senate met him, and Themistius, whom we have mentioned, read the consular oration composed for him, which he later published with great freedom in the city of Constantinople.
But an intense cold prevailed, and the emperor, having in a certain lodging taken food more greedily and in greater quantity, moved quickly to take sleep in a room which had a short time before been plastered C with lime. Because of the heat arising from a large fire that had been lit, the moisture drawn out from the freshly plastered walls seeped quietly through his nostrils and, obstructing his respiratory passages, drove the emperor to suffocation. And so, having perished, he ended his life, having spent about eight months in the empire; a man so good and upright, for whom both public and ecclesiastical affairs would have had prosperous success, had not sudden death, standing by, deprived the Roman empire of such a great good. He died in the consulship of himself and his son Varonianus, whom he had proclaimed most noble at Ancyra in Galatia, on the seventeenth day of the month of February, having reigned, as has been said, for about eight months, and having lived in all thirty-three years. This tenth book of history covers a period of three years D, at which time the year 5875 from the creation of the world, and the 370th year from the divine birth of the Lord, was drawing to its close.
NICEPHORUS CALLISTUS XANTHOPULUS ECCLESIASTICAL HISTORY VOLUME XI
CHAPTER 1 On the life and character of the Emperor Valentinian, and of his brother Valens.
And thus, indeed, the apostate Julian was slain. In like manner also, Jovian, that most pious emperor, departed this life in the borderlands of Galatia and Bithynia. Seven days later, the army arrived at Nicaea and there proclaimed Valentinian emperor of the Romans. A He was a man who, in other respects good and worthy of the empire, was born in Cibalis of Pannonia; he was thoroughly experienced in the art of war, having lived in camp from his youth, and by the greatness of his spirit, he always seemed superior to his present fortune. B He happened to be present in Nicaea at that time, having returned from exile. Concerning him, the following is told: that a certain Silentiary, under Constantius, who had gone to bed after refreshing his body, saw a flame of fire breathing from his mouth about evening. The Silentiary had been sent by the emperor to summon him for a certain matter, and he reported this very thing to him. Emperor Constantius, terrified by the report of this portent, judged that it would be unjust to offend or disturb the man. However, to provide for his own fear, he sent him to the borders of the Roman Empire, so that he might be on guard there and hold back the incursions of the barbarians. C It is also handed down that later he led the legion of the Jovians and was a commander of ranks under Julian. After the latter took control of affairs, it is said that he stripped Valentinian of that dignity and banished him into perpetual exile, under the pretext that he had not rightly led the forces committed to him in battle against the enemies. In reality, however, he did so because Julian...
A suspected that by sending him away he would be depriving him of the honor of martyrdom, which Valentinian was ready to undergo for his religion. Indeed, he spared other Christians for this same reason, observing that they gained great praise and glory from such dangers. When, however, Jovian came to the throne, he was recalled from exile. Furthermore, after the death of Jovian, at Nicaea, by the counsel and desire of the whole army and of those who held the primary positions of authority—specifically Datius the patrician, who had sent letters to him from Galatia, Secundus the prefect, Arintheus the general, and Glaiphus, who presided over the domestics—the emperor was elected. And when, having taken up the imperial insignia, he was being carried on a shield in the military fashion, C the army requested that he take a partner into the empire. But he, signaling with his hand for them to be silent, and with a grave and imperial sentiment, said, “It was indeed yours to raise me from a private citizen to the imperial dignity; but that the management of affairs is not now yours, but rests solely in the judgment of the prince, you yourselves would surely say. It behooves you, therefore, from now on, to be under command and to remain quiet; it is for me to see to what must be done.” And so, at that time, he did not yield to the soldiers. But after he came to Constantinople, on the thirtieth day after he had assumed the empire, he added his brother Valens as his associate in the empire. And he granted to his brother the eastern provinces and certain western ones as far as Illyricum; the remaining ones belonging to the western Ocean, and the entire continent opposite it, as far as the furthest reaches of Libya, he reserved for himself, that he might rule over the whole West. D Soon after, he also brought his son Gratian, as yet a young man, to the empire, and accustomed him to his own character and institutions. Both brothers, however, were Christians from the beginning, but they differed in their divine worship and their character. For Valens, having been baptized by Eudoxius the Arian, was a fierce emulator of the Arian dogmas, and it was a source of vexation to him that he could not force all to follow the same opinion. Valentinian, however, being a defender of the Nicaean confession, considered it right to honor those who held to his own religion.
A And both were found to be very similar to one another in the administration of other affairs.
Chapter II. Who at that time had obtained the care of the churches in the great cities by succession.
At this time, Liberius held the reins of the Roman Church, having succeeded Julius; before him, Sylvester had presided over the Church under Constantine. At Alexandria, the great Athanasius presided over the profession of the consubstantial faith, having succeeded the heretics George and Gregory, who had themselves in turn succeeded him. Before Athanasius was Alexander, before Alexander was Achillas, and before him Peter, who B died a martyr under Maximian.
Furthermore, at Antioch, Euzoius stood at the head of the Arian religion; but those of the consubstantial profession were divided into two groups, for their leaders were Paulinus on one side and the divine Meletius on the other. These were the successors of those who were from Arius; of whom, the one immediately preceding Meletius was Eudoxius, and before him Leontius. Before him was Stephanus, who had succeeded Placitus, and Placitus had succeeded Euphronius, and this man had succeeded Eulalius. All these were filled with the Arian madness. Before Eulalius, the great Eustathius had piously governed the Church of Antioch, as the successor of the martyr Philogonius; and Vitalis presided before Philogonius.
At Jerusalem, Cyril once again sat at the helm of the sacred vessels; he C had first succeeded Maximus, and before Maximus, the great Macarius had presided. Macarius was the successor of Hermon; and Cyril was succeeded by Herennius, then by Heraclius, and then by Hilarius; after this man, the most divine Cyril again succeeded.
At Constantinople, Eudoxius held the church at that time, being a great champion of the Arian opinion. Those of the consubstantial faith held their assemblies within the city in a very small house. In most of the cities, those who had promulgated the formula of faith in Seleucia, and held the same views as Acacius, still presided over the temples of the Macedonian religion. Eudoxius had succeeded Macedonius, before whom the confessor Paul held the bishopric; prior to this man, the Arian Eusebius of Nicomedia presided. D He had succeeded Alexander, who acted as the successor of Metrophanes. Such was the state of the churches at that time.
Chapter III. Concerning the council held at Lampsacus; and how those who held to the consubstantial faith were sent into exile.
When the care of Western affairs called Valentinian to Rome, and he was traveling through Thrace, those priests in Bithynia and the Hellespont, and others who adhered to the consubstantial faith, approached Hypatius of Heraclea...
and requested that he represent them to the emperor, so that he might urge everyone to come together in one place for the correction of the dogma. When he approached and announced the legation of the bishops, the emperor said, "For me, being occupied with affairs A and entrusted with the concerns of the masses, it is not easy to investigate such matters. To you, however, who have this concern, gather by yourselves wherever you wish, and deliberate piously concerning all things." Having received this answer, they met at Lampsacus, and two months later, they rendered their verdict concerning most matters; this was the seventh year after the Council of Seleucia. Principally, they ordained as null and void the things enacted at Constantinople by the agitation of those around Eudoxius and Acacius, and the confession of faith that had been brought forward there, as if it had been dictated by the Western bishops—to which some had even been persuaded to subscribe, upon the promise that the dissimilarity of substance would be abolished, though in this matter they had been deceived by the falsehood of the promises. They held that one must acquiesce to the notion that confesses the Son as similar in substance to the Father, which was necessary and essential so that the word "similar" might be added in the formula of faith to distinguish the subsistences. They further decreed that only that faith should be frequented in all the Churches which was confirmed at Seleucia and previously promulgated B at Antioch, when the church in that city had its dedication. Moreover, those who had been expelled from their sees by those who considered the Son to be dissimilar to the Father were to receive back their bishoprics, because they had been unlawfully driven from their churches. If anyone wished to accuse another concerning any matter, he might do so on the condition that he himself would risk the same punishment. The judges were to be the bishops of the province who had chosen to think correctly, and the witnesses were to be summoned from neighboring regions, to whom each person's life would be well-known. Having ordained these things, they summoned those around Eudoxius, and first invited them to repentance for the crimes they had committed. But since they showed no regard, they made known the things that had been done to all the Churches. C Keeping in mind that they might not bring the imperial authority to bear against themselves, and that they might not provide occasion for slander against them, they decided to report to the emperor the things that had taken place at Lampsacus. And so, meeting Valens as he was returning after having escorted his brother as far as Illyricum, as he set out for Old Rome, they explained the whole matter to him. But Eudoxius had already outstripped them with his partisans and had already won the favor of the court. Therefore, the emperor persuaded the envoys from Lampsacus not to disagree with Eudoxius. And when they accused Eudoxius of the deception that had occurred at Constantinople, and also of the things against the Council of Seleucia, the emperor turned to anger; he condemned the envoys to live in exile, and ordered the churches to be given over to those around Eudoxius. He himself began to make his way to Antioch of the D Syrians, for he feared that the Persians might break the thirty-year truce made under Jovian and attack the regions there. As for the rest, nothing new...
A was stirred up by them, but while staying in Antioch he threw the churches into turmoil. He punished the divine Meletius with exile to foreign parts, but spared Paulinus because of the singular modesty of his character. And those who chose not to communicate with Euzoius he made exiles, and in other ways he oppressed, tortured, and fined them.
CAPUT IV
Concerning the tyranny of Procopius; and concerning the wall of Chalcedon and the oracle found there; and concerning the aqueduct in Constantinople.
And he would indeed have proceeded to great cruelty, had not Procopius, by aspiring to tyranny, checked the force of his impulse for a short time. For this man, tracing his lineage back to Julian, attempted to seize power under Jovian. Having occupied Chalcedon and entered Constantinople in secret, he snatched the sovereignty. Having gathered no small army in a short time, he marched against the ruler. Valens, sallying forth from Syria, engaged him in battle near Nacolia; B defeated there, Procopius arrived at Nicaea. However, being captured through the treachery of those around him, namely Comarius and Agelon, he was delivered in bonds to Valens. And he punished both these traitors with a new kind of execution, having ignored the oath by which he had sworn that he would be forever well-disposed toward them. For he killed them in a cruel manner, having them sawn asunder. As for Procopius, he had the tops of two trees that stood not far apart bent down, and attached each leg to a tree; then he let them spring back. The trees, having been restored to their normal C position, tore the man asunder; and thus, split in two, the tyrant perished. The emperor ordered the walls of Chalcedon, which is situated opposite Byzantium, to be demolished. For he had previously sworn to himself that he would do this if he defeated the tyrant, because the Chalcedonians, having harbored tyrannical sentiments, had set aside their loyalty to the emperor; for when he had approached, they had heaped insults upon him and barred the city gates against him. The wall, therefore, was demolished at the command of the ruler; and the stones were straightway transported to Constantinople for the public bath which is called the Constantianum. And indeed, as the wall was being demolished, an ancient oracle, deeply engraved in the stone with characters, was found on a certain high block, D foretelling that when the city should abound with a more copious supply of water, then the wall would serve the bath; but that countless nations, having invaded the Roman territory, would do many evil things—yet would themselves eventually perish and be destroyed. Nothing, however, prevents us, for the sake of those who are fond of learning, from adding the oracle itself to this history. “But when,” it says, “nymphs shall lead their liquid dances through the city, and the wall shall serve the much-lamented bath…”
then myriads of tribes of scattered men, savage and raving, having put on evil infamy, having crossed the course of the fair-flowing Ister with spear, shall destroy the Scythian land and the Mysian soil; and having stepped upon the Thracian land with maddened hopes, there shall they meet the end of life and their fate.” This, then, is the oracle. But it came to pass after some time that the water channel which Valens constructed provided abundance of water to the city, and the barbarian tribes were stirred up against the Romans, as shall be told by me a little later. A And some understood the meaning of the oracle in another way. For when the water conduit had been finished, Clearchus, the prefect of the city, had a very large bath constructed in the Forum of Theodosius; and it was called "the abundant water," for which reason the city was accustomed to celebrate an annual festival. And they supposed this was hinted at in the oracle by the words, “Joyfully shall they lead their liquid dances in the midst of the city, revolving their glassy footprints, the nymphs.”
So much regarding the oracle. But when the walls of the Chalcedonians were being broken down, as we have said, the citizens of Constantinople and the Bithynians, the Nicomedians and the Nicaeans, became suppliants to the emperor, that he should not allow walls so firm and ample to be pulled down in vain. And he, although full of wrath, yielded to their entreaties, albeit with difficulty. B And, fulfilling what was due to the oath, he directed both the tearing down and the rebuilding simultaneously, raising the structure with other, smaller stones; and this work was also brought to an end. But these things happened regarding the wall of the Chalcedonians. After the war waged against Procopius, a very great hail fell from heaven, resembling huge stones; and extraordinary earthquakes occurred in various places, which harmed Nicæa of the Bithynians more than other places, utterly destroying it. And this was the twelfth year after the destruction of Nicomedia. Not long after, another earthquake arising caused the same to Germa, a city in the Hellespont. C These, then, were all omens of the ecclesiastical disturbances. For many mortals said that the hail and the earthquakes occurred by the wrath of God against the emperor, because he had driven into exile many of those who had been raised to episcopal dignity, and was about to do the same to others who would not vote in favor of Eudoxius in matters of faith. And in such calamities Eudoxius and the emperor remitted nothing at all of their zeal, because each sought to drive away cruelly those who dissented from them. And so many holy men were condemned to exile; but by divine providence, on account of their excellent virtue, they alone were not ordered to go into exile: Basil the Great, overseeing the church in Cappadocia, and Gregory, who at that time presided over the church of Nazianzus, which is a small town situated near Cæsarea. D Concerning these men we shall speak a little later.
CAPUT V.
De Eleusio Cyziceno et Eunomio; item de Agelio Novatiano episcopo.
A Emperor Valens, having been emboldened by his success in the war against Procopius, once again took up arms against the Church, forcing all religions to accommodate themselves to the dogma of Arius. He was especially furious against those who had held the synod at Lampsacus, not only because they had stripped the Arian bishops of their dignity, but also because they had condemned the confession of faith promulgated at Ariminum. Setting out from Nicaea, he reached Nicomedia. From there he sent for Eleusius, the bishop of Cyzicus, who was more inclined to the opinion of Macedonius, and bringing him to himself, he gathered a council of Arian bishops and commanded him to embrace their common faith. B Eleusius at first resisted generously and bravely, spurning their communion; but when the emperor threatened him with exile and the confiscation of his property, he was struck by fear and, though against his better judgment, he did what the emperor commanded. Yet, immediately led by repentance, when he arrived at Cyzicus, he gathered the multitude and publicly confessed his sin in the assembly. He added, moreover, that they should choose another bishop for themselves, for it was no longer fitting for him to hold the episcopate after having betrayed his faith. The citizens of Cyzicus, however, because they embraced him with the greatest benevolence—being delighted C precisely by his manner of life—would not receive another bishop, nor did they grant the regulation of the church to anyone else, but remained subject to Eleusius, allowing him in no way to change his opinion. When Eudoxius, who was in charge of the Arian sect at Constantinople, learned of this, he ordained Eunomius as bishop for them. He imagined that, because Eunomius was a powerful orator, he would quickly be able to charm the Cyzicenes and draw them to his own view by a certain persuasive skill. When Eunomius arrived at Cyzicus, he took possession of the churches, Eleusius having been expelled by the emperor's order; the people, however, following Eleusius, held their meetings outside the city walls. D But I shall speak of Eunomius and his namesake heresy later, in its proper place. In truth, not only the Macedonians, but also those who maintained the dogma of those who had gathered at Nicaea, were suffering similar evils at Constantinople. Equally so were those who held the views of Novatus, since they too adhered to the doctrine of the consubstantial; wherefore the emperor had ordered their churches also to be taken away. He had no others besides these to exclude, for Constantine had already long since stripped the remaining heretics of their churches. Valens also drove into exile their bishop, Agelius, who had presided over the churches of the Novatians from the time of Constantine down to that day. He, indeed, as it seems to Socrates, led an admirable life; for he possessed the greatest aspect of philosophy, being free from all possessions and money, and his conduct revealed the worker, as he covered himself with a single tunic
A and strictly followed the precepts of the Gospel, and he went about entirely without shoes. Not long after, being recalled from exile, he recovered his churches and held assemblies in them freely. A certain Marcianus was the one who brought this about for him—a man remarkably living in both conduct and speech—who had long before held a military position in the imperial palace. At that time, however, having been assigned to the priesthood among the Novatians, he was teaching grammar to the emperor's daughters, Anastasia and Carosa, in whose name Valens constructed public baths at Constantinople. Therefore, out of respect for this man, the Novatian churches that had been closed for a short time were opened again. Yet even so, they were not entirely free from the tumults of the Arians, for they were hated by them because they loved and cherished those who defended the dogma of the Nicene faith, even though they differed greatly from them in other opinions.
CAPUT VI. Concerning the Macedonians, and the worshippers of the consubstantial, and the legation of the pious to Rome.
B And indeed, as regards those who sincerely worshipped the faith of Nicaea, the efforts of Eudoxius and his followers seemed to be succeeding. For in the greatest part of Valens's domain, and most especially throughout the Hellespont, Thrace, and Bithynia, and even in the regions round about these and further afield, they no longer presided over churches, nor did they have their own bishops. But the Macedonians, who were very numerous in that region and were now following the correct opinion, were not less harassed, and they pursued them inhumanly. And those who were squeezed by the fear of the C impending evils, sending legates to one another throughout the cities, judged that they ought to take refuge in Rome with the brother of Valens, and to communicate with Liberius rather than with those around Eudoxius. Therefore, they sent as legates to Rome Eustathius of Sebastia, whose dignity had been taken away several times, and Sylvanus of Tarsus in Cilicia, and Theophilus of Castabala, and instructed them not to contend with Liberius regarding the faith, but rather to communicate with the Roman Church and approve the profession of the consubstantial. Those men, with the letters of those who had separated from the others at Seleucia, arrived in Italy, and there they did not see the emperor Valentinian, because he was waging war in Gaul against the Sarmatians. When, however, they offered the letters to Liberius which they had brought with them, he refused to accept them, saying that they were Arians and could not be recognized by his Church, since they had abolished the Nicene faith. To whom they responded that they had returned to the knowledge of the truth through legitimate penitence, having cast off the opinion of the "unlike," and that they professed the Son to be in all things similar to the Father; and that this did not differ in any way from the "consubstantial," that is, "similar in all things." Having heard these words, Liberius demanded of them the profession of their faith, related in writing. And they presented to him a formulary in which they also inserted the Nicene faith. The letters, indeed, which they brought with them from Smyrna in Asia and from Pisidia, Isauria, Pamphylia, and Lycia, where they had held assemblies, I have not included here on account of their length. The formulary, however, which Eustathius with his colleagues gave to Liberius, is as follows:
CAPUT VII. Confession of the legates presented to Liberius, bishop of Rome.
A To our lord, brother, and fellow-minister Liberius, Eustathius, Sylvanus, and Theophilus send greeting in the Lord. In order to avoid the insane suspicions of the heretics, who do not cease to create stumbling-blocks for the Catholic Church, and in order to cut off every cause and occasion for them, we, professing the decrees of the synods of Lampsacus and Smyrna and those celebrated by orthodox bishops who think rightly in various other places, serve as delegates to your goodness and to all the bishops of Italy and the whole of the West. We bring letters [testifying] that we preserve the Catholic faith which, in the holy Nicene Synod under the blessed Emperor Constantine, was promulgated and confirmed by the three hundred and eighteen Fathers, and which has hitherto remained inviolate and immovable in its established state, and is to endure for all time: in which the *homoousion*, or "consubstantial," was rightly and piously established against the wickedness of Arius. We profess with our own hands that we have both kept this faith, along with the bishops we have mentioned, and that we shall keep it unto the end; condemning Arius and his impious doctrine and his followers, as well as the entire heresy of Sabellius, the Patripassians, Marcion, Photinus, Marcellus, and Paul of Samosata himself, and their doctrine, and all who agree with them; and [condemning] any other sects which, besides this holy faith which was piously and catholically composed and promulgated by the holy Fathers at Nicaea, are adverse and contrary to it; striking with anathema in the first place the formula read at Ariminum, which is utterly repugnant to the Nicene faith. Concerning which formula, brought to Nica in Thrace, some who were circumvented by evil deceit and perjury— B Eustathius, bishop of the city of Sebaste, and Theophilus, and Sylvanus, delegates of the synods of Lampsacus, Smyrna, and others, subscribed by mistake at Constantinople. But this is our faith, and that of those in whose name we act as delegates: We believe in one God, the Father Almighty, maker of all things visible and invisible. And in one only-begotten God, our Lord Jesus Christ, the Son of God, begotten of the Father, that is, of the substance of the Father, God of God, light of light, very God of very God, begotten, not made, consubstantial with the Father, by whom all things were made, both things in heaven and things on earth. Who for us men and for our salvation came down, and was incarnate, and was made man, and suffered. And He rose on the third day, and ascended into heaven, and is coming thence to judge the living and the dead. And in the Holy Spirit. But those who say that there was a time when He was not, and that before He was begotten He was not, and that He was made out of non-existent things, or that the Son of God is of another substance or subsistence, or subject to mutation and alteration, the Catholic and Apostolic Church strikes with anathema. I, Eustathius, bishop of the city of Sebaste, and Theophilus and Sylvanus, delegates of the synods of Lampsacus, Smyrna, and others, have written this profession of faith with our own hands and by our own will. But if anyone, besides this faith, should wish to bring any charge against us or those by whom we were sent, send us and them, with the letters of your holiness, to whatever bishops your holiness may think fit: that when the cause is heard before those same judges, may he who is convicted of the crime be punished according to the law.
CAPUT VIII. Epistle of Liberius sent to the bishops in the East.
Liberius, having bound them to himself as it were by a pledge through this document, admitted them to communion, and subsequently sent them away with letters of this kind: C "To our beloved brothers and fellow-ministers, Hythius, Cyril, Hyperechius, Heron, Elpidius, Maximus, Eusebius, Eucarpius, Eortasius, Neon, Eumathius, Faustinus, Proctus, Passinicus, Arsenius, Severus, Didymio, Britannius, Callicrat, Damabius, Aedesius, Eustochius, Ambrosius, Gelonius, Pardalius, Macedonius, Paulus, Marcellus, Heraclius, Alexander, Adolius, Marcian, Sibenelus, Joannes, Macarius, Charisius, Sylvanus, Photinus, Authus, Antonius, Celsus, Euphranor, Milesius, Patricius, Severianus, Eusebius, Eumolpius, Athanasius, Diophantus, Minodorus, Diocles, Chrysampelus, Eugenius, Eustathius, Callicrat, Arsenius, Eugenius, Martyrius, Hieratius, Leontius, Philagrius, Lucius, and to all the orthodox bishops of the East, and to those who follow the right faith, Liberius, bishop of Italy, and the rest of the bishops of the West, send eternal greeting in the Lord. Your letters, shining with the light of faith, have brought us the most longed-for joy of peace and concord, beloved brothers, which our most reverend brothers and bishops Eustathius, Sylvanus, and Theophilus have delivered to us. And this is most especially for the reason that they have confirmed and asserted that the sense and persuasion of your faith agrees with the sentiment of my own insignificance and of all the bishops of Italy and the West. And we recognize that this is the same Catholic and Apostolic faith as that which was kept whole and immovable until the Nicene Synod: which also the Fathers at Nicaea professed with great joy, not only by word, but also by committing it to writing, so that they might extinguish every trace and spark of absurd opinion. We have judged it necessary to append a copy of it to these letters, lest D and to the remnants of the West peace eternal in the Lord...
A that place and opportunity should be left for heretics to lay snares for the faith; to those who, stirring up the embers of their own wickedness, are accustomed to spread the fires of discord in their usual manner. Eustathius, Sylvanus, and Theophilus—our most reverend brothers—have received from us in your name the assurance that your love has always maintained this faith in the past, just as it has the people themselves, and will maintain it to the end, namely that which was approved in the city of Nicaea by three hundred and eighteen orthodox and correctly thinking bishops. Since this [faith] embraces a certain and perfect truth, it blocks and overthrows all the utterances of all heretics. For it was not by chance or fortune, but by divine providence, that such a number of bishops was gathered against the insanity of Arius, equal indeed in number to that with which the blessed Abraham defeated many thousands of enemies through faith. This faith, since it consists in the subsistence and the name of the *homoousion*—the consubstantial—stands like a most secure and impregnable fortress, and it scorns, as is fitting, all the onslaughts and malicious engines of Arian perfidy. And although almost all the Western bishops gathered at Ariminum, when the insanity of the Arians had forced a council there, that they might—by some insidious persuasion, or, as is more truly said, by profane authority and power—abolish that which had been set down as most secure and certain in the formula of faith, or might obliquely deny it, that craftiness profited them nothing. For almost all who had been snared and deceived by fraud at Ariminum, now repenting, have submitted themselves to the formula of faith, with an anathema against those who formed the [Arian] gathering there, and have subscribed to the universal and apostolic faith that was decreed at Nicaea. And communicating with us, they are carried along with even more ardent spirits against the doctrine of Arius and his disciples. When your envoys B also learned that this matter had been grasped [in this way], they added you also in their subscription, striking down with anathema both Arius and what was done by his followers at Ariminum against the Nicene faith. To which deeds you also, being circumvented by the fraudulent sacrament of an oath, have subscribed. Wherefore, it seemed good to us that we should write to you, and assist those who seek what is just, especially since we have understood from the asseveration of your envoys that the Orientals have come to their senses and that you agree with the Westerners who think rightly. We write, therefore, to you, so that you may know that the Arian blasphemies, which were at that time surreptitiously introduced by their authors to the great detriment of the Church, have been subjected to anathema, and that the Westerners have all agreed upon the profession of the Nicene faith. Wherefore, it is fitting that this be made known by you to all, so that those who were seduced and harmed by some force might at length be able to return from heretical darkness to the divine light of catholic liberty. If any, however, should henceforth refuse to spew out the poison of perfidy and be unwilling to abolish all the blasphemies of Arius and subject them to anathema, let them know that they are excluded from ecclesiastical communion and fellowship, being held as accomplices of Arius and his followers and the other serpents of the Sabellians, Patripassians, and other heresies, which do not admit adulterous children. May God keep you safe, beloved brothers. » Having received these letters, Eustathius and his colleagues crossed into Sicily. And after the synod of the bishops of Sicily was held there at their instigation, and they themselves had professed the faith of the *homoousion*, that is, the consubstantial, and had confirmed the Nicene formula by their authority, having also received letters there of the same sentiment, they returned to those who had sent them. And they [the bishops], having been given the letters C of Liberius there, sent them by speakers to all the cities to the champions of the consubstantial faith, exhorting them to meet at Tarsus in Cilicia with consenting minds, to approve the Nicene faith and to abolish the trifles that had arisen later. And this would perchance have been accomplished, had he not stood in the way who prevailed most with the emperor, namely Eudoxius, the prefect of the Arian religion, who, being moved even more by the calling of that synod, inflicted greater detriments upon them. That the Macedonians, however, communicated with Liberius through their own envoys and approved the Nicene faith, Sabinus himself has confessed in the collection of Synodal Acts.
CAPUT IX.
On the synods gathered at Tyana and in Caria.
At the same time, the council of Tyana was held by Eusebius of Caesarea in Cappadocia, Athanasius of Ancyra, Pelagius of Laodicea, Zeno of Tarsus, Paul of Emesa, Otreius of Melitine, Gregory of Nazianzus, and many other bishops who had decreed, in the time of the emperor Jovian, that the term *homoousion*, or consubstantial, should be maintained at Antioch. The letters of Liberius and the Western bishops, which the envoys sent to Lampsacus had brought with them to Rome, were read there. Wherefore, D leaping for joy, they wrote to all the Churches, so that they might read the decrees of the bishops of the East and the letters of Liberius and the bishops of the Italics, Africans, and Western Gauls: and that they might consider the number of those consenting with them, which far exceeded the council of Ariminum, and might accede to their opinion and communion: and further, that they themselves might write back in their own letters that they were of the same opinion. They wrote, moreover, so that on an appointed day...they might convene at Tarsus in Cilicia, while there was still spring weather. But while matters were being thus agitated regarding the convocation of the Tarsian synod, nearly thirty-four bishops of Asia, assembling at Antioch in Caria, praised indeed the zeal for restoring ecclesiastical concord; but, rejecting the term A *homoousios* (consubstantial), they confirmed the confession of faith composed at Antioch and Seleucia, which was believed to be that of Lucian the martyr, and had been approved by their ancestors with much danger and sweat. However, the Emperor, through the instigation of Eudoxius, prohibited the synod from being held in Cilicia, having publicly posted edicts to that effect and issued threats.
CAPUT X.
Concerning the persecution that broke out at that time; and concerning Saint Athanasius, how he alone was not cast out from his throne.
B 123 He also gave specific commands to the governors of the provinces to expel from the churches those bishops who had been deposed under Constantius and had received their original dignity hack under Julian. By such an order, the Egyptian magistrates also endeavored to cast Athanasius out of the churches and simultaneously out of the city of Alexandria. For no light penalty had been inserted into the imperial edict, which threatened all the prefects, and the soldiers and senators who were under their standards and authority, with the payment of a huge sum of money, and also with corporal punishment. But the Christian population, having gathered, asked the prefect not to drive out the bishop on a matter not sufficiently deliberated, but to weigh more accurately the intent of the imperial letters, which proscribed only those who, having been ordered to go into exile under Constantius, had returned from exile under Julian. They further argued that Athanasius had only changed his residence under Constantius due to exile, and had been recalled and restored to his bishopric by the same; but that Julian, while recalling everyone from exile, had been the only one to persecute this man, whom Jovian had finally restored. While they were saying these things and were unable to persuade the prefect, they nevertheless resisted, not allowing force to be used. Moreover, as the populace was flowing in from all sides, and a huge crowd and tumult were in the city, such that sedition was expected, the prefect notified the Emperor of the matter, C permitting Athanasius to remain there. And when many days had passed, and that sedition seemed already to have been quieted, Athanasius went out of the city in the evening and hid in a certain estate. However, the prefect of Egypt, and the commander of the military forces that were there, came in the dead of the night to the church where he had his residence, and diligently sought for him even in the living quarters above; but frustrated in his expectation, he left without achieving his goal. For he had thought that the people, having at length forgotten the former disturbance by which they had been excited, were all asleep, and that he would easily carry out the Emperor's commands and preserve the city at peace without sedition. Truly, the prefect and those who were with him were greatly astonished that they had not found Athanasius. For whether by the indication of the divine Power, or because he had foreseen and avoided the snares set for him by men, it was considered to be of a counsel that exceeded human grasp. But others say that, because he had foreseen the insane movement of the common people, and at the same time feared that if some harm should arise from it, he himself might seem to be the author of such evil, he had hidden all that time in his father's tomb. D And so he indeed escaped thus and lay hidden. But not long after, the Emperor recalled him by his own letters and ordered him to possess the church. I believe that Valens issued this writing contrary to his own opinion, either because he himself pondered the glory of Athanasius and expected the disapproval of that matter from Valentinian, who professed the Nicene decree; or because he held in suspicion the movement of those who praised him so highly, lest the state suffer some harm through the pursuit of new things. I also think that the leaders of the Arian heresy, as was fitting, were not now so eager to press for the proscription of that man, weighing this: that if he were cast out of the city, he would again become troublesome to the emperors, and would have an opportunity from that matter to engage them and win Valens to his own opinion, and even stir up Valentinian, who was in agreement with him, to anger. For they feared him greatly, having experienced his virtue in the events that had occurred under Constantius. For he had driven back the plans and snares of his enemies so much that they did not reluctantly cede the churches in Egypt to him, and for that reason he himself had returned from Italy, barely acquiescing to the letters of Constantius. I conjecture this to be the cause why Athanasius was not pushed out of the church as others were. Other bishops, however, were sought out, if not by a persecution that was equal for them, at least by that which had been stirred up by the idolaters. For exiles and deportations were decreed against those who did not think the same as Valens, and sacred houses were indeed taken from them, while they were committed to others. Egypt, however, while life lasted for Athanasius, was immune and free from evils of that kind.
CAPUT XI.
How the Arians and Eunomians were divided; and concerning Eunomius and Aetius; and how many innovations they attempted against the orthodox faith.
124 At the same time, Eunomius continued in the opinion of Arius. But after he had departed from Cyzicus and held his own separate meetings, because he had frequently requested Eudoxius that his preceptor Aetius might be received into favor and communion, and could not obtain it, Eudoxius did not on that account shun Aetius because he held his heresy in detestation—which, in fact, he proclaimed most highly—but because all who agreed with Eudoxius abhorred Aetius on the grounds that he held a doctrine different from his own. And this very thing was the cause why a division took place between Eudoxius and Eunomius. A Moreover, Aetius was a vehement and bitter assertor and champion of the Arian heresy, well instructed in the sophistical art. His disciple Eunomius, a man who, as Rufinus says, was leprous both in body and soul, and infected with the royal disease both within and without, defended this same heresy even more, being himself also mighty in the dialectical art. Some call his heresy by his name. Others call them [ Greek: ἀνομοίων ], that is, of the "dissimilar." There are some authors who say that this Eunomius was the first who dared to ordain that divine baptism should be performed by a single immersion, and to adulterate the tradition which, having been received from the apostles by the laying on of hands, is observed everywhere even today, and to introduce another rite in the Cyzicene church, veiling his own innovation with a more accurate and holy gravity. B But he was, as has been said and as Sozomen testifies—whose words I think fit to transcribe—not inept at writing orations, delighting in a contentious manner of disputation and in syllogisms: such as his followers are still seen to be in large numbers. For they do not so much praise an honest life, holy morals, and a kind mercy toward the needy—if they are of the same opinion as themselves—as they do if someone appears to discourse contentiously and to conquer by syllogisms and ratiocinations. For such men are thought to be superior to all in greater piety: such as Theophronius the Cappadocian and Eutychius, practitioners of this sect, who, in the time when this empire prevailed, separating themselves from the Church, introduced novelties both in other matters according to the opinions of Eunomius, and in holy baptism, teaching that one should be baptized not into the Trinity, but into the death of Christ. Some indeed say that Eunomius innovated nothing in this matter, but as he had begun from the beginning, in C that he might remain in the opinion of Arius. But after he had been made bishop at Cyzicus, he was accused by his own clergy of instituting new dogmas. Furthermore, Eudoxius, who then presided over the Arian heresy in Constantinople, had summoned him and had permitted him to speak words to the people concerning his doctrine. And when he had condemned nothing in him, he had exhorted him to return to Cyzicus: but he said that he would not henceforth be with those who held him in suspicion, and he held out a pretext for his schism, when in truth the cause was that he bore it ill that his preceptor Aetius had not been received; and having persisted in his undertaking, he had lived as a private individual, changing nothing of his former opinion. And these things are reported by some in this way, and by others otherwise. But whether Eunomius or certain others innovated the tradition of baptism, they alone seem to me to have departed from life destitute of that divine baptism by such a dangerous method. For if they themselves, who were baptized according to the custom received from the beginning, could not rebaptize themselves first, or—which did not happen in their case—introduced it as the first ones; and that which they neither had by themselves nor received through others, they conferred upon others: since they instituted this dogma upon a beginning and foundation that cannot subsist, and by their own arrogance, then they handed on to others what they themselves had not received, which is surely foolish and stupid. D For it is established even by their own confession that he who has not been initiated into the mysteries of baptism himself cannot baptize others; but he who has not been baptized according to the manner of their tradition is held by them as unbaptized, as one who has not been legitimately initiated into that sacrament. They themselves testify to this, while they rebaptize whomever they have drawn into their own opinion, even if they have been previously anointed with the stated ceremonies of the Catholic Church. Which novelty not a little disturbed religion, and greatly hindered those who wished to embrace Christianity on account of the dissension of dogmas. Moreover, it is fitting to add concerning Eunomius and Aetius, that the author of the Eunomian heresy was first Aetius the Syrian, and he who according to the opinion of Arius decreed the Son to be unequal to the Father, and created, and that he existed from things non-existent. And those who approved that opinion were first called Aetians. But when, as we said before, there was a great dearth of opinions, and when he had written long commentaries on the Epistle of Paul to the Romans, yet it is said that he could not reach and attain the scope of Paul.
A Some asserted that the Son should be called consubstantial (ὁμοούσιον) with the Father, and others equal-substantial (ὁμοιούσιον). At that time, it pleased the emperor that according to the opinion of the council of Ariminum, the Son should be believed to be "equal" (ὅμοιος) to the Father. Aetius, indeed, being a blasphemer against God, was punished with exile; his heresy, however, lay dormant for a time, so to speak, because neither anyone else of any note, nor even Eunomius himself, dared to speak of it openly and freely. But when he [Cyzicena] took over the church of Cyzicus to govern it in place of Eleusius, he could not remain quiet at all, and in his sermons to the people he brought Aetius's opinion to the fore again. And as usually happens, when people first did not know the author of this heresy, they called his followers "Eunomians," because Eunomius had renewed this dogma after Aetius and defended it with more audacity than he who had first handed it down.
CHAPTER XII. Concerning the heresy of the Apollinarians, of the father and the son; and how they declined into their own heresy.
We have said before that there were two Apollinarises, father and son. And the father was a presbyter, but the son was a reader; both were very learned in Greek disciplines. The father was a grammarian, the son a distinguished rhetorician. The father, born in Alexandria, taught literature for a time at Berytus. In Laodicea, however, having contracted a marriage, he fathered his son Apollinaris. They had an intimate friendship with the famous sophist Epiphanius, from whom not even Theodotus, the bishop of Laodicea, was able to separate them by his authority and interdict. They published very many useful books for the Church, as has been said by us before. But then they foully lapsed into the heresy that bears their name. For Apollinaris the son, having drawn many away from the Church, held meetings of his own, and took as an associate in establishing his dogma Vitalis of Antioch, from the number of those who frequented Meletius's church—a presbyter, a man who gave way to no one in the holiness of his life and morals, and who was very diligent in caring for those who had been committed to his faith, and for that reason was excellently honored and venerated by the people. For a little later, when he had withdrawn from the communion of Meletius, he joined himself to Apollinaris and led his followers in Antioch, having no small part of the people addicted to him out of reverence for his life; who, indeed, having received their name from him, were called "Vitalians" by the Antiochenes until the reign of Theodosius the Younger. It is said, however, that he did this driven by grief: just as if he had been slighted by Flavian, who later received the see of Antioch but was then a presbyter with him, and had been prevented from being on familiar terms with the bishop. Because he thought his reputation was diminished by that circumstance, acting like a man, and overcome by grief, he betook himself to Apollinaris and held communion with him, enjoying his friendship primarily. From that time they held meetings in other cities as well under their own bishops, and celebrated rites alien to the Catholic Church: besides performing hymns and songs invented by Apollinaris himself. For he excelled, beyond his other learning, in composing various kinds of poetry in verse. By this gratification, he persuaded many to cling to him. And men at their drinking parties and their manual labors, and women also while at their wool-spinning, would sing his hymns. For the relief of study and labors, on feast days, and on other occasions as the time served, he elaborated poems which all pertain to the praise of God. When Damasus, the bishop of the city of Rome, and Peter of Alexandria first learned that this heresy was creeping more widely, they called a council in Rome and determined that it was alien to the universal Church. Apollinaris also, for his part, because of his mind's weakness, is said to have sought after new things by instituting his own dogma, for a reason of this kind. Athanasius, the bishop of the Church of Alexandria, having been driven into exile under Constantius, when he was ordered to return to Egypt and was passing through Laodicea, had associated familiarly with Apollinaris, because he was very dear to him. Because those who were of a different sect abhorred intercourse and communion with him as if it were a sworn oath, among whom was also George, the bishop of Laodicea: he excluded Apollinaris for this reason from the Church, as if he had been with Athanasius against the canons and sacred constitutions. And when he objected to this as a matter of crime, he then also demanded from him, with reproach, an account and penalty for his old errors that had been blotted out by repentance. For when Theodotus was still governing the Laodicean Church before him, Epiphanius the sophist, who was then of the greatest influence, had recited a hymn to Bacchus, which the young Apollinaris was at that time using as a teacher. He attended that recitation with his father, who was distinguished as a grammarian of the same name. And when Epiphanius was about to begin that oration, as is the custom for those who exhibit some specimen of such studies to the uninitiated and profane, D we know, and he himself knows entirely: and again what he knows, you might find that entirely and similarly in us too.
A ordered them to depart and be at a distance: yet neither did Apollinaris, nor his father, nor indeed any other person who was there among the Christians, withdraw from the assembly. When Bishop Theodotus learned of this, he was annoyed. And while he scolded others from the congregation to some extent, he granted a pardon for the offense; but because Apollinaris had openly cast in his face, along with them, the sin of both, he expelled him from the Church. For they were clerics: the father was a presbyter, but the son was still a reader of the sacred Scriptures. Some time passed, and after they had purged the crime they had committed through tears and fasts, having repented, Theodotus received them back into favor. But when George had obtained the episcopate, and Apollinaris was on familiar terms with Athanasius, as we have said, he cast him out of the Church as an excommunicate. And it is said that he frequently entreated George with supplications, that he might be received back into communion. But when he did not persuade him, he was seized by grief, B disturbed the Church, and introduced his own heresy with a new dogma, as far as he could: by composing speeches with artifice, seeking vengeance on an enemy, and arguing that he had been deposed by that man in the learning of the sacred Letters. In this way, clearly, the private enmities of clerics, at any time whatever, have brought the greatest detriment to the Church, and have divided religion into many sects. This is sufficiently clear from the fact that if George had likewise received the penitent Apollinaris, just as Theodotus had, the heresy which takes its name from him, as I for my part think, would not exist. For if the minds of men see that they are being held in low regard, they conceive an arrogant audacity, and in their eagerness to contend they hatch new things. But if they obtain that which is fair, they give themselves to moderation, and are content with their lot.
CHAPTER XIII
That Basil and Gregory both wrote refutations against Eunomius and Apollinaris: and what were the opinions of these heretics.
That Eunomius, as we have said, held the same views as Aetius cannot be denied. For he himself boasts that Aetius was his teacher, and he openly testifies to this in his own writings. But Gregory, Bishop of Nazianzus, even accusing Apollinaris in a certain letter to Nectarius, the presiding bishop of the Church of Constantinople, writes these things: C “And indeed, as for our detriment, which we foster in our own bosom, Eunomius is not content with the fact that he is of some name: but unless he draws everyone with him into destruction, he judges it a loss. Yet these things, indeed, must be endured. But what I consider by far the most serious of the calamities of the Church is the impunity of the Apollinarists. How your holiness neglects them, I do not know, as they usurp for themselves the license of preaching and convening assemblies with power and dignity equal to our own. You indeed, who have been instructed in divine mysteries in every respect according to the grace of God, know not only those things which relate to the patronage and defense of the word of God, but also those things which have been devised by heretics against the sounder faith. Nevertheless, it will not be improper for your magnificence to hear something from my poor self. I have chanced upon a little book of Apollinaris, which far surpasses all heretical wickedness. For he asserts that the flesh was not assumed D as something adventitious, but was from the beginning that very nature of the Word that was to be changed for the grace of our salvation, according to the administration of our salvation.” But he wrongfully presents a certain evangelical saying as testimony for such an absurdity, saying: “No one has ascended into heaven, except he who descended from heaven, the Son of man.” So that before he descended, he himself was the Son of man and descended, leaving behind that flesh of his, which he had in heaven before the ages and consubstantial. And again he brings forth another apostolic voice: “According to man, he is from heaven.” Then he establishes that that man who came from heaven does not have a mind, but that the divinity of the Only-begotten fulfills the nature of the mind, as that which is the third part of human composition, with soul and body existing humanly around it, with the mind missing from them, and the Word of God occupying its place. And indeed, this is not yet a serious spectacle. But that which is by far the most serious of all, is that he makes the Only-begotten God himself, the judge of all, the author and leader of life and the destroyer of death, mortal: so that he suffered the passion in his divinity, and in that three-day mortification of the body, he also died with the body at the same time, and was thus raised again from death by the Father. To recount the rest of the things which he adds to such importunity would be long. Truly, what the opinions of Apollinaris and Eunomius were, anyone will know from the things which have been said. And that an easy...
A conjecture is that very many would have been drawn away into their opinion by them, B had they not found Basil and Gregory the Cappadocians as adversaries, who wrote much against them by profession. Furthermore, the empire of Theodosius, which followed shortly after, repressed their attempts. For he relegated the leaders of these heresies themselves from the frequent and populous parts of the world into isolated places. Moreover, the monks of that age also withstood them. For they tenaciously maintained the Nicene decrees, having philosophized in the monastic life in Syria, Cappadocia, and neighboring places. And there was fear that the region which stretches from Cilicia as far as Phoenicia might be infected by the heresy of Apollinaris, from Cilicia and Mount Taurus as far as the Hellespont and Constantinople. For it was not difficult for either side to persuade those of their neighbors among whom they were staying to follow their own opinion. The same, indeed, happened with the Arians also. For the common people, having admired the virtue and works of the monks whom we have recounted, when they believed that they thought rightly, then avoided those who opined otherwise on account of a suspicion of an impure and adulterated doctrine: just as the Egyptians, following the monks, held the Arians for enemies.
CAPUT XIV. On the heresy of the Anthropomorphites and the Massalians: further on the Novatians, that they too have now been divided into many sects on account of the change of the Paschal feasts.
At that age also, a certain Audaeus, by race and language a Syrian, was the inventor of new dogmas. For the evils which he had long ago travailed to bring forth, he finally gave birth to at length. For first, when he had wrongly understood that [word], "Let us make man in our image and likeness," he opined that God was of human form, and supposed the same to have bodily members: not having sufficiently attained to the meaning of Sacred Scripture, which attributes the names of human parts to the works of the Divine Being, since in that way, those who are unable to perceive and hear more subtle things, understand the counsel of God more easily. Then he added other similar things to that impiety. For having borrowed it from Manes, he taught that God, the creator of this universe, did not create fire nor darkness. But these things, and whatever are of such a kind, those who are of his faction conceal. But they are said to be segregated from the public assemblies of the Church, because some of them place money at usury among us, C and some live impiously, having the custom of marriage with women outside, not as the law demands. Those, however, who are alienated from such things, communicate with them freely. But it is established that they live separated from others by their own peculiar custom for this reason, that they hide the blasphemy and impiety of their dogmas. Furthermore, this feigned and simulated holiness is full of arrogance, which, indeed, has originated from the doctrine of the Pharisees. For they also accused the physician of souls and bodies at the same time, saying to the holy apostles: "Why does your master eat with publicans and sinners?" And through the prophet God says concerning such men: "Who say, I am pure, do not touch me, this is the smoke of my fury." But it is not for this present time to refute the madness of these men. Therefore, let us proceed to commemorate the rest.
At the same time also, the heresy of the Massalians (1) sprouted. They call these *Euchites*, that is, "prayers," those who have translated that term into the Greek language. But they have another name also, born from the thing itself; for they are called *Enthusiastae*, that is, "moved by the Divine," with some demon exerting its own force in them, which thing they opine to be the presence of the Holy Spirit. But those who are perfect in this vice turn away from all handiwork and labor just as from wickedness. And so, given to sleep, they call the visions and phantasies of dreams prophesy. The leaders of this heresy were Dadoes, Sabbas, Adelphius, Hermes, and Symeones, and besides these others. Who indeed did not abstain from ecclesiastical communion, saying that the divine food neither helps nor hurts anything at all. Concerning which the Lord Christ says: "He who eats my flesh, and drinks my blood, lives forever." But they strive sedulously to suppress this disease, and when they are convicted even of the same, they deny it D impudently: and they interdict the Church to those who are of the same opinion, which they embrace in their own mind. Letoius indeed, governing the Melitene Church, a man viewed with divine ardor, when he saw that many monasteries, or rather dens of robbers, were being seized by the contagion of this disease, he burned them, and drove the wolves from the flock of the sheep. In the same way also, that most illustrious Amphilochius, who ruled the metropolis of Lycaonia committed to his faith, and governed the whole nation, when he knew that such a plague had arrived there, he cast it out: and the flocks which were pastured by him he freed from that slaughter. Furthermore, Flavianus, a man of celebrated fame, after he was made bishop of Antioch, and learned that men of that kind were staying in Edessa, infecting their neighbors with their poison, having sent a certain company of monks to them, he drew them to Antioch, and their disease [index: entries preserved]
A they were caught in the very act of the crime—falsely accusing them, he said, and producing witnesses who brought forth lies. But, gently addressing Adelphius, who was already a very old man, he bade him sit beside him. "And we, old man," he said, "who have now almost finished our life, have perceived human nature more accurately, and we have likewise come to know the machinations of the opposing demons, just as we have lost the ministration of grace in our own experience. These young men, however, who understand nothing of these matters more accurately, cannot endure to hear spiritual discourses. Therefore, tell me, how do you claim that the opposing spirit departs and the grace of the Holy Spirit arrives?"
Soothed by these words, the old man vomited out the poison he had suppressed, saying that no benefit comes to those who use it from the divine baptism. Only diligent prayer, he asserted, casts out the demon dwelling in the souls; for every man who is born from the first parent, just as he inherits his nature, so too does he inherit the servitude of demons. When these are driven out by diligent prayer, the Holy Spirit thereafter arrives, indicating His presence—so that He may be felt and seen—delivering the body from the fear of affections or passions, and vindicating the soul from that inclination which carries it toward the worse, so that afterwards there is no need for either abstinence or fasting to chasten the body, nor for doctrine to apply reins to us and teach us to walk composedly. And he to whom the Holy Spirit comes in such a way, he said, is not only freed from bodily allurements, but also sees future events clearly and beholds the divine Trinity with his own eyes.
Having in this way unearthed the foul fountain and laid bare the impious liquid, the divine Flavian said to that wretched old man: "O you who have grown old in evil days, your own mouth has convicted you, not I, and your lips have borne witness against you." And that plague having been brought into the open, they were expelled from Syria and, migrating to Pamphylia, filled it also with the same disaster.
And these things, then, may be said concerning these absurd and foolish heresies. At the same time, the Novatians B—who also inhabit Phrygia—changed the feast day of Easter. This I shall explain further, once I have first said why the Phrygians and Paphlagonians so firmly maintain sanction of this kind. Novatus the presbyter departed from the Roman Church because Bishop Cornelius had admitted to communion those who had sacrificed to the gods during the persecution stirred up by the Emperor Decius. For this selfsame reason, having been segregated and elevated to the episcopacy by bishops who agreed with him, he wrote to all the Churches everywhere, that they should not admit those who had sacrificed to receive the mysteries, but that they should indeed exhort them to repentance, yet leave the concession of forgiveness to God, who alone had the power and might A to remit offenses.
When people living in the provinces had received letters of this kind, they accommodated their judgment of them to their own customs. For as he had signified that those who had committed a sin unto death after baptism were not to be admitted to the mysteries, to some the sentence of this canon seemed harsh and inhuman, while others received the decree, judging it to be just and accommodated to the correction of life and morals. As there was uncertainty about this through questioning, other letters from Bishop Cornelius arrived, announcing the grace of forgiveness even to those who had committed sins after baptism.
In this way, when both sides were writing contrary things to each other through letters, and were fortifying what they said with the oracles of the divine Scriptures, each one approved that opinion according to his own character to which he had previously been more inclined. For those who had been accustomed to sin and transgress willingly, once they had received such a concession of forgiveness, used it thereafter for the rest of their lives in all their offenses.
Moreover, the race of the Phrygians appears more temperate and moderate than other peoples. For the Phrygians swear very rarely. And while anger holds sway among the Scythians and Thracians, and the Eastern peoples are more subservient to lust and concupiscence, the race of the Paphlagonians and Phrygians is inclined toward neither of these things. For neither are Circensian games nor spectacles presented among them at this time. C Because of this, they and others of the same opinion seem to me to incline more toward those things which were prescribed by Novatus. For among them, fornication is regarded as a chief sin and abomination. And indeed, we see that the Phrygians and Paphlagonians live more moderately than any other heresies whatsoever. I believe the same reason applies to those also who live in the western regions and obey the decree of Novatus.
Furthermore, even though Novatus instituted his own sect because of a more rigorous way of life, he nevertheless did not change anything regarding the day of the Paschal feast. For he always celebrated Pascha just as the Western parts were accustomed to do. Those groups, however, always observe Pascha—from the very beginning, since they became Christians—after the equinox. This man died later under the Emperor Valerian, who had stirred up a persecution against the Christians, and finished his life by martyrdom. But those who are reckoned by his name in Phrygia, having degenerated from his institutions and communion by indulging themselves, at this time changed the Paschal feast as well. For at a council convened in the village of Pazo, where the sources of the Sangaris river D are, certain few and obscure Novatian bishops throughout Phrygia determined that the unleavened bread of the Jews should be observed and that Pascha should be celebrated with them. That these things were reported to him, Socrates (who in this place shows openly that he is not averse to the institutions of the Novatians) declares from a certain old man.
[...] writes (1), who said that he was the son of a presbyter, A is not without fame) bishops, by whom at that time especially the religion of the Novatians was administered. These things happened in this way. Afterward, however, the Novatian church, on account of that synod, split into factions, as we shall say in its proper place.
CAPUT XV.
How, upon the death of Eudoxius of Constantinople, the Arians brought forward Demophilus; but those of the Catholic Church [brought forward] Evagrius, Eustathius of Antioch having ordained him; and the things that happened on account of this.
But to continue the history (3), we must return to where we digressed. Emperor Valens, departing from Constantinople, hastened to go to Antioch on the Orontes. And when he had arrived at Nicomedia (4), he stopped there for this reason. Eudoxius, bishop of the Arian sect, had died immediately after the departure of the emperor from Constantinople, in the third consulship of Valentinian and Valens, when he had indeed steered the helm of the Constantinopolitan Church for eleven years. In his place the Arians substituted a certain Demophilus. The professors of the [ὁμοούσιον], or consubstantial, however, thinking that they had found a convenient time to recover the episcopal see, B appointed Evagrius, a presbyter of their faction, as bishop. Eustathius, a sometime bishop of Antioch, who had not long before returned from exile by the decree of Jovian, but was then living in private at Constantinople, imposed his hands upon him, that he might at least by his presence confirm the professors of the [ὁμοούσιον], or consubstantial. It happened that, so that they might renew the Arian persecution against our people, when the matter was reported to the emperor, he, fearing that the city might be disturbed by sedition and tumult, sent a military force from Nicomedia to Constantinople, with a mandate of such a kind that both the ordainer and the ordained might be apprehended, and one sent into exile in one place, another in another. Eustathius, therefore, was deported to Bizya (5), which is a town of Thrace, [and] Evagrius to another place. Consequently, the Arians, as most men do in favorable circumstances, became more and more savage, harassing the orthodox and those who held the right belief, beating them, treating them with contumely, casting them into chains, and even plundering their wealth, doing everything intolerable against them.
CHAPTER XVI.
On the cruelty of the Arians, and how Valens, by the Astacenian bay of Nicomedia, consumed eighty ecclesiastics by fire in the middle of the sea together with their ship.
131 But when these things were hard and grievous for our people, they sent petitioners to the emperor, [in the hope] that they might in some way obtain an end to their distress. However, they were greatly deceived in their opinion, as those who hoped that they would obtain justice from an unjust man. For when eighty men, beloved members of the ecclesiastical order, led by Urbasus, Theodorus, and Menedemus, had come to Nicomedia, and had offered petitions to the emperor, and had complained of such great violence, he, although indignant, suppressed his anger for the moment; then, however, he secretly commanded C the prefect Modestus that he should kill them once apprehended. The manner of their punishment, because it was new and entirely insolent, has been committed to the memory of posterity. The prefect, if he were to slay openly religious men who had committed no crime, feared lest sedition should arise among the common people: and for this reason he pretended that they were being sent into exile (6). In this pronouncement they acquiesced with great courage. He ordered them to board a ship, as if they were to sail solely for the sake of exile, and commanded the sailors that they should set fire to the ship in the middle of the sea, so that, as they perished in that way, they might lack the care of a burial. They arrived in the middle of the bay which is called Astacenus; there the sailors did what was commanded. For they themselves boarded a skiff which was following the ship, and set fire to the vessel (7) in which those men were being carried. Then a north wind began to blow more violently, and consequently the ship caught flame all the faster. It drifted as far as a place in Bithynia which is called Dacidizus, and there it was consumed along with those pious men in the middle of the shore. But the deed was so cruel, D that it was an implement of the sailors, and they set it upon the sea and committed it to be carried at random by winds and waves. Then they sent some of their common followers in another vessel, who might cast fire into it. Thus those holy men, contending with fire and water, were finally submerged in the sea, and received the crown of martyrdom. (Theodor. iv, cap. 24.)
A The inhabitants were leaving their homeland, and transporting themselves to Constantinople and other various provinces.
CHAPTER XVII.
Regarding the life, upbringing, studies, and intimate friendship of the great Basil and Gregory the Theologian; and how they were raised to the priestly chair.
Since there is much that must be said by us regarding Basil the Great and Gregory the Theologian, I have thought it worth the effort if I were to premise a few things regarding the very close friendship and union that existed between those two great men. This, indeed, I could not do more correctly or more certainly than by bringing forward the words of Gregory himself on this matter, which are in that funeral oration he wrote for Basil. As time progressed, he said, when one signaled to the other their mutual affection (this occurred at Athens, where both at the same time applied themselves to letters), and it became established that this affection was conceived for the sake of philosophy, then one became everything to the other. We lived as housemates under one roof, and bound together by a close union, we looked upon the same things, and each of us demonstrated to the other a burning and constant spirit. For the association of bodies, since it is of fleeting things, perishes no differently than the flowers of spring. For neither does a flame last when the fuel is consumed by fire, but it vanishes together with the burnt material; nor does charity persist when the heat of its kindling has faded. C But divine and chaste love, inasmuch as it is of a firm and stable thing, is therefore accustomed to be more constant. And the more those who love gaze upon the beauty of the desired object, the more they are joined together. This was the law of our friendship. And since we were so disposed toward one another, and had, as Pindar says, built up golden columns for such a firm dwelling place, we proceeded thereafter, using both God and our mutual longing as our guides. But how can I recall such a great bond without tears? A single, most enviable goal was proposed to us, namely, learning. But envy 132 was absent, while emulation exercised us both; and our contest was not which of us should hold the first place, but rather which of us should yield it to the other. For each held the other's praise and glory as his own. And in both, one soul was seen carrying about two bodies. But if it is not to be believed by those who say that all things are set in all things, yet at least let it be believed by us that the one was set in the other, and the other hung upon the one. For both, one work was proposed, virtue itself, and that we should direct our whole life toward the future hope, and be transferred from here in spirit before we departed in body: looking to which, we ordered our whole life and action in such a way that each D considered the other a divine gift, and sharpened and excited the other toward virtue. And if it were not an arrogant expression, I would say that one was to the other as a rule and a square by which things that are straight, or otherwise, are examined. We joined ourselves to companions who were not the most profligate, but the most modest: not the most contentious, but the most peaceful, and those with whom it was most useful to be, because we knew that vices are more easily contracted by contagion than virtue is communicated to others. For disease is transferred to others more quickly than health. We pursued studies not so much that were most pleasant, but most honorable. For through them adolescents are fashioned either toward virtue or toward vice. Moreover, two paths were known to us: the one, earlier and more honorable; the other, later and of less consequence: the former leading to the holy temples and those who are teachers in them, the latter to profane masters. We left the rest to those who wished to frequent them—namely, feast days, theaters, spectacles, public assemblies, banquets. For I do not consider anything to be admirable and excellent that does not lead to virtue, nor does it render better those who are held fast by devotion to it. And while others have different surnames—whether received from a father, or brought home from daily studies and actions—for us, there was an immense significance in the fact that we both were and were called Christians. Athens indeed harms others not a little, as far as their souls are concerned. For the pious do not think in vain that it abounds in idols more than the rest of Greece. And indeed it is difficult not to be carried away at the same time by the praisers and patrons of those things. But to us, who were well-fortified and instructed in our souls, no harm came from them. Nay, rather, on the contrary—what is truly an incredible thing to say—we were by that very fact even more confirmed in the faith, because we had recognized their error and impurity: despising demons there where demons are held in admiration. And if there be or is believed to be a river that flows through the bitterness of the sea while retaining its own sweetness; or some animal that lives in the fire, by which all things are consumed: such, indeed, were we among all our peers. And what is most beautiful, a certain, not ignoble, fellowship was with us, which was instituted and governed by him as though by a leader, besides being with us when there was need, [where] a great supply of grain is brought there by the Euxine Sea. (Lib. iv, cap. 16.)
A Since they were already well versed in philosophical studies, they learned the meaning of the Holy Scriptures from the books of Origen and of others who had either preceded or followed him. For great was the glory of Origen in all the world at that time. Having exercised themselves in his books, they withstood the Arians valiantly. And because the Arians brought forward authorities and testimonies from the writings of Origen to prove their doctrine, they refuted them, showing that they had not sufficiently apprehended the mind of Origen. Among many at that time, indeed, the Arians—and Eunomius, who himself leaned toward Arianism—were held in high esteem. But after they [the Arians] had engaged with Gregory and Basil, whether by writings or by disputations, they were found to be thoroughly unlearned. B Basil, having been created a deacon by Meletius, Bishop of Antioch, later became the prelate of his native land, Cæsarea of Cappadocia, and presided over the churches with care and fidelity. For, fearing lest the innovations of the Arians should occupy the regions even of Pontus, he quickly passed through those parts, and by instituting the exercises of the monks there, and instructing many in sacred doctrine, he confirmed those who were still fluctuating in the faith. Gregory, however, who succeeded his father in the episcopate at Nazianzus, a modest town of Cappadocia, had the same zeal. For he himself also, going around to many of the towns, strengthened those who were weak in religion. But he visited Constantinople most frequently, and strengthened the supporters of his own opinion in the doctrine; and afterwards, having been lawfully called to that city, he undertook the administration of the Church C by the concurrence and vote of many bishops. Had not the divine grace procured that he should come there, there would certainly have been a danger and fear that, all being expelled and neither bishop nor church remaining there, there would subsequently be no place for the doctrine of the Nicene faith in Constantinople. But of this matter I will speak in its own place later. In the present, I will pursue the history of Basil. D
CHAPTER XVIII.
That after Eusebius, the Church of the Cappadocians was committed to Basil; and concerning his notable freedom of speech against Valens.A certain disagreement arose between Eusebius, who was the governor of the Church of Cæsarea before Basil, and Basil while he was still a deacon. Eusebius was a man, among other things, great, and especially proven in the struggles and dangers undergone for piety. This the persecution of his time made clear. However, since the disagreement had arisen with them, Basil withdrew into Pontus, and there lived philosophically among the monks. But the common people of Cæsarea, and especially those among the multitude who were more prudent, held Eusebius in suspicion, as though he were the cause of the flight of so great a man—a man who, in virtue and character and eloquence, was more famous than all others, especially at that time when a huge multitude of heretics was roaming about. Basil, indeed,
A in order not to entrust the Church to himself, and B seeing it tossed by many tumults from those of another persuasion, retreated into the quiet life of the monasteries in Pontus. But Valens, and the sacred band that was with him (for Arian bishops were always following him and inciting him), saying that they had found an opportune time to accomplish what they wished in Cappadocian Caesarea—because Basil had withdrawn and the people, out of hatred for Eusebius, were looking toward schism—set out from Nicomedia and, as if to overturn this place as well, arrived at Caesarea and attempted to do what they were accustomed to do: that is, to drive out the orthodox from the churches and hand them over to those of the party of Arius. A But their plan did not succeed as they had intended. For as soon as it was announced that they were driving toward Caesarea, Basil bade farewell to his monastic retreats in Pontus and himself returned to Caesarea. Setting all other matters aside, he was reconciled with Eusebius. By this act, indeed, he showed in the highest degree the benevolence of his spirit, and because he acted with great judgment and reason at that time, and made opportune use of disputations, he repelled a huge swarm of heretics and rendered the greatest service to the Church at that very difficult time. Valens, after his attempt did not succeed, departed with the priests about him for Antioch. After some time, having returned from there to Cappadocia, he found Basil, after the death of Eusebius, entrusted with the leadership of the churches. And B having determined to drive him out, he was hindered from above in that design. Nevertheless, thinking that he would immediately frighten this lion with masks and bugbears, he sent him to the tribunal of the prefect. The prefect, having summoned him, put the question as to why he did not choose to practice the religion of the emperor. But he replied that God did not command it so. And he brought forward his rebukes and maintained the consubstantiality. But when he threatened him with death, Basil said he was grateful to him for that reason, as he would not be troubled to depart from such a state of affairs. When the prefect ordered him to deliberate on the matter further, Basil said, "I, for my part, will be the same today and tomorrow. I wish, however, that you would not change yourself. For, being a creature, I would not choose to worship a creature and confess it to be God. But I will not endure to be joined to your religion either. For although you consider yourselves to be most famous and no small part of the world, it is not fitting for me to gratify men, and for that reason to hold in low esteem the faith in God, C which I will not betray, even if you should threaten me with confiscation of property, with exile, with any other of the terrible things, or even with death itself. For none of these things can bring grief to me. But if you seek my possessions, these are but tattered rags and a few books, in which I take pride; if you desire these, enjoy them. D And if you wish to make me an exile, I am ready. But how am I to be an exile, always roaming the earth and fervently hastening toward another land? As for the body, after the first blow, it will be deprived of sensation and will be invulnerable to all tortures." Having spoken with such boldness, the prefect, struck with awe at his prudence...
A quickly ran to the emperor, and reported to him that Basil was too constant to be moved from his resolution by persuasion; therefore, he ought either to punish him openly, or to cease thinking that he could be persuaded by threats. The emperor for the time remained quiet. But when the festival of the Epiphany arrived, he came to the church with all the empty and splendid pomp he had with him, and brought his gift to the holy table: and there, because everything was conducted with such wonderful order, he fell into amazement and was so unnerved that he would have collapsed to the ground, had not someone from the priestly order taken hold of his tunic and restrained the emperor as he was falling. But when he also entered into conversation with the man, he admired still more his wisdom, his skill in celebrating the sacred rites and conducting the assemblies, and the most beautiful arrangement of all things. Yet shortly after, moved by the calumnies of his adversaries, he decided to send him into exile. And now the day was at hand, and the carriage was being prepared, when suddenly a disease attacked the emperor's son, whose name was Galatus. B And the disease was so strong and so dangerous that those who were considered the most distinguished physicians despaired of his living. Valens, considering what had happened to be unbearable, threw himself upon the ground, preferring to die before his son, and grieved for the child in a way that could not be healed. Dominica, the empress, also suffering worse things herself, said that she had fallen into terrible nocturnal terrors, and affirmed that she was suffering these things because of the outrage that had been inflicted upon the bishop. And immediately she urged for Basil to be summoned by her own people, and to help as he could the one lying sick; for the emperor himself, because of the injury recently done to him, was afraid to ask anything of him. But Basil was present, and the boy was somewhat better. Nevertheless, the emperor, wishing to put him to the test, said to him: "If the things you teach about God are true, pray and entreat God so that my son may not die." But he replied: "If you believe what I do, and resolve to banish the disease of the churches, the boy will certainly recover." But although Valens promised that he would do it, he nevertheless acted otherwise, and the boy departed from this life. C All, however, asserted that he would not have perished if he had not summoned the heterodox, but had instead instructed Basil to pray for the child; and he was even urged to baptize the child. The emperor, holding the man in reverence, granted his own country estates—some of the most beautiful he had there—to his charitable foundations; but being besieged again by his associates, the ruler sent once more for the holy man; and he urged him to join the faction of his opponents. And when he could in no way persuade the adamant man, he ordered him to be led away into exile. And indeed the scroll of exile was being written, but when he tried to confirm it with his hand, he was able to write none of the letters. For the pen was immediately shattered. And when the second and the third ones, as was expected, suffered the same fate as the first, and he still attempted to confirm that impious document, his hand trembled strangely. An uncontrollable tremor overtook it. D Thence, being convinced in his soul, [and he said]... [alt-version omitted]
seized the paper and tore it into pieces with both hands. It is said that shortly afterward, the prefect also suffered a similar fate, being seized by a grave illness, but upon humbly begging for forgiveness for his vengeance, he was completely restored to health. But what are these things compared to the other primary virtues of this man, who attained marvelous glory both by his deeds and his doctrine? This man and Gregory left behind many very beautiful writings for the Church of Christ. B If I did not know that these were almost universally known, I would have spoken specifically about them. Most of these, it is said, Rufinus translated into the Latin tongue. And let these things be said briefly concerning Basil and Gregory.
CHAPTER XIX.
Concerning the fraternal bond and friendship of Basil and Gregory, and concerning the holy Gregory of Nyssa: and that there are three Gregories in the Church, all participants in holiness; and furthermore a fourth, who was a heretic.
Basil had brothers, one of whom was Gregory, the light and ornament of the Church of Nyssa, a man esteemed second only to his brother C in doctrine, morals, and the holiness of his life. And although he had a wife, in other respects he was in no way inferior to his brother. After Basil had died, he completed his *Hexaemeron*, or work of the six days, and wrote refutations against Eunomius and Apollinarius. In Constantinople also, he composed a funeral oration for the divine Meletius, and he left behind to the Church of God many other volumes filled with doctrines and instructions. Others show what kind of man he was, but especially the oration he published concerning that Gregory who is renowned for miracles. The second brother of Basil was Peter, who first pursued the monastic life with him, and later governed the city of Sebaste as bishop. The third was Naucratius, who died young in the ascetic life. To these was added the celebrated sister D Macrina, to whom Gregory dedicated the little book *On the Soul*. Into this, as I have heard, certain heretics infused Origenist dogmas. All these, on account of the integrity of their lives, were numbered among the saints; as indeed were Gregory’s brother Cæsarius and his sister Gorgonia. But because some people err in distinguishing the books by their inscriptions due to the similarity of the name Gregory, it is very necessary to know that there were three illustrious Gregories in the Church of God. The Pontic one, coming from Neocaesarea, was older than these, having used Origen as a teacher. Regarding him, much care should be taken. For if you have stopped up your ears, you cannot hear divine dogmas. (Theod. lib. IV, cap. 19.)
A along with him whom we mentioned as having originated from Neocaesarea, and who was older than the rest, a disciple of Origen; of whom there is a celebrated fame in Athens, and in Berytus, and in the Pontic province, and indeed throughout the whole world, which he traversed with miracles and doctrine. This man was with Origen in Caesarea, and thereafter, not departing from him, he learned more perfectly the true philosophy. Afterwards, returning to his fatherland, first as a layman and one not yet set apart, he performed many noble deeds; he cast out demons, healed diseases, and led the followers of Greek superstition to the profession of our faith by his eloquence, or rather by his wonders. Of him the martyr Pamphilus also makes mention in the commentaries which he labored upon concerning Origen, in which the laudatory oration of Gregory to Origen is found inserted. These three Gregorys, to speak briefly, existed: the one of whom we have just made mention; and he who by the ancients is called Nazianzen, but by us, because he is worthy of such an appellation, is called Theologus; and the brother of Basil. There was besides another, an Arian, the successor of Athanasius, who was killed by the people. Concerning these, enough. B
CHAPTER XX. Concerning St. Amphilochius, bishop of Iconium, how he received his ordination through an angel; and how at that time the divine Chrysostom, still a young man, showed a remarkable specimen of the grace that was in him.
C At those same times there also shone forth Amphilochius, who presided over the church of the Iconians, whom Gregory and Basil held as an especially dear friend. Their letters sent to him indicate this, and their constitutions, and especially Basil's writing *On the Holy Spirit*, set forth in thirty chapters, which by many are indeed called the *Amphilochia*. Concerning this man Amphilochius, many things have been handed down that are worthy of account and memory; for the old man was simple, and he employed both life and word in equal measure, so that he produced many of his writings. But divine grace, distributing and ordering our affairs at one time in one way and at another in another, displayed in this man a wonderful deed, and one surpassing the capacity of nature, and strange. For while he was practicing philosophy in solitary places, God sent angels to him, who, having deemed him worthy of a mystical blessing and an episcopal ordination, consecrated him in an intellectual manner, and proclaimed him hierarch of the city of the Iconians. D When, not long after, the bishops who had gathered to ordain him for that place learned from him that he had received his consecration from the angels of God, they sent up glory to the God of all for this holy and divine gift, and as a high priest of God and an advocate of the Gospel, and a bulwark of the faith, they received him most excellently and with fear; and having bestowed the customary kiss, they permitted him to perform the duties of the priesthood. At that age there were also Optimus and Letoius, bishops, men who defended the divine faith received from their ancestors by both life and word; of whom the one held the charge of Pisidia, and Letoius of Melitene. And the divineA Chrysostom, while yet a young man, revealed at Antioch the surpassing strength of his intellect and soul, giving proof of his life. Consecrating himself thoroughly to the discipline of character, he progressed in it more and more: not yet indeed having been co-opted into the order of bishops, but fulfilling the ministry of a deacon among the holy functions. When Basil and Gregory saw his letters, they marveled at them and declared that something extraordinary existed in that young man. But we shall speak more of Amphilochius and John in their proper place. Now, let us proceed to the impious Valens.
Chapter XXI
A How Valens, having arrived at Antioch, stirred up a great persecution against the pious, drowning them in the river: and how he drove into exile the divine Meletius, and Pelagius, and Eusebius of Samosata, concerning whose deeds a brief narrative is here inserted.B When he was tarrying for a long time at Antioch, as we have said, and was free from external wars, he armed himself against those who follow the faith of the consubstantial: and he cast out the defenders of the right opinion, not only from the church of Antioch, but also from the neighboring churches that are round about. Afflicting them with other calamities, he did away with them by various kinds of punishments, especially by casting them into the river Orontes, which flowed by, and drowning them. And he deposed Meletius, that C excellent struggler for true piety, from the church and sent him into exile. The divine Eusebius he drove out from Samosata. Moreover, he brought it about that Laodicea was deprived of its excellent pastor, Pelagius. He, while still a young man, had submitted—even against his will—to the yoke of marriage: but within the very bridal chamber, at the first cohabitation, he persuaded his bride to prefer purity, choosing to offer him the devotion of a sister rather than the conjugal life. Such was the chastity of Pelagius: which was followed in him, as in a dance, by the rest of his virtues, which were joined to it like sisters. For this reason, by the votes and suffrages of all, he was judged worthy of the episcopal honor. But his administration of the episcopal office, however splendid, could not sway the impious prince. D Straightway he ordered him to be deported to Arabia, Meletius to Armenia, and Eusebius to Thrace—men who shone with apostolic gifts.
This Eusebius had previously learned that many churches were without pastors; so, having taken on the attire of a soldier, and covering his head with a tiara which he had fashioned from a felt cap, he had traveled through Syria, Phoenicia, and Palestine, filling the empty orders in the churches with presbyters, deacons, and other sacred ministers. In some places he had even set bishops over the churches, if he happened to find any who were of the same opinion as himself. And what a singular instance of bravery and noble spirit he displayed when he was ordered to go into exile to Thrace, it would be a sin to pass over in silence. For when the one who was carrying the letter arrived in the late evening, he allowed him to be silent for the time being, and to conceal the reason for his arrival. "For," he said, "if the multitude were to learn of this, moved by the heat of their zeal, they would at once inflict death upon you; and I would have to answer for your murder." Having said this, at early...
evening, accompanied by a single servant who carried only his pillow A and his book, he set out alone; and when he arrived at the bank of the Euphrates—the river which flows around the circuit of the city and where it is said there is a crossing—he boarded a fishing boat and ordered the rowers to head toward the opposite bank, to the place called Zeugma. And he thus proceeded on his way. But the Samosatenes, upon learning of the event, fell into tears and mourning, and the crossing was immediately filled with those sailing across. And when they had with difficulty caught up to him, having traversed much of the surging current, all of them in tears attempted to persuade him not to betray the sheep to the wolves. But when, after saying much, they could not persuade him (for he kept holding up to them that apostolic dictum that one must be submissive to magistrates and powers), one offered one thing and another another—gold, clothing, and servants—for his departure into a foreign and distant land; he, however, taking only necessary items from his closest friends, fortified them with prayer as was fitting, and exhorted them to hold diligently and accurately to the doctrine handed down, and thus he pressed on as far as the Ister. B They, bearing this event with difficulty, when they had returned to the city, were prepared to join in combat with the wolves. For it is right that I should set forth their ardor and zeal C as well, on account of a thing so honorable and beautiful. And indeed I would consider that I was doing them an injury if I did not commit their burning sincerity in the faith to the memory of posterity. For when the followers of Arius’ faction, having expelled the shepherds from all the churches, also brought to Samosata a certain Eunomius in place of Eusebius, no one at all among all of them—neither poor nor rich, neither young nor old, to speak simply, absolutely no one—entered the church, as was the custom. He himself lived alone in the episcopal residence, seeing no one or having any dealings with anyone at all; although they say he was otherwise a kind and modest man. And this fact serves to demonstrate it: for when he went to the public bath, and the servants had shut the doors, upon learning that a multitude stood before the doors, he ordered his servants to open the doors of the bath again, and he permitted anyone who wished to share in the bath without fear. He did the same thing inside in the vaulted chambers. And when some entered and stood around, he urged them to share in the warm waters. But as they stood there and remained silent, thinking that this stillness was a mark of honor, he left the warm water more quickly and departed. But they, considering the water a defilement of that heretical pollution, poured that water into the drains; and having mixed other water, they bathed. D When Eunomius learned this, he immediately left the city and headed home; for he thought it very senseless to remain in a city that was generally hostile to him, as if he were an object for them to choose. And thus he—willingly—departed from Samosata. But the Arians put forward another, Lucius by name, truly a wolf and not a shepherd. Yet the sheep, even though they had no shepherd, nevertheless performed the deeds of shepherds, keeping inviolate
A the dogma of the faith. But that they held him also in hatred will be evident from what follows. Certain boys playing in the marketplace were passing a ball to one another; and as Lucius was passing by, it happened that the ball slipped from the hands of one of the boys and rolled through the feet of the mule upon which Lucius was riding. They let out a great howl, thinking the ball was filled with pollution. Lucius, not understanding the cause of the shouting, ordered one of his attendants to remain there for a little while and observe the matter itself. And behold, the boys, having kindled a fire, threw the ball through it, wishing thus to cleanse the pollution. This was perhaps a childish act, yet it is sufficiently fit to demonstrate how constant that city’s hatred was toward those who had dared to deprave the doctrine of the faith. But Lucius was not of the same mind as Eunomius. Through his persuasions with the magistrates, he managed to have many of the sacred order banished from the city, and those who resisted him more vehemently he drove away to more distant regions. Thus, B that deacon Evolcius was deported to the Oasis; while Antiochus, a presbyter who had shared in the priestly seat and was adorned by his kinship with the great Eusebius (for he was his sister’s son, and shone with many primary virtues), was condemned to exile in a certain remote borderland of Armenia. When the divine Eusebius, after many struggles for true piety, finally received the crown of martyrdom, the synod of the nation assembled for the same purpose, in the presence of Jovian—a bishop of Perge who for a short time had followed the Arian religion—and they were electing Antiochus to succeed the divine man. When he approached the holy table and, as is the custom, was bowing his knees with great force, he turned C and, seeing Jovian laying his right hand upon his head, he cast off the ordination and stood apart from those ordaining him, saying that he would by no means endure the ordination and the right hand of one who had received the divine mysteries through blasphemy. These things, however, happened much later; at that time he was proceeding into the interior of Armenia. The divine Eusebius meanwhile was living by the Danube, at the time when the Goths were overrunning Thrace and plundering the cities there, as he himself has recorded in his own writing.
CAPUT XXII. Regarding Barses, and the tyranny which Valens perpetrated in the city of Edessa in the martyrium or temple of the holy apostle Thomas.
Moreover, regarding Barses, who guided the city of the Edessenes, whose glory D is great in Phoenicia, Egypt, and the Thebaid—for indeed, traversing these lands, he illuminated them with the splendor of his virtue, so that he dwelt on the island of Aradus—him...
A Valens condemned. But since he was illustrious in apostolic gifts, and drew the multitude to himself with the light of his teaching, and healed such diseases as the art of physicians had despaired of curing, he was deported thence to a certain Egyptian city named Oxyrynchus. B When there too the glory of his virtue turned the minds of all towards him, he was transferred to certain extreme borders not far from the neighboring barbarians (the place is called Philo), although he was worthy of a heavenly dwelling. They say that even now his bed remains in Aradus, which God has deemed worthy of the greatest honor, because many sick people, being laid upon it, recover their health through faith.
But it is not right to pass over in silence what Valens did cruelly at Edessa. For when he had excluded the aforementioned Barses from his flock, he substituted Lycus in his place; and because the multitude took this ill and rejected [the intruder’s] communion, they all left the city and held their assemblies outside its walls. C Now there was a notable oratory of the apostle Thomas there, which Valens, wishing to see, sent some men ahead with a command to the prefect—this was Modestus—to disperse the multitude gathered there, striking them with staves and clubs, and if need be, even using swords, along with the military phalanx of leaders he took with him. The prefect set about doing what was commanded, and secretly warned the Edessenes to take heed for the next day, and not to come together in the accustomed place; for the emperor’s order was that those who were caught there were to be severely punished. The prefect, although of a different sentiment and religion, threatened them in this manner, either because he was unwilling that anyone, or at any rate only a few, should be in danger, or perhaps because he did not want to be a tool for the emperor’s grave indignation. D The Edessenes, however, making light of the announcement of his threats, at daybreak came to the designated place with spirits even more eager than before, and performed their accustomed sacred rites. When this was reported to Modestus, not knowing what he should do, and being at a loss for counsel, he gathered a military force as quickly as possible, and made his way through the forum to the field. And he encountered a young woman, dragging a boy by the hand, and with her cloak in disarray and in a manner unbecoming to a woman, rushing on somewhat carelessly, and as if for some important matter, breaking through the military phalanx of the leaders. The prefect ordered her to be arrested, and demanded the reason for which she was hastening.
But when she said, "To the field where the servants of piety are gathered; for I have learned, I have surely learned of the plots you are devising; and I am hastening myself to be deemed worthy of the same rewards as they, lest, by falling behind in the race, I miss the glory that is of God," the prefect asked again, "And why, woman, do you take the child with you?" She replied, "So that he too may be deemed worthy of the same honor, by sharing in the sufferings." Being struck with the bravery and fortitude of that woman, and from this inferring the zeal of all the rest, he returned to the palace.
informed the emperor of the whole matter, and persuaded him to desist from his counsel and undertaking, saying that a base and adverse reputation would follow from such an act, and that the fervor of the Edessenes would in no way be extinguished. By these words, the prefect saved an innumerable multitude. But the emperor, when he had reviled him with contumelious words and even struck him with his fist, nevertheless commanded the leaders of the multitude to be seized, and that they be compelled to choose either to communicate with Lycus—or rather, the wolf, and not the shepherd—or without delay to depart from the city and go into exile to the furthest regions.
Chapter XXIII. On Eulogius and Protogenes, how they contended magnificently for the faith: and how after their return from exile, one presided over the Church of Edessa, and the other over that of Carrhae.
A Furthermore, when the prefect had assembled them all, he set forth the emperor's mandates in their midst, using gentle words and saying it was foolish for such few and weak men to contend against an emperor so great and ruling so many peoples. They all stood silent, however, looking toward their leader (this was Eulogius, a man who had obtained praise worthy of his life and doctrine). Modestus turning to him, said: "Why then, O old man, do you not answer?" But he replied, "I did not think there was any need for an answer, since I had not been questioned." Again the prefect said, "I have surely spoken many words, explaining things that would be useful to you." Then Eulogius said, "Those B things were addressed to everyone. Now, I thought it improper to push aside the many and answer for myself. But if you should ask me alone, I will immediately expound my opinion to you." Then the prefect said, "Therefore, see that you have communion with the emperor." Eulogius, however, with great grace and smiling quite facetiously, said, "He offers it, for he has been allotted the priesthood along with the empire." C But he, perceiving the ironic and bitter saying, took it heavily, and having cast insults at the old man, added these things besides: "I did not say this, you stunned and foolish man, but that you must communicate with the bishops whom he directs." "But I," said the old man, "am not without a shepherd, whose voice I recognize as genuine, and whose doctrine I follow; nor do I have need of such a destructive and pestiferous herb." Incensed to rage by these words, he quickly seized eighty of those who were like pillars of the multitude and D exiled them to Thrace. [O]n their journey in bonds, they enjoyed much care; for the villages and cities coming to meet them rendered them the honor due to defenders of true piety. But envy, ever marshalling its battle line, quickly returned to the emperor and said that the exile which you deemed for the condemned had become the source of much honor to them. Having learned this, he ordered them to be divided into two; and
A he ordered some to be sent to Thrace, some to Arabia and the Thebaid, and others to be scattered here and there among the small towns. If any brothers happened to be among them, he saw to it that they were separated. Eulogius, however, and Protogenes, who held the second rank after him, were exiled to Antinoöpolis, a town of the Thebans.
How great was their virtue will be shown from this: For when they found there a bishop of like mind, they chose to communicate with him and took part in the ecclesiastical assemblies. But since very few gathered, when they learned the reason—that the townsmen were addicted to Greek superstition—they mourned the state of their error, and judged that they must not stand idle until they had struck a blow against it; but, as was fitting, they took care also for the healing and salvation of those people.
Eulogius, therefore, confined himself in a small house and sat in quiet, beseeching God, the Lord of all. But Protogenes, having been instructed in the sacred letters, and being very skilled in the art of writing, took charge of a school of boys, having found a place suitable for a school. He taught them to write both beautifully and quickly, and instructed them in the holy oracles, and prepared them to learn by heart the Davidic psalms and the things profitable from the apostolic teaching.
When one of the boys was wasted by disease and was expected to die, Protogenes came to the house and, by the touch of his hand, put the affliction to flight. When the parents of the others learned of this, each one brought the old man to their own house and begged him to bring aid to their ailing children. Then he said that he could not be of help to them unless they first underwent the divine laver. And they, driven by the desire for the recovery of their own health, were quickly persuaded, and through the bodily disease they obtained the salvation of the soul also. If any of the healthy were likewise persuaded by him and desired to partake of divine grace, he would go to Eulogius and, knocking at the door, would beg him to open it and to place the seal in Christ upon the one he had caught. And when Eulogius took this gravishly, as his prayer was being continually interrupted, Protogenes said, "But the conversion of those who have wandered to Christ is surely more necessary."
And this was regarded as a miracle: that Protogenes, though performing such great miracles and leading such a multitude into the light of truth, was seen to yield the first place to Eulogius; and indeed, many judged that the virtue of Protogenes was far greater and excelled that of Eulogius by far. But when the storm of persecution ceased, and they, along with the others, were brought back from their exile, the inhabitants of that region sent them off with tears, and the bishop most of all, being deprived of so great an ally. Eulogius, therefore, B was entrusted with the rudders of the church of Barsas, a man of God who had reached the end of his life. And the wonderful Protogenes was entrusted to till the city of Carrae, which was overgrown with the thorns of Hellenic imposture; having labored in this field, he harvested the divine fruit of piety. But this happened later. C And Eulogius, indeed, upon the death of the divine Barsas... D
assumed the helm of that Church. To the admirable Protogenes was entrusted the task of cultivating the city of Carrhae, which was overgrown with the thorns of Hellenic imposture; having labored much to purge it, he harvested the heavenly fruit of true piety. But of these things, later.
CHAPTER XXIV
A De sancto Flaviano et Diodoro, ut ipsi gregem Meletii rexerint, cum nondum episcopalem dignitatem suscepissent.Valens, having stayed for a long time in Antioch while Euzoius ruled the churches there, permitted the Jews, the ethnic Greeks, and even those who, while bearing the name of Christians, embraced doctrines different from the Evangelical teaching, to practice freely whatever pleased their minds. For the impious error, which had indeed been extinguished under Jovian but stirred up again by Julian, was little by little flourishing anew; and the Diasia, the Dionysia, and the rites of Ceres were being celebrated not in corners, but with the emperor as it were leading the way, and men in the middle of the forum—with no one hindering them—ran about in the manner of bacchants who are inspired by a deity. But he was an implacable enemy only to those who followed the doctrines of the Catholic Church. B And first, indeed, he took away from them the newly-built church which Jovian had given them; then, indeed, he drove them from other sacred buildings as well. And when they, living under the open sky at the foot of the mountain, were celebrating God with their accustomed hymns and praises, and bearing the various and adverse changes of the weather—sometimes struggling with rains and snow and immense cold, and at other times being scorched by the heat of the sun—he did not want them to remain even in that place; and by sending soldiers against them, he dissipated this wretched way of life. But Flavian and Diodorus, those noble athletes of the truth, were flourishing at that time: they, like certain reefs, immediately turned the waves threatening the flock of Christ into foam. For they, after Meletius had been cast into exile, fought for the flock of Christ, both by bravely going to meet the wolves themselves and by proposing the doctrine suitable C to the sheep of Christ. And when they were driven from the places situated at the foot of the mountain, they pastured the sheep upon the banks of the nearby river: not in vain, just as those captives in Babylon hanging their instruments of song upon the willows, but freely praising God according to the divine David in every place of His dominion. But the enemy of the orthodox alone did not allow them to remain for long in that place either; but at the first opportunity, he compelled them to depart from there as well, and attempted to dissolve and dissipate their assembly. But the divine pair of those two men, who were acting on behalf of the shepherds, exercised the spiritual flock for D the war that is in Christ, and showed them where they ought to feed. And the noble Diodorus, just as a deep-pooled and most translucent river, watered his own with a divine stream; but rushing with greater vehemence against outsiders, he washed away and abolished illegitimate dogmas, in no way regarding the reputation of the lineage in his discourse, but bearing very well the suffering on behalf of the faith. Flavian, also, was himself of high birth, and added the piety of his nobility; and just like some
sort of instructor, assisting Diodorus, who was trained for the sacred pentathlon of piety. In the churches, indeed, he could not preach, because, being still young, he had not yet attained the rank of the priesthood; nevertheless, he provided the smallest measure of enthymemes and scriptural thoughts to those who did so by his encouragement. And while they kept drawing their bows at the proponents of the Arian blasphemies, he, as if from some quiver or bow-case of his own wise mind, supplied the arrows of his thoughts in quick succession. In the church, as we have said, he could not speak, but at home and in public disputations he laid out arguments that tore apart the nets of the impious, demonstrating that those questions and propositions which they deemed irrefutable differed in nothing from spiders' webs.
CAPUT XXV. Of the holy Aphraates and Julian: how they left their monastic life in the desert to take care of the flock of Christ.
Not a little did that famous man of notable life, Aphraates, contribute at that time to this conflict, whose life the wise Theodoret also recorded in the book he wrote concerning the history of the lovers of God. For he, too, preferring the salvation of Christ's flock over a quiet life, left his monastic cell and undertook the care of the sheepfold of Christ, and, bathed in much sweat, drove away the wolves on every side. But how rich he was in virtue, and what things he did beyond human capacity, the aforementioned book will show to anyone who wishes to unfold it. I, however, have deemed it fitting to record in this work one particular thing from his deeds, which is adapted to this place. The river Orontes flows past the imperial house of Antioch on the north side. A certain very great two-storied portico has been erected in the southern part by the city walls, and is marked by high towers on either side. C Between the imperial buildings and the river is a path which receives those passing through the gate that is there and leads them to the neighboring suburban fields. This path the divine Aphraates was once walking, intending to go to the gymnasium of faith, to bring the appropriate food to the sheep of Christ. The emperor, looking down from the upper part of the portico, saw him passing by—for he was clad in a *sisyra*, or a garment stitched together from the shaggy fleeces of sheep—and though he was worn out by great old age, he was walking quite quickly. And when someone said to the emperor that this was that Aphraates upon whom the multitude of the entire city hung, the emperor, questioning the holy man from the portico, said: "Whither, pray, are you going?" And Aphraates replied: "I am going to pray for your empire." D And the emperor rejoined: "But you, who follow the laws of the monks, ought to remain at home and do this while sitting quietly." Then the divine old man very wisely replied: "Rightly, indeed, you speak, O emperor, that I ought to do this, and I have been doing this continuously."
A For since a great darkness possesses everything, and a very great fear creeps in, lest the sheep become prey to wild beasts, with such a great danger hanging over us, it is necessary for me also to be vigilant and to move every rope, so as to save the flock of Christ unharmed. For tell me, O emperor, if I were a young girl, hidden at home in a chamber, plying the spindle with my hands and attending to my own spinning, and then of a sudden I were to see a flame falling from somewhere, surrounding my father's house on all sides, and hastening to consume it most cruelly, what would I have to do, tell me, by God? Was I bound to sit still, B and look on while the paternal hearth was thus being burned, and wait for the encroaching fire, or was I bound to leave the chamber immediately, to run up and down, to have water in my hands, and to try with all my might to extinguish the flame? I know indeed that you will say that I ought to do what a young girl of keen and healthy mind would do. And I believe that this very thing ought to be done now too. For since you, like some thunderbolt, have fallen upon our paternal house and are laying waste with fire the entire, more truthful piety, we are running around everywhere, struggling to extinguish the growing flame." These things he said; and the emperor, having proceeded to threats, compelled him to be silent. C But one of the emperor's chamberlains, who had treated the holy man harshly because of the boldness of his spirit, having immediately entered the bath in order to prepare a bath for the prince, became deranged, and slipping into the hot waters, there ended his life. The emperor, having waited a while and complaining of the time spent in delay, ordered others to be questioned so that the cause of this matter might be reported to him. And when they had come and looked all around, they found him dead in the hot waters by a cold death. When the emperor learned this, he rightly judged it to be a work of the petulance of the injury and insult offered to the holy Aphraates; yet, concerning the impious dogma, D he retained the same mind, just like the hard-hearted Pharaoh. But the emperor, thunderstruck, was armed all the more by this miracle against true piety. At that same time, the highly praised Julian did the same thing as Aphraates; for he too, having left his solitude, came to Antioch. For when the architects of falsehood, the Arians I mean, were trying to slander the holy man as though he were of their faction and agreed with the Arian dogma, Flavianus, Diodorus, and this Aphraates, the lights of truth, sent that Acacius—who later governed the city of Beroea as a priest of sacred things most excellently—to that celebrated man with such requests: that he should have pity on the many myriads of men and come; so that by coming he might both refute the falsehood of his opponents, and speak the truth freely, and preach the dogma of the faith. And what he achieved by entering Antioch once and a second time, the history of the lovers of God will teach those who wish to know; for the fact that the concord of the city
A entirely betook itself to his works and to the gathering of the truth, I suppose no one who has been accustomed to judge human affairs correctly can fail to know. For deeds performed contrary to the expectation of men are wont to draw everyone to themselves, and to persuade them to embrace the same opinion as their author. Now, that Julian performed certain extraordinary miracles which surpass reason, not only we, but even those who accuse the truth, bear witness. That same Anthony, that founder of the monastic life, did the like in the times of Constantius; for having, on occasion, put aside his life in the desert, he went about the city of Alexandria, B testifying clearly to all with a louder voice that Athanasius was indeed the champion of the truth and the defender of the apostolic doctrines, while those who were affected by the madness of Arius were wandering far from the truth itself. Thus, those divine men, observing well, knew how to adapt what was appropriate to each season; when it was necessary to embrace stillness, and when to leave the desert and prefer to dwell in the cities, they were not in the least ignorant.
CHAPTER XXVI
C *Concerning the death of Athanasius, whose successor was Peter. Furthermore, concerning the cruelty of Lucius the Arian, whom the Arians set over the Alexandrian Church, having driven out Peter.*The impious Valens acted in such a way at Antioch as well. But we must now pass on to the events that took place in Alexandria. For the Church in Egypt remained in peace while Athanasius survived in the flesh, for the reasons we have described above. For the multitude there, having chosen for itself the true piety to follow, surpassed the Arian phalanx, and this on account of their love for Athanasius. And D because that multitude was most fervent and inclined to stir up sedition, it caused fear that, if an uproar were raised, it might cause detriment to the public peace. Therefore, by a certain divine providence, Alexandria remained immune from grievous evils as long as Athanasius, that fighter for the truth, survived. But when, after many dangers and no fewer crowns, he departed to a condition of life free from all labor, having performed the episcopate with great glory for about forty-six years, Peter, a man most excellent and distinguished, became successor to the clergy; for that blessed head, while he was still living, had previously voted for him, and then all the bishops of the province, the entire priesthood, and those who held the first honors and magistracies of the city gave their vote as well. And the whole populace, with favorable acclamations, confirmed that decision with great willingness. For1 he had been a participant in the long labors of Athanasius, never departing from that great man either at home or abroad, and struggling with him in various dangers. For this reason, all the neighboring bishops, and those who sought the quiet life, left their monastic contests and were most eager that Peter should become the successor to the throne.
A was such that they strove above all else to have Peter replaced in his see. Once he had received the sacred seat, the prefect of the province, without any delay, gathered a band from the Jews and the Greeks, surrounded the church, and ordered Peter to depart; and he threatened that if he did not do so, he would cast him out even against his will—acting, indeed, in accordance with the emperor’s will, but in truth satisfying his own impiety. For, being attached to the wicked superstition of idols, he thought he would be celebrating a magnificent festival if he cast the ship of piety into a storm.
Peter, therefore, was first cast into prison; afterwards, escaping and having luckily found a boat, he sailed to Rome to Damasus, the bishop of that city, who was of the same opinion. Not long after, Euzoius, who presided over the Arian religion at Antioch, seizing the opportunity, devised a plan to go himself to Alexandria to hand over the churches there to Lucius the Arian. Since this also pleased the emperor (for he was still at Antioch), he set out with a large retinue and a very numerous military force; together with him went the great quaestor of the emperor. They held a mandate from the emperor to Palladius, the prefect of the province, that he should not fail Lucius and Euzoius in whatever they might need. Peter, as has been said, was kept in prison, but afterwards he sailed to Rome. Lucius the Arian was installed in the sacred seat of Athanasius.
Consequently, the Egyptians conceived much more severe feelings against the outsiders. For as soon as Lucius had arrived unexpectedly, he immediately strove to occupy the churches. And when the common people began to resist, war was declared against the clergy and the holy virgins. B And other calamities, one upon another, were brought upon the followers of the Catholic Church. For like wild beasts, the Arians descended upon the flock of Christ, driving some into exile, and seizing others to cast them into chains; and when they were brought forth again from prison, they were subjected to various punishments. For some were beaten with iron claws and ox-hide scourges; others were scorched with burning torches; and others, after being first despoiled of their goods, were soon subjected to other torments.
And it seemed a marvelous thing to survive such various kinds of tortures. And so, if anyone had departed this life before experiencing such great evils, or if he had been sentenced to a more tolerable exile, such a fate was considered fortunate and to be envied. But who could recount what evils occurred at the entrance of Lucius? Sabinus, who wrote an ecclesiastical history, makes no mention of these things at all, choosing to cover up the disgrace of his Arian friends. But the blessed Peter, after he fled from prison, exposed these events in a work of his own as if they were a tragedy, and sent them to all the churches everywhere. This writing, once I have mentioned at least one wicked crime of the impious Lucius, I will insert into this volume.
Chapter XXVII.
A De persecutione quam Lucius monasteriis Ægypti intulit, et de discipulis Antonii magni; et de duobus sanctis Macariis, ut propter fidem exsulantes, multa miracula ediderint.Petrus, indeed, that man worthy of all admiration, thus sailed away as a refugee to Rome. But those of the faction of Arius, although they were few in number, took command of the churches in Egypt. Not long after, a mandate was sent from the emperor to the prefect of the province, ordering that the champions of the Nicene faith, whom Lucius should designate, be driven out of Alexandria and every district of Egypt. Euzoius, therefore, having finished his business in Alexandria according to his intent, returned again to Antioch; but Lucius, as he had been commanded, joined the commander of the Egyptian army, and with a great mixed multitude of Greeks, Jews, and those of his own persuasion, he made raids, acted in a hostile manner, and led his threatening standards against the monks inhabiting the desert. B For he was in hopes that if he could cause disturbance for them, and if they, who were most desirous of quiet, could be made obedient, he would in that way also overcome the Christians in the cities. For there were at that time many venerable men presiding over the monasteries of Egypt and the Thebaid, who especially loathed the opinion of Arius. The multitudes, following them, esteemed it of great importance to hold the same views as they did on religion. For they neither wished to trifle about doctrines, nor were they able to do so; but they believed that the truth was found with those whom God heard, granting them the power to work miracles and confirming the words of faith C by the operation of virtues as by testimonies. Such, as we know, were the leaders of the monks at that time: I refer to the two Macarii, the Alexandrian and the city-dweller, of whom we have made mention before; and Pambo, and that Heraclides, who were excellently trained by the guide of virtue and of the monasteries throughout Egypt, Antony the Great, along with others of his disciples.
And Lucius, having calculated that it was impossible for the affairs of the Arians to be in safety, or for them to subject the universal Church to themselves, unless he compelled those who were the preeminent among the monks to come over to his opinion, set himself to the task; and since he could not persuade them, he applied force. And armed men came upon those who were naked and who did not even raise a hand for defense, and pitifully despoiled them, so that the calamities that occurred to them are beyond words to describe. Finally, he failed in his purpose, as they all readily bowed their necks to the swords, and deemed it better to die willingly than to change anything of what had been decreed at Nicaea. And it is even said that D when they were awaiting the attack of the soldiers, one of them, who had swollen joints in his feet and was unable to stand on his own, was supported by his companions, who supplied the service for his feet by using staves.
They anointed him with oil in the name of Christ, whom Lucius was persecuting, and commanded him to arise and go home. He, leaping up, immediately finished his journey, preaching that it was necessary to worship the very same God to whom the Grace of God bore witness in the accusation of Lucius, and to whom He lent a favorable ear, delivering the sufferer from his long-standing affliction. Yet even with this having occurred, repentance for their counsel and undertaking did not seize them. For, having intercepted and seized them by night, they sent them to an island surrounded by a vast lake, which had been inhabited from ancient times by men living in great superstition, and who were altogether ignorant of our doctrine. There was there, moreover, B a most ancient shrine of a destructive and pestilential demon, the worship of which was even then especially rooted among them. But when they disembarked on the island, the daughter of a priest, possessed by a demon, came to them. As she rushed toward them with an unrestrained cry, the inhabitants of the island, dismayed by the novelty of the thing, followed after. But when she approached the ship where those divine elders had landed at the shore, the demon, convulsing her, threw her to the ground, and through her, raising a great clamor, it implored, saying, "Why have you come to us, O ministers of the great God? For we have occupied this island for a long time without molestation or disturbance, unknown to almost all men, and hidden here, hedged in by these lakes. But if it seems good to you to inhabit this region hereafter, we will willingly depart." And such things the demon shouted through the girl. But when, having been rebuked by them, it was ordered to be silent, the girl was immediately restored to her right mind. And her father and the whole island, with all its inhabitants, embraced Christianity; and they purified the temple that was there, transformed it into a church, and dedicated it to Christ. This affair, as soon as it was reported to Alexandria, brought no small sorrow to Lucius. For it came to pass from this that he incurred the hatred not only of foreigners, but even of his own people, just as one who was waging war not with men, but with God Himself. And so, secretly and immediately, he ordered those with Macarius to return to their haunts and the desert. These things are indeed sufficient to demonstrate the cruelty of the impiety of Lucius. C Yet the letters of the divine Peter more accurately declare the inhumanity of his mind; avoiding the prolixity of which, I shall extract from them what is suited to this place, and add it to the history. He writes in this manner:
CHAPTER XXVIII. The Epistle of Peter, Bishop of Alexandria, setting forth the evils and calamities which Valens and the Arians inflicted upon the pious in Egypt.
A Palladius, the prefect of the province, being a pagan and a devotee of gentile superstition, and one who was ever prostrating himself at the feet of idols, and who had often meditated war against Christ, gathered together the aforementioned multitudes and made an assault upon the church, just as if he were setting out to subdue barbarians. Then, indeed—then the most terrible things happened; and as I wish merely to dictate them, since the memory of them renews my pain, I poured forth an immeasurable flood of tears. And I would have remained long in that grief, had I not prepared myself to find relief through divine contemplation. For when the multitudes had broken into the church which is called Theonas', instead of holy words they uttered acclamations in praise of idols; instead of the reading of the divine Scriptures, they rendered impure applause of their hands, and broken, shameful cries. They vomited forth against the virgins of Christ such contumelies as the tongue refuses to utter; for it is shameful even to speak them; and any man of sound mind, upon hearing them, would stop his ears and would pray rather to be deaf than to be a hearer of their obscenity. But would that they had been content with words, and that they had sinned only in words, and that they had not exceeded the licentiousness of their speech by deed! For abuse, of whatever sort it may be, is easily borne by those in whom the wisdom of Christ and the divine doctrines dwell. They, therefore, being vessels of wrath, prepared for destruction, wrinkling their noses and emitting a long and obscene sound from their nostrils, and, so to speak, pouring it forth like a torrent, tore to pieces the clothing of the holy virgins of Christ, whose way of life represented an image and form of the holy angels. As nature itself permits, they led them naked through the whole city, as if in a triumphal procession, mocking them with wantonness and indecency in whatever way it pleased them, and parading those who were thus stripped in public—all the things that were done were utterly savage and unheard of. And if anyone, moved with compassion for the indignity of the matter, tried to restrain the deed by using mild words of admonition, he went away bearing a wound as a result. But, oh, the calamities! Many virgins suffered violent violation of their bodies; many, struck on the head with clubs, remained motionless, their bodies not being permitted to be committed to proper burial. Therefore, to this very day, with their parents still miserably lamenting, many bodies are not found.
C But why do I set forth these small things compared to the great ones? Why do I linger on these, and not hasten rather to the things that are of greater indignity? These, I know well, you will wonder at, and with us you will long be struck with awe, being astonished at the Lord's love and kindness toward the human race—that he did not utterly destroy all things at once! For things that, according to what is written, were neither done nor heard of in the days of our fathers, these the impious ones performed upon the very sanctuary itself. For as in the foundation of the sanctuary, an unruly child, having denied the male nature, and the
female desiring, having painted his eyes with stibium (as it is written), and having reddened his face with rouge, just as the idols among them—with a woman’s form and appearance—upon the very altar where we invoke the descent of the Holy Spirit, performing elegant turns in a circle, and gesticulating hither and thither with his hands, they made [him] dance, laughing boisterously and adding nefarious cries. A And others, thinking even this deed not sufficient for their obscene recklessness—deeming what had already been perpetrated as seemly rather than nefarious—having stripped one from among them most notorious for obscene filthiness, and having laid bare even the private parts of his body, according to the habit of nature, they set him upon the throne of the church and declared him a foul orator against Christ; for in place of divine words he put forth filthiness, in place of grave and holy discourse, shameless lasciviousness, teaching that fornication, adultery, the sodomizing of males, theft, and eating and drinking were in themselves, along with others of this kind, useful and advantageous for life.
B When these things were so, and I had withdrawn from the church—for how could I not do so, when military fury held sway there, when the populace was venal toward dissolute licentiousness, when the largesse of money and the hands of ethnic or Gentile [authorities] reigned with the greatest promises?—a successor of mine was sent into it, who redeemed the episcopate as a worldly dignity with gold; one Lucius, studious of the wickedness C and actions of a wolf, not chosen by a council of orthodox bishops, not by the votes of legitimate and true clergy, not by the clamor of the people, as the ecclesiastical sanctions prescribe. And there were present with him—for he could not enter the city by a simple and easy passage—neither any bishops, nor presbyters, nor deacons, nor throngs of people: no monks brought him forward chanting hymns and praises from the Scriptures. But Euzoius was present—he who long ago, when he was a deacon of our Alexandria here, was deposed together with Arius in the holy and great council of Nicaea, D and now wastes the church of Antioch with his presidency; and the Count of the Imperial Largesses, who brought with him an immense multitude of soldiers, a man always famous for every kind of impiety, Magnus by name—for in the times of Julian he burned the church of the Berytians, which is a famous city of Phoenicia, which, under the emperor Jovian of blessed memory, he himself was forced to restore at his own expense, and he was even nearly beheaded, had not the most humane emperor spared him at the entreaty of many.
It is fitting, therefore, that your zeal for piety—which I wish to be stirred up toward the vindication of these events—should consider what and how great are the outrages that have been committed against the Church of Christ, with this tyrant whom we have mentioned rising up against us. For as soon as Lucius—who has been frequently condemned by your piety and by orthodox Christians and bishops everywhere—[arrived] in the city, which for just causes was hostile to him, [he]...
came, not only speaking as the base man in the Psalms says, "There is no true God, Christ," but he also became corrupt in his practices, and corrupted others, rejoicing in the blasphemies uttered against the Savior by those who worship the creature rather than the Creator. For how could he not—since he possesses a frame of mind similar to the Greeks—dare to worship a newly-promulgated God? A For in his very presence they sent up these praises: "Well have you come, bishop, who do not speak of the Son. Serapis, to whom you are dear, has brought you," thus naming their ancestral idol. Immediately, without a moment’s delay, the aforementioned Magnus, his inseparable companion in impiety, his bitter bodyguard and most cruel satrap, having gathered the crowds that were under his care, apprehended nineteen presbyters and deacons—some of whom had exceeded their eightieth year. Regrading them as if they had been caught in some abominable crime, hostile to Roman law, he established a public judicial inquiry and compelled them (ignorant as he was of the laws of Christian virtue) to betray the ancestral faith delivered to us by the apostles through the Fathers. He declared that even the most humane Emperor Valens would be pleased by this, saying with a loud voice: "Follow, you wretches, the opinion of the Arians; follow, and permit yourselves to be persuaded. For God will forgive you, even if you worship a true religion, if you do this not by your own volition but by necessity. For to necessity there remains a defense, but to one’s own volition follows accusation. B Therefore, with such arguments before your eyes, come now, set aside all hesitation, and subscribe to the dogma of Arius, which Lucius now proclaims by name." He continued, saying: "Knowing well that if you obey, you shall have money, resources, and honors from the Emperor; but if you resist, you will experience prison, racks, tortures, scourges, and coercive measures; and, being deprived of both money and property, and cast out of your homeland, you will be condemned to inhabit harsh and severe places." C Such was the way this "noble" man—if it pleases God to call him so—mingling threats with kindness, urged and compelled everyone to depart from their pious mind. But they, considering the betrayal of piety to be more bitter than any torture—and rightly so, for such is the case—answered him with these words, at the same time encountering his traps and threats with virtue and a noble spirit, and subjecting his deception to it: "Cease, therefore, cease frightening us with such words. Stop bringing forward these vain epicheiremata and aggressions. For we do not worship a new or recent God, and even if you foam in vain like a surging wave and press against us like a violent wind, we shall nevertheless endure in the dogmas of true piety even unto death; for we do not believe in or worship a God who is powerless, unwise, or separated from the truth, D nor do we, like this impious Arian, hold the Son to be a temporal or temporary being—one who is sometimes the Father and sometimes not the Father. For if the Son were a creature according to the Ariomaniacs, he would not have been constituted in being by the Father, and the Father would not be...
a Father at all, according to them, at some time or other. But if he is always Father, as the one who is from him—the consubstantial—obviously subsists, then those who fall away from this are deservedly fatherless, having become so because of this heretical doctrine; for we call the Son not of a different substance, as you now compel us to say, but of his own substance. As for those who think he is "of what is not" B or "sometimes was not," how is he not foolish and raving, since the Son, through whom all things were constituted in being by grace, was the channel of their existence? Our Fathers, therefore, from the whole world, whom these men have deserted and have thus deservedly become fatherless, assembled at Nicaea, anathematized the wicked opinion of Arius—which this younger man now defends—and declared that the Son is, according to a pious understanding, from the substance of the Father. Rightly conceiving this with a pious mind, from the many arguments of the divine words, they confessed him to be consubstantial.
B When they had spoken such things and others like them, he held them in prison for many days, thinking that he would move them from their pious opinion. But they, like the most noble of athletes C in the stadium, extinguishing all fear, fortifying themselves by the divine thoughts and manly deeds of the Fathers, and regarding the very tortures and torments as a gymnasium and exercise of virtue, maintained a most courageous mind concerning true piety. And as they were struggling in this way, since they had become a spectacle to angels and men, as the blessed Apostle writes, the whole city ran to see the athletes of Christ, who were overcoming the scourges by the constancy of the tormenting inquisitor, and were raising trophies through patience against impiety, and displaying triumphs over the Arians. This bitter enemy, D however, thought that by threats and deceits he would subject them and deliver them to those who are impious towards Christ. But eventually, weary from the force and intensity of his heavy, contrived torments, while all the people were lamenting in various ways with wailing, this bitter inquisitor—a man estranged from all humanity—having again gathered that crowd of his for loose disorder, called them to judgment, or rather, to a pre-judged condemnation, at the harbor of the sea, while the idolaters and the Jews, as was their custom, were raising great shouts against them as if they had redeemed them at a high price. And because they would not go along with the open impiety of the Ariomaniacs—with the whole populace lamenting before the tribunal—the sentence was passed: that they should be ejected from Alexandria and obliged to inhabit Heliopolis in Phoenicia, where not one of the inhabitants—for they are all idolaters—could even bear to hear the name of Christ. And ordering them to embark upon a boat immediately, while he himself stood at the harbor (for nearby, in a public bath, he had determined the sentence of condemnation against them, showing the sword naked, thinking by this to frighten those who had often wounded the hostile demons with the two-edged sword), he thus ordered them to sail away.
A They had carried no necessities with them into the ship, nor did they have any comfort for their exile; and what is wondrous and incredible is that the very sea, foaming and—as I believe—struggling against this very act, was unwilling, so to speak, to share in such an unjust decree by receiving these men. For it made the barbarous intention of the judge manifest even to those who were unaware of it.
It is truly possible to say: "The heaven was astonished at this." For the whole city groaned, and to this day it still laments. Some, beating their breasts with alternating hands, sent forth a long cry; others stretched their hands and eyes together toward heaven, bearing witness to the violence, saying, as it were, "Hear, O heaven, and give ear, O earth, for the things done are unlawful." The whole area was filled with lamentation; dirges and mourning were dancing throughout the entire city, and a river of tears, almost covering by its flood the sea itself, suddenly reached all of them. When, therefore, the one we mentioned, standing at the harbor, ordered the rowers to raise the sails, then the mingled lamentation of virgins and women, old men and young, and wails interwoven with sharp tears, the cries of all, drowned out the sound of the foaming sea as it crashed against its own heaps of waves. B
On the voyage to Heliopolis, and the persecution of the defenders of the Church
In this way, when those whom we have mentioned were sailing to Heliopolis—where everyone is superstitious, where the voluptuous pursuits of the devil flourish, and where there are fearsome dwellings of wild beasts (for mountains rising to the sky on every side surround it)—all the people in the middle of the city, both publicly and each one privately, were mourning and sending forth groans in words. They were not even allowed to weep, by the command of the city prefect, Palladius, who was himself most superstitious. For many of those who were weeping were seized, imprisoned first, and then scourged, thrashed, and tortured, and condemned to the mines of Phennysum and Proconnesus, being men who were excellent defenders of the Church for the sake of divine zeal. Most of them were monks, inhabiting the desert for the sake of asceticism; among whom, numbering twenty-three, a short time later, a deacon—who had brought to us from our beloved brother Damasus, the bishop of the city of Rome, letters of consolation and communion—was led publicly by executioners, with his hands bound behind his back, just like some notorious robber of criminals. C When he had been tortured more cruelly than even murderers are, and whipped on his neck with stones and leaden hooks, he boarded a ship on the sea, just like the others, having the sign of the divine cross impressed upon his forehead. D Being without any attention or comfort, he was sent to the mines at Phennysum, which are of copper. Moreover, when the judge was torturing the tender bodies of children, some remained with them, not even having shared in a holy burial, with parents and brothers and relatives, and all, so to speak, of the city, requesting a single gift for themselves
A to grant them this final consolation. But, oh, the immense inhumanity of the praetor and of the judge, or rather of the condemner! Those who struggled for piety were not even compared to murderers, as their bodies lacked burial; those who fought the good fight were cast out to beasts and birds for food; those who resolved to sympathize with the fathers due to conscience, even as if they had committed some illegal and impious act, were punished with the sword. What law of the Romans, what opinion of barbarians, ever punished those who sympathized with the fathers for the sake of piety? Where did any of the ancients ever commit such an illegal and impious deed? Pharaoh once ordered the male infants of the Hebrews to be killed; but envy and fear suggested that decree to him. How much more humane were those things than these present ones; how much more desirable are they when compared to this injustice; how much better are they when compared to these lawless acts? Although these vices are not separated from one another, the things spoken of are faithless, B inhuman, grievous, wild, barbaric, merciless, and bitter.
But in these things those who were subject to the madness of Arius boasted. And since the whole city was in mourning (for there was no house in which there was not one dead, as it is written in Exodus), those who had acquired such an insatiable habit for iniquity did not rest. For having exercised their will and choice toward worse things, and having extended the poison of their wickedness even to the provincial bishops, and using as an instrument for this injustice the count of the largesses whom we previously mentioned, Magnus, C they delivered some to the city council, while for others they laid traps in whatever way they wished, desiring to hunt down all men from every side toward impiety, leaving nothing untried; but going about everywhere, after their own father of heresy, the devil, seeking whom they might devour. Since, therefore, they were altogether at a loss with everyone, they sent eleven bishops from Egypt, men who from childhood to old age had inhabited the desert for the sake of practicing virtue and piety, and who had brought pleasures into subjection by both word and deed, and who were not ashamed to proclaim the faith of true piety, and who had imbibed the dogma of piety together with their milk, and who had often brought about victory over demons, breaking the adversary by their virtue, D and exposing the Arian heresy in their most wise oration as if it were an inscription on a pillar—having the instrument of cruelty whom we have often mentioned, they sent them into exile in our world among the Christ-killing Jews, to the city of Diocesarea. Nevertheless, just like Hades or the underworld, not yet satiated by the death of the brothers, the demented and stupid mortals dared everywhere in the world to leave behind some monument of their savagery, seeking to obtain nobility from their misdeeds. For behold, again, the clergy of the Catholic Church dwelling in Antioch, together with approved monks who would confirm their insolent actions by their testimony, when they deafened the imperial ears with complaints against them, they caused to dwell in Neocaesarea of Pontus, who perhaps were even deprived of life because of the wildness of those places. Such was the time
that followed these tragedies, worthy indeed of silence and oblivion, but which this writing includes to refute those who moved their tongues against the Only-Begotten: who, having been seized by the madness of blasphemy, not only attempted to shoot their arrows at the Lord of all things, but also undertook an implacable and irreconcilable war against His pious ministers. A Such are the things which the divine Peter relates concerning the events of that time, and Lucius in this manner troubled Egypt.
CAPUT XXIX. That the tempest of heresies did not prevail because of the excellent virtue of the bishops of that time; and mention of Britannio, Bishop of the Scythians.
Since at that time the philosopher Didymus flourished in those regions, as did other illustrious men, and especially the monks who were there—who were numerous and good, and strived to live according to the angelic B manner of life—Lucius could accomplish nothing. For although the Church in Egypt was undergoing persecution, it still far surpassed the Arians in number, together with its praise and glory. The same thing happened among the Osrhoenians, and likewise among the Cappadocians (1). For that divine pair of friends, namely Basil and Gregory, repelled the insults of their enemies. But Syria and Antioch alone were in the greatest dissolution of ecclesiastical order. For there were very many Arians there, and they held the churches; the Catholics were fewer in number, whom some called Eustathians and others Paulinians; C Paulinus and Meletius held their assemblies apart, as we have mentioned before. And since the city of the Antiochenes was very nearly in danger of being lost to the madness of Arius, through these men it overcame both the rush of the emperor and the power of his faction. For it somehow happened that, because the administration of the churches was in the hands of strong men, the multitude did not depart from the opinion they had conceived. Hence also the Scythians, because they had obtained a magnanimous bishop, are said not to have changed their religion in the least. For that nation possesses a great many D villages, regions, and fortresses; and among these, as if it were a metropolis, excels Tomis, a city most fortunate and by far superior to the others in size. It is situated in the maritime region of the Pontus, which is called Euxine, as one sails into it to the left. And up to that day, an old custom endured there, that the whole nation should obey one bishop. At that time, a certain Britannio was over them. It happened, furthermore, that Valens came there at that time, and having entered the temple, he urged the bishop, as he was accustomed to do, to join himself to the communion of the Arian heresy. That noble man, however, with great boldness, contended with him for the dogma of the Fathers who gathered at Nicaea. And when he could not persuade the emperor, he left him there, and...
went to another church, with the people following their shepherd. Almost the entire city flocked there, both to see the emperor and because they were expecting something new to happen. He, having been left alone in the temple with his guards, did not take this event lightly, but, as if he had been insulted, ordered Britannio to be seized and deported into exile. Yet shortly thereafter, he brought him back; for he feared the Scythians, lest they should aspire to revolution on account of the bishop's condemnation, as he knew well their anger and strength, and the position of their lands—given that they were, as it were, a middle wall set against the barbarians of that region, and he knew them to be highly necessary to the Roman world. And thus, Britannio, having come out superior to the ruler, returned to his accustomed ways, being a man most righteous and distinguished in his manner of life, as the Scythians themselves testified. To sum it up, the entire clergy and all the Church in the East experienced the emperor's wrath on account of religion. And such were the grave things Valens perpetrated in the churches of Thrace and Constantinople, in Nicomedia and Caesarea of Cappadocia, and moreover in Antioch and in Egypt. A
CHAPTER XXX. On Valentinian's Reverential Observance of Divine Religion: and on the Roman Synod, Which Promulgated that the Trinity is Consubstantial: and on Damasus and Ursicius, the Bishops of Rome, Who Succeeded Liberius.
But I shall pass from the East to the affairs of the Western Empire; for this region remained immune to such calamities, because Valentinian administered that part of the Roman Empire. He was second to none in his burning love for the decrees of Nicaea and possessed a unique love for God, so that he deemed it better to command nothing at all regarding ecclesiastical matters, nor to introduce anything new beyond what had been once established. For he considered such things to exceed his own investigation or discretion, although he was otherwise an excellent prince, and proved himself by his very deeds to be fit for the empire. For at that time also, as before, much questioning arose throughout Asia and Phrygia as to whether one ought to confess the Holy Spirit as consubstantial with the Father and the Son. And there was a contention of words regarding such a question to such an extent that it was held to be of no less importance than that which had previously occurred concerning God the Word. C For some contended that He was unlike, while others maintained He was consubstantial, just as the Son. And in this alone did both parties agree: that they called the Holy Spirit a minister; yet they asserted that He was third in order, and another in both honor and substance. There were those, however, who held the same opinion regarding the Spirit as they did concerning the Son; and just as they confessed the Son to be consubstantial, of equal honor, and of equal glory with the Father, so too did they confess Him regarding the Holy Spirit, both in relation to the Father and the D
A Son. Apollinaris the Laodicean fought stoutly for this opinion among the Syrians; the great Athanasius, who was still alive at that time, fought for it in Egypt; and Gregory and Basil fought for it among the Cappadocians and the churches around the Euxine Sea.
When this question, as has been said, was raised, and much contention increased on account of it, Valentinian, on account of his remarkable piety toward things divine, had nothing to say; but he granted to those who had been entrusted with such matters the right to come forward and decide what needed to be done. Upon learning this, Liberius, who then governed the Roman Church, having summoned the neighboring bishops by order of the prince, wrote to the churches B in the East to preach the Trinity as consubstantial and of equal glory. This act, inasmuch as the matter had once been duly and orderly judged by the Roman Church, effectively caused everyone to be at peace; and the question concerning the Holy Spirit, having reached its proper conclusion, put an end to the long-standing verbal dispute. The same synod also confirmed the faith of Nicaea by its own authority. I shall also append both the letters, that of the Emperor and that of the synod, which they sent to those in the East who were disputing about the right opinion. The words of the Emperor were as follows:
"The greatest Emperors, ever-Augusti, victors, Valentinian and Gratian, to the bishops of the diocese of Asia, Phrygia, Carophrygia, and Pacatiana, greeting in the Lord. Since such a great synod has been held in Illyricum and the great question concerning C the saving Word has been discussed, the most blessed bishops have demonstrated the Trinity to be consubstantial with the Father, the Son, and the Holy Spirit. Those who worship this Trinity, by no means shrinking from the ministry and function entrusted to them, as is proper, worship the religion of the great King. Our Majesty has ordered that this be preached; but in such a way that none may say that they have followed the religion of an emperor who governs this earth, and do not sufficiently obey Him who gave us the command concerning salvation. For just as the Gospel of our God, which decides and judges this very matter, says: 'Render the things that are Caesar's to Caesar, and the things that are God's to God'—what do you say, you bishops and overseers of the saving D word? Are your decrees also arranged in this way? Therefore, embracing one another with mutual charity, cease to abuse the majesty and authority of the emperor.
Wars are stilled on earth, and the incursions of the apostate angels are turned back, and all corrupting demons are driven away by prayer; and they know how to bring forward the public affairs according to the laws. Nor do they contradict the authority of the one who rules, but sincerely keep the commandment of the King from above, and are subject to our laws, whereas you have been shown to be disobedient. We have indeed used tolerance from alpha all the way to omega, but you have rendered it back upon yourselves. B
Therefore, that we may be pure and immune from your sin, just as Pilate, in the investigation and judgment of Christ who walked among us, when he did not wish to kill Him, but rather sought to comfort Him in His affliction, turned toward the parts of the East, and having asked for water for his hands, washed his hands, saying, "I am innocent of the blood of this just man"; so too does our Highness always decree that those who do the work in the field of Christ are not to be persecuted, nor overwhelmed as if by waves, nor oppressed by emulation and envy, nor are such stewards of the great King to be rejected, lest even today you appear to grow under our rule, only to suffer shortly afterward, along with the instigator or exhorter of the slaughter, those things which belong to that testament, as in the blood of Zacharias. With whom those who consented to him were broken by our heavenly emperor Jesus Christ, even before His coming, and were delivered unto the judgment of death along with the lethal demon that accompanied them. We have issued this mandate, with Amegetius, and Cicerionius, and Damasus, and Dialampon, and Bretesius hearing it. Furthermore, we have sent the acts to you so that you may know the decrees of that illustrious synod; the chapters of which, annexed to these letters, contain the following. We profess, according to the opinion of the great and orthodox and rightly-thinking synod, that the Son is consubstantial with the Father. And we do not accept "consubstantial" as some in the past C who did not truly subscribe to it explained it, and as others now, while calling those men Fathers, abolish the force and meaning of the word—following the letter, they understand by "consubstantial" that "similar" is signified, in that the Son is to be compared to none of the remaining creatures made through Him, but is similar and equal to the Father alone. For those who explain it in this way impiously teach that the Son of God is a pre-eminent creature. But we, just as the synods now in Rome and Gaul also think, hold that there is one and the same substance of the Father and of the Son and of the Holy Spirit, in three persons, that is, in three perfect subsistences. We profess, indeed, according to the Nicene formula, that the Son of God is consubstantial, that He was incarnate from the holy Virgin Mary, and dwelt among men, and fulfilled all the dispensation for us in His birth, and passion, and resurrection, and in His ascension into heaven. And as to His return— D
A to render to us His divine likeness, according to the life of each person on the day of judgment; appearing in flesh and manifesting His own divine power, being God bearing the flesh, and not a man bearing God. And those who think the opposite we treat with anathema; and no less so those who do not genuinely treat with anathema him who said that the Son did not exist before He was begotten, but who wrote that even before He was begotten in act, He existed in power in the Father. For this is true even of all creatures, which are not always with God; whereas the Son is always and eternally begotten with the Father.
These were the letters of the Emperor. But the letters of the Synod were written in these words:
«The bishops of Illyricum, to the churches of God and to the bishops of the diocese of Asiana, Phrygia, Carophrygia, and Pacatiana, greeting in the Lord. A meeting having been held by us, and much inquiry having been made concerning the saving Word, we have determined that the Trinity of the Father, and of the Son, and of the Holy Spirit is consubstantial. And we have deemed it right to write letters to you; not that we might describe the worship B of the Trinity by any clever arts, but deeming ourselves, in submissive humility, worthy of this matter, we have sent this our letter by our beloved brother and fellow-minister, Elpidius the presbyter. For it is written not in the letters of our own hands, but in the books of our Savior Jesus Christ: *I am of Paul, and I of Apollos, and I of Cephas. Was Paul crucified for you? Or were you baptized in the name of Paul?* And this indeed seemed sufficient for our humility, not to write any letter at all to you, on account of the great horror which you preach there in every province under you, separating the Holy Spirit from the Father and the Son. But the necessity has been laid upon us to send to you our lord and fellow-minister Elpidius, from the city C which is the head of the Roman Empire, bearing these letters, to ascertain whether your preaching is indeed thus. For those who do not preach the Trinity as consubstantial, let them be anathema; and if anyone be found having communion with them, let him be anathema; but to those who preach the Trinity as consubstantial, the kingdom of heaven is prepared. We exhort you, therefore, brethren, not to teach differently, nor to think otherwise, but by always and at all times preaching the Trinity as consubstantial, may you be able to inherit the kingdom of God. Writing about this and having this reminder, we have inscribed this our letter; and concerning the bishops who are being appointed or the fellow-ministers who have been appointed, if they be from among those in authority [who are] D sound, [that is well]; but if not, [let them be chosen] from the presbytery itself, and likewise presbyters and deacons from the clerical order itself, so that they may be blameless in every respect, and sound also from the magistracy.
A For this very reason we were unwilling to set out [our instructions] at great length, because we have sent one from among all, our lord and fellow-minister Elpidius, who has diligently examined your preaching, to see if it is in fact as we heard from our lord and fellow-minister Eustathius. For the rest, even if you have at some time been entangled in errors, nonetheless, laying aside the old man, put on the new. For the same brother and fellow-minister Elpidius will teach you to preach the true faith: that the Holy Trinity, consubstantial with God and the Father together with the Holy Spirit, is sanctified, glorified, and revealed: the Father in the Son, the Son in the Father, with the Holy Spirit, forever. For when this is revealed, we shall be able clearly to confess the Holy Trinity to be consubstantial, according to the faith formerly set forth at Nicaea, which the Fathers also confirmed. B Therefore, with this faith being preached, we shall be able to escape the snares of the pernicious demon; for when he is extinguished, we shall be able to honor one another in peace while living in peace through peaceful letters. We have written to you, then, so that you might know that the mad Arians, who do not confess the Son to be from the substance of the Father, nor the Holy Spirit, have been deposed; their names we have subjoined: Polychronius, Telemachus, Faustus, Asclepiades, Amantius, Cleopater. And these things are thus for the glory of the Father and of the Son and of the Holy Spirit, forever and ever. Amen. We pray that you may fare well in the Father, and in the Son our Savior Christ, together with the Holy Spirit, throughout many cycles of years. The most praiseworthy emperor bestowed such great care upon the apostolic dogmas.
Chapter XXXI
C But when Liberius had passed to the better life, Damasus was substituted in his throne, being inferior to him in neither life nor erudition nor the soundness of his doctrine; under whom it happened that the Roman Church was troubled, for a cause of this kind: a certain deacon, Ursicius, being a fellow-candidate with Damasus, since he was frustrated in his hope regarding the election to the episcopate, and had suffered a rebuff, did not bear that injury well and set out to hold his own conventicles separately. And since he had been clandestinely consecrated by some few bishops, he began to preach separately and to draw the multitude to himself. Thus it happened that some wished this man to exercise the episcopal office, while others wished Damasus. From this fact a huge passion for contention arose, D and from strife the matter proceeded step by step into sedition; not for the sake of any faith, as one might confess God from God, light from light. For he who by denying [it] does not violate the Holy Spirit—whom we hope for and receive from the supreme Parent of all things—in whom the sense of undefiled faith lives, [namely] the undivided substance of the incorrupt Trinity, which is rightly called by the Greek word [ὁμοούσιος] by those who believe.
contention slowly proceeded toward sedition, not on account of any profession of faith, as has been said, but because of the dissension as to which of those two should preside over the episcopal throne. And the sedition grew so intense that the evil proceeded even to slaughter, many being killed in the clash of the multitudes. And this disaster would have progressed into a greater evil, had not the prefect of the city, Maximinus, taking notice of many among the clergy at once and of the people, forced Ursicinus to desist from his attempt, and his followers to abandon him. Concerning dogmas, however, neither those who inhabit Rome, nor those who hold the rest of the West, were in disagreement as before; but with one consent they all embraced the faith at Nicaea, and they held and taught the Trinity as consubstantial, of the same honor, and of the same power. A
CAPUT XXXI. On the heresy of Auxentius the bishop of Milan, and how he was deposed by Damasus, and what the synod wrote to the bishops in Illyricum concerning him.
Only one man, Auxentius, holding the charge of the Church of Milan, alongside a few others, being eager for new things, both thought and taught against the common opinion of the Western bishops. For he followed the opinion of Arius, and he entirely rejected the statement recently made concerning the Holy Spirit, that He is consubstantial and of the same honor with the Father and the Son. But when some from Gaul and Venetia, and others as well, had denounced the things he was striving for, very many bishops from every nation inhabiting the West assembled at Rome. And there they judged it to be certain that the faith at Nicaea must be honored above all else, and that the actions of the convention of Ariminum contrary to that [faith] were of no validity: because the Roman hierarch had not been present there, and because not so many had consented to those actions; and furthermore, because the decrees were displeasing to some who had also assembled there. Moreover, they expelled Auxentius and his followers, who dared to trifle in such a way, from the universal Church. That these things happened so is shown also by the letter written to the bishops of Illyricum by Damasus and those who had assembled at that time in Rome; for it writes as follows: B C
"The bishops who have assembled in the holy council at Rome, Damasus, and Valerius, and the rest, to the bishops of Illyricum, our beloved brothers, greeting in the Lord. We are persuaded that we hold our holy profession of faith, founded on the doctrine of the apostles, and we propose to the people those things which in no way dissent from the decrees of the Fathers. For it is not otherwise fitting for the priests of God, by whom it is right for the wise to be instructed, to think and to feel. But by the report of our brothers in Gaul and Venetia, we have learned that some are laboring at heresy. Which evil indeed, not only [should be avoided], but also if any things are introduced through the inexperience and simplicity of some that are contrary to true and genuine interpretations, the bishops D
A should see to it that we do not slip away from those who are considering different teachings, but rather should hold fast to the opinion of our Fathers, as often as they may be carried about by diverse counsels. Therefore, it has been written beforehand that Auxentius of Milan was condemned especially for this reason. It is right, then, that all the teachers in the Roman world should be of one mind, and not defile the faith with differing teachings. For when the wickedness of heretics first began to flourish, as even now especially (which would that it were not so!) the blasphemy of the Arians has begun to prevail, our 318 chosen Fathers, after holding an investigation and deliberation at Nicaea, established this wall against the darts of the devil, and by this antidote warded off the deadly poison; so that we might believe the Father and the Son to be of one divinity, of one virtue, and thus one substance. And one must be persuaded that the Holy Spirit is of the same substance. We have judged that he who thinks otherwise is alien to our fellowship and communion. This saving decree and the definition that is worthy of all reverence, some wished to defile; but from the very beginning, through those who were compelled to change that sanction at Ariminum with novel things and to corrupt it with their handling, the matter has been corrected up to the present: so that they confess that they were surreptitiously deceived by another form of speech, which form they were unaware was contrary to the decrees of the Nicene Fathers. Nor could any prejudice arise from the number of those who B assembled at Ariminum, since it is established that neither the Roman bishop, whose opinion ought to have been sought before all others, nor Vincentius, who for so many years preserved his episcopate inviolate, nor any of the others who agreed with such people, were present there. And especially, as we have said, since these very men who seemed to give way, having been circumvented by fraud, now following a better opinion, have testified that such actions are displeasing to them. C Therefore, your sincerity perceives that this faith alone, which was founded at Nicaea according to the authority of the apostles, is to be held with perpetual constancy and firmness, [a faith] which with us both the Easterners, who acknowledge themselves to belong to the Catholic Church, and the Westerners, can boast in the name of. We believe, indeed, that before long, those who think otherwise will, by this very same onset, have their episcopal names separated from our communion, so that the people, liberated from their fraud and seduction, may breathe again. For the error of the multitude can in no way be corrected if they themselves are held by that same error. Therefore, let the opinion of your dignity likewise accord with D all the priests of God, in which we believe you to be holy and firm. Since we ought to believe that we are in communion with you, show this by the mutual responses of your love.
CHAPTER XXXII.
A How a sedition having arisen in Milan, Ambrose, who was performing the office of governor, coming to suppress it, was chosen bishop by the multitude; and concerning his boldness of speech.The bishops of the West indeed in this manner restrained those who were attempting to introduce innovations in those parts, and they kept the dogma of the faith unviolated from the beginning, so that it happened that those who thought otherwise were very few, and Auxentius was almost alone among them. But not long after, he also was removed by death. When he had been taken out of the way, the multitude was in an uproar over the election of a bishop, because some were proposing one man and others another. Since, therefore, Milan was in great danger—for everyone, when his own counsel and undertaking did not succeed, was threatening to do what is wont to happen in such disturbances—Ambrose, who at that time held the consular dignity and as governor was in charge of that province for Valentinian, fearing this B disorderly agitation, came to the church with a considerable crowd and advised them what he thought was best: namely, to desist from contention and to act according to the laws of the Church. Then he reminded them of the blessings of concord, and how many good things are to be gained by those who choose to embrace peaceful counsel. While he was still speaking, suddenly the tumult and sedition were put to rest, and all bestowed their votes for the bishopric upon that very advocate of virtue and concord; and they urged him to be baptized—for he was not yet initiated—and to accept the episcopal dignity among them. They prayed that he would receive the priesthood according to their desire, for in that way alone, they said, would they have unity, and concord concerning the faith be brought about. C When he gladly accepted the baptism but deferred as much as he could the ordination, and quite plainly rejected the action, the multitude insisted even more, and asserted that they would not yield whatever might happen. These things were made known to the Emperor Valentinian. Upon hearing this, he first prayed, and then gave thanks to God, who had called to the episcopal office those whom he himself had set over the administration of the republic. And when he compared the vehement petition of the people with the constant reluctance of Ambrose, he perceived full well that the election of that man would be for the good of the Church of Milan in maintaining concord. Wherefore he ordered that he should undertake initiation and D consecration as soon as possible. As soon as he underwent divine baptism and bowed his head for consecration, the entire populace returned to concord, and tranquility was restored to the Church, which indeed for a long time had been imperiled by dissension because of the evil administration of Auxentius. But forasmuch as the Emperor was present to these events, acting in all things most excellently, he offered this hymn to the Savior God, saying: "I give thanks to you, O Lord Almighty and our Savior, that to this man I entrusted bodies, while you have entrusted souls; and you have proved my votes to be just." And while he said these things, Ambrose, not long after, speaking to the Emperor with boldness, reproached
A certain matters which were not being well handled by the magistrates. "This boldness of yours," said the Emperor, "I have long since known; and being aware of it, I not only did not restrain it, but I even became a fellow-voter in your priesthood. Heal, therefore, as the divine decree dictates, the sins of our souls." These things took place at Mediolanum. What kind of person, however, Ambrose was in life and speech, and in his zeal for the Church, and how very manfully and divinely he conducted his episcopate, making use of much boldness of admonition toward the principal magistrates at the proper time, shall be told in the following book. B
CHAPTER XXXIII. How the great Valentinian departed from life; and concerning Valentinian the younger; and a narrative concerning the empresses Justina and Severa, and the children of both.
At that time, because the Sauromatae were ravaging the Roman dominion and that part of the empire which inclines toward the West with incursions, Valentinian set out against them with vast military preparation. And they, fearing such a great expedition of the Emperor, having sent ambassadors, sought peace from him. When he saw that they were deformed, he inquired whether all the Sauromatae were such. And when they said that the best among them—those who excelled in birth and stature—were accustomed to be sent as ambassadors, C he was seized with much anger and fury and said that the Roman empire had fallen upon grievous and most unfortunate times, if the Sauromatae—a race so barbarous and misshapen, in whom these were the ones who excelled the rest—were not willing to remain content in their own abodes, but, impelled by such great confidence, traversed his dominion and, enticed by a certain tickling of war, brought it upon the Romans. And when he was thus indignant and screaming loudly, they say that from the excessive straining of his voice his internal organs were ruptured, and a certain vein and artery were broken; and from the copious flow of blood which ensued, he departed this life, in a certain castle of Germania D which had the name Brigitio, on the seventeenth day of the month of November, when he was nearly fifty-five years of age, and had administered the empire very well and most excellently for thirteen years. Having been brought for burial at the ancestral monument, the army which was in Italy, on the sixth day after, proclaimed his namesake, his younger son Valentinian, as Emperor in the town of Italia called Aquinum. Nor, a long time after, were the emperors Gratian, his brother, and Valens, by their own vote, [made] fellow-ruler in his sovereignty, even if they were angry at the first; inasmuch as the soldiers,without their order, had bestowed upon him the imperial insignia.A It is to be noted, however, that this younger Valentinian was born to the great Valentinian by Justina, whom he took to wife while his former spouse, whose name was Severa, was still living. The cause of this marriage occurred as follows: this Justina had as her father one Justus, who, holding the governorship of the province of Picenum in the times of Constantius, is said to have seen in a dream the imperial purple sprouting from his right thigh. The dream, being innocently recounted by him, was spread among many. Not long after, it even reached the ears of Constantius. He, interpreting the dream to mean that he would beget an emperor, sent a headsman and had his head cut off. But his little daughter, this Justina, having been orphaned of her father, fell into hardship, yet nevertheless embraced virginity. B Later, she became known to the emperor Valentinian’s wife, Severa. By frequently visiting her, she was, through constant association, admitted into her friendship; and when that intimacy had been strengthened by long acquaintance, she was eventually admitted even to the communion of the baths. One day, when Severa saw her bathing, though she was a woman herself, she was so captivated by her beauty, and to such a degree, that she spoke to her husband, the emperor, about her, saying that the daughter of Justus possessed such outstanding beauty that even she, though a woman, had fallen in love with the flower of her chastity and virginity. The emperor, struck by the words of Severa, treasured his counsel within himself; for he had planned to take Justina also, and to have both as legitimate wives. C Accordingly, he publicly promulgated a law that it should be permitted to anyone who wished to have two legitimate wives at the same time. And the law proceeded through every city; and he brought Justina to the palace to be with Severa, and shared equal honor with her. Now of Severa, Valentinian had previously begotten Gratian, whom he had formerly declared emperor of the West; but of this Justina, he begat the young Valentinian, whom the army, as has been said, against the will of the two emperors—the brother and the uncle, I mean—deemed worthy of acclamation. There were also born to her three daughters: Justa, Grata, and Galla. Of these, two embraced virginity throughout their lives; D as for Galla, the Emperor Theodosius the Great later took her to wife, from whom there was born to him a daughter, Placidia. For he had begotten Honorius and Arcadius in a prior marriage from his first wife, Placilla, whom he had joined to himself legally before he assumed the imperial rule. But of Theodosius and his sons, it will be spoken in its proper place.
CHAPTER XXXIV.
A Who at that time flourished in Egypt as philosophers and divine men, disciples and disciples of disciples of Antony the Great: Joannes, Or, Amon, Theonas, Benus, Copres, Hellas, Elias, Apelles, Isidorus, Serapion, Dioscorus, Eulogius, and Apollos.But indeed, let us turn again from the West to the affairs of the East. And where I promised that I would speak first of the ecclesiastical philosophers—for their abundance was truly great, and I know not if there was ever such a time of them—there I shall proceed. Having rested somewhat with pleasure in the death of the impious Valens, I shall also bring this eleventh volume of histories to an end. But as for the beginnings of the monastic life, and who were its fathers and leaders, we have already commemorated these in the history of the Great Constantine, and then again in that of his son Constantius. B For we treated of Antony and Paul the Simple, as well as Ammon and Eutychianus, who was on Olympus, and furthermore of Spyridon, Nicolaus, and Parthenius—hierarchs famous for the miracles they wrought—when we were writing the history of Constantine. But the disciples of Antony, namely the two Macarii, Pambo, Paphnutius, Apollonius, and Anub, we relegated to the deeds of Constantius. In that work we also celebrated the Egyptian monks who lived the philosophical life in Scetis and Tabennesi; furthermore, those who meditated on virtue through pious exercises in Syria and Palestine, and those who in Pontus, Europe, and Italy itself led a life equal to that of the angels; C as well as others who were indeed wise and of our religion, yet did not preserve the sound doctrine of the faith to the end. In this place, however, we shall pursue those who flourished afterwards, who not only had those earlier men as fathers, but themselves became fathers of many sons in God. I shall briefly run through them in a summary, as much as it has been granted to me to know of their affairs.
At the time of this empire, following those God-loving men whom we have mentioned before, that Joannes shone forth in Egypt, to whom God granted the gift of prophecy and the knowledge of things which are most hidden to many, so that he could discern future things just as clearly as present ones, no less than the ancient prophets. D Besides this, he had another gift received from God: to command incurable diseases, and swifter than speech to put them to flight and heal the sick. Following him, the celebrated Or also became famous, who from his very infancy pursued a solitary life in the desert, knowing no other labor but to offer praises to God. He sustained his life on some wild herbs and the roots of these plants. He drank whatever water the earth in whatever place he happened to be in provided him by chance. But when he reached old age, being ordered by a certain divine vision to inhabit the Thebaid, he became the leader of many monasteries. And this man was enriched with the same divine gifts as Joannes. For by prayer alone he drove away not only diseases, but also demons. Being uninitiated in letters, he stood in no need of books.
For whatever he had heard and once committed to his mind, he stored away above all forgetfulness, and saw it ready at hand at the time of need. At that time, that Amon, too, was pursuing philosophy in these parts; he who, presiding over the monasteries on the island of Tabenna, had three thousand disciples, among whom were Benus and Theonas, leaders of monastic orders. Both of them had received from God the grace of foreknowledge and prophecy. They say, however, that Theonas had practiced to the highest degree the wisdom and learning of the Egyptians, Greeks, and Romans, and had observed silence for thirty years; and that Benus had practiced his life in such a way as to never grow angry with anyone, nor to swear, nor even to lie; and he would never choose to bring forth through his mouth a rash or empty word, or one worthy of contempt. B Indeed, Copres, Helles, and Helias also were known at that time. Copres had received the grace to master demons and to heal the passions of various diseases. Such grace for performing wonders had been given to Helles, even while he was still being trained in the monastic way of life, that he would carry burning coals in his bosom, and not burn his garments; and thence he would draw his companions and incite them to zeal for the virtuous life, inasmuch as it had the demonstration of wondrous works following upon a good life. Helias possessed the workshop of philosophy near the city of Antinou, having reached over one hundred and ten years of age. He said that for seventy years, before arriving there, he had lived alone in the desert. But being at such an age, he persisted bravely in the struggle with fasting until the end, just as if he had undertaken the stadium of the monastic life that very year or a third year before. Regarding Achoris, that Apelles C distinguished himself, striking the monasteries in Egypt with wonder at his marvelous works. They say that at times, while he was working at his forge (for this was his occupation), a demon, having changed at night into the form of a beautiful woman, would try to lay a snare for the man's chastity. But he, having slowly drawn out a mass of coals, would cast it into the face of the demon, and burn it, D and that it would immediately flee away, shrieking and wailing lamentably. The famous fathers of the monks at that time were Isidorus and Serapion, and besides these, Dioscorus. Isidorus, having fenced the monastery round about with wood and walls, made it his concern that none of those set under him should go outside, but rather that he should remain in his place, using only what was sufficient for necessary things. Serapion, having acquired about ten thousand disciples, lived around the Arsenoite. Those who were set under him provided for their living by their own sweat, and helped many of the needy. In the summer season, reaping for wages, they would put aside the grain that was sufficient for themselves and provide for the rest of the monks. As for Dioscorus, he had one hundred students. Being chosen to the priesthood, he had much...
and exact care in the dispensation of divine things, examining with the greatest scrutiny those who approached to receive the mysteries. For he exhorted that the mind be first purified, and he questioned the conscience, lest it have any committed evils. A There was also at that time another even more diligent, Eulogius by name, who is said to have possessed such foreknowledge or discernment regarding those approaching the divine mysteries, by guessing from the subtle intent, that he would not only clearly expose the sins that were manifest, but would also brilliantly perceive those that were hidden away in the recesses of each man's heart. Truly, those who had committed any evil or were ill-disposed in any matter, he would for the time being keep away from communion, declaring their offenses. But if they made use of repentance and purified themselves as was fitting, he would admit them again. Besides these, Apollos also embraced the deserts, who, having already reached the years of puberty, began to philosophize and practice the monastic life. And when he had spent forty years in solitude, being warned by a divine response, he went into a certain mountain cave near an inhabited part of the region, and lived there. Having attained a glorious reputation for very many miracles, he drew many to himself and became the author and leader of many monks. For there were in his character certain allurements, and no less so in his teachings. But what the manner of his divine life was, and by what notable miracles he struck with amazement the men of his time, Timothy, who piously governed the Church of the Alexandrians, has embraced in a special writing, in which he makes mention not only of him, but also of many other great men. B
CHAPTER XXXV. De Dorotheo, Piamnone, Joanne, Benjamin, Marco, Macario et Apollonio.
C At that same time around Alexandria, and in the places called "the deserts," and around Mareotis, and the neighboring Libyans, many good men practiced philosophy with great diligence, numbering about two thousand. Among them shone forth, like a certain illustrious star, that Dorotheus, who was from Thebes. His life was this: by day he would collect stones from the nearby sea and build a little house every year, and leave it to a monk who was unable to build one for himself; but at night he would braid ropes and make baskets from palm leaves. His food was six ounces of bread, and a bundle of thin vegetables; his drink, water. And because he had embraced this kind of diet from his youth, he persisted in it always, even into extreme old age. He was never seen to lie down on a mat or a bed, or even to stretch out his feet for relaxation or rest, or to take sleep of his own accord. For whether he was working or very often when he was eating, sleep would fall upon him with great force, at least so much as to close his eyes; and sometimes when he was eating, by the violence of sleep the food would fall from his mouth. And sometimes, having been held by the violence of sleep, he would fall; and upon this much...
he reasoned quietly within himself: “If you make the angels sleep, then you will also persuade the earnest man.” He was hinting at something, either towards sleep itself or towards the demon who stood in the way, hindering him from discoursing on his earnest deeds. And thus, while he was struggling against his body, someone approached and said: “Why do you kill and wear out your own body, O Father?” To which he replied: “Because it seeks to kill me.”
Regarding the *Diolchos* (the passage for ships) towards Egypt, Piammon and John were most famous, and they led many of the brethren with solemnity and great diligence. Both were presbyters. It is said that Piammon, in a mystery, saw a divine angel B standing in his holy vestments beside the holy table, writing down in a certain book those of the monks who were present; but those who were absent from the synaxis and the gathering, he was erasing and blotting out. As for John, God glorified him with many miracles, so that he healed many diseases, and cured many who were suffering from pains in the feet, and those otherwise afflicted with joints that were paralyzed.
At that same time, the divine Benjamin was practicing philosophy greatly in the region of Scete. He is said to have received from God this gift: without medicines, by the mere laying on of hands, or with some oil over which he would offer prayer, he would deliver the sick from diseases of every kind. They say that he later fell into dropsy and his body swelled to such a degree that he could not be taken out through the gate of the house where he lived unless the gates and the doorposts were first C torn down. Being unable to lie upon a bed, he sat for about eight months in a wider chair; and although it was his custom to heal the sick, he was not at all vexed that he himself was not becoming better. Rather, he comforted both the sick and the others who approached to see him, and asked them to pray for his soul, as if he had no concern for the body—saying that it had profited him nothing when in good health, and had harmed him nothing when sick.
Meanwhile, at Scete, the celebrated ascetic Marcus was practicing philosophy; likewise the younger Macarius; and besides them, Apollonius and the renowned Moses the Ethiopian. Of these, the divine Marcus D was from his early youth very gentle and modest, and gifted with such a memory that he surpassed others in his knowledge of the divine Scriptures. He was so dear to God that the far-famed presbyter of the Cells, Macarius, would affirm with great solemnity that he had never imparted to him [Marcus], as he did to others, the things that it is lawful for those initiated to receive from priests; but that an angel would descend and impart them to him—the hand of whom he could see extending as far as the wrist. This Macarius had from God the grace to master demons. The occasion for his turning to philosophy had been a murder which he committed against his will. For while he was yet a youth, he had been tending sheep around Lake Mareotis...
A he killed one of his own age during play, and fearing the penalty for this transgression, he fled into the desert. He lived there under the open sky, and later he built himself a small hut, in which he lived for twenty-five years. He professed much gratitude to God for his misfortune, and said that the murder had been his salvation, for it had become the occasion for him to follow philosophy and a good life. As for Apollonius, after he had spent the greatest part of his life in trade, he betook himself to Scetis when he was already advancing toward old age. B And since he was already burdened by the weight of years and was useless—being unable to write or to perform any other task properly—he would buy with his own money whatever medicines and foodstuffs he thought useful for the sick, and would bring them into the desert to the dwellings of the monks. He would go around daily until the ninth hour, caring for the sick. And in this new and unique practice of the ascetic life, which he had devised for himself and which was suited to him, he spent the rest of his life. As he was about to die, he gave the medicines to another and ordered him to do the same, proposing to him through this the hope of attaining salvation as well.
CHAPTER XXXVI.
Concerning Moses the Ethiopian, Paul, Pachon, Stephen, and another Moses.
Moses the Ethiopian, who was a slave by status, fled from the house of his master due to the wickedness of his nature. Having learned to plunder, he soon became the leader of a band of robbers. C When he had committed a great many impious acts and had become bold in the matter of murders, by some turn of fate he adopted the monastic life and began suddenly to pursue philosophy, advancing very strongly in virtue. But because his previous way of life and his robust physical constitution caused him to be drawn back again to the fantasies of pleasure, he strove with all his might to tame his flesh with varied exercises. Sometimes he used only bread without side dishes, and at other times, having completed a great deal of work, he would offer fifty prayers each day. D For six continuous years he passed his nights in total vigil, standing and praying, so that he would neither bend his knee nor let his eyes close at all in sleep. And at night he would go around the dwellings of the monks, secretly taking each one's water jar, and after filling it with water, he would place it back in its respective spot. This was a task of immense labor, because the place from which the water flowed was ten stadia distant for some, twenty for others, and thirty for yet others. For a very long time he retained his former strength, even though he put much effort into weakening it and exhausting his flesh through long-continued hardship. They say that once, four robbers who had raided his retreat of quiet, were caught by him and tied up; and throwing them over his shoulders—for there were four of them—he brought them to the church and handed them over to the Fathers to determine what should be done concerning them.
He said that it was A unlawful for him in the future to do harm to anyone. And indeed, they say that no one ever made such a change from vice to virtue, so as either to reach the summit of it or to strike unspeakable terror into the demons. And the wondrous thing is that he even became a presbyter of those in Scetis, and this after having killed very many men when he was leading his band of robbers. Being such a man, he left behind many and truly excellent disciples. Having reached about the eighty-fifth year of his age, he departed this life.
In the same era, Paul also flourished, as did Pachon, Stephen, and Moses, both being Libyans by race, as well as Pior the Egyptian. B Paul practiced philosophy in Pherme—this is a mountain in Scetis—having no fewer than five hundred monks. He did no work, nor did he receive anything from anyone, except for what he ate. He rendered prayers every day without intermission, as if paying a tax to God, three hundred in number. And so that he would not fail in the count, he placed just as many pebbles in his bosom, and at each prayer he would cast one out; when these were spent, it was evident that the equal number of prayers had been fulfilled by the stones. Pachon, also living philosophically in Scetis, from his youth even to advanced old age, C neither body, though it was otherwise healthy, nor passion, and indeed not even a demon, could accuse him of having behaved in a soft or unmanly way regarding the austerity and the things which it becomes a monastic philosopher to restrain.
Stephen had his residence near the Mareotic region, not far from Marmarica. Having been trained in that kind of strict and exact philosophy, he was a tried monk for sixty years. Being known to the great Antony, he became very gentle and wise. D In familiar conversations, he was so sweet and helpful that he could easily soothe the spirits of those who were held by the greatest sorrow with the grace of his words and turn them toward cheerfulness, even if they had long and stubbornly refused consolation. Furthermore, he showed himself to be such a man even in his own afflictions. For once, when an incurable malady struck him, he allowed the corrupted limbs to be cut away by those who knew how to treat them; yet he himself, as if it were another who was suffering, continuing his accustomed labor and having palm leaves in his hands, wove the rope, and was an advisor and persuader to those who were present that they should not bear the misfortunes of this life with resentment, nor think of anything else than that which, with God's help, would result in a good end. He said that for himself, being subjected to such afflictions, and that perhaps on account of sins committed, it was advantageous and useful that he should pay the penalty for these sins here, rather than have them reserved to be punished in the life to come. We have also received that Moses gained great glory through gentleness and love, and that he accomplished the healing of very many, and those incurable, afflictions by prayer alone.
Chapter XXXVII. On Pior, Didymus, Arsesius, Ammonius, and the brothers who were called the Tall or Long.
A Pior, having embraced the monastic philosophy while still a very young man, when he left his father's house, made a vow to God never again to present himself to the sight of any of his kinsmen. But when, fifty years later, his sister heard that he was alive, she could not restrain herself; and, seized with immense joy at the report, which had come to her contrary to all expectation, she desired above all else to see him. Therefore, she begged the bishop of that place, with tears and loud cries, to write to those in Scetis to send her brother to her. The bishop, moved to pity by the old woman's age, wrote to the monastic superiors, instructing them to send Pior. And he, having been ordered, for he could not resist (for it is not the custom for monks in Egypt, or indeed among others, to disobey commands), came to his own country, bringing with him another of the brethren. B When he was outside his father's house, he made his presence known. When she perceived the sound of his footsteps and the door creaked as it opened, he, closing his eyes, called his sister by name, saying: "I am Pior, your brother; enjoy the sight of me just as you wish." She, having looked at him sufficiently, gave thanks to God that the longing of her heart had been fulfilled; but he, having offered a prayer at the threshold, immediately departed and returned to his accustomed place.
Having dug a well there, he found the water bitter; yet he used it and continued to do so until his death. The sublimity of his austerity was revealed only after his departure from this life; for when others later determined to practice the monastic life in that same place, they found the water unendurable. Yet in my opinion, if he had not set it before himself to endure thus, it would not have been difficult for him, by prayer alone, to turn that water into a sweet quality, since he had been the one to draw it forth in a place where there was none. C For they say that once, when those with the aforementioned Moses were digging a well, and when they had descended to a great depth, and not even a vein promised the appearance of moisture, they were about to give up and abandon such great labor. But at midday, Pior, who happened to be passing by, arrived; he greeted them first, and then rebuked the faint-heartedness and unbelief of those who were digging. After this, he descended into the pit, and struck the ground with his mattock three times; immediately the water gushed forth and filled the excavation. When he asked to be allowed to depart for prayer, even though they asked him to partake of food with them, he did not comply, saying that he had not come for that purpose, but that he had accomplished that for which he had come. D At this same time, many of the disciples of the great Antony were flourishing around Scetis; among them, the aged men were Origen, Didymus, and Cronius; and Cronius lived for more than one hundred and ten years. In addition to these, there were contemporary with them Serapion the Great, Poutoudastes, and Arion, and the renowned Arsesius; and these men, having grown old in such philosophy, presided over the monasteries.
Of these, A Didymus dwelt with no man until the day he died, although he had lived ninety years. But Arsesius granted pardon to the young who had fallen into transgression, while he excommunicated those who were advanced in age and virtue, using these words: "A young person, if he is rejected through excommunication, becomes a despiser; but he who has advanced in virtue quickly perceives the sense of the rebuke." Of those who were in the middle and stable state of life, many were also good monks; among whom were Ammonius and Eusebius, and furthermore Dioscorus and Euthymius, who, being brothers, were called "the Tall" on account of the stature of their bodies. B It is said that Ammonius attained such fame in this philosophy, and was so superior to all pleasure and luxury, that he tasted nothing cooked except bread alone. He was also very studious of literature and learning, so that he diligently and successfully read the writings of Origen, Didymus, and Evagrius. He was so free from idle curiosity that, having accompanied Athanasius the Great to Rome, he decided that nothing else among the notable things of that city was worth seeing except the martyrdom of Peter and Paul, and the house in which their holy bodies are treasured. When he was about to be seized for episcopal ordination, since he could not persuade those who had come for this purpose by talking to them, he cut off his own right ear and said: C "Go away even now; since, henceforth, the constitution of the Church does not receive a priest who is not whole and unmutilated." And when those who had been sent by the leaders departed from him, saying among themselves that such things are observed and magnified by the Jews, but that the Church of God makes light of them—if the bishop be sound and suitable in mind and character—they returned and attempted to seize him. Thereupon he declared on oath that if they persisted in using force against him, he would also cut out his own tongue. Weighing these threats, they left the great man in his place. And from that time Ammonius was called "the earless." This same thing later befell Evagrius the philosopher as well. D For he, too, was being dragged by Theophilus of Alexandria to the episcopate; and since he had employed all sorts of arts in making excuses and had sent word refusing the priestly dignity for himself, he did not, however, cut off any prominent member of his body. And when he happened upon this Ammonius, he jokingly chided him, saying that he had done very ill and would pay the penalty to God for the cutting off of his member. But Ammonius, taking him up, said: "But do you, Evagrius, not think that you will pay a fitting penalty, who, on account of self-love, have cut off your tongue and not used it for the good of many, a gift that was bestowed [for that purpose]?" But I shall speak about Evagrius after a short while.
Chapter XXXVIII
A De monte Nitria, et loco a Cellis dicto. Item de alio loco, cui nomen est Rinocurura, et de sanctis, Dionysio, Mela, et Solone.Around Scetis there is a mountain which the neighbors call Nitria, because a certain village nearby is called by that name, in which nitre is gathered. On this mountain there is a vast multitude of philosophers of this kind, and no fewer than fifty monasteries contiguous to one another. Some of them are those in which the monks live in common, and others in which they live separately. There is also another place inclining toward the inner desert, distant from these by seventy stades, very well suited for practicing the monastic life. It has the name of Cellia, because the dwellings of the monks there are not built continuously, B but are constructed in a scattered fashion. They were so far apart from one another that those who lived in them could neither see nor hear one another. But they were accustomed to gather once in the week, on the first day, which is the Lord’s day, in the church. If anyone did not appear on that day, it was sufficiently certain that he had been overcome by either distress or some illness. Moreover, they did not all come to visit him at the same time, but at different times, each bringing for himself whatever he had to treat him, providing a convenient remedy for his illness. Except for this, one would not approach another, unless someone came to learn, C wanting to hear speeches useful and salutary for the soul from one who was skilled in such things. They inhabited those cells, too, who had happened to arrive at the summit of this philosophy, and having become guides to themselves, so that, rightly separated from others, they could pursue quiet and live for themselves. Let this suffice for us to have said concerning Scetis and the monks who philosophized there. For if one were to pursue each of these things in a speech, the fear would steal over one that, if the writing were drawn out too long, someone might insert the sting of censure. For since they had established a mode of living peculiar to themselves, it was necessarily the case that they should distribute D works, customs, and conduct, and diet appropriate to each age, as is fitting. Another place, also, which had the name of Rhinocorura, was famous at that time for many indigenous monks. Among them, the individuals distinguished for their philosophy were Dionysius, who had his little dwelling at the northern part of the city; and that Mela, who at that time governed the church of that place; and Solon, who was a full brother to Mela, and had become his successor in the see itself. Concerning Mela, it is recorded that when those who stood firm for the consubstantial faith were being driven out of the churches, since those who…
were sent A to expel him as well had arrived, they found him cheerfully occupied in adorning the lamps of the church, as if he were the most menial of slaves. For he held the linen wicks in his hands, and was soiled in his garment and his belt. And when they asked for the bishop, he responded that he would show them who he was, and he led the men to the episcopal house. And when he had set out a table for them, as they were weary from the journey, and had provided them with food, such as their meager means allowed, and had waited upon them while they ate, he washed his hands after the table was cleared, and revealed himself to them. They were struck with admiration for the man, and when they had explained the reason for their coming, they said that out of reverence for him they would remit his exile. Upon hearing this, he answered them that he would not do as other bishops who were of the same mind as he had done—that is, to change his place only B unwillingly for the sake of exile—but that he would go into exile of his own accord. And when he was there, like one who had been accustomed to monastic philosophy from his youth, he was exceedingly famous for every kind of virtue. Solon, having renounced the life of commerce, purchased the precious pearl. For, being taught faithfully and diligently under his brother Mela and the teachers of that place, by a change of life he showed very great zeal in divine matters, and was most excellent toward his neighbors through the simplicity of his manner of life. After the church of Rhinocurura had first obtained such excellent leaders, it continued for a long time to use its accustomed constitutions, and produced famous men. Furthermore, this was new and among other things most remarkable in that church, that the clergy there had a common residence, table, behavior, and diet, and in short, everything in common. This is what concerns Rhinocurura.
CHAPTER XXXIX. Concerning the monks of Palestine, Hesychas, Epiphanius of Cyprus, Salamis, Ammonius, Sylvanus and Zacharias.
In Palestine also, at that time, a great and flourishing company of philosophical men reached its height. For those whom we mentioned while discussing the empire of Constantine, who were eminent in the monastic life and knowledge, were still surviving. But others also blossomed along with them, following their C institutions, who, by the progress of their virtue, increased the monasteries with no small praise and glory. Chief among these was Hesychas, a most dear companion of that Hilarion who was by far the most excellent in the life which is according to God. Likewise, Epiphanius was eminent in virtue, who a long time later presided over the church of Salamis in Cyprus. And Hesychas indeed established a workshop of quiet near Gaza, in the same place where his companion or teacher and like-minded associate, Hilarion, was. But the holy Epiphanius was near a certain village named Besanduc, in the prefecture of Eleutheropolis, where he had also been born. He, having made use of the best teachers at a very early age, and having spent a long time in Egypt for the sake of monastic training, had earned signal praise D among the Egyptians as well as the Palestinians through his pursuit of virtue: and no less also among the Cypriots, among
A whom he also led the priesthood; from which it may be conjectured that he thenceforth earned a more renowned reputation throughout the whole world. For since he was a priest in a great and maritime city, which also possessed a very large population, and since he managed public affairs with distinguished glory of virtue, in a short time he became most well-known, not only to the citizens but also to strangers coming from wherever they might be—some of whom came to know him by experiencing and seeing him, while others learned of such a man from those who had seen him.
Before, however, he came to Cyprus, during the time we have mentioned, he lived in Palestine, when in the monasteries there, Salamines, Physchon, Malchion, and B Crispion, all well-born and brothers, were shining forth in a holy and grave manner, practicing the studies of virtue near the village of Bethlehem, in the district of Gaza. They also had Hilarion as their master. For it is reported that when at some time they were with him, and were returning home together, Malchion alone was in some way snatched away and disappeared from their midst; and when he suddenly appeared again, he continued the journey with his brothers and shortly thereafter departed this life, while he was still of a young age, yet in virtue and love of God not yielding much to those who had grown old in such a study.
At that time Ammonius also was C known, residing about ten stadia from them, and having his hut near the village subject to Gaza called Chapharchonbran, from which village he also originated: a man who persevered strictly and constantly in the monastic way of life. Moreover, Sylvanus was also, I suppose, alive at that time, being born in Palestine; he who received from God the honor of being served by angels. For having first practiced philosophy in Egypt, he went from there to Mount Sinai. Later, however, in the torrent of Gerara, he established a very large, beautiful, and highly renowned monastery of good men, D which after him the admirable Zacharias directed.
CAPUT XL.
Concerning the monks in Syria and Edessa, Ephraim, Aphraates, Julian, Barse, and Eulogius, who held the episcopate while in monasteries.
We must pass from Egypt and Palestine to those monks who shone forth in Syria and the neighboring region of Persia; who, vying as much as possible with the Egyptians, emerged as very numerous and most illustrious in virtue. Around Nisibis, near the mountain called Sigoron, Batthaeus, and Eusebius, and Barges, and Hallas, and Abbos, and Abdaleus, and Zeno, and Heliodorus, and Lazarus, who also became a bishop, were renowned for the sanctity of their lives. These, because they had not long since begun to practice this new way of philosophy, were surnamed "Boskoi," that is, grazers, or feeders; for the reason that they had no houses, nor did they partake of bread, or wine, or any cooked food, but always dwelling in the mountains, in accordance with the laws of the Church, they...
...adopting the custom of the churches, they celebrated God with prayers and hymns. And when the time for taking food arrived, each one, having a sickle in his hands, would go about as if searching for fodder, and finding suitable herbs, would feed on them. And in this way they established a new philosophy of life. B At Carrhae, Eusebius practiced this philosophy, confining himself in a voluntary prison so that he could not be approached. Likewise Protogenes, who governed that parish after Vitus—that illustrious monk whom they say, when he first saw the apostle among emperors, Constantine, święcie promised that he had long before been shown to him many times by God through an apparition; and therefore he had earnestly exhorted him to do whatever he suggested and commanded, obediently and without any exception. Furthermore, Batthaeus abstained from taking food to such an extent that worms even crawled from his teeth; Hallas for seventy [(1)] whole years did not touch bread at all. Heliodorus was of such temperance that he would keep awake for many nights and continue his fasting for entire weeks. C Flourished then also in Phadana (the place where Jacob, son of Isaac, coming from Palestine, took to wife a virgin, and having rolled the stone from the well, watered the flock) that Aonas, who is said to have been the first among the Syrians to begin to cultivate this precise type of philosophy, just as the great Anthony did among the Egyptians. Along with him were Gaddanas and Azizus, contending in the praise of the same virtue. Many celebrated men also flourished in the neighboring Edessa and the surrounding areas: among whom the most famous were Julian, and the Syrian-renowned Ephraim, by whom many books for the Church were published; concerning which I have spoken more precisely in the reign of Constantius. Besides these there were Barses and Eulogius, who both, after a long struggle of monastic exercise, were made bishops—not in any city, but for the sake of honor in their own monasteries they obtained episcopal consecration, so that one might rightly say they received such dignity as a reward or recompense for their most exact way of philosophizing. Just as Lazarus, of whom we made mention a little before, after the holy Heliodorus.
CHAPTER XLI.
D Concerning the monks in Coelesyria and Antioch. Also concerning those who philosophized in Galatia, Cappadocia, Bithynia, and by the Euxine Sea, and the cause why the ancient monks were long-lived.Coelesyria, however, and the region above it, except for Antioch alone, received Christianity somewhat later and more slowly. Yet it was not without ecclesiastical philosophers; and they behaved the more bravely as men of distinction, the greater the hatred and the plots which the inhabitants who were devoted to Greek superstition [held] against them.
They did not, however, seek revenge, but with a noble spirit accepted the injuries and blows inflicted upon them. Of this sort was that Valentinus, whom some said was of Emesa and others of Arethusa by birth; and another of the same name who was a monk; and Theodorus, both of whom originated from the village of Tittis in the prefecture of Apamea. Likewise, Marosas, who came from Nechelis, and Bassus, and Bassones, and Paul, whose homeland was Telmissus. Having established many monasteries for monks in various regions, and having excellently encouraged many to pursue this philosophy, he later built an illustrious and splendid monastic dwelling in the region called Jugatum, and there he ended his life at a great age. His tomb is still shown at that place and is known to all. Indeed, almost all the monks we have recounted were long-lived—a thing which seems to me to have come about by the dispensation and providence of God, so that by such a long and exact way of life, religion might gain increase. This led not only many Syrians, but also many Persians and Saracens, to our faith, and caused most of the followers of Greek superstition to renounce their own worship. B Persuaded by all this, very many went on to cultivate monastic philosophy with great zeal, and became leaders of monastic communities, following the example of those we have just mentioned. It is easy to conjecture that this type of philosophy, having taken its beginning from there, spread as far as the Galatians and the Cappadocians and the peoples bordering on them, and also to the Euxine Sea, Bithynia, and the Hellespont. These peoples, having from ancient times embraced the Christian doctrine with burning zeal, possessed very many followers of this divine philosophy. Most of them lived in communal dwellings in cities and villages, either because they had not yet grown accustomed to the traditions and examples of those who have been mentioned, or because, on account of the harshness of the winter, those regions—most especially Pontus, Cappadocia, and Galatia—are by nature quite cold, and therefore it was not easy for most to reside in desert places. Yet their mountains were not entirely empty of philosophers of this sort. For as time went on, through their vehement and ardent zeal for divine matters, even the cold gave way. And in those parts, when many others had lived in an excellent manner, as I have said elsewhere, then after Eustathius and the great and manifold Basil, those who were most famous above all others were that Leontius D to whom the bishopric of Ancyra was later entrusted, and Prapidius, who, though he was very aged, presided over very many cities as a bishop. He also presided over that most noble hospital to which the name Basilias is given, for the home for the poor constructed by the great Basil, bishop of Caesarea, not only obtains his name, but continues to endure for many ages.
A At Antioch many other monks flourished, among whom, after Julian and that Aphraates, were Marianus, Eusebius, Palladius, Symeones, Abrahames, and others besides, who preserved entire and immortal that which was created in the image of God. On the mountain which, with its many meadows, is quite pleasant and lies adjacent to the city, Peter the Galatian shone, as did his namesake, the Egyptian. Furthermore, Romanus, and Severus, and Zeno, and Moses, and Malchus, and many others were at that time splendid and illustrious there in the monastic philosophy. In the desert of Chalcis were Abitus, and Marcianus, and Abrahames, and a very great multitude of others, not easily to be counted, who, though their bodies were subject to suffering, practiced a life free from the passions. Again, in the region of Apamea were B Agapetus, and Symeones, and Paul. Now in the parts of Zeugma, Publius and Paul pursued philosophy; and in the region of Cyrrhus, the most celebrated Acepsimas, who was enclosed in a very small hut, in which he spent sixty years holily, neither seeing anyone nor speaking to any man. There was also at that time the great Zeugmatius, who, though deprived of his sight, did not hide himself in any hut, but went about the places, proclaiming the sincere profession of the faith. The life of all these, Theodoret, bishop of Cyrrhus, has written beautifully, each in detail, in his History of the Lovers of God. For it was the common purpose and conduct of them all, so to speak, to take as much care as possible for the soul, and to accustom it to be detached from the things of this life, and to spend the greater part of their time in prayers, fastings, and hymns, and with praises befitting God; but to neglect the body and the comfort and care associated with it, and to be entirely alienated from money and the business of worldly affairs, and to strive in imitation of the angelic life.
CHAPTER XLII. Concerning Evagrius the philosopher, and his life and way of life.
After the Syrian Ephraim, those who became most distinguished in both kinds of philosophy were Didymus the Alexandrian and C Evagrius the Egyptian. But concerning Didymus—who he was and what writings he left behind—has been related by me in the ninth book of this history. Concerning Evagrius, however, it seemed right to speak a few words here, although both of these men limped in their doctrine of the sound faith, however much they shot many arrows of their writings against the enemies of the truth. This man, Evagrius, was of the race of the Iberians who dwell around the Euxine Sea. The man was exceedingly wise and renowned, and subtle and ingenious in invention, and grave and sharp in expressing what he had discovered. He was able to discern with ease which thoughts looked towards virtue and which towards vice; and he was no less capable of counseling how those should be practiced and these should be avoided. Now the grace that dwelt in his word, the writings which he left behind will demonstrate: D but as for his character, he was moderate, and pride or arrogance offered him no access whatsoever.
A And just as he was not in the least lifted up to arrogance by the proclamations of just praises, so too was he not in the slightest moved to indignation by unjust revilings. He had learned the Sacred Letters excellently under Gregory the Theologian; indeed, he was his archdeacon when that man presided over the church in Constantinople. Now, because he was by nature quite handsome of face and, besides that, used elegant clothing, a certain one of the magistrates, suffering from jealousy regarding his wife, having learned that he had become known to her, secretly plotted his murder. And the evil deed would have proceeded to execution, had not God on that very night sent a terrifying yet salvific vision to Evagrius as he slept. For he seemed, as if seized on a capital charge, to be a prisoner bound in iron chains hand and foot. But just as he was about to stand before the judge’s tribunal and pay the penalty, someone approached him, showing him the sacred codex of the Gospels, and promised to free him from such heavy bonds if he would depart the city with all speed, and he demanded an oath to confirm the pact of this deed. And he, placing his right hand upon the book, swore that he would do so; and straightway he was loosed from the shackles, released from his sleep, and escaped the danger that was being plotted against him in reality, persuaded by the divine voice. And considering that it was fitting for him to pursue the monastic life, he came from Constantinople to Jerusalem. Thence he came to Egypt to visit the philosophers who dwelt in Scetis, B and he took up his monastic shelter about the mountain of Nitria. He associated with the two Macarii who excelled in Scetis, the Egyptian and the Alexandrian, and emulating their life, he also attained their monastic philosophy through his deeds. Then, under the reign of Theodosius the Younger, he also associated with the Ammonius I mentioned. He produced the same marvels as his teachers. Many highly necessary books were composed by him, among which one is entitled *Monachus*, or *On the Practical and Operative Virtue*; another, *Gnostikos*, or *On him who has attained contemplation*. This last is divided into fifty chapters. He also wrote another book, which contains a refutation or invective against the tempting demons. He divided this work into eight sections, according to the number of the eight thoughts. He also left six hundred prognostic problems, and two books of verses: one of which addresses the monks who are in monasteries or cenobitic communities; the other, he addresses to those who practice virginity, the nuns. All his writings are admirable, and are completely suited for persuasion, both in their thoughts and in their phrasing; and whoever reads them will recognize what manner of man he was. But I think it appropriate to insert briefly into this history some things from his works, D and primarily what he commemorates regarding monks, in almost these very words.
CHAPTER XLIII. What Evagrius wrote word for word in certain books concerning the monks of his time.
A It is also necessary to inquire correctly into the ways of those monks who preceded us, and to order our own life according to them; for many things have been both well spoken and well done by them. Among these, someone said that a drier and more consistent diet, when conjoined with charity, more quickly leads the monk to the haven of impassibility. The same man freed a certain brother, who was repeatedly troubled by dread at night, from such phantoms, by commanding him to serve the sick alongside his fasting. For, being asked, he said that no other thing so easily extinguishes such terrors and disturbances as mercy. B One of the wise men of that time approached the just Antony and said, "How, O father, can you persist in the monastic life, deprived of the consolation that is perceived from books?" And Antony replied, "My book, O philosopher, is the very nature of created things; and in it, whenever I wish, it is permitted to read the words of God." The vessel of election, the Egyptian elder Macarius, once asked me: "Why is it that, while we retain the memory of injuries against men, we destroy the soul's faculty of recollection, yet against demons, when we remember the evils we have received from them, we feel no detriment?" And when I had no answer to give, and wished to learn this, he asked, "Why?" and said: "Because the former affection is contrary to nature, whereas the latter is according to the nature of anger." C I once arrived at the time of high noon to the holy father Macarius, and being exceedingly burned by thirst, I asked for water to drink. And he said, "Be content with the shade; for many travelers and seafarers are currently deprived even of this." Then, when I was conversing with him about continence and temperance, he said, "Take courage, O son, and be of good heart. For twenty whole years I have not taken bread, nor water, nor sleep to satiety. For I ate my bread at a set weight, drank water by a determined measure, and, leaning against the wall, snatched a small portion of sleep." News of his father's death came to a certain monk. And he said to the one who announced it, "Cease blasphemy. For my father is immortal." A certain one of the brothers possessed only a book of the Gospel; having sold even this, he gave the proceeds as sustenance to the hungry, adding a word worthy of remembrance: D "For I have sold," he said, "the very Word that says, 'Sell what you have, and give to the poor' (Matt. XIX, 21)." There is an island near Alexandria, towards the north, situated beyond the lake called Maria. A monk of the rank of Gnostics, most approved, resides upon it; he declared that all things performed by monks are done for five causes: for God, for nature, for custom, for necessity, and for the work of the hands. The same person also said that virtue is one by nature; but it is differentiated in the faculties of the soul. For the solar light, he says, is indeed unshaped, but through the windows by which it enters, it is shaped...
A Another monk said: "On this account I strip away pleasures, that I may cut off the pretexts of anger; for I know it is always fighting on behalf of pleasures, and troubling my mind, and driving away knowledge." Another of the elders said that love does not know how to keep a deposit of food or money. The same one says: "I do not know that I have ever been deceived by demons in the same matter twice." These things Evagrius set forth word for word in the book which he entitled the *Practicus*. But let us hear what he also says in his *Gnostic*. We have learned from the righteous Gregory that there are four virtues and their contemplations: prudence, fortitude, temperance, and justice. And he said that it is the work of prudence to contemplate the intellectual and holy powers without words; for he taught that these are manifested by wisdom; B and of fortitude, to persevere constantly in the struggles and while being attacked, and not to step into things that are not. And to receive the seed from the first agriculturist, and to reject the sower who sowed in secret—this he answered was the property of temperance. And of justice, to adapt one's speech to the dignity and suitability of each, sometimes by announcing matters obscurely, sometimes by signifying them through enigmas and ambiguities, and sometimes by indicating them openly for the utility and progress of the simpler folk. Regarding truth, Basil of Cappadocia, the pillar, said: "Continual meditation and exercise increase the knowledge or science which comes from men; but that which comes by the grace of God is justice, a placability free from anger, and mercy. And C the former, even those who are subject to passions can possess; but the latter, only the passionless are capable of receiving, who even at the time of prayer see their own light of the mind shining around them." The holy luminary of the Egyptians, Athanasius: "Moses," he says, "ordered the table to be set toward the Northern part." Let the Gnostics know who it is that breathes against them, and let them endure every temptation with a great spirit, and let them readily nourish those who come to them with food. The angel of the Church of the Thmuites, Serapion, said that the mind which has been imbued with spiritual knowledge and science is perfectly purified; that love heals the inflamed parts of anger; D and that temperance halts the onrushing of evil desires. "Always practice with yourself the arguments concerning providence and judgment," says the great and gnostic teacher Didymus, "and endeavor to carry their substance with you in your memory; for almost everyone hallucinates in these matters. And you will find the doctrine concerning judgment in the variety of bodies and of the world itself; but concerning providence, in the habits and ways which lead us from vices and ignorance to virtue or knowledge." These things we have set before you from the writings of Evagrius, merely by way of a taste.
Caput XLIV. A brief remembrance, as it were in summary, of the illustrious men of that age, showing how by God’s providence time brought them forth to balance the magnitude of the storm and tempests of that day.
At that same time, many others also shone forth in diverse places and monasteries—men to be admired and lovers of God—whom, if we wished to commemorate here and recount the life, character, and miracles performed by each one, we would be led far away from our present task. But if anyone desires to learn these things accurately—what they said and did for the benefit of their hearers, and even how wild beasts were subject to them—Palladius, the disciple of Evagrius, who gathered their deeds into one book, has set them forth most excellently, and we encourage those who wish to do so to read him. In that work, he piously describes not only the lives of men, but also of women who, in holiness of life, strove as equals with the aforementioned divine men. Evagrius and Palladius flourished in the empire that followed.
These, then, were ascetics and diligent guardians of virtue who excelled at that time. Among the bishops, there were Basil the Great and both of the Gregories, namely the Theologian and the luminary of the city of Nyssa—the one his comrade and like-minded adjutant and companion in all things, the other his brother most intimately joined to him. And Peter also assisted them, being of one mind with them and utilizing the same parents as Basil; he had not attained as much in secular learning, yet in the radiance of virtue he was not inferior to them. These men shone in Cappadocia. In Pisidia, Optimus, and in the metropolis of Lycaonia, the great Amphilochius fought bravely for the faith received from their ancestors. These, then, were the bulwarks of C our holy faith in the East after Athanasius. In the West, Damasus, presiding over the Church of the Romans, sent forth much light of the truth, and also the divine Ambrose, the prelate of Milan; and though they were separated by long distances in location, they frequently sent forth the arrows of truth against the enemy. And many others, too, who were forced to dwell at the furthest ends of the earth, as if using their writings like arrows, shot at the enemies of the Church and at the same time strengthened their own people. D For by the magnitude of the storm, the Sovereign of all sent forth governors to match it, and against the manifold and fierce enemies and generals, He set in opposition a virtue proportionate to them; and against the disease flourishing through the difficulties of the times, He appointed healing and suitable remedies, showing a harvest of such great men in the multitudes of the people, in the churches, and furthermore in the monasteries and upon the mountains.
God, the Ruler of all, did not deign to look after our affairs in this manner alone, but also appeared as the provider and mediator of another very great benefit. For having drawn the Gothic nation into Thrace, He has brought the author of that confusion against the Bosporus, and has openly delivered to destruction him who was against God alone and His servants—
I mean Valens, that wretched man. But how this came to pass, after I have first set forth one of his nefarious crimes, I shall relate, and then proceed to his end. As for those who lived according to the sanctions of the Church, I have said as much as I was able.
CAPUT XLV. Of the destruction of the Greek idolaters, on account of certain oracles designated by distinct letters, beginning with the letter theta and ending with delta. Of astronomy, and Themistius the philosopher, and with what words he mollified Valens, so that he abated somewhat of the persecution.
B Those who followed the Greek superstition, and who were of high birth, perished for the most part for the following reason. Those who excelled among them, seeing that our churches and Christianity were receiving such great increases, were indignant and took it ill. They devised a plan to learn by means of oracles and certain other incantations who it was that would succeed Valens in the Roman empire. And so, having fashioned a tripod of laurel wood, they carried out their plan. By means of invocations and the words—as is the custom in such things—they achieved what they wanted: that is, by the collection of letters, arranged in order by the mechanisms of the tripod and the oracle, the name of the emperor might appear. C When they looked with open mouths at Theodorus, who was serving in the imperial palace, a Greek in his religion but well-versed in learning and philosophy, because the composition of the letters had arrived in its order at the letter delta and indicated the successor to Valens in the empire, the oracle led the philosophers into such fraud and imposture that they thought Theodorus would rule as soon as possible. When this matter was reported to Valens, as if a plot against his life had been laid, he bore it with no moderation and openly manifested his impatience. Therefore, being indignant, he seized both Theodorus and the craftsmen of that tripod; and the latter he punished most inhumanly with the penalty of fire, D while Theodorus he put to death by the sword. Likewise, throughout his entire empire, action was taken against the philosophers. And not only against them, but even against those who used their manner of dress. For fear of this danger, even if someone was devoted to other studies, he would not wear a fringed cloak, lest he should fall under suspicion of being engaged in sacrifices and oracles. I, for my part, would condemn both of them for folly: both the emperor himself, who proceeded to such a height of anger and inhumanity, and the philosophers, who through audacious temerity and greed undertook an affair in no way worthy of philosophy. For he, filled with stupidity, thinking that he would remove his successor, deemed that he should spare neither those inquiring nor him about whom the oracle had been issued.
A And those whose names were identical to his, or those who merely bore names similar in beginning with the letter Theta, were not spared. Thus, Theodotus, Theognostus, Theodosius, and Theodulus were put to death; among these was also a certain Theodosiolus, a man of great military renown, of noble birth, hailing from Spain. Many, too, terrified by fear, denied the names given to them by their parents, and, driven by the dangerous constraints of the times, exchanged them for others.
To these philosophers I feel I must speak as follows: "If, O good men, you infer such things from the course of the stars, you ought to have awaited what was to come. But if these things depend upon the divine counsel, what need was there for such curiosity and vain striving? For it is not possible that that which is pleasing and ordained by God should be investigated by human precognition and study. B And even if we were to grant that you were permitted to do so, it was certainly not wise for you, men though you be, even if you excel all others in wisdom, to think that you could ordain something better than God himself. If, however, you were driven recklessly by such a desire for knowledge of the future into manifest danger, ignoring the laws long since established by the Romans—when it was free to follow the Greek superstition and to sacrifice to gods—and obstinately violating them, you have failed to realize that you have committed a deed that is in no way worthy of pardon. And indeed, it behooved you to hold the same sentiment that your Socrates held: who, caught by an unjust judgment and about to die by drinking hemlock, when he could have been safe and escaped from prison, did not do so out of reverence for the laws under which he had been educated."
C But let each person think and speak regarding these matters as he sees fit. Valens, still residing at Antioch by the Orontes, continued to afflict those who thought differently than he did concerning the Divine, and he proceeded to persecute and expel them in every way; until Themistius the philosopher read aloud the oration he had written to him, and by it succeeded in tempering his indignation and tumult. For he exhorted him not to be surprised, as if at something new, that there was some dissension in ecclesiastical dogmas; it being, in fact, far less than that which exists among the adherents of the Greek superstition. D For among them there are, he said, over three hundred opinions, and in so great a number, it happens that there are even more dissensions. And perhaps, he said, this is pleasing to God, for the reason that it is not easy to attain knowledge of Him, and consequently all conceive a varied opinion of Him, so that each one the more fears Him, the less he comprehends knowledge of Him, who is incomprehensible; considering with himself what and how great He must be, of whom he has attained even a slight and mediocre knowledge. Wherefore, led by the oration of that philosopher, when he had betaken himself to moderation, he was not as angry as before, nor did he rage with punishments and tortures. Yet he did not..
A entirely desist from his undertaking, but instead of capital punishments, he imposed exile upon the bishops and priests, until serious cares regarding the republic prevented him from being able to attend to such matters.
Chapter XLVI. Of Mavia, queen of the Arabs, how she began a war against the Romans and soon after made peace with them; and of Moses, the first bishop of the Arabs.
For when the prince of the Saracens had died, and the treaties formerly entered into with the Romans were broken, Mavia, his wife, who was administering the affairs of his people, invaded and ravaged Phoenicia and Palestine and the coast verging toward Egypt, which lies to the left for those sailing against the current of the Nile in the region called Arabia. B This war, although waged by a woman, was by no means easy. For they say that she fought a battle with the Romans of the greatest intensity, and perhaps with greater fortitude than any other [such battle]. Indeed, the situation reached such a state of fear that the military commander in Phoenicia called upon the commander of the Eastern army to bring him aid. But he laughed at such an invitation, out of contempt for the enemy; and he arranged matters such that he who had called him would not be in the battle line, but removed from the fighting, acting only as a spectator. However, when the battle was joined and Mavia resisted strenuously, the Eastern commander and his troops were put to flight and were only saved with difficulty by the soldiers of Palestine and Phoenicia. For when their prefect saw him constantly turning away and fleeing, he thought it was foolish to remain outside of the battle, as had been ordered. Therefore, bringing up his standards, he engaged the Arabs at close quarters. The result was that the other had time to flee to a safe place, while he himself, gradually retreating and turning his back, kept discharging missiles and repelling the encroaching enemies with javelins. This exploit was long remembered by many, and even celebrated in songs by the Saracens themselves. C And because this great and grave war threatened the Romans, it was deemed necessary to send legates to Mavia regarding peace. At first, she haughtily rejected the peace conditions offered by the Romans. But when she was initiated into the teaching of our sacred mysteries, she accepted peace on the condition that Moses, who was then living philosophically in the neighboring desert, should be consecrated bishop of the peoples under her rule; a man illustrious for virtue, the austerity of a holier life, and many prodigies and signs. When the Emperor signified to those to whom the governance of that part of the empire had been entrusted that this must be done, Moses was taken up and brought to Lucius, who at that time was administering the bishopric of the church of Alexandria, so that he might be consecrated by him. There, openly and freely in the presence of all, he said to him: "Hold back; for I am unworthy to obtain the name and honor of a bishop. But if God deigns to account me D worthy of this dignity by His will, I call Him as my witness that you shall never lay upon me your hands, which are defiled with the blood and gore of holy men." Lucius, for his part, said that he was not acting rightly, trying to reject him before learning of his faith. If there was a tale of slander, he urged him to be his own judge and listen to the matters concerning him. But Moses said: "But your own faith is clearly shown by the exile of the bishops and priests, and by all those who are bitterly ending their lives in the mines. And those things, I think, you…
A claim as marks of Christ, which are utterly alien to Christ and to those who have right thoughts about God?” And to these words he added an oath, that he would never submit himself to Lucius. For this reason, the Roman commanders rejected Lucius and led Moses to the bishops who were living in exile. Having received episcopal unction from them, he crossed over to the Saracens; and having settled the state of affairs between them and the Romans by a peace treaty, he administered his bishopric piously and holily; and having found few Christians there, he drew nearly all of them to our religion. Mavia, for her part, henceforth kept peace with the Romans, to the extent that she gave her daughter in marriage to Victor, the military commander. Thus far on these matters.
CAPUT XLVII. Concerning the race of the Ismaelites and Hagarenes, or Saracens; whence they took their origin, and how they received Christianity.
The tribe of the Saracens at first took the name of Ismael, and since he was the son of Abraham, they were called Ismaelites by the ancients from the name of their first progenitor. But they, to shake off the stain of illegitimate birth and the mark of servitude—for his mother Hagar was a slave—chose to call themselves B Saracens, as if they drew their stock from Sarah, the wife of Abraham. Tracing the line of their descent from that source, they for the most part live in the same manner as the Jews. For they practice circumcision just as they do, and abstain from swine’s flesh, and observe many other of their customs. If they do not live altogether according to their rites, it must be attributed either to time C or to the intermingling with the surrounding nations. For Moses, who arose a long time later, gave laws only to those who had fled from Egypt. But the peoples neighboring these, being addicted to the superstition of idols, corrupted their ancestral customs—which had been received from Ismael and which the Hebrews used in ancient times before the promulgation of the law of Moses, living not by written law, but by received custom alone—and they handed down to them the same religious worship that they themselves had. Thus it came about that they, like the neighboring peoples, both named and D worshipped demons; and by such a corrupted religion, they openly exhibited the depravity and transgression of their ancestral laws. And as is wont to happen, long time buried some rites in oblivion, while causing others to be followed. But afterwards, when some of them had dealings with the Jews, they learned from them whence they had originated, and again joined themselves to their own kindred, once more using the customs and laws of the Hebrews. And from that time, even until now, almost all live according to the Jewish rite. But not for so long
A before the reign of Valens, did the Christians perform their sacred rites, where they had become partakers of divine grace, with neighboring bishops and monks leading them to it, who, living holily in the nearby solitudes, possessed an excellent reputation for integrity of morals and for admirable deeds. At that time, they say that a certain tribe among them went over entirely to the religion of Christ, after Zacomus, their phylarch, had received the grace of baptism, for the following reason and occasion. Zacomus was childless and was growing old in life; and having approached a certain monk who boasted of great glory and was conversing with others about various matters, he lamented this misfortune and calamity of his. For among the Saracens, the procreation of children is valued beyond measure; and not only among them, but, as I suspect, among all barbarians. The monk, having good hope in him, after a prayer had been made, bade him to return home, promising that he would soon become a father to a child, if only he would choose to believe in Christ. When the matter came to completion, and the child having been born confirmed that that prayer had been true, Zacomus himself was initiated into our religion, and led all who were under him to the same grace. From that time, they say that this tribe flourished, and made great increases in both number and size, and became formidable to the Saracens and the Persians. But with regard to the Ishmaelites, or Saracens, how they later accepted Christianity, and what things I have learned concerning their first bishop, this is how it happened. B
CHAPTER XLVIII
Concerning the nation of the Goths and the Huns, how and for what reason they crossed the Ister into the Roman domain; and concerning Athanaricus and Fridigernus; and further, concerning Ulphilas, their bishop; and how, later, having been moved against the Romans, they drew Valens from Antioch to Constantinople.C Not only did this check the impulse of Valens, but also something worse and more destructive than this. For the Goths, who at first had their dwellings beyond the Ister and held sway over the barbarians there, having been driven from there by the Huns, D crossed over to the borders of the Romans. Now these Huns are those whom the ancients called Neuri, inhabiting the Rhipaean mountains, from whence the river Tanais, being drawn down into the Maeotian marsh, pours out its waters. For this nation was hitherto unknown to the Thracians, who dwell along the Ister, and even to the Goths themselves. For although they were neighbors to one another, they were nevertheless ignorant of one another. A very great lake separating them caused each nation to think that the land which it itself inhabited was the end of the continent and the furthermost
A part of all dry land; and that beyond it lay a vast sea and boundless water. But a certain ox, once goaded by a gadfly, crossed the waters of the lake and passed over to the other side. A herdsman following behind, when he saw the end of the water, signaled this to his fellow tribesmen. Another account has it that not an ox, but a deer, showed the track, being barely covered by the water, as it was being hunted and had escaped the nets of the Huns. Those who were then pursuing it passed to the other side, and having beheld the region—which experienced a more temperate climate and was in other respects favorable for agriculture—they marveled greatly. Then, for the time being, they withdrew and reported what they had seen to the leader of the tribe.
Afterward, a few of the Goths undertook an expedition to test the region; not long after, they came over with their entire host, overcame those who were there by the law of war, and took possession of the land. Those who were driven out from there crossed the Danube and reached the borders of the Roman empire; then they sent ambassadors to the emperor, swearing that they would be eternal allies of the Romans in war. The embassy requested permission for them to build their dwellings wherever it might please them. The leader of this embassy was Ulphilas, the bishop of those who were Christians among them. Since the embassy went according to their wishes, they were instructed B to inhabit Thrace; and for a long time they remained quiet and peaceful both toward themselves and toward us.
But later, through sedition, they disagreed among themselves and split into two factions: of one of these parties Athanaric was the leader, while the other side followed Fritigern. And indeed, having joined a great battle among themselves, Fritigern, being severely defeated, sent an embassy to the Romans to ask for aid. The emperor ordered the soldiers who were at that place to assist them. Thus, supported by such aid, Fritigern showed the followers of Athanaric to be fugitives and prevailed in the battle.
But as if to return the favor to Valens, and to confirm by some pledge that he would be sincerely faithful and friendly to him in every way, he decided to adopt the same opinion concerning God as the emperor, and to bring the barbarians under him to the same view. And he immediately accomplished this, just as he wished. For he passed with his entire army to Christianity. And I think this was the cause why that whole nation followed the faith of Arius, professing the same opinion that Valens held from the beginning. Nor was this the only reason, but Ulphilas also contributed to it, who held the bishopric among them. For at first he was in communion with the Catholic Church, differing in no way; but having joined those around Eudoxius and Acacius, and having C unreflectingly participated in the synod at Constantinople under Constantius, he continued to be in communion with the priests who stood for the faith of Nicaea; afterward, having come to Constantinople, [and being] of those from the Arian heresy concerning
their dogma as they discoursed, and promising that they would successfully execute an embassy to the Emperor on his behalf if he would only persuade himself to think the same as they did—whether enticed by necessity or perhaps thinking that it was better to hold such an opinion about God—he entered into communion with the followers of Arius, and led the entire nation away from the universal Church. For the Gothic race, having turned to piety under him as their leader, and enjoying through him a more humane and gentler way of life, obeyed him very easily and followed wherever he might lead, being persuaded in their hearts that there was nothing evil in whatever he might say or do; and they believed that as they desired to emulate him in all things, it would result entirely to their profit and advantage. Yet indeed he had often given a great display of his own virtue, having stoutly endured many dangers for the Christian doctrine before he converted that nation, which had been wholly dependent on Greek superstition, to Christianity. He was also the first to invent letters for them and delivered the Holy Scriptures translated into their tongue.
The reason, therefore, why most of the barbarians living along the Danube held to the dogma of Arius, and the occasion of it, was this. But in those times a great multitude of those who were inclined in spirit to follow the party of Fridigern was put to death by Athanaricus for the sake of the name of Christ. For indeed, because Ulphilas was persuading even those who were subject to him to embrace the Christian faith, Athanaricus, taking this very ill—just as if the customs of his fathers were being abolished—raged greatly against them with punishments. And some, having been accused because they defended the Christian dogma in public with great boldness—among whom was that admirable man Nicetas—he killed; others, however, he slew without even bringing them to trial. For it is said that he had a certain sculpted image placed upon a wagon, and he would have this drawn through the tents of those who professed Christ, and he commanded them at once both to sacrifice to it and to show reverence of worship; and whosoever were unwilling to do this, he commanded that they be burned together with their tents.
Indeed, I have read that another act, far worse and more pitiable than this, took place. For many, forced by the violence of those who were cruelly insisting that they sacrifice—not only men, but also women, some of whom were carrying newborn infants hanging from their breasts, others dragging infants and children who were just able to walk and, as it were, measure the earth with their feet—fled to the church's tent. The Greek idolaters, having set fire to it, destroyed them in the ashes. Not much time passed before the dissenting factions of the Goths returned to grace and concord; and being lifted up by great and measureless audacity in their madness, they mistreated the Thracians, and running through towns and villages, they laid them waste most cruelly. When Valens, still remaining at Antioch, learned of this, he at last learned by experience—the mistress of his errors—that the
ruin of his hopes had been perfected. For he had thought that a people A always in arms and trained for battle would be advantageous both to himself and to the empire, and useful even for terrifying the enemy. With this dangerous opinion conceived, he undervalued his own military forces; and instead of enrolling his own citizens by choosing them and binding them with the military oath—as he ought to have done—he exacted money and tribute from them. For he had commanded a payment of eighty gold pieces for every Goth from the tributary peoples. This fact was, at that time, a cause for the Roman Empire being endangered by adverse circumstances. And so, when he had fallen completely short of his hope, he ceased to send into exile those who B professed the faith of the "consubstantial" [homoousios]; and, having quickly abandoned Antioch, he hastened to Constantinople. At this time, the war between those who held opposing views (namely, the Arians) quieted down somewhat, as if by a certain truce. Euzoius, the bishop of Antioch, having also died, Theodorus, prelate of the church of Heraclea in Perinthus—who held the same opinion as the deceased—was made his successor, where he also led the activities of the Arian faction. But those who proclaimed the dogma of the Council of Nicaea took courage again in the cities, especially C in the city of Alexandria. For Peter, the defender of the orthodox faith, had returned from his exile in Rome, fortified by the letters of Damasus, the Roman prelate, by which his ordination was approved and the Nicene doctrine confirmed. To him, the Alexandrians also entrusted the governance of the churches, Lucius having been expelled, whom Constantinople received when he arrived by ship.
CHAPTER XLIX. How Valentinian reproved Valens; likewise how Terentius freely resisted him; what Trajan and other military leaders also did; and how, while the Goths were pillaging Thrace, the citizens taunted Valens.
Valens, being conscious of his own weakness, sent envoys to his brother—who was still alive—to ask for aid. It is said that the latter replied that it was neither just nor pious to provide aid to one who D waged war against God; but rather, that it was more fitting, by denying him support, to diminish his confidence. When this was reported to him, he felt a deeper grief than before. Yet he did not at all depart from his confidence, but rather insisted even more on attacking the truth. For when he had offered to Terentius, the most excellent of all the generals and one who was more adorned with piety than others, the option to ask for whatever he wished upon his return from the victories he had won in Armenia, Terentius pushed aside everything—gold, silver, governorships, provinces, and finally all other such things—and requested one thing that was reasonable and pious: that he grant at least one church in Antioch to the defenders of the Catholic Church. Valens, having read the petition, tore it up and ordered him to ask for something else. But Terentius, having quickly gathered up his petition, said, "I have received the gift, O King, and I have it, and I shall ask for nothing else; for the Judge of all is the one who sees..."
A Fearing, however, the war of the Goths, Valens himself for a time remained in Constantinople; but he armed his general Trajan and sent him against them with a reliable army. But when he, not even sustaining their first attack, returned defeated, the emperor reproached him with cowardice and timidity. Trajan, however, using the outspokenness becoming a brave and energetic man, said, "I have not been defeated, O King; rather, you yourself are of your own will casting away victory, making war against God, and driving away the momentum that comes from Him, while bestowing it instead upon your opponents. But God always conquers. And victory is accustomed to siding with those being led by those he guides. But he is ordered by you to be fought against. For you are by no means ignorant of which men you drove out of the churches, and which men you appointed in their stead." B These things, both Terentius and Trajan—and likewise Rodantus and Victor, who were also leaders in the war—affirmed to be so; and they asked the emperor himself not to be more gravely moved by this criticism, since it was conjoined with the truth. Many even imprecated him, because he was tarrying in Constantinople. For the Goths, having laid waste all of Thrace and plundered all the suburban buildings, with no one venturing forth, were already striving to mount an assault upon the very walls. The city took this hard; and they accused the emperor, who had not gone forth long before, but was drawing out the war by delaying, as if he himself were the cause of the wars through his own sluggishness. Finally, even at the Circensian games they cried out against him openly, and demanded arms from him which they might use in battle. The emperor, however, as if affected by a great injury, C full of fury, set out against the Barbarians, threatening many things against the citizens: that if he should return, they would pay worthy penalties for the insults brought upon him by the crowd, and because not long before they had joined themselves to the tyranny of Procopius. Indeed, he even threatened that he would level the city itself to the ground and plow it up.
CAPUT L
On Saint Isaac, who spoke most freely to Valens, and how Valens, having engaged the Goths in battle somewhere near Adrianople, fled to a rustic hut filled with straw, where he was consumed by fire and perished.
Then they say that that Isaacius, who had a monastic hut near Constantinople—a man good in other respects, and ready and prepared to undergo any danger for the sake of God—seeing Valens going forth together with the army, approached him, and seized with his hands the bridle of the horse upon which he was riding, and said with a loud voice: D "Whither are you going, O King, you who are waging war against God, and are not procuring for yourself His aid? For in a certain way He Himself stirred up the Barbarians against you, since you also sharpened the foreign and blasphemous tongues of impious men against Him; and those who, as is fitting, think and sing hymns concerning Him, you have driven from the sacred...
you cast them out. Restore, therefore, to those who think rightly and keep the definition of the faith of Nicaea, the churches which you have taken away, and you shall return victorious in the war without labor. A For if you cease to wage war, he whom you fight against will also cease. But if, setting aside these words, you go to battle, this trial will teach you how hard it is to kick against the pricks, and to wag a wanton tongue against Heaven; for not only will you not return, but you will perish along with the forces you take with you." The Emperor, carried away by immoderate anger, said, "I shall indeed return with a glorious trophy, and I shall exact from you the due punishment for your audacity, proving your prophecy to be false." And he immediately ordered that the man be seized and kept in custody until he should return. But as he was led away, he cried out, "Kill me also, if you find my words to be lies." Whether or not the words of this holy man were confirmed by the event, the deed itself will declare. For when the Emperor went forth with his forces, the Barbarians had turned and were retreating; but he, pursuing them, left Thrace behind him and reached Adrianople, which is at the borders of Macedonia. And when he was not far from the Barbarians— B who were in a secure position—he attacked them suddenly, without having first arranged them, nor having drawn up his army as it ought to have been done. But as the sudden onset of the Barbarians scattered his cavalry and routed the heavy-armed infantry, everyone fled in different directions, and the advancing enemy killed them without fear. The Emperor himself, likewise fleeing in the utmost distress, dismounted from his horse and hid himself in a certain farm-building whose roof was covered with straw, hoping to remain hidden with the few who were with him. The Barbarians were carried with uncontrollable force, and as they did with everything else in their path, they also set fire to the building—allegedly having no suspicion whatever about the Emperor—and along with the village they burned to ashes the adversary of the truth. At that time, it is said that the man of God, Isaacius, C feeling that Valens had been overtaken by the fire in that small house and perceiving the stench that arose from thence, announced to those who were with him in custody: "Now Valens is being roasted by fire, and the nostrils perceive the foul odor flowing from him." Some say that Valens perished in this way. D Others add this: that he did indeed enter the small house in his haste to hide and lay hidden there for a while, because the Barbarians, continuing their course, were passing by, and no one suspected that the Emperor was hidden there. But when the greater part of the enemy had passed that place and only a few were coming later, some of the Emperor's companions in flight climbed onto the roof of the small house and hurled missiles at the Barbarians. The latter, having then suspected that Valens was hidden there, with a great cry and shout, as victors, vociferated that Valens was there. And those who
had passed by. And they who were following, when they heard it, signified it further to their own, so that even those enemies who had gone further off heard it, and all assembled at that place. Having surrounded the small house and heaped up a great deal of fuel, they then set it on fire, whence shortly, by a chance gust of blowing wind, a flame was kindled. And in this way the fuel, together with what things were in the small house, and among the others the emperor himself also, was consumed, and he was reduced to ashes. But others have handed down to memory that when the Barbarians were pursuing the fugitives, Valens, struck with great fear, changed his attire and mingled with the foot soldiers. Then, after the horsemen had betrayed the situation and abandoned the battle in despair, as they had been scattered by the onset of the enemies, they all fell: among whom he himself also lay hidden, since there was no sign which might indicate that he was the emperor. Valens died having completed A fifty years. He reigned together with his brother Valentinian for thirteen years: and after his death for another three years and some months. This eleventh book of mine of the histories contains a span of sixteen years: when the five thousand eight hundred and first year from the creation of the world, and the three hundred and eighty-sixth year from the divine birth of the Lord, was passing. B
NICEPHORUS CALLISTUS XANTHOPULUS ECCLESIASTICAL HISTORY VOLUME XII
CAPUT I.
On the empire of Gratian and Valentinian the Younger, and how they admitted Theodosius the Great as a partner in the empire.After Valens had thus departed from life, the Barbarians, elated by the victory which had befallen them beyond their expectation, traversed the whole of Thrace and ravaged the regions round about Constantinople. C And when the situation was in danger, D not the least benefit resulted from those who were sent by Mavia, the allies…
from the Saracens. Many also from the common people, having been hired with pay provided by Dominica, the wife of Valens, and taking up whatever arms the time offered, went out to meet the barbarians, and fighting them bravely, drove them far from the city. A Gratian, however, the son of Valens' brother, but child of Valentinian, in company with his younger brother, namely Valentinian, took up the administration of the entire Roman Empire. For long before, after his father’s death, he had obtained the empire of Europe; and while he was still living, he had been a partner in the empire. But now, Asia entire and whatever remained of Libya came into his power, because Valens had died without children. B And indeed, he mourned his uncle, and lamented the Roman Empire being so woefully ravaged. Having also changed his opinion, which he had continued to hold regarding those who thought otherwise than seemed right to him, he issued an edict that each might worship according to his own will, and all might gather in churches quite without fear, except those who held the views of Manichaeus and Photinus and Eunomius; and to the bishops whom Valens had condemned to exile, he permitted a return. Afterwards, contemplating the greatness and mass of such an empire, and how the barbarians inhabiting the Danube did not cease to ravage Illyricum and Thrace, and indeed that the Alamanni were pressing upon the western Gauls and inflicting extreme ruin upon them, he took to himself as a partner in the empire Theodosius, a man of noble birth and renowned in military skills, C and one who had fought many battles on behalf of his own people, and before Gratian had been created emperor, had been judged by all as worthy to have the empire committed to him. On account of this very thing, having been goaded by the stings of envy on the part of his peers, he was living outside of military service in the Spains. For he had set forth from there, being a high-born man, if ever there was one among the Iberians living around the Pyrenean mountains; for they call the Spains Iberia, from the river flowing through them which had previously won that name. Therefore, having summoned the man from there, he first appointed him general, and sent him out with the troops he had levied; and he, indeed, being fortified by faith, went against the barbarians who were ravaging Thrace, and having drawn up his army with good order, he rushed to meet them. They, not bearing his onslaught, were in disorder; and a rout occurring, they were utterly defeated; for they were being killed not only by the Romans but also by one another. D Many, therefore, having been killed, and few having been able to flee to the Danube, he immediately displayed the generalship he possessed. For having distributed the army to the neighboring cities, he himself, riding with all speed, was present as the messenger of his own victory to Gratian. The matter seemed a thing strange and past belief. For those who were consumed by envy maintained that he had not only not conquered, but had even lost his army and by flight,
A he requested that some be sent to inspect the matter, to count the swath of slaughtered Barbarians. For he said that it was easy to determine the number from the spoils. The emperor sent certain men to investigate the matter. Theodosius, however, remaining there for some time, saw a divine vision, which God openly showed him concerning this sovereignty. For he seemed to see the bishop of the Church of Antioch, the holy Meletius, clothing him in an imperial chlamys and placing upon his head a crown of precious material. This nocturnal vision he recounted the next morning to one of his familiars. And he said that it had nothing ambiguous, but that the things signified were quite clear and plain. A few days passed, and those who had been sent to investigate the matters returned, and reported that many myriads of the Barbarians had fallen. Persuaded by this, the emperor, as was fitting, created Theodosius both B commander of the militia and emperor at Sirmium, and bestowed upon him the entire authority that Valens had managed. Having accomplished these things at Sirmium, he himself set out for Italy, but he sent the other to the East, to the sovereignty which he had conceded to him.
CAPUT II. Who at that time directed the sacred reins of the great cities; and concerning the Macedonians, how they again disturbed the catholic Church.
At that time Damasus presided over the Roman Church, the successor of Liberius. At Jerusalem, Cyril still living directed the church. The church of Antioch C was divided into three parts: for after Euzoius, Theodorus of Perinthus presided over the churches, a champion of the Arian religion; whereas the supporters of the consubstantial faith obeyed partly Paulinus, and partly Meletius, who had but recently returned from exile. Furthermore, at Alexandria, the Arians had as bishop Lucius, who was then living in exile at Constantinople. The Catholic Church, however, after Peter, was led by his brother Timothy. At Constantinople, Demophilus, the successor of Eudoxius, governed the churches; but Evagrius, the bishop of the consubstantial religion, was living in exile. His followers, turning away from Demophilus and holding assemblies of their own, were cared for D by Gregory the Great. 225 And, Jerusalem excepted, throughout the East the churches were almost all in the power of the Arians. Indeed, the Macedonians, after the reconciliation entered into with Liberius, did not differ very much from the supporters of the Nicene decree. For they had dealings with one another for some time in the cities and at the same time in the churches, and, as supporters of the same opinion, they freely cultivated communion. But after the constitution of Gratian gave everyone the faculty of embracing whatever religion he wished, certain bishops, having recovered their own churches which they had lost under Valens, again separated themselves from others. And having gathered at Antioch in Caria, they repudiated the word "consubstantial," and in its place, just as before, they confirmed "co-substantial," and rejected the faith at Nicaea, and held separate assemblies. But this attempt barely succeeded; for many were in strife
A regarding them, seeing that like the Euripus, they were at one time moving toward one set of doctrines and at another toward others; they stood entirely aloof from their communion, and firmly attached themselves to the proponents of the "consubstantial" [faith], and were united.
CHAPTER III.
How, by the decree of Gratian, the followers of Arius were driven out, and the professors of the consubstantial faith were installed in the churches; and what occurred at Antioch concerning Paulinus and Meletius.
Gratian, as we have said, dedicating the first-fruits of his empire to the Emperor of all things, God, promulgated a law by which he both restored the exiled bishops and permitted the Arians to be driven from the holy buildings, and these to be returned to the defenders of the Nicene faith B. And he sent Sapor the general, a man most distinguished and of great worth, into the East to carry this out. And that divine ordinance was duly brought to its legitimate end in every province. At Antioch, however, there was a great contention and dissension among the people, for this reason: those who defended the consubstantial faith and the Apostolic dogmas had divided into two parties. For some, immediately after the plot hatched against Eustathius, abhorring the Arian madness, held their assemblies under the bishop Paulinus. Others, however, fleeing the communion of the impious from the time of the election of Euzoius, were shepherded under the most wise pastor Meletius. Paulinus indeed had not been driven into exile. Meletius, however, having been previously condemned to exile C due to his excellent humanity by Valens, had been restored by Julian; and, having been ordered to be deported again under Valens, relying upon the edict of Gratian, he had returned to Antioch, and had found Paulinus living in extreme old age. There, all those who were of his faction moved every lever so that Meletius might be placed on the same throne with Paulinus. But Paulinus did not admit this, declaring that a deed of such a kind was against the ecclesiastical canons, because Meletius had received his consecration from the Arians. But the people, not bearing this, installed Meletius on the throne of a certain suburban church. By this act, much strife of words arose. And the matter, from excessive zeal for contention, turned toward absurd undertakings: the common people on each side being indignant, D a riot was expected. Then indeed, by a wonderful counsel being discovered, matters were brought to concord by pacts of this kind. For it was agreed that all those who were considered suitable to perform the episcopal function—whether they were already so at that time or would eventually be—of whom there were five others, and Flavianus was the sixth, were to be bound by the sacrament of an oath that none of them would undertake the episcopate, nor would they aspire to that dignity, and likewise that they would not approve of an election if by chance one were made for anyone, so long as Paulinus and Meletius remained in this life; and that when one of them had died, the one remaining should hold the throne of the one who had departed; and after his death, finally, that one of the candidates whom
the Holy Spirit should select was to inherit the episcopal throne. A Since these oaths had thus been sworn, almost the entire multitude was in agreement. But a very small number, followers of Lucifer, held differently, censuring the ordination of Meletius because they claimed it had been performed by those of a different persuasion, and they fostered dissension.
CAPUT IV: On the error of Apollinaris, and on Saint Flavian and Meletius, and all that occurred at the Antiochene see; and on Sapor the general, and Eulalius, bishop of Amaseia.
B At that time, Apollinaris, having assumed the mask of piety, arose as the leader of another faction in Antioch. For under the pretext of defending apostolic doctrines, in a short time he appeared as a wondrous opponent of true piety. For, having devised certain adulterated opinions concerning the eternal and immortal nature, he introduced certain grades and honors differing among themselves. Furthermore, he rendered the mystery of our salvation incomplete, and said that the rational soul, by which the whole body is governed, was destitute of the salvation which came to us; for he argued that God the Word had not taken up this soul as he had the rest of the body’s nature, and that for this reason he had bestowed upon it neither healing nor any honor. Indeed, C he lied, saying that the body is worshipped in heaven by all the intellectual host, but that the soul, remaining on earth, inasmuch as it was not received, remains even until now unhealed and surrounded by the ignominy of sin. And spouting other things full of similar absurdity, he would sometimes say that the Lord himself had taken flesh from the Virgin, at other times that it had descended with him from heaven; and sometimes that the Word itself had been changed into flesh, having taken nothing from our flesh; and having invented other such delirious and trifling fables, he conjoined these to the divine promises of the Savior. To recount these one by one, beyond what we have already said about them, I consider unnecessary for the present.
At that time, he communicated this plague not only to his own followers, but also infected many of our own with it. Although later his followers, seeing their own obscurity and the bright splendor of our faith, all except a few turned to the Catholic Church, and indeed participated in our communion, they did not entirely vomit out the poison of their own malady; instead, they furtively thrust it upon many who held the sound opinion. Hence also, as from an evil root, there sprang up the notion of one nature of the divinity and the flesh, and the idea of attributing the Passion to the impassible divinity, and all the other things which stirred up the greatest strife among the multitude and their leaders, and an undeclared war. But these things happened later; at that time, as has been said, Sapor the general had arrived there at Antioch, in order to establish and uphold what Damasus preached, and the law of Gratia- D
Gratian, that the Church of Antioch might also acquiesce in the same faith. A Paulinus indeed affirmed that he belonged to the party of Damasus; and Apollinaris, likewise concealing his heresy, said the same. Meletius, however, sat in silence, listening to the words of both. Then the divine Flavian, who was still in the rank of the presbyters, while the general listened quietly, said to Paulinus: "If you indeed, my good man, acquiesce in the same opinion as Damasus, show us the kinship of your confession; for he confesses one substance of the Trinity and openly proclaims the three Hypostases. But you, by what you say, seem to abolish the Trinity of the Hypostases. Therefore, agree with his dogmas, and according to the decree of the Church, safely hold your churches." B Having thus silenced him, he turned to Apollinaris and said: "I am amazed at you, my friend, how you can stare so open-mouthed at falsehood without blushing, knowing as you do precisely that the wonderful Damasus teaches with a full mouth and openly that God the Word assumed our perfect human nature. You, however, think entirely the opposite; for you claim that He did not assume our soul and our mind—which are the most excellent parts of our nature—and by this you deprive both of salvation. But if we accuse you falsely, then cast off the disease of your innovations, show that you agree with Damasus, who teaches things entirely contrary to you, and then hold the sacred churches." C Thus the divine Flavian with truthful refutations stopped the boldness of both of them. But Meletius, the gentlest of all men, said in a mild manner to Paulinus: "Since the true Shepherd and Lord of the sheep, who knows them, has entrusted to me no less than to you the care and administration of them, and since both flocks, as is natural, commune with each other and feed upon the wholesome herb of piety, while avoiding the deadly and sickening pasture of the heretics, let us, my friend—if it pleases you—unite the sheep of piety and gather them into one fold, ending the contention over the pastoral office. D And while we both shepherd the sheep, let us apply common care and instruction to them. But if the throne in the middle excites rivalry, I will also try to dissolve this quickly, if you wish. For I propose that the holy Gospel be placed with religious reverence upon a throne in the middle, and let us sit on either side, embracing the lower seat. And if the end of life should come to me first, you alone shall inherit the throne; but if you should suffer this first, I will again, as far as my power goes, lead the flock." These things the divine Meletius said with kindness and in a reverent manner. But Paulinus would not agree to these words. Sapor, having become a judge of the arguments, entrusted the churches to the great Meletius. Paulinus, however, again ruled over the part that had seceded for him. Afterwards, as has been said above, after the oaths were taken by those who were being considered, the masses came to concord. Apollinaris, having missed his aim,
B as if the churches had been taken away from him, openly and clearly taught his heresy, and constituted himself the leader of a new opinion. And having read and ordained Vitalis at Antioch—a man, as we have said above, illustrious for the holiness of his life, and one who had formerly shone in ecclesiastical doctrine, but later became infected with the contagious disease of Apollinaris—he himself withdrew to Laodicea, where he spent most of his time. Many other bishops, too, returning from the exile to which they had been subjected under the reign of Valens, held the same views as Meletius, not contending at all about pre-eminence, but preferring above all else the concord of the multitude. These men also brought pleas to those standing in their stead in the churches—those from Arius—that they should not depart thence, nor rend asunder by discord the Church of Christ, which, being one and delivered one by God and the apostles, the contentions and ambitions for the first seats of vain-glorious men had divided into many; but that while confessing true piety, they should retain the presidency of the Church. Of this zeal, many were others; but there was also Eulalius, who had obtained the lot of the Amasene church by Pontus. For they say that after his return, he found another pastor of the Arian sect leading the Church, and that those who obeyed him numbered barely fifty; but that Eulalius, embracing concord, sent a plea to him, ceding the presidency, as a prize—if one might say so—of concord and of the prize of the same opinion obtained, so that both might govern the Church. He, however, was not persuaded; but after a little while he even receded from those he led, inasmuch as they had added themselves to the great multitude of the pious. C
CAPUT V. Of Meletius, and Diodorus the Tarsian bishop; also of Acacius of Berrhoea, and others; and of the holy Eusebius, bishop of Samosata, how he fulfilled the contest of martyrdom.
The divine Meletius, concord of the multitude having been conciliated, constituted that Diodorus, of whom we spoke a little above, who in another person and habit, together with Flavian, had admirably steered the boat of the Church in that cruel tempest, as shepherd of Tarsus, and attributed to him the Cilician nation; but he gave the priestly dignity of Apamea to John. This man was otherwise illustrious; and he was honored by from-home and splendid assets of primary virtues. For life and speech running together in him, adorned the man no less. D Likewise also this man—as Flavian and Diodorus—in the time of the storm
A kept the multitudes of those who were of one mind in order, and confirmed them with his teaching. Meletius had as a colleague in this matter also one of the great name, Stephen, whom Meletius likewise summoned to no small struggle. For the city of Germanicia, suffering most severely from the disease of Eudoxius, he sent this man as an excellent physician; for he had advanced through the entire range of learning, both our own and as much, truly, as is held among the Greeks; nor did he fall short of the hope set for him; for by using the spiritual pipe, he converted even wolves into sheep.
In like manner the great B Eusebius also acted, when he returned from exile to Samosata. For he entrusted the church of Beroea to that Acacius, whose glory was great because of his illustrious life; and he entrusted Hierapolis to the admirable Theodotus, who was most famous for his monastic conduct; and he ordained Eusebius to Chalcis, and confirmed Isidorus for Cyrus. Both were praiseworthy and adorned with divine zeal (of whom not long after the great Theodoret also took charge). They say, moreover, that he entrusted Edessa to that Eulogius who, together with Protogenes, had been exiled to the island of Antin [Antinone] for the sake of piety, when the divine Bar es had abandoned both his throne and his life by his death. Eulogius himself installed Protogenes, his companion in conflicts, at Carrhae, bestowing him upon the city, which was very sick, as a sort of healer to ward off evil. C In addition to all these things, the divine Eusebius ordained Maris as bishop in Doliche; for that city was filled in the highest degree with the Arian disease. He himself, wishing to establish this man, who was shining with many forms of virtue, upon the priestly throne, reached Doliche. As Eusebius was entering the wall of the city, a woman who was full of the wickedness of Arius, throwing a tile from above, struck the holy man on the head. At that time, while it crushed his skull, a little later, because the brain had become infected with decay, he died and migrated to the better life. It is said that when he was already giving up the ghost, he bound his friends by an oath that no punishment should be exacted from the woman who had dared such a deed; for in this, too, he imitated his own Master, who said, "Father, forgive them this sin, for they know not what they do." This, then, was the end D that Eusebius received after various and manifold struggles for the sake of piety; and although he had escaped the barbarians in Thrace, he could not escape the hands of the impious heretics, but from them he received the crown of martyrdom.
These things happened later; but the divine Meletius, with the concord confirmed by the sacrament of an oath, sailed to Constantinople; at which time many bishops coming together to the same place, thought it necessary to translate the divine Gregory from Nazianzus, and to entrust to him the episcopate of Constantinople with full authority.
CHAPTER VI.
A That the emperors Theodosius and Gratian, the one having settled matters with the Alamanni, the other with the barbarians living along the Ister, Theodosius being at Thessalonica, was afterwards baptized by Ascholius, as if he were sick; and that he issued a decree of his own faith, commanding everyone to worship the consubstantial Trinity, and to follow the divine apostle Peter in the faith.Both emperors, the one betook himself to the ancestral portion of the empire which he had kept for himself and his brother, while the other set out for the dominion assigned to him—I mean Illyricum and the Eastern provinces; and for both, military affairs succeeded according to their inclination. For Gratian defeated the Alamanni who were ravaging the West; and Theodosius, having again fallen upon the barbarians near the Ister, defeated some of them in battle, while those who remained, beseeching to be allies of the Romans from then on, made peace, giving hostages and coming into the power of Theodosius. When these matters were rightly composed, as he was about to go to Constantinople, he arrived at Thessalonica. And there, having fallen into B a sickness that threatened death, he was initiated and baptized by Ascholius, to whom the administration of the church of Thessalonica was at that time entrusted, and he felt somewhat better. For since he worshipped the Christian religion received from his ancestors, he marvelled exceedingly at the decrees of Nicaea. And he was very pleased that Ascholius defended this same opinion; furthermore, because he was a man good in both deed and word, and well-suited for every virtue appropriate to the priesthood. Moreover, he was still more pleased with the nation of the Illyrians, because they had not shared in the frenzy of Arius. C And inquiring of Ascholius also about the other nations, how they stood regarding the opinion of the Divine, he learned that the entire West, up to Macedon, was in harmony with the churches there; for all equally worshipped God the Word and the Holy Spirit with the Father, proclaiming them to be the consubstantial Trinity. But the regions beyond that and towards the East were so much in discord with one another that the peoples were divided into different heresies. And he learned that Constantinople, more than other places, was prattling about such matters, and was more filled with the Arian plague. Ascholius also added the reason for this D matter: that the West was free from such evils because Constantine, the eldest son of Constantine, and Constans, the youngest, and their successors Valentinian and Gratian himself, had preserved the ancestral faith intact. But he said that this evil had reached the East from various parts: because Arius, the author and leader of the heresy, had originated in Alexandria in Egypt, and, having become a presbyter there, had vomited out the poison of blasphemy and vituperation there; after him Eusebius of Caesarea, and Patrophilus of Scythopolis, and the Syrian Aetius were the products of Palestine. Paulinus and Gregory of Alexandria were Phoenicians. And also Theodotus of Laodicea, and George who succeeded him, and the aforementioned Athanasius, and the fourth, Narcissus, were Cilicians; they, having cast the seeds of evil, more
A properly the tares, fostered them with sinister irrigation. Moreover, the Bithynians were Eusebius of Nicomedia, Theognis of Nicaea, Menophantus of Ephesus, Maris of Chalcedon, and Theodore of Perinthus; and Thrace contributed others who had won a celebrated name for their vices and malice. All these for a long time watered and fostered these evil doctrines. To these sowers of evil seed, the facility of Constantius (lest, according to Gregory the Theologian, I should call it levity, as he feared for religion and piety) and the extreme wickedness of Valens contributed no small weight. B When Theodosius learned of these things, having assumed the empire, he thought that the first thing he must do was to concern himself with restoring the churches to grace and concord. Deciding it was best to declare his own sentiment regarding God to his citizens and subjects (lest he should appear to do violence to anyone by prescribing the religion to be followed against the law), he sent a constitution from Thessalonica to Constantinople. For he thought that, as if from a high citadel, his edict would thence pass through his entire dominion and reach all the other cities of the East at once. The constitution declared that all must embrace that religion which, from the beginning, Peter the prince of the apostles taught, C whom Damasus of Rome and Peter of the city of Alexandria followed. In addition to this, he signified that only that church is to be named Catholic and universal which clearly, in heart and mouth, proclaims the consubstantial Trinity; those, however, who hold other opinions are to be called heretics, considered useless, and must suffer punishment if they dare to teach publicly.
CHAPTER VII.
Regarding Saint Gregory the Theologian, how he set his meetings in a small house in Constantinople, and presided over the consubstantial faith; and the account of the temple of Saint Anastasia.
When this law had been promulgated from there, not long after he himself also betook himself to Constantinople. At that time the Arians still governed the churches, having ejected Evagrius; D and Demophilus was their leader. Gregory the Theologian from Nazianzus, on behalf of Evagrius, presided over those who profess the consubstantial Trinity, conducting his assemblies in a very small dwelling. Those of the same religion later transferred these to a sacred house; and some time after, it became a celebrated temple among the other very distinguished churches of God in Constantinople, which stood out from the rest not only in beauty and magnificence, but also gained renown from the divine miracles that were performed in it. For the divine power appearing there to many, both when they were awake and in their sleep, did not merely deliver them from various and incurable diseases,
but also freed many from the trials and grave misfortunes that befall the lives of men. We have received it by tradition from men of good faith, that Mary, the Mother of Christ, is ever-virgin: for in such habit and form she has appeared to many. They call the building Anastasia, or Resurrection, for a reason that may be conjectured: because the dogma of faith from Nicaea, which at Constantinople had already fallen and died away A due to the great force and power of the opposing faction, rose again there and revived through the efforts and zeal of Gregory. I have also heard from certain persons, who maintain that they speak the truth, that a woman pregnant with child once fell in that temple from the upper galleries and died. But when the people who had gathered there poured out prayers to God for her, she was restored to life and rose again, no harm at all having been brought upon the fetus by the fall: and from this the place took its name, because God had performed this work. So much for this.
CAPUT VIII. On the Arians and Eunomians, how they were cast out of the churches and returned to their own homelands; and how Gregory took charge of the Catholic Church; and on the power and gravity of Eunomius.
The Emperor immediately sent messengers with mandates to Demophilus, ordering him either to assent to the synod of Nicaea and bring the people to unity and embrace peace, or, if he would not do this, to depart B from the churches as soon as possible. He, deeming it in no way right to oppose those who had greater power, gathered the multitude, and having made known to them the Emperor’s decision, spoke among other things these words: "Brethren, since the divine oracle commands that if men persecute us, we should flee from one city to another, and the Emperor is driving us out of the oratories, know that tomorrow we shall hold church and assembly outside the walls of the city." Having said this, he departed; and from that time used to assemble and perform sacred rites with his followers by the city walls—not as the evangelical text rightly understood should have been interpreted. For the word perhaps hints, under a more obscure meaning, that fleeing from the conduct of this present world, we should yearn for the city on high, the heavenly Jerusalem. Lucius also departed with him, C he who had defended the Arian heresy at Alexandria and, having been driven from thence, was staying at Constantinople, where Demophilus, leaving the churches, had abandoned them. The Emperor, having entered them with Gregory, entrusted them to him with his prayers. It was at that time the fifth year of Gratian’s reign, and the first of Theodosius, when they were consuls. From the time that the Arians took possession of the houses of prayer, it had been no less than forty years. But Demophilus, having been cast out, D
A withdrew to his own country of Beroea. Theodorus, having been expelled from Antioch, went away into Thrace, whence he had originally come; likewise Hypatius of Nicaea returned to Tyre in Syria, which had given him birth; and others were scattered elsewhere. Moreover, the presbyters Asterius and Crispinus at Antioch, and the remaining body of that faction which had followed the leadership of Theodorus, having held a meeting, to which many other bishops from the neighboring cities also assembled, sent a delegation to the followers of Eunomius, seeking to join in fellowship with them. They replied by letter that they would welcome them, provided they rescinded their votes by which they had condemned the election and ordination of Aetius, and accepted his writings. They also demanded that they first purify their own lives, as they were, of course, infected with certain impure practices. For the time being, they accepted this request. Later on, however, they were led on to revile Eunomius and the members of his faction B in ecclesiastical assemblies, calling them "high-talkers," full of madness and wickedness, designating those who determined to profess such things in that manner. Furthermore, the members of the Arian heresy, being a not inconsiderable multitude, through the impetus they had received from the beginning under Constantius and Valens, held their meetings without fear and rashly disputed about God and his substance. They also thought C of attempting to influence the mind of the emperor himself through the men of their faction who frequented the imperial court, hoping to bring him into their power, just as they had Constantius. This matter brought great concern to those who belonged to the Catholic Church, and they were in the greatest fear, suspecting the power of Eunomius in his disputations. For not long before, when he had begun to dissent from the Cyzicenians under the rule of Valens and had separated himself from the Arian fellowship, he had betaken himself to Chalcedon in Bithynia, which is situated opposite Constantinople, where he sat as a private citizen. A huge multitude from Constantinople D kept coming to him, and others flocked to him from elsewhere, some making a trial of his life and doctrine, others listening eagerly if he might say anything new. The fame of his name had already reached the emperor. He would have been admitted to an audience with the sovereign, had not the God-beloved empress Placilla, who had constantly professed from the beginning the decrees of Nicaea, with all care and zeal stood in the way to ensure that he would not speak with him at all. For she feared above all that by the allurements of his lifestyle and the power and gravity of his speech, he might lead the emperor to his own way of thinking.
CHAPTER IX. Concerning the boldness of speech of the holy Amphilochius, bishop of Iconium, before Theodosius.
A When these things were happening, and the zeal for this matter was flourishing among the Arians, it is said that the great Amphilochius, of whom we have made mention before, being one of those bishops who had arrived in Constantinople—a man by no means practiced in worldly affairs, but otherwise a venerable elder and gifted with a keen mind in divine matters—approached the emperor and besought him to banish the Arian assemblies from the cities. The emperor, however, because that petition seemed to him too harsh and inhuman, did not approve it. But that wise elder departed in silence for the time being, and afterwards, by a wiser counsel, performed a deed worthy of remembrance. B For when he had come again with the other bishops to the palace, he greeted the emperor piously and most kindly, as was fitting and as the other priests had done; but he left Arcadius, the emperor's son, who had recently been chosen for the empire, unhonored, not bestowing upon him the same observance of reverence. Instead, approaching him as if speaking to a child, and stroking him with his finger, he said, "Hail to you also, boy." The emperor, thinking that the elder Amphilochius was of a somewhat unrefined temperament and was acting in a rustic fashion, taught him how he ought to greet his son. And he, in turn, replied, "That honor is enough for him." But the emperor, stung with anger, and as if it were his own son who had been treated with injury, was gravely moved and ordered the bishop to be led away with insults. C But he, although he was being pushed, turned back a little, revealing the purpose that had been hidden in his mind: "Do you see, O emperor," he said, "how you do not tolerate the insult offered to your son, but flame with anger against us because of a more submissive greeting? You ought, in the same way, to consider that the heavenly Emperor and Father of the Only-Begotten is also angered against those who do not grant Him equal honor, but dare to call Him unlike and by far inferior to the Father." The emperor, realizing from this what had been done and admiring these words, summoned the priest of God to him as quickly as possible; and throwing himself at his feet, he asked for pardon and professed that he held the matter to be exactly as the priest had stated. D Being confirmed in this conviction, he henceforth turned away from those who held opinions otherwise than had been established at Nicaea. He prohibited disputes in the marketplace and empty assemblies; he put an end to all discussions regarding God and His nature; and by a publicly issued constitution, he proclaimed the danger to those who did not obey, threatening punishment to anyone who dared to contravene it. Thus it happened that, with the Arians and Eunomians expelled, the professors of the consubstantial faith came to govern the churches.
Chapter X. Of the holy second universal synod, which, by the zeal of the Emperor Theodosius and Melitius, Bishop of Antioch, entrusted the episcopate of Constantinople to the Theologian.
For this reason, as quickly as possible, the emperor ordered a synod of bishops to assemble in one place, drawn solely from the provinces under his own rule, so that the things decided at Nicaea might be confirmed, and so that it might be deliberated there to whom the see of Constantinople should be entrusted. Believing that it was within his power to unite the followers of Macedonius with the universal Church—since, in his opinion, they did not differ very greatly in either party or faction concerning the definition of God—he summoned them also to the synod. And indeed, there gathered about one hundred and fifty of those who proclaimed the consubstantial Trinity; of the other party, there were thirty-six, most of whom were from the Hellespont. The leaders of these were Eleusius of Cyzicus and Marcianus of Lampsacus. B Among those of the universal Church were Timothy of Alexandria, who had succeeded his brother Peter, the heir to the chair of Athanasius; C Melitius, bishop of Antioch, who had already come to Constantinople previously on account of the situation of Gregory; and Cyril of Jerusalem, who had by that time become repentant—for previously he had embraced the opinion of Macedonius. In addition to these were Ascholius of Thessalonica, Diodorus of Tarsus, and the famous Acacius of Beroea. All of these, embracing the writing of Nicaea, attempted to make those around Eleusius think the same things as themselves. They brought to their memory the embassy they had once sent to Liberius, in which, through those around Eustathius, Silvanus, and Theophilus, they had pledged that they would follow the Nicaean faith; and that, by their own free will, for a long time they had not separated themselves from their communion. They exhorted them not to act unjustly, having once fervently accepted the faith of like-mindedness, by again destroying what had been so well recognized by them. D But they, setting little store by the exhortations, said openly that they considered the opinion of Arius to be superior, and that they would never admit or proclaim the Son to be consubstantial with the Father, even though they had spoken differently to Liberius, and they departed. They also wrote to those in every city who thought as they did, that they should in no way accept the Nicaean faith. But those who remained with the universal Church deliberated upon the plan for the ordination of the bishop of Constantinople. It is said that the emperor, having come to admire Gregory for both his life and his abundance of words, was the first to vote that he was worthy of that chair, and that the synod also most readily cast their votes in accordance with his, revering the virtue of the man. But above all others, it seemed to the godly Melitius that the episcopate of Constantinople must be confirmed for Gregory. For he followed the canon of translation in the second place, as some were complaining. For the god-inspired man knew exactly the purpose of those who had written it. For that synod, cutting off the greedy pretexts…
A of those who at that time had advanced through love of office, set this forth. But if love of office were absent, there would be absolutely no obstacle, provided that in life or in teaching, or in both these, one was superior to the many; or if some common and greatest benefit were well expected from the translation.
CAPUT XI.
How Gregory, seeing some of the Egyptians offended because of the change, or translation, of his bishopric, repudiated the Constantinopolitan see: and how, having nothing more precious than the concord of the churches, he returned to his own fatherland; and concerning Maximus the Cynic philosopher.Gregory indeed at first accepted the episcopal office and ascended the throne (for how could he have slighted the exhortation of so many and so great men?), and the flock, which he had received small, he made very numerous, nourishing it by watering it with evangelical draughts, and those who wandered outside he captured with the net of his words and brought to the fold. But when, a little later, he perceived that some, and especially those who had arrived from Egypt, were opposing his election and finding fault with it, he renounced the episcopacy again, having delivered a farewell oration to them. For even after the synod and the change of his ordination, the divine Meletius immediately passed on to a life free from pain, being eulogized in funeral orations by many, and especially by Gregory, the light of the Nyssen B Church; those who were fostering sedition from Egypt were finding fault with other things, and also that Gregory, having previously directed his paternal bishopric and the Nazianzene church, had then advanced to the Constantinopolitan see as if to a third place. And already C Timothy of Alexandria, having found a certain Maximus, a Cynic philosopher—who had indeed been a disciple of Gregory, but was highly infected with the contagion of Apollinaris—in a hidden place, at the house of a certain flute-player, having shorn off his Cynic hair, had chosen and consecrated him as shepherd of Constantinople. But those who were gathered there at that time, reprobating an act so absurd, by no means praised that consecration. For most were men filled with divine zeal and spiritual wisdom: such as was that Helladius, successor to Basil the Great; Gregory and Peter, born of the same parents as Basil; Amphilochius of Iconium, which is a city of Lycaonia; Optimus of Pisidia, Diodorus of Cilicia, Pelagius of Laodicea; Eulogius of Edessa, D Acacius of Beroea, Isidorus of Cyrus, Cyril of Jerusalem, and Gelasius of Caesarea in Palestine, who had succeeded Acacius, the replacement for Eusebius of Pamphilus; and very many others, athletes of virtue, who in their life adorned the word by writing, among others, these verses:
This [synod] rooted out Macedonius, Who, rashly calling the Spirit a creature, Doth separate the most Holy from the highest Deity.
A All of them, detesting what had been done, separated themselves from the Egyptians and gathered with the great Gregory. Once they were together, they performed the festivals, the rites, and everything according to the custom of the Church, as was fitting, without fear. The divine Gregory, a man as gentle and unassuming as anyone could be, urged them to choose to agree with one another and to embrace peace, for it was indeed for this reason that the assembly had been convened; he exhorted them to prefer peace to the injustice of one man, which ought to be despised. "For I," he said, "having been released from many cares, shall again pursue the quietude that has long been dear to me; and to you all, after that long and insurmountable war, shall come the peace so zealously sought. For it seems to me entirely absurd that, having just recently emerged from the danger of the enemy’s battle, we should take up arms against one another, hurling weapons as fate dictates, and wasting all our strength in contests in which it is least fitting. In this way, we would truly provide cause for the enemies themselves to rejoice at our destruction. Therefore, if you wish to follow my counsel, discover through inquiry some man endowed with a divine mind, who is worthy of this see, and who, with God guiding his actions, may rightly organize and establish all things, and commit to him the oversight of the Church." Facing these words, having nothing to say in opposition, they yielded to him even against their will. They immediately stripped the Cynic Maximus of his priestly rank and drove him from the sacred precincts, declaring him excommunicated, both because he had unreasonably seized the throne and especially because, as has been said, he was filled with the insanity of Apollinarius. B Gregory, having left the throne, returned to his homeland of Nazianzus and lived quietly by himself, leaving no pretext for scandal by his voluntary withdrawal from the throne. Indeed, it moves me to admire this wisest of men, not least for this reason as well as for all others. For he was neither puffed up by his eloquence, nor, conquered by empty glory, did he crave the administration of such a great church—which he had himself brought to such large and great prosperity through his own teachings when it was nearly failing. Instead, he immediately surrendered his charge to the bishops, never using as a pretext the labors he had endured or the dangers he had faced while fighting against the heresies through that internal war. Yet, for him to retain the see and lead the Constantinopolitan Church—now that another bishop had been proclaimed for Nazianzus—would have presented little or no impediment at all. The synod, however, maintaining ancient customs, received back from him—not unwilling—that which it had once committed to his hands, showing no regard whatsoever for the divine gifts that were in that man.
CHAPTER XII. Concerning the life and conduct of Nectarius, who succeeded Gregory; and how, having just been baptized, he ascended the episcopal throne.
The emperor and the bishops were engaged in the greatest and most careful deliberation, and especially did the emperor...
779 NICEPHORI CALLISTI 780 A exhorting them that they should employ a careful and exact inquiry, so that the best and most honest man possible might be found, to whose hands the reins of the government of the greatest of cities might rightly be committed. The Synod, however, did not hold the same opinion in this matter as the Emperor. For each one laboured to secure the honour of that see for some person among his own intimates and friends. While all the bishops were weaving this design, a certain Nectarius, a man springing from Tarsus of the Cilicians, a man of primary nobility, illustrious in senatorial dignity, and one who won the admiration of all for the humanity of his character—who was at that time holding the magistracy and office of praetor, and was staying in Constantinople, and was already prepared to depart for his own homeland—came to Diodorus, the bishop of Tarsus, that from him, under whose episcopate B he was counted, he might receive a blessing with prayer; and if there were need, to take his letters with him. And it happened conveniently at that moment that Diodorus was considering within himself whom it was fit to choose for the proposed office. And seeing Nectarius entering, he immediately judged him in his mind worthy of the see; and invisibly there was added to him the sight of his grey hair, which held much that was venerable, and the priestly propriety of his appearance, and the great gentleness of his character. And under another pretext he brought him to the bishop of Antioch, and lauded the man exceedingly, and requested that he might also cast his vote for him there present. But he, C because many illustrious men had been designated, as if in a grave and serious matter smiling to himself, rejected Diodorus’s vote. Nectarius, however, was nonetheless called, and ordered to remain with him for a short time. Meanwhile, the Emperor ordered that the names of those whom each thought fit to steer so great a barque of the Church should be written down in a document, so that they being represented to him in writing, the power of choosing one out of all might be left to him. And some indeed wrote down others, as it seemed fit to each. But the prelate of the Antiochene church, after he had named in the scroll those he wished according to his own judgment, at the very end, to gratify Diodorus, also added D Nectarius. The Emperor, having taken the chart in his hands, in which the list of the designees was described, stood still when he arrived at the name of Nectarius. And ruminating on the matter more deeply, after his custom, he consulted with himself, and with his finger pressed upon the name of Nectarius, he ran through the names of those who had earned the votes and suffrages of the bishops again, and when he returned to Nectarius, after having deliberated on the matter long and much, he judged him to be worthy of that see above all others. All were astonished at the deed, and it was asked in the words and mouths of all, who this Nectarius might be, what his studies were, and whence he had sprung. But when they learned that he was not yet even initiated, they were more amazed, and were struck in their minds at the Emperor's judgment. I, indeed, think that even Diodorus was ignorant of this; for it is not credible that he would have dared to vote so strongly for an uninitiated man. But he surely…
A acted as he did in accordance with the emperor's vote, and Nectarius was immediately initiated. While he was still clothed in the mystical garment, by the common vote of the synod he was proclaimed bishop of Constantinople. It was believed by many that these things happened thus by God’s command to the emperor. Whether this is true or not, I cannot fully ascertain; but I have persuaded myself that such a development did not happen without God, judging both by the unusual and strange manner of his ordination and by the events that followed. For since he was in all respects a gentle and good man, it is likely that God entrusted the priesthood to him through such a great synod. Thus the ordination of Nectarius had such a beginning, and it also had a prosperous end.
CAPUT XIII. Concerning the things which the holy second universal council decreed, establishing the provinces, B confirming the faith at Nicaea, and expressing an opinion on the Holy Spirit, and enacting canons.
Afterwards, all the priests gathered together with Nectarius, and determined that the decree of the faith at Nicaea should be held firm, and they condemned every heresy. And having divided the provinces, they appointed patriarchs; and they decreed according to the ancient canons that bishops should remain in their own churches, and not rashly cross the boundaries of other dioceses, nor intrude themselves into ordinations to which they were not called: for this had happened previously, while the universal Church was being harassed by persecutions. As for those matters which occur among each people, the synod of the nation should settle and conduct them as it might judge best. Furthermore, that after the bishop of Rome, the prelate of Constantinople should hold the first and chief honor, as being the curator of the new Rome. For that city was not only so named, and honored with the dignities and magistracies of the people, but it also glories in the symbols, customs, and laws of the Romans in Italy, and the rewards of dignity and the rights of honor are equal for both. Therefore, in the ordering of the dioceses, Nectarius was allotted Thrace and the Great City; but they entrusted C the Pontic diocese, from Bithynia as far as Armenia, to Helladius, who had succeeded Basil in Cappadocia, and to Gregory of Nyssa—which is also a city of the Cappadocians. They left the province of Melitene to Otreius. They assigned the Asian administration to Amphilochius of Iconium and Optimus of Antioch in Pisidia. Egypt remained under Timothy of Alexandria. They entrusted the governance of the churches of the East to the bishops under its jurisdiction, namely, to Pelagius of Laodicea, and to Diodorus of Tarsus in Cilicia; D while leaving only their own proper prerogatives to the see of Antioch,
A they entrusted these to Meletius, who was still alive at that time. As for the cities in Thrace and Scythia, they placed Terentius of Tomi and Martyrius of Marcianopolis in charge of them. The emperor, having seen and commended all of these men, cast his vote in their favor and associated himself with them, for a brilliant reputation prevailed on their behalf, as men who were governing the churches as was fitting. Regarding Maximus, they decreed that he should not be, nor possess the title of, a bishop, and that the clergy whom he had ordained, and all his actions, should be null and void. By a legal decree, the emperor also confirmed that the faith of Nicaea should remain firm and perpetual, and that the churches everywhere should be entrusted to those who confessed—a position it is lawful to hold—the one divinity of the Father, the Son, and the Holy Spirit, in the coequal and co-glorious subsistence of the three Persons. B And having promulgated certain canons for the sake of the good order of the churches, they also added to the divine Symbol of the faith of Nicaea the glory of the Holy Spirit, as coequal and co-glorious with the Father and the Son, Gregory of Nyssa supplying what was lacking in the sacred Symbol.
Chapter XIV.
Concerning Cyriacus, bishop of the Adani, and Martyrius, a Cilician; concerning the translation of the relics of Saint Paul, bishop of Constantinople, and of Meletius of Antioch; and how Flavianus succeeded Meletius, and how scandals were once again stirred up at Antioch over the episcopal see.
When these things had been done, the synod reached its conclusion, and the rest of the bishops returned to their own sees. C Nectarius, however, kept Cyriacus, the bishop of the Adani, with him, that he might learn the episcopal discipline from him; for he had requested him of Diodorus of Tarsus for a short time. Diodorus, however, left with him not only this man, but also many other Cilicians. Among them was Martyrius, who was an excellent physician, and whom Nectarius had as a witness to the sins he had committed in his youth. At that time, Nectarius was eager to enroll him in the number of the deacons; but Martyrius recoiled from the functions of that ministry. For he asserted that he was unworthy of such an office, and he commended Nectarius himself as a witness to his own ill-spent life. But Nectarius said: "What do you think? Do I, who am now a bishop, not live more carelessly than you lived in your youth? I make you the witness, you who were often the assistant of my wicked lusts." D Martyrius then said, "But you, blessed man, have only just recently washed away every stain through baptism, along with the fact that you have attained the episcopal dignity. Both of these—the sacred bath and the episcopal office—we know from the sacred constitutions to be a remedy and expiation for transgressions. You, therefore, now seem to me to differ nothing from a new-born infant. As for me, I was long ago cleansed by the divine bath, [but] have continued, even after that, living a life of indulgence." Speaking thus, he did not submit to the yoke of the priesthood, which I have... of the good... [the] divine [law] established.
not been able to refrain from praising, and so I have wished that some part of it might be preserved here in this present history. After the synod had been celebrated, when the emperor learned what had once happened to Paul, the bishop of Constantinople, namely that he had been strangled and killed by the Arians in exile, he had his body honorably translated to Constantinople and deposited it in the church which Macedonius, who had plotted against him, had built. This church still bears the name of Paul, being very large and extremely famous, and situated in roughly the second region; those who do not know this imagine that it is the divine apostle Paul who is buried there. B About the same time, the divine relics of Meletius were also transported from Constantinople to Antioch, and were deposited near the martyr Babylas. It is said that by the emperor's command, contrary to the Roman custom, his body was received within the city walls on all the public roads, and was honored in every city with prayers and alternating psalms until it reached Antioch. They say that the longing for this man was so deeply rooted in the minds of all that they even had his form and image painted on walls and tablets, and engraved on rings. Meletius, then, was deemed worthy of such a funeral; and in his place, to shepherd his flock, Flavian was ordained, who made little account of the oath by which he had been bound; for Paulinus was still alive. C Hence, once again, disturbances seized the city of the Antiochenes, which had been quiet for a little while; for many, defecting from Flavian, flocked to Paulinus. Because of this, not only the people of Antioch themselves, but also the surrounding bishops, were at variance with one another. For the Egyptians, the Arabs, and the Cypriots were indignant on behalf of Paulinus, as though he had been treated unjustly; but the Syrians, D the Phoenicians, the Palestinians, and those who inhabit Armenia, Cappadocia, and Galatia, and those along the Euxine Sea, for the most part favored Flavian. Moreover, Damasus, the bishop of Rome, and the bishops of the West were very angry with Flavian, and writing to Paulinus, in the epistles which it is customary to call synodical, they assigned to him the name of bishop of the church of Antioch, while they avoided Flavian entirely. Furthermore, they did not refrain from accusing those around Diodorus of Tarsus and Acacius of Beroea, blaming them for having laid hands upon him, and they judged them to be out of communion. Wishing to know the truth concerning this matter, both he and Gratian wrote letters to them, summoning them from the East to the West.
CAPUT XV.
How the Emperor Theodosius held a second council, desiring to bring the churches into concord; and what things Sisinius, the Novatian, advised regarding concord; and how, when he could not accomplish this, Theodosius condemned the heretics to exile.At that same time, when the Arians were being driven out of their houses of prayer, and the Catholics were being brought into possession of them
no little turmoil arose among them. A For this reason, Emperor Theodosius, after a short interval from the former synod, again summoned the leaders of the heresies that were flourishing at that time, so that one of two things might happen: either they would persuade others of their own opinion, or be persuaded by others concerning the matters in dispute; for he thought that if he could bring the ambiguous points of their doctrines into a public hearing, he could infuse the same frame of mind into everyone.
When everyone had assembled—at the time he was proclaiming his son Arcadius Augustus—he communicated with Nectarius of Constantinople regarding the synod he intended to hold; he urged that all the questions from which heresies arose should be brought forward for public discussion, so that there might be one Church and one doctrine established, with which everyone would agree, and that all might worship as they ought, without anything being in doubt.
Nectarius, pondering many things in his mind, B sent for Agelius, the bishop of the Novatian sect, who was of the same mind as himself regarding the consubstantiality—a man who demonstrated his virtue more by his deeds, and who, being entirely unversed in the trifling and vanity of mere rhetoric, had delegated in his place another to consider what ought to be done and also (if circumstances required) to dispute: a man named Sisinnius, who at that time was gleaming in the rank of lector, and shortly after received his bishopric. He was a man most clever at discovering things, and extremely capable at expressing what he had discovered, and no less suitable for inquiring into the secret and hidden meanings of Holy Scripture and expounding them copiously in a sweet voice; he was also excellently skilled in both profane and sacred philosophy.
This man, who was then seen to speak most rightly, C gave counsel that no disputation should be undertaken with those who held different opinions, as it was wont to breed one squabble and contention after another; but rather that they should be questioned as to whether they would admit as interpreters of the sacred oracles those who had existed before the dissension arose in the churches. And he said that if they rejected their opinions, they would be cast out by the very people of their own faction; but if they judged them fit for the declaration and decision of the controversies, then their books should immediately be brought forth to the middle. And he advised this because he knew for certain that the ancients, having found in the divine Scriptures that the Son is coeternal with the Father, never dared to say that His generation had any beginning.
As this counsel seemed best to both Nectarius and the emperor, D after gathering everyone who had been summoned, he first attempted to ascertain what they thought concerning the writings of the ancients. And when they indicated their affection and piety toward them with clamor and admiration, he openly pronounced: if
A these witnesses were classic and suitable to the dogma of the faith, they would easily decide the question of any matter, if they themselves acquiesced in what they had thought and said concerning controversies of this kind. But when the leaders of the heresies dissented even on this (for not all held the same opinion regarding the views of the ancients), the emperor, weighing the matter with himself, understood that they rejected the condition proposed to them because they were confident in their own disputations. Wherefore, bearing ill their unjust opinion, he ordered each heresy to present to him a written document containing the opinion of each one. And when the appointed day arrived, of those who confessed the Trinity to be B consubstantial, Nectarius was present, and Agelius; of the Arians, Demophilus; of his own heresy, Eunomius; and Eleusius of Cyzicus, defending the side of the so-called Macedonians. The emperor, having perused all the opinions of the heresies, admired only that which proclaimed the Trinity as consubstantial and judged it to be the true one; but he tore the others to pieces, as fighting against the truth. Now, those who suffered from the heresy of Novatus were not ill-treated in any way, inasmuch as they held the same views as the universal Church, except in one matter, and strongly adhered to the consubstantial. But the other heresies dealt harshly with their own bishops, insofar as they had conducted their discussions with the sovereign in an ignorant manner; most of them, despising their opinions, moved over to the faith that had been praised. The emperor henceforth enacted a law, and ordered those who did not go along C with the consubstantial not to hold church services at all; and not even to dare to teach about their faith for the future; and not even to perform any ordination of any kind. He also ordered them to be driven out from both country and cities; and for others to be branded with infamy and not to enjoy the same civil rights as the rest. He even added severe penalties to the laws, if he discovered anything being done contrary to his legislation. But he did not put them into execution; for he merely wished to strike fear into the zealots of those heresies. And his main endeavor was that the peoples subject to his empire should hold the same opinion with him concerning the glory of God. Wherefore, he also treated with great honor those whom he recognized as having transferred from the heresies to the universal Church. D When this synod was convoked for the second time at Constantinople, as has been said, under the Emperor Theodosius, letters came to them from the West: that they, too, should arrive at Rome for a most great council instituted there, in which the matters at Antioch between Paulinus and Flavianus might also be decided. But the bishops gathered at Constantinople declined the journey to Rome, as unprofitable. And they also sent an epistle, in which they set forth the great storm of heresies stirred up in the Church; and they also censured, in some manner, their negligence and carelessness; and in summary, they inserted the apostolic sentiment into the letter. But those very letters, composed in these words, will show their manly spirit and true wisdom more clearly, setting them forth point by point:
CHAPTER XVI.
Letter of the Council of Constantinople written to the Western bishops.
A To our most reverend lords and most pious brothers and colleagues, Damasus, Ambrose, Britton, Valerian, Ascholius, Anemius, and the rest of the holy bishops assembled in the great city of Rome, the holy synod of the orthodox bishops gathered in the great city of Constantinople, greeting in the Lord. To instruct your piety as if it were ignorant, and to recount the multitude of the sufferings brought upon us by the tyrannical power of the Arians, is perhaps superfluous. For we do not think that your godliness judges our affairs to be so little your concern that you need to be cautioned about matters in which you ought to sympathize with us. Nor are the storms we have endured of such a nature that they could have escaped notice through their insignificance. The time of the persecutions is recent, and it still keeps the memory fresh, not only for those who have suffered, but also for those who, through love, count the miseries of the afflicted as their own. B For yesterday, as it were, and only a short while ago, some, having been released from the bonds of exile, returned to their own churches after countless afflictions; and the remains of others who had died in exile were brought back. Some, even after their return from exile, having fallen into the still-seething rage of the heretics, endured harsher evils at home than they had in foreign and alien lands, being stoned to death by them like the blessed Stephen. Others, torn by various scourgings and whips, still bear the marks and brands of Christ on their bodies. But who could enumerate the fines of money, the exactions upon cities, the confiscations of private goods, the plots laid, the insults, and the prisons? Truly, in our case, afflictions have been multiplied beyond number, perhaps because we were paying the penalty for our sins, or perhaps because the compassionate God was exercising us through a multitude of sufferings. For this, we give thanks to God, who through so many and such great afflictions has chastised His servants, and according to the multitude of His mercies has again led us forth into refreshment. But we had need of long leisure and much time for the restoration of the churches, C so that, just as after a long sickness, by gradual care, we might nurse the body of the Church back to her ancient health. For although we seem to be most specifically delivered from the violent injury of the persecutions, and have recently recovered the churches long held by the heretics, nevertheless, grievous wolves still threaten us; even after being driven from the folds, they ravage the flocks in the woods and forests, daring to hold rival assemblies, stirring up seditions among the people, and attempting nothing that does not lead to the detriment of the churches. Therefore, as we have said, it was necessary for us to have more leisure and a longer time. But since, while preserving the brotherly affection towards us D and manifesting your love, you have, by God’s will, convoked a synod at Rome, and have invited us also, as
your own members, so that after we had been A consigned to and suffered calamities alone, we might now at length, in the concord of the emperors themselves concerning the true piety, reign not without you, but that we also might reign with you, according to the apostolic word: it was in our prayers, if it were possible, that abandoning our churches all at once, we might satisfy your desire or your need. For who will give us wings like a dove, that we may fly and rest among you? But since this would completely strip the churches that have just begun to be renewed and restored, and the matter was for most entirely impossible:—for we had gathered at Constantinople, brought there by the letters which your reverences sent after the synod of Aquileia to the most God-beloved Emperor Theodosius, B having prepared ourselves only for this journey as far as Constantinople, and having obtained the consent for this synod alone from the bishops who remained in the provinces; and we neither expected the need for a longer journey, nor had we heard anything at all about it before we met at Constantinople; and in addition to this, the narrowness of the set time allows us neither the leisure to prepare for a longer journey, nor the possibility of informing all the bishops of our communion in the provinces, and of receiving their consent—since these things, and many others besides, hindered the arrival of the majority, we thought it necessary for the correction of most matters and for showing our affection towards you, to do what remained: C to prevail upon our most reverend and most honorable brothers and fellow-ministers, the bishops Cyriacus, Eusebius, and Priscianus, to cheerfully undertake the labor of the journey as far as Rome; through whom we demonstrate that our intention is peaceful, that we have the design and end of union and conjunction set before us, and at the same time we clearly declare our zeal for the sounder faith. For we, whether we have endured persecutions, or afflictions, or imperial threats, or the cruelty of magistrates, or any other temptation from the heretics, we have endured it all for the sake of the evangelical faith which was confirmed at Nicaea in Bithynia by the three hundred and eighteen Fathers. For D it is right that this faith should be acceptable both to us and to all who do not pervert the word of the true faith; which is most ancient, and follows upon baptism, and teaches us to believe in the name of the Father, and of the Son, and of the Holy Spirit: namely, that the divinity, power, and essence of the Father, the Son, and the Holy Spirit are believed to be one, that the dignity of honor is equal, and that the kingdom is coeternal in three most perfect subsistences, or rather three perfect persons; so that neither the disease of Sabellius may find a place, by the confusion of the subsistences, or the removal of the specific properties, nor the blasphemy of the Eunomians, Arians, and Pneumatomachi prevail, whereby the essence, or the nature, or the divinity is divided.
nor that anything later, created, or of a different substance can be introduced into the uncreated, consubstantial, and coeternal Trinity. We also maintain an uncorrupted account of the Lord’s incarnation, acknowledging the dispensation of the flesh to be neither without soul, nor without mind, nor imperfect; but we know that the Word of God was perfect God before the ages, and became perfect man in the last days for our salvation. A Such, then, in summary is the faith which is unhesitatingly preached by us, of which you will be able to receive even greater consolation for your souls if you deign to read the scroll of the decree which was drawn up by the synod assembled there at Antioch, and likewise that which was recently promulgated by the universal council at Constantinople. In these we have confessed the faith more comprehensively, and have written down the anathema against the heresies that have recently sprung up through new doctrines and have been condemned by us. Concerning the administration of the individual churches, you know that there is an ancient ordinance, and a decree of the holy Fathers gathered in Nicaea, that in each province the bishops of the province, and if they wish, their neighbors with them, should perform ordinations for the sake of what is beneficial. Being aware of this, you know that the other churches among us are administered accordingly, and that the priests of the most prominent churches have been appointed. B Whence, for the church in Constantinople, newly founded as one might say, which we have recently snatched as if from the lion’s mouth from the blasphemy and slander of the heretics through the mercies of God, we have, in the universal synod and with common consent, chosen the most reverend and God-beloved Nectarius as bishop, in the presence of the God-beloved Emperor Theodosius, and with the whole clergy and the entire city approving. And for the most ancient and truly apostolic church in Antioch of Syria, in which the honorable name of Christians was first used, the bishops of the province and of the Eastern diocese assembled and canonically and legitimately ordained the most reverend and God-beloved bishop Flavian, the whole Church consenting and honoring the man with what was like a single voice; which regular ordination the community of the synod also approved. C And as for the mother of all the churches, the one in Jerusalem, we acknowledge the most reverend and God-beloved Cyril to be bishop, having been long ago duly elected by the bishops of the province, and having struggled much against the Arians in various places. Since these things are held among us to have been done legitimately and canonically, we exhort your holiness to rejoice in them and to acquiesce with gladness, as spiritual charity intercedes, and the fear of the Lord suppresses all human ambition and makes the edification of the churches more precious than any private preference or favor. For in this way, since the doctrine of faith has been agreed upon, and Christian charity has been established D among us, we shall cease to utter that which was condemned by the apostles: "I am of Paul, and I of Apollos,
I of Cephas." But since it is evident that we all belong to Christ, who is not divided among us, with the help of God, we shall preserve the whole and undivided body of the Church, and shall stand with confidence and boldness before the judgment seat of the Lord. A They wrote these things against the rage and insanity of Arius, Aetius, and Eunomius, and indeed against Sabellius, Photinus, Marcellus, Paul of Samosata, and Macedonius. Likewise, they openly condemned the innovations of Apollinaris also, saying: "We by no means hold a perverse notion of the Lord’s Inhumanation, nor do we believe in a dispensation of the flesh that is void of soul or mind or imperfect."
CHAPTER XVII.
Synodal letter of Damasus, Bishop of Rome, written against Apollinaris and Timothy.
B But Damasus, a man of great renown, when he learned that this heresy had also sprung up, not only deposed Apollinaris but also proscribed his follower Timotheus once and again. And he signified this to the bishops of the East by a letter; which I have thought useful to append to the history. It reads word for word as follows:
"That your charity shows the reverence due to the Apostolic See, you attribute very much to yourselves, and most of all to the holy Church, O most reverend sons, in which the holy Apostle, sitting, taught how it becomes us to govern the rudders we have received. C And we, by our own judgment, acknowledge that we are inferior to such an honor: yet for that very reason, we give our labor in whatever way we can, if in any part we might reach the glory of his blessedness. Know, therefore, that we have long ago deposed and condemned Timotheus, that impure and profane disciple of the heretic Apollinaris, along with his impious doctrine; and we do not at all believe that his remnants will by any means gain strength in the future. But if that ancient serpent, who is outside the Church, having been bitten once and twice, should revive for his own punishment, and, as poisoner, should not cease to attempt to destroy some of the unfaithful with his deadly venom, D turn away from him as if from a present pestilence. And at the same time, remembering the Apostolic faith, and especially that which was set down in writing by the Fathers at Nicaea, stand fast, unmoved and persevering, in a firm degree of faith; and henceforth do not permit your clergy or laity to listen to vain disputations and abrogated questions. For we have already once set forth the type and form, so that whoever recognizes himself to be a Christian should observe that which was handed down by the apostles: the holy Paul clearly saying, 'If anyone shall preach to you evangelically beyond what you have received, let him be anathema.'" For Christ, the Son of God, our Lord, has bestowed most perfect salvation upon the human race through [His] life and passion, so that He might free the whole man, having been held by our
A sins, from every sin. If anyone should say that He had any defect either in His humanity or in His divinity, he shows himself to be full of the diabolical spirit, a son of Gehenna. Why, therefore, do you again seek from me the condemnation of Timothy, who, even here, by the judgment of the apostolic see, with Peter, the bishop of the city of Alexandria also present, was condemned together with his master Apollinaris? He who will also endure the due punishments and torments on the day of judgment. But if that man draws certain lighter-minded people away by his persuasion, just as if he had some hope, whoever has exchanged the true hope in Christ for the profession of Apollinaris will perish in the same way, having fought against the canon of the Church. May God keep you in health, most reverend sons.»
CHAPTER XVIII. Another synodal edict of the same [man], composed against various heresies.
B Indeed, certain others also, who were gathered in the great city of Rome, wrote against various heresies. I have thought it necessary that these be inserted into our work. And [first], the profession of the universal faith which Pope Damasus sent to Paulinus, the bishop in Macedonia, who had also been in Thessalonica; among other things he also mentions these points: C «Since after the Council of Nicaea this error emerged, that some with impure mouth dare to say that the Holy Spirit is through the Son: we anathematize those who do not, with all freedom, proclaim the Holy Spirit to exist together with the Father and the Son, of one and the same substance and power. Likewise, we also subject to anathema the followers of the error of Sabellius, who say that the Father and the Son are the same. We strike down with anathema Arius and Eunomius, who, although in different words, yet with equal impiety, assert that the Son and the Holy Spirit are one [person]. Likewise the Macedonians, who, growing from the root of Arius, did not change their impiety, but only their name. Likewise Photinus, who, renewing the heresy of Ebion, confesses our Lord Jesus Christ to be only from Mary. Likewise those who assert that there are two Sons; one before the ages, and another after the taking of flesh from the ever-virgin Mary. Moreover, we strike with anathema those who contend that the Word of God D was in human flesh instead of a rational soul. For this very Word of God was not in His own body instead of a rational and intellectual soul: but He took up and saved our soul, that is, the rational and intellectual soul, without sin. No less do we pursue with anathema those who say that the Word of God has been separated from the Father by extension and contraction, and that He cannot subsist; or who blaspheme that He is to have an end. Furthermore, those who pass from churches into other churches: for so long [as they do so], they are estranged
from our communion, until they return to the same cities in which they were first ordained. If, however, anyone should have another substituted in his place by ordination while he was still alive and moving from one place to another, then he who abandoned his own city shall lack episcopal dignity until his successor falls asleep in the Lord. A If anyone does not say that the Father is eternal, and the Son is eternal, and the Holy Spirit is eternal, let him be anathema. If anyone does not say that the Son of God is true God, just as His Father is true God, and that He can do all things, and knows all things, and is equal to the Father, let him be anathema. If anyone says that when the Son of God was living in the flesh on earth, He was not also in the heavens and with the Father, let him be anathema. If anyone says that in the suffering of the cross, the Son of God and God the Word endured pain, and not the flesh together with the soul which He clothed, or the form of a servant which He took upon Himself, as the Holy Scripture has said, let him be anathema. B If anyone does not say that the Word of God suffered in the flesh and was crucified in the flesh and tasted death in the flesh, and became the firstborn from the dead, inasmuch as He is Life and Lifegiver, as God, let him be anathema. If anyone does not say that in the flesh which He took, He sits at the right hand of the Father, and in the same He shall come to judge the living and the dead, let him be anathema. If anyone does not say that the Holy Spirit is truly and properly from the Father, just as the Son is from the divine substance and is God, the Word of God, let him be anathema. If anyone says that the Holy Spirit cannot do all things, know all things, and be present everywhere, just as the Son and the Father, let him be anathema. C If anyone says that the Holy Spirit is a creature, or that He was made through the Son, let him be anathema. If anyone does not say that the Father made all things, that is, things visible and invisible, through the Son and the Holy Spirit, let him be anathema. If anyone does not say that the Father and the Son and the Holy Spirit are one deity, one power, one divinity, one sovereignty, one glory, one lordship, one kingdom, one will, and truth, let him be anathema. If anyone does not say that the three persons of the Father and the Son and the Holy Spirit are true, equal, eternally living, holding all things visible and invisible, all-powerful, judging all things, giving life to all things, creating all things, saving all things, let him be anathema. D If anyone does not say that the Holy Spirit is to be worshipped by the whole creation, just as the Son and the Father, let him be anathema. If anyone thinks rightly about the Father and the Son, but does not think rightly about the Holy Spirit, he is a heretic; for it is evident that all heretics who think wrongly about the Son of God and about the Holy Spirit are found to be in the unbelief of the Jews and the heathens. If anyone divides the deity, calling God the Father separately, and God the Son, and God the Holy Spirit, insisting that there are three gods, and not one deity in three persons, and one
power, which we believe and know to belong to the Father and the Son and the Holy Spirit; or if, on the other hand, anyone, excluding the Son and the Holy Spirit, considers that only the Father should be called God or that only one God should be believed in, let him be anathema. For the name of gods has been bestowed and granted by God both to angels and to all the saints. But as regards the Father and the Son and the Holy Spirit, because of their one and equal divinity, it is not the names of gods, but the name of our God, that is signified and declared, so that we may believe that we are baptized only into the Father and the Son and the Holy Spirit, and not into the names of archangels or angels—as the heretics do, or the Jews, or the insane heathen. This, therefore, is the salvation of Christians: that, having faith in the Trinity, in the Father himself, and the Son, and the Holy Spirit, and being baptized into it, we may believe in one Deity, and power, and divinity, and substance, and in God himself. A These things occurred while Gratian was still alive.
CHAPTER XIX.
On the rebellion of Maximus; and how Justina the mother of Valentinian caused trouble for Ambrose the bishop of Milan; and how the people stirred up sedition on his account; and on Cleobulus the subnotary.
These things indeed occurred while Gratian was still alive. But when the synods mentioned above were being celebrated, and Gratian was occupied with the war against the Alamanni, a certain Maximus who had sprung from the parts of Britain arose as a tyrant. Because he had it in mind to subject the entire Roman empire to himself, he first attacked Valentinian, who was still a mere youth and residing in Italy, at a time when the administration of affairs there had been entrusted to Probus, who held consular power. At this time Justina, the wife of the great Valentinian and mother of the younger one, long since infected by the Arian plague, though while her husband lived she had never dared to act openly B or to afflict those who professed the consubstantial faith, now—relying on the very tender age of her son—having withdrawn to Milan, she caused trouble for the great Ambrose, of whom we have also made mention above, and disturbed the churches there, attempting to introduce new measures against the true dogma. For she contended C greatly that the faith of Ariminum should prevail. And, trusting in the allurements and snares of nature, she first offered the hook to her son, which he, being still a youth and not yet having the discernment of good and evil, might swallow. She also attempted to bring Ambrose under her own power, thinking she would easily accomplish the thing she desired if she had overcome him. But when he taught the contrary all the more, and urged her to desist from her undertaking, at the same time advising his son to preserve both his paternal religion and inheritance intact, and had pointed out the difference in their dogmas—namely, that the position the mother was introducing clashed directly with the doctrine of Christ and the apostolic preaching—Justina grew angry and proceeded to deceive D her son; and, as one surely aggrieved, she slandered
A the bishop to the boy, and begged him to punish him. He, believing those slanders, sent a multitude of soldiers and surrounded the ecclesiastical precincts with companies of guards. But when, after much force, they finally broke through the doors and entered the church, they immediately seized Ambrose and were eager to lead him out of the territory. But the multitude of the city, having surrounded him, resisted, and chose to die rather than see their priest treated in such a way. Consequently, Justina, inflamed to even greater anger, insisted on confirming her opinion with a law. And so, she summoned Cleobulus, a man enrolled in the registry of the imperial secretariate, and, boiling with rage, commanded him to produce a law with all speed, stating that every church ought to accept what was decided at Ariminum. But he, B seeking to decline the task (for he was of the consubstantial faith), promised that he would give him greater honor if he did so, hoping to entice him. But even so, he could not persuade him; for, having removed his own belt, he laid it at the feet of the empress, thinking that neither the honor he had, nor a more splendid one, should be retained as a reward for impiety. But since she still pressed him, and he vehemently affirmed that he would never change his mind, she called others and immediately published the law. It decreed that those who held the same opinions as those who had gathered at Ariminum and later at Constantinople could assemble safely and freely. But if any were of a different opinion, or opposed them, or dared to seek anything other than what this new imperial constitution commanded, she ordained that they incur the penalty of death.
CAPUT XX.
Concerning Gratian, how he was killed by the guile of Andragathius; and how Valentinian the younger, fearing the tyrant Maximus, went to Illyricum.While the emperor’s mother was in exactly this state, and applying great diligence to confirming the aforementioned law, a rumor spread that the emperor Gratian had been killed by the guile of Andragathius, who was a general under the tyrant Maximus. For this Andragathius C was being carried in a sedan (this would be like an imperial carriage or litter), which mules were carrying. And he instructed the leaders of the bodyguards to announce that the wife of the Emperor Gratian was present, and that she was being led in pomp toward him. Gratian, having learned this—as he had recently married, and being young and passionately in love with his wife—was ignited by an intense desire to see her. And so—inconsiderately, by the city of Lugdunum in Gaul, having crossed the river—he fell into the hands of the enemy as if he were blind. For Andragathius, leaping from the litter, immediately seized Gratian; and not long after, he did away with the noble warrior. For, as he said, "I will not betray the fold of the sheep to the wolves, nor will I grant the divine temple to blasphemers. But if you wish to kill me, draw your sword or spear upon me within the church itself. For I will very gladly suffer that slaughter." D
A administering his cities with moderation and justice, and increasing the ancestral belief of the faith, he thus ended his life without children, having reached twenty-four years of age, fifteen of which he had reigned, one year and six months of which he had reigned alone. When this calamity was announced, Justina ceased from her anger against Ambrose. Maximus, having assembled a large and not ignoble army from the Britons and the neighboring Gauls and Celts, and the other nations inhabiting those lands, led them against Italy, thinking that the empire of the young Valentinian would thus fall into his power, for he already held what Gratian had once possessed. He moved his forces, ostensibly under the pretext that nothing should be changed regarding the ancestral dogmas and the state of the church—for he knew what had occurred to Ambrose from Justina—but in truth, pushing aside the appearance of being a tyrant, he was turning every stone to secure the Roman empire for himself by apparent B legality rather than by force. And indeed, writing to Valentinian, he made known that he had been proclaimed emperor, and at the same time exhorted him to desist from waging war against true piety and to preserve the ancestral religion whole and unharmed; he even added threats to his letters, if he should not comply. He followed up his words with actions. For, having gathered the force around him, he marched toward Milan, where Valentinian was. But Valentinian, learning of the tyrant's approach and fearing that he might suffer some unworthy fate, fled into Illyricum; and from there he came to Thessalonica, having learned by experience what the fruit of his mother's counsels had been. His mother and the prefect Probus were also there with him. Forced by the necessity of the time, Valentinian, even against his will, accepted the imperial insignia of Maximus, from whom ambassadors had arrived. C
CHAPTER XXI
How Theodosius overcame the tyrant without a fight and about the rumor spread by the Arians against Theodosius; and about Symmachus the philosopher, and how he was judged worthy of indulgence.The most praiseworthy emperor Theodosius, when he learned what had been undertaken and perpetrated against Ambrose out of a zeal for revolutionary change, and at the same time about the tyrant's embassy and what he had communicated in his letters, wrote to the fugitive young emperor, saying that it was not to be wondered at that the emperor was in such fear, but that the tyrant should have such resources as to put an emperor to flight was remarkable. "For it is he," he said, "who brings aid to the opinion of the right faith, while the emperor, in fighting against the right sentiment, wages war against God. And you, indeed, stripped of the armor from above, took to flight; but he, fortified by the right opinion, prevails and overcomes his master; for the lawgiver of this piety is always present to help his piety."
A And these things, indeed, Theodosius was sending from far away. Not long after, having assembled a battle-worthy army, he himself advanced against the tyrant; for he was afraid lest Maximus might also perpetrate some act against the younger emperor; and having been strengthened thence, he might place under himself the entire rule of the East. At the same time, an embassy from the Persians arrived, requesting peace. At that time, another son was born to him by Placilla, on the ninth day of the month of September, whom he named Honorius. Having brilliantly equipped his army, and having left his son Arcadius in Constantinople, he himself reached Thessalonica; and having come to Valentinian, he first healed his soul, restoring the ancestral faith and driving away the disease that had been introduced by his mother; then he commanded him to be of good courage and not to fear for his rule. B As for the envoys who came from Maximus, he neither rejected them entirely, nor did he openly admit them. Having taken up his forces, he marched to the West, toward Italy. From there, rumors arrived according to what seemed good to each man. For men are accustomed to fabricate stories, even about things of which they know the least; and especially if they happen to be caught by some pretexts, they love to stir up rumors about matters they are eager for, as they are always desiring novel occurrences. This, then, was what was happening at that time to those in Constantinople. For concerning the war, one person would invent one thing, another something else, and all would put forward the worse version, although nothing had yet happened in the war; they would recount as though they were present at the events, purportedly telling what had transpired. C But the Arians, raging with anger because they had been driven from the churches, spread the story that the tyrant had become more powerful than the emperor, and that so many of our people had fallen; and that it was only a matter of time before the ruler himself would fall under the hand of the tyrant. And when other tales were added, they imagined the things fabricated among them to be true and admitted. Therefore, having taken courage from a senseless impulse, they rushed in a crowd, and casting fire upon the house of the bishop Nectarius, they burned it down, because he was in control of the churches. D Things occurred thus in this way; but for the Emperor Theodosius, the affairs of the war proceeded according to his mind. For the soldiers under the tyrant, fearing the battle-readiness of Theodosius's equipment, and having been struck with terror by the rumor, seized the tyrant and threw him at the feet of the Emperor; whom the latter, thinking it would be an injustice regarding his treaties with Gratian if he did not exact a penalty for his murder, immediately commanded to be put to death. Andragathius, however, who by treachery had killed Gratian, having discerned the state of things concerning Maximus, leaped along with his own arms into the flowing river, and died by drowning. And the entire rule was saved for the young Valentinian. Thus, having arranged the war, Theodosius, along with the youn-
what had happened to Maximus, he learned that A he had leaped into the river flowing nearby in his own armor and had perished there. Thus the entire empire was restored to the younger Valentinian. And Theodosius, having concluded the war successfully, entered Rome as a victor with the younger emperor and happily celebrated a most glorious triumph. He also rightly organized and settled the Church in Milan, since Justina had opportunely departed this life. While Theodosius was still in Rome, he saw to it that his son Honorius, who was still extremely young, was brought thither to him from Constantinople. And when he had performed the sacred rites of his victory at Rome, he then clearly manifested his own clemency and placability, most of all in the case of Symmachus, the former consul. For he, being the chief of the Roman senate, was held in great admiration on account of the outstanding qualities that were in him, and was lauded especially for his eloquence and knowledge of the Latin tongue. For he had published many and very excellent orations in the Roman language. He had also written to the tyrant Maximus while he was still alive; for which reason he had become liable to the charge of treason and lèse-majesté. Fearing condemnation, therefore, he fled to the Church as to an asylum. But so religiously did that emperor worship Christianity, and so obedient was he to the Church of God, that he not only greatly honored those who were of the same faith as himself and strove to secure a high reputation for them, but he also civilly and placidly admitted the Novatians, who held the same beliefs as we do, except in one matter. Thus B Leontius, who at that time presided over the church of the Novatians in the city of Rome, and who was an intercessor with him on behalf of Symmachus, was not disappointed in his hope. For the emperor, by way of granting a favor to him, simply pardoned the sin of Symmachus. Upon obtaining this pardon, he wrote for the emperor the speech in which he defended himself. And so the war in the West, having begun with such a precedent, under the good assistance of God, had the desired end.
CAPUT XXII. Regarding the shameful customs and habits which the Emperor Theodosius expelled from the city of Rome.
Emperor Theodosius, while he was staying in Italy, conferred C the greatest benefit upon the Roman city, both by generously granting things it did not formerly possess, and by removing many things that were from ancient times shameful and disgraceful to it. For there was such a disgrace in Rome: there were very large buildings there, in which the city’s grain was stored. Those who were the prefects of these, called *mancipes* in the Roman tongue, had in the passage of time turned them into dens of thieves. For since, at the side of each building, according to the lay of the land, there was a mill in the lower part, those who were in charge of them had built shops—in which even prostitutes were offered for gain—and through those snares they would entrap those who came to those houses for the sake of obtaining grain. D There were those, however, who went there for the sole reason of indulging in shameful pleasure. For by a certain contrivance they were brought down from the brothel into the mill. And this happened most of all to those arriving from abroad and to visitors; and they who were thus...
brought under duress were kept grinding for the rest of their lives, being denied any release from there whatsoever; so much so that even their own relations and kin supposed that they had long since yielded to their fate. Into this trap a certain soldier of Theodosius also fell. But when he too, like the rest, was not permitted to leave the place, he drew the sword which he wore at his thigh and put to death those who were holding him. And the others, for fear of suffering the same fate, terrified, allowed him to depart. When Theodosius learned of this, he punished the men who had been responsible for this and razed those predatory dens and brothels to the foundations. In this way, Theodosius removed this one stain from the Queen of Cities. B And another was this: If ever a woman happened to be caught in the act of adultery, the Romans were accustomed to exact a punishment that did not cut off the sin, but rather fanned the flames of licentiousness; for, shutting the woman who had sinned into a tiny cell, they then unashamedly allowed anyone who wished to satisfy his unbridled lust and wantonness. And what surpassed all absurdity was that these lecherous men would even attach bells at the time of their impure intercourse, so that when they were shaken they would ring, in order that the act might not remain hidden from whoever was passing by, but rather that by the sound of the bells that punishment, combined with injury and insult, might be made known. When the most temperate emperor heard of this too, he could not endure it, but abolished this shameless custom, utterly destroying those "sistra"—for such was the name given to those huts constructed for such great insult—and he subjected adulteresses to the penalties of other laws by a published constitution. From these two customs, full of insult, the most divine emperor delivered the city of Rome. And when all things had been established as was fitting, he left the empire of the West to Valentinian to administer, while he himself, with his son Honorius, returned to Constantinople. C
CAPUT XXIII. Of the angelic life of Arsenius the Great, who had previously been the tutor of the emperors.
D At about this same time, the emperor, desiring to appoint a tutor of virtue for his children, found Arsenius, whose fame for virtue had spread over the entire earth under the sun, and entrusted them to him. Having received them, he filled the place of a father for them, both with every discipline of a tutor and with a liberal education. For Theodosius had instructed him that he should strike no fear into them because of the height of the imperial office, but rather that he should treat them as his own servants. But so far was he from doing as he was told, that by his remarkable modesty and moderation he did the exact opposite. And when once Theodosius had suddenly entered the room and found the boys sitting in magnificent splendor, while Arsenius was standing among them as he taught, the emperor was indignant, and after stripping them of their imperial insignia...
A and speaking as most imperial words, “If indeed they were to prepare themselves to conduct their characters and their life according to the discipline and laws of God, he would be powerful enough to entrust to them an empire adapted to the benefit and utility of the citizens and subjects; if not, however, it would be much more beneficial for them to depart as private men than to rule ignorantly and dangerously.” Arsenius, however, was grieved at having fallen into such circumstances, being a man who shunned cares B and was by nature most estranged from crowds and tumults; wherefore he prayed to God to provide a suitable cause that could release him from his present bonds. And He provided it quickly. For when Arcadius committed a fault that could not be overlooked, Arsenius went to him and chastised him by scourging. Arcadius, unable to bear the insult, plotted his death. When Arsenius learned of the secret plot, he cast off that arrogant attire and fled with all speed C to Scetis; and he heard a voice resounding from above, “Arsenius, flee the crowds and you shall be saved.” During the lifetime of Theodosius he remained hidden, but after Arcadius had attained to the empire, he became known as pursuing the angelic life. Wherefore the emperor, writing to him, begged for his prayer and for forgiveness for his sin. And he also requested that he accept the entire tribute of Egypt to provide to the poor. But he did not accept it. When he had arrived at the pinnacle of virtue, he feigned himself a rustic and ignorant of all learning, although he had left behind monuments worthy of memory and very many books, which the history written about him relates. And to this day his monastic life is celebrated D above all in Scetis, at Rome, and in Constantinople. I could, indeed, have commemorated certain of his witty sayings and noble deeds. But since the proposed argument compels me to pursue other things, I refer the reader to his history, and I consider it sufficient for me to have digresssed thus far.
CHAPTER XXIV. On the succession of bishops; and on the turmoil that arose again at Antioch on account of Flavianus after the passing of Paulinus; and how after a long time, by the efforts of the emperor and Theophilus the bishop of Alexandria, the dissension of its Church was quieted, and the people brought to concord.
At that same time, Timotheus and Cyril, who had shone upon the thrones of the Alexandrian and Jerusalem Churches, departed this life; the former had Theophilus as his successor in Alexandria, and the latter had John in Jerusalem. A little while later, Demophilus, who had presided over the Arian religion in Constantinople, also departed this life; and those who were of his faction entrusted that administration to a certain Marinus, a Thracian, who had presided over another bishopric. But he, having not lasted very long there, departed. Under him also the sect of the Arians was split in two, as we shall say later. And Theodore, being more suitable, having managed such a heresy at Antioch in Syria, was…
elected, as being more fit to perform that office; he came to Constantinople and led his sect. A Meanwhile, Paulinus having also died at Antioch, those who had followed his authority and guidance held their own separate assemblies, turning away from Flavian, as if one who had indecorously and unlawfully violated the oath given to Meletius; although in point of doctrine they differed from him in nothing. And B after this, they appointed a certain Evagrius to succeed Paulinus. And as he had survived but a short time, no other was substituted in his place, for Flavian resisted it. Those, therefore, who shrank from communion with Flavian celebrated church assemblies apart, as has been said. For Paulinus, when Meletius had died, had wished to take upon himself the entire administration of the Church. But the group of priests opposed him. For they said that it was not fitting that he who had rejected the counsels of Meletius should, after the death of the latter, obtain his place; but rather that he should become the shepherd of the sheep who had preserved his flock with much toil. C This affair, as we have said, excited a long-lasting enmity between the Westerners and the Easterners. And the Westerners did not put aside the bitterness of their feelings against Flavian even after the death of Paulinus; and they were angry with him even after the death of Evagrius, and that because Evagrius had been designated as bishop against all ecclesiastical sanctions. For Paulinus alone had designated him as bishop, having trampled upon many canons. For they do not permit one who is about to die to substitute another bishop in his place, but command all the bishops of the province to come together for the election; nay, they even decree that an ordination of a bishop must not take place without three bishops. D Since they were unwilling to understand these things, they received Evagrius, but absolutely rejected Flavian, and to such an extent that they even importuned the emperor’s ears against him. Being troubled with this, he was often summoned, and the emperor brought him to the city of Constantine and forced him to arrive at Rome as well. But he, pleading the winter, promised that when spring dawned he would perform what was commanded. And having been dismissed at that time, Flavian returned to his own flock, and he left no stone unturned, in the words of the proverb, to make the faction that had seceded under him return to union. Which indeed little by little he eventually succeeded in doing, having reconciled to himself the bishop of Alexandria, Theophilus, through whom he also very well attained the favor of the Roman bishop, Damasus. For both of them had been very hostile towards Flavian, not only because he had violated the oath, but because he also provided no small cause for men who professed the same dogma to be so greatly divided by secession. But when Flavian delayed his arrival at Rome, the divine Damasus, and after him Siricius, and Anastasius who succeeded Siricius, through their letters reproached the piety of the emperor; objecting to him this, that while he put an end to wars at the very first moment, those
who insolently behaved toward Christ, and who disregarded his sacred constitutions without reason, were permitted to exercise their tyranny. Therefore, the emperor summoned them again and imposed upon them the necessity of undertaking a journey to Rome. And when he reached Constantinople, he used his freedom of speech before the emperor with the greatest wisdom: "If, indeed, O Emperor," he said, "any persons find fault with my religion as though it were not correct, or blame my life as unworthy of the episcopal office, I accept the accusers themselves as judges, and I will be content with the sentence they are to pass, even against my will; but if the dispute is about the throne and the chair, there is no need for a trial: for I will immediately yield to whomsoever you wish, and I will remove myself as far as possible from the honor of presiding. But, O Emperor, entrust the See of Antioch to whomsoever it pleases you." The emperor, admiring such freedom and constancy in the man’s speech, commanded him to return to his own country and to rightly shepherd the flock which had fallen to his lot. B But when, after a long period of time had elapsed, the emperor came to Rome again, he was attacked by the same goads of reproach and accusation from the bishops, on the grounds that he had neglected to put an end to the tyranny of Flavian. He, however, urged them to bring into the open what kind of tyranny it was; for he himself supported Flavian, and suggested that he had been appointed as his advocate and patron. And when they said that it was not right to contend in law with the emperor, he persuaded them to bind the churches together through concord thereafter, to remove contention, and to extinguish the useless zeal for dissension and strife. "For Paulinus," he said, "died long ago; and the ordination of Evagrius did not proceed according to the constitutions of the Church. Moreover, all the Eastern Churches depend heavily upon the episcopate of Flavian. In addition to this, neither the Asian, nor the Pontic, nor indeed the Thracian churches abstain from his communion. Finally, all Illyricum knows him to hold the primary care of the churches of the East." By these words of the emperor, the Western bishops were moved to mildness, and they agreed to resolve the contention, to put aside their hostility, and to receive the legates, if any should come from there. C When Flavian learned of this, he appeased the anger of Theophilus. And he, having sent his own presbyter to Damasus (whose name was Isidore), resolved all enmities, reporting to him that for the sake of the concord of the people, it was in the interest of the Church that the offense which Flavian had committed in violating his oath should be forgiven. But he himself also sent envoys to Rome, men praiseworthy among the bishops and presbyters and deacons of Antioch; among whom the leader was Acacius, who governed the church of Berrhoea among the Syrians, a man who had acquired great glory on land and sea. They, having destroyed the long-standing hostility, secured peace for the churches for seventeen years. For, communion having been granted from that side, the people in Antioch also gradually embraced peace. Likewise, those priests in Egypt, having learned of this, quenched the long-standing strife and arrived at unanimity. D At that time, Innocent led the Church of the Romans, having succeeded Anastasius; and Theophilus led that of the Alexandrians, a man of acute mind and brave spirit; who succeeded Timothy, and Timothy succeeded his brother Peter, who in turn succeeded the great Athanasius. John succeeded Cyril in the throne of Jerusalem, and then Neas. Thus, the peace of the churches...
A was restored by the God-beloved emperor. As for the Arians, they abandoned Antioch entirely and held their assemblies outside the city walls. Such was the state of affairs at Antioch.
CAPUT XXV. Of the sedition at Alexandria caused by the demolition of the idol temples; and of the singular zeal and labor of Theophilus, bishop of Alexandria, in this matter.
At that same time, a great disturbance was also stirred up in Alexandria for the following reason: After the most faithful emperor had secured peace for the churches as far as he was able, applying all his zeal against the errors of the Greeks, he issued decrees B by which he ordained that the temples of the idols, wherever they were found within his empire, should be torn down from their very foundations. For the most great Constantine—who attained vast praise, though less for his virtue and glory—was the first to adorn the empire with true piety. When he found that the whole world, one might say, was raging with idol worship, he altogether forbade sacrificing to demons, but he did not pull down their altars; rather, he commanded that the temples of the gods be kept closed, so that no one could approach them. His sons acted likewise. For they thought it cruel to bring about such a change all at once, judging it better, by C quiet counsel, to draw men gradually to the true religion. Julian, however, made impiety revive, and fanned the flame of error and seduction greatly. After him, Jovian abrogated his actions and suppressed the cult of idols. This was also done by Valentinian, who held the empire of Europe. But his brother Valens permitted all religion to be practiced with its customary ceremonies, yet he was openly hostile only to those who professed the irreprehensible faith. Throughout the whole of his reign, therefore, offerings and sacrifices were made to the idols by those who desired them; D fire was lit upon the altars; public banquets and the processions of those inspired by the god were carried out in the marketplace; the priests led the dances of Bacchus, and running about with shields, killed dogs by tearing them apart—in short, they left nothing undone that testifies to the shame and filth of their original inventor. When the most faithful emperor Theodosius found that all these things were still being practiced, he uprooted them completely and consigned them to total oblivion. Then, by the diligence of Theophilus, an edict was sent forth that the temples of the idols in Alexandria should be demolished, entrusting the care of these things to him. Accordingly, having received this authority, Theophilus left no stone unturned to intentionally outrage the mysteries of the Greeks. He tore down the Mithraeum and destroyed the Serapeum. As for the latter, its murderous works
A of which he made a mockery before the spectators, he put forth the sacred rites of Serapis to be ridiculed. For the phalli and ithyphalli, shamefully stripped naked and brought out, were dragged through the forum by the order of Theophilus. Now the Greeks who were in Alexandria, and especially those who were devoted to philosophy, being struck by this unexpected event and unable to bear the grief that they had conceived, having resorted to a sudden and uncontainable impulse, did not commit less, but rather greater evils than they had done previously. For they suddenly fell upon the Christians and wrought a very great slaughter. And having also made a great number of wounded, they withdrew from there afterward. The Christians, indeed, were defending themselves; but the Greeks, in the slaughter, were stronger; nor did they cease from the fighting until they were satisfied with the desire to kill. Fear then flowed into those of the Greeks who feared the vengeance from the emperor. B And indeed, having accomplished what seemed right to them, and having quenched their anger with the blood from the slaughters, each of them hid himself wherever chance provided a place. Others, also seized by a more intense fear, left their native country and migrated to other cities. Among these were two who had been educated from their earliest youth especially in literary studies, Helladius and Ammonius; the one was a priest of Jupiter, and the other, as it happened, a priest of the Ape. When this evil had subsided, Romanus, the commander of the military ranks in Egypt, and Evagrius, who held the prefecture in the city of Alexandria, rendered no small assistance to Theophilus in the demolition of the temples. For certain of the Greeks had taken possession of that Serapeum—a temple most famous for its beauty and magnitude, though by then stripped of its ornaments and foully defaced—situated upon a certain mound; C and from there, as if from a fortress, they would sally forth unexpectedly, and having seized many of ours, they would torture them on the rack and force them to sacrifice to demons. And those who vehemently refused, they would crucify; and there were also some whose legs they broke, and others whom they put to death in various ways. When the fight of this kind had lasted for a long time, the magistrates whom we have mentioned, approaching these men, exhorted them to finally abandon this conflict and leave the Serapeum. When they did not do this, the matter was reported to the emperor. But the fact that they were more obstinate in their undertaking was caused by the consciousness of such rash audacity, which they had used so greatly in an evil matter. There was, moreover, among them a certain sophist, Olympius, who was their advisor D to persist in these hardships. When the others were disheartened at seeing the statues being destroyed, he stood as a counselor not to abandon their religion in such a way; he said, namely, that the material was corruptible and the statues were but images, and for this reason were being brought to destruction. but that the divine powers which dwelt within them, upon their (the statues') dissolution, took flight to the heavens. Saying such things, he held the multitude of the Greeks and waited in the Serapeum. The emperor, having learned what had happened, deemed those of the Christians who had been killed worthy of the honors of martyrdom.
because they had sustained such danger for the sake of the sound faith; but he granted pardon to the murderers and killers, releasing them from the punishment they deserved, so that, perhaps, being struck by such remarkable benevolence, they might betake themselves to the Christian religion. Nevertheless, he ordered by written letters that the temples which had been the cause of such great sedition among the people should be destroyed. When these imperial letters had been read publicly, because the emperor had immediately laid the blame for the tumults upon the followers of the Greek superstition, the Christians confirmed the matter with a great acclamation; but the others, seized by fear, deemed that the temple of Serapidis should be abandoned to them, and that they must flee from there. Thus the Christians took possession of it. This B Olympius is said, on the night before the day when these things happened, to have heard someone in the sanctuary of Serapidis singing "Alleluia." And when, although the doors were firmly shut and there was great silence, he heard the same voice again, and could see no one, he understood what the thing meant. And going out secretly, and having found a convenient ship, he sailed to Italy. Henceforth, the temples were being demolished with great zeal; and the images and likenesses of the gods were committed to the fire, and were converted for the use of the Church of the Alexandrians into cauldrons and other vessels; the emperor granted the expensive gods as an expense and sustenance for the poor, bestowing them on them. C Theophilus, therefore, having reduced all of the images to dust, left only one complete, which he also said should be preserved, having been placed in a public spot, so that in future times the Greeks might at no time be able to deny that they had rendered worship to such gods. Regarding this matter, the aforementioned Ammonius, the priest of the Ape, conceived much grief, declaring it to be very grave for the Greek religion that the one god had escaped the fire for the sake of mockery, so as not to be melted down, and had not been melted down and destroyed in like manner as the others, which he had primarily desired. Helladius, for his part, confirmed that in that conflict he had given nine men to death.
CHAPTER XXVI
DHow, with the temple of Serapidis razed to the ground, hieroglyphic letters in the shape of a cross were found, indicating the life to come; and how Theophilus made manifest the error of the idols, and demolished the statue of Serapidis with an axe.When the temple of Serapidis was being razed to the ground and the walls were being demolished, they say that certain of those forms which are called hieroglyphics, and characters very similar to the sign of the cross, appeared inscribed upon the stones. Seeing these, both Greeks and Christians accommodated them to their own religion. For the Christians, on account of the cross, claimed that it was their own symbol and sign; the Greeks, however, saying that there was nothing in common between Christ and
A Serapis, argued that it was possible for the same shape to signify one thing among Christians, and another among the Greeks. While such uncertainty prevailed, many of them attached themselves to Christianity, and those who were skilled in interpreting hieroglyphic characters interpreted that cross-shaped symbol as signifying the life that is to come. This, the Christians, drawing largely to their own religion, had an opportunity to bring many over to their own belief; for other characters also openly declared that that sacred temple of Serapis was to be abandoned entirely as soon as that cross-shaped character should appear. For it was said to hint at the life to come. And so the Serapium was destroyed; and not long after, it was converted into a church under the name of Arcadius.
For my part, I think that the Egyptian priests, having no foreknowledge of Christ, did not engrave those letters in the shape of a cross. For if the mystery hidden from the ages (as Paul says) escaped the prince of darkness, it is much more reasonable to suppose that it was unknown to the priests there. But one might consider it a work of Divine Providence that a question should arise regarding these letters. This is something that had also happened before in the case of the Apostle Paul. For he, being filled with spiritual wisdom, using the same method and art among the Athenians, adapted the oracle to his own purpose and cause, and brought many to the true religion. Unless perhaps someone might say that the Word of God B performed the same thing through the Egyptian priests that He had previously done through Balaam, just as we know happened in the case of Caiaphas. For both, even if unwillingly, prophesied about good things.
But enough of these matters. Theophilus, however, not content with the things that have been said, did not stop there, but wished to make the fraud of the priests manifest to all those who had been deceived. For those idols, whether of bronze or wood, they fabricated almost all in such a way that they were hollow inside, and their backs were fitted to the walls of the temples, with certain secret passages left in the wall. Then, through other hidden inner chambers, they would slip into the hollow of the idols, and from them would utter the responses that seemed appropriate to them. And those who were zealously attending upon them, not understanding this fraud and imposture, performed what was commanded immediately, just as if God were ordering it. Theophilus, by breaking such statues in pieces, exposed the deceit to the men who had been deluded.
When he ascended to the temple of Serapis, he saw that statue, of such great size that by its very mass it struck horror and even fear into the spectators. Concerning this, a false opinion—which had seduced many—was current: namely, that if anyone should dare to touch it even with a finger, the whole earth would immediately be shaken, and universal destruction would be brought upon those in the city. Theophilus, considering all these to be the ravings of old women D given to drink, and regarding its size as of the very least importance, ordered one of those who had a battle-axe in his hands to strike the divinity. He struck a very brave and vigorous blow. But the bystanders, long having feared what was rumored...
cried out something immense. And the god, having received the blow placidly, because he was wooden, neither felt pain nor uttered any sound, being obviously entirely dead; nor, although he was great and was carried to the ground with great force, could he defend himself. When, however, his head was also severed, mice swarmed out of it in herds. For that celebrated god of the Egyptians was entirely a cave and receptacle for mice. Furthermore, when that vast idol was cut into small pieces, the rest they committed to the fire, but that sacred and venerable head they dragged through the whole city, for those to see who had worshipped it as a deity, and mocked the weakness of the one whom they had honored so greatly.
Chapter XXVII.
Concerning the sedition and tumults among various peoples over the abolition of altars and idols; and concerning Marcellus the bishop of Apamea, with how much zeal he acted against the temples of the idols, and how he finally underwent martyrdom.
At that same time, many of those addicted to the Greek B superstition in various cities contended over the altars of the gods, and fought unto death. Just as in Arabia the Petraeans and Areopolitans, and among the Palestinians the Raphiotae and Gazaeans, and among the Phoenicians the Heliopolitans; and in Syria, most especially, the Apameans (who are near the river Axius) defended their temple. It is handed down in history that for the guard and protection of temples of this kind, they called forth as allies and auxiliaries the Galilean men and certain others from the villages of those who dwell around Mount Lebanon; and at last, they arrived at such a pitch of audacity and confidence that they made away with the most illustrious man, Marcellus, who was performing the episcopal office there, because he had destroyed the shrines of the city committed to him, trusting more in his confidence toward God than in the strong hand of a multitude of men. For when John, of whom we made mention before, departed this life, that most excellent Marcellus took the presidency of the Apamean region in his stead, being fervent in spirit according to the divine Apostle. And when the prefect of the East arrived in that city with two tribunes, with the intention of demolishing the shrines of the idols, the plebs indeed, because they feared the military hand, were quiet; and the prefect set out to tear down the temple of Jupiter, which was both the largest and most beautiful, ornamented with various embellishments and choicest things. But when the prefect saw that the structure of the stones and materials was solid and quite firm, he thought it impossible that such a massive structure could be loosened or torn down. C For the greatest stones were, on every side, apt and compact and conglutinated with immense iron implements and molten lead. But the divine Marcellus, seeing the prefect thus fearing the task, bade him indeed to move on to other cities; but he himself prayed to God that He might give an outcome to the difficult and desperate enterprise. And behold, someone came at dawn, self-called, who was neither skilled in building, nor in cutting stone, nor in any other craft; but he had learned only to lift logs and stones upon his shoulders. And having approached, with two craftsmen
A he asked for his pay. Since this was easy for him to provide, he immediately set about tearing down the temple. As Marcellus promised to provide him with it, he devised the following method. The temple had a quadrangular portico, which had been raised up high and fitted and set upon it. The pillars were very large, corresponding in magnitude to the temple itself in proportion. The circumference of each pillar was sixteen cubits. Now the nature of the stones was very firm and adamantine, so that they did not easily yield to the tools of the stonemasons. These he dug around and propped up with olive wood. And when he had dug around three of them in this manner, he set fire to the wood. And although it was ignited, yet by its nature it could not be consumed by the fire. For an invisible, black demon was appearing and rolling about, obstructing the natural energy [of the fire]. B And when they had often performed the mechanism and saw that their effort was ineffectual, they reported it to the bishop, who was sleeping at midday. He, having immediately rushed into the holy temple, poured water into a vessel. And this he hid under the holy altar; but he, having fallen before the holy chancel screen, suppliantly prayed to the lover of men, the Master, that He would drive away the tyranny of the demon and bring into the open the weakness of the one, while manifesting His own power and strength, so that even greater harm might not come to those who had not yet decided to obey the Christian religion. Having said these things, and having cast the sign of the cross upon the water, he gave it to a certain deacon, Equitius, commanding him to sprinkle it upon the raging flame; C and when this was done, the demon, not bearing the attack of the water, fled. And the fire, using the water as if it were oil—contrary to its nature—laid hold of the wood perfectly and consumed it in a moment; and as the supports of the pillars vanished, they themselves immediately fell, and dragged twelve others into the same ruin with them. Indeed, even the part of the temple that had been joined to them went headlong with the force of the columns. Whence a very great crash arose, which immediately drew all who were there to inspect the work. But when they learned that the demon who had been struggling against them had been put to flight, they moved their tongues to the praise and glory of God. D This divine bishop also destroyed many other shrines of idols; and many other admirable accounts are recounted and circulated about this man. For he sent letters to the victorious martyrs, and received letters from them in which they replied to him. Finally, he himself also bore away the crown of martyrdom. And this matter must be explained. In the valley there of Aulocrenis (for this place is in the territory of Apamea) he proceeded against him, having taken along certain soldiers and gladiators. And having come very close, as a battle joined, he stood outside the reach of arrows, for he had pain in his feet, and he was not able to pursue, nor indeed was he able to flee. And as the soldiers and gladiators were making much haste to seize the temple for themselves, certain of the Hellenists, having resolved to be the only ones there, on the side where it was undefended, suddenly
seized him, and having piled up a pyre, burned him to ashes. At the time, they escaped detection, but in time were discovered and were being pressed to pay the penalty by the children of Marcellus, for they wished to avenge their father. The provincial synod, however, forbade it, saying that one ought not to seek justice for a martyr’s death; for they ought rather to give thanks for such a death, and to be leaping for joy—both the children and friends and his entire kin—that he had been adjudged worthy to die for God. Thus were the temples of the idols razed at that time.
CAPUT XXVIII. That Nectarius was the first to remove the presbyter who had from long ago been appointed in the churches for the sake of penitents; and concerning the custom and manner of penitents in the Roman Church.
B Tum then also Nectarius, who was administering the Church of Constantinople, was the first of all to remove the presbyter who had long served in the churches over those doing penance; whom, indeed, almost all the bishops throughout the East followed. What this is, and whence it had its beginning, and for what cause it ended in the way it now stands, others have recorded various accounts; but I shall narrate how the matter really stands. Since to commit no sin is not ours, but is proper to the divine and immaculate nature, while we, having by the transgression once and for all obtained the inheritance of sinning, God ordained that pardon for offenses be granted to those who use the legitimate and fitting penance, and who henceforth both turn away from sin and confess it. But it seemed burdensome to the priests who were closest to the time of Christ to declare the transgressions in the midst of the multitude, as in a theater; therefore, they chose one of the presbyters, a man of excellent life, silent and prudent, and appointed him to receive the confessions of those who were repenting. C Those who were repenting would approach him in private and confess the things they had done amiss. And he, upon hearing them, having imposed a penance for what they ought to do or pay, would allow them so that they might receive the penalty for their actions from themselves. But among the Novatians, there is no concern for this. Indeed, the report is that this office was thought of more on their account, for they were unwilling to communicate with those who had denied the faith during the persecution of Decius, and who had later repented. For the bishops of that time, opposing the dogma of Novatus, following the ecclesiastical canon, appointed a presbyter for those doing penance in each church, D that those who sinned after baptism might, by confessing the things already done, obtain forgiveness by this means. This canon, for a long time and even in other [heretical groups]...
was kept. In the Western churches, however, it obtains even to this day, and most especially in the Roman one, where there is also a set place for the penitent. They stand there as if they were condemned, with countenance downcast, and mourning greatly. But when the divine service is finished, they—that is, those who have been initiated into the sacred mysteries—partake of those holy things which it is lawful for them to partake of. [ ] But with great wailing and lamentation they cast themselves at the feet of him who performed the divine rite. Then the one who has been allotted the ministry of the ceremony at that time runs to them; and he himself in like manner, weeping with them, prostrates himself on the ground. Then the remaining multitude of the church standing round, itself weeping also and lamenting, is filled with tears. Afterwards, the priest or the bishop first rises, and he raises up those who are lying there. Having prayed over those who have thus repented as is necessary, he sends them away, having first heard and said what is needful and appropriate. [ ] Each of these, having gone to his own place, macerates himself in the manner enjoined upon him, whether by fasts, or by vigils, and frequent prayers and repentance, or by lack of washing and abstinence from delicacies, or by other means, each awaiting the time determined for him by the bishop. And when one has in this manner with willing alacrity paid the debt, he is absolved from the crime; and together with others in the church, he frequents the assemblies with the same right and the same communion. [ ] The Roman bishops held this rite from the beginning right down to this time, and from them it proceeded to all other churches, except to the Novatians, who did not accept repentance at all from the beginning. However, those of the consubstantial faith also turned away from this [penitentiary] priest, under the leadership of Nectarius, because of such a cause as occurred. A certain noble woman, when she had confessed her sins, was ordered by the priest whom we have mentioned to give herself to fasting and prayer, and to remain in the church. When she did this, she afterwards revealed that she had been violated by a deacon who had lain with her. When the people learned of the deed, they could not bear it with mediocrity, inasmuch as the Church was thus insulted. And from there, a very great calumny and accusation grew against the order of priests. [ ] Nectarius, being in doubt as to what he should do, stripped the deacon of his rank as a fornicator. But the Church was even more torn apart because of that crime by the detraction, curses, and insults leveled at the holy men. Therefore, by the advice of certain ones, and especially of Eudaemon, who was a priest of that church and by birth an Alexandrian, Nectarius decided that there should no longer be a penitentiary priest in the church; they persuaded him that it should be permitted to each person to communicate according to his own conscience and confidence, and to partake of the immaculate mysteries. For in this way, they said, the Church would be preserved from insult; and from that time onward the Church has remained so. But I believe that from that point the Church deviated from its ancient ways and the sanctity belonging to them, and fell into an indifferent and neglected habit, and little by little began to slip away from that strictness. That the sins were indeed fewer at an earlier time is probable, and [index: entries preserved]
A due both to the shame of those confessing their sins and to the diligent examination of the judges appointed for this purpose; whereas now, it is done as chance would have it and wherever each person happens to wish. From this the pretext arose not to expose one another’s transgressions, nor to choose to observe what the Apostle says: "Have no fellowship with the unfruitful works of darkness, but rather expose them." Because of this cause, I also conjecture that Theodosius the Great, who was provident for the pure glory and dignity of the catholic Church, legislated then for the first time that no woman, unless she be sixty years old and have children, should be enrolled in the order of deaconesse and the clergy—just as Paul explicitly ordained—and that those who had shorn their heads should be driven out of the Church; and that any bishops who admitted such women should be deposed from their bishoprics. But I think we have said enough about these matters.
Chapter XXIX
That heresies and sects were again split and divided into various parts; and that Theodosius proscribed Eunomius alone; and what were the character and customs of Eunomius; and how he died in his homeland of Cappadocia.
It is fitting, moreover, not to pass over in silence what happened among others: I mean among the Arians, and those who took their names from Macedonius, Eunomius, and Novatus. For once the Church of God was divided, it did not stop at that one separation, but was again divided further within itself through dissensions. And the authors of the sects, having seized upon some small pretext, departed from one another and broke away. How and when, and for what causes each group separated from the others, the history as it proceeds will show. It is worth knowing, however, that the emperor Theodosius persecuted none of these, nor did he compel anyone to communicate, but he allowed each one to assemble in their own place as he wished, and to hold opinions concerning the faith in Christ according to how each one was able to grasp it. All the other heresies, except for the Novatians, he ordered to assemble outside the cities and to build churches; but the Novatians, because they were of the same mind with him regarding the faith of the D consubstantial (*homoousion*), he encouraged to assemble within the cities with boldness, as I have recounted above; he condemned only Eunomius to exile. For he, after leaving Cyzicus and separating from Eudoxius, who had ordained him, on the pretext that...
he would not receive his teacher Aetius, who had been proscribed, lived in the suburbs of Constantinople and held his own assemblies. He openly displayed the books he had written against true piety. By the deception of his words, he dragged many into the same pit of destruction, so that in a short time he had drawn a large multitude of people to himself, and even some from the emperor’s own bedchamber. A When Theodosius learned that they were honoring him beyond measure, he banished them from his palace, and sent men at once to seize Eunomius at Chalcedon and ordered him to be deported to Halmyris. Now Halmyris is a place in European Mysia, situated on the Ister; it was captured shortly afterward by the barbarians who had crossed over, after the Ister had solidified with ice. Eunomius was then transferred from there to Caesarea in Cappadocia. There, however, an extraordinary hatred for him arose, because he had composed books against Basil, the bishop of that place. Afterwards, he was permitted to live in his own fields, which were called Dacoreni. This is a village of the Cappadocians, named Dacora, in the district of Caesarea, which is situated near Mount Argaeus. Not long after his return, he died and received burial in his own country. B The ecclesiastical historian Philostorgius admires this Eunomius greatly, as if he were a divine man. He openly babbles that his prudence and virtue were incomparable. He praises the form of his face and the parts of his body with great charm, and compares the speech flowing from his mouth to pearls; although, as he proceeds in his praise, he confesses that he was a stammerer—a defect, however, which he so adorns that he attributes a sweet eloquence to it. Indeed, he even asserts that the vitiligo, which had disfigured his face as if with certain marks, had brought a kind of ornament to his countenance. Extolling all his other books with divine praises, he says that his epistles excel above all the rest.
CHAPTER XXX. The heresies of the Eunomians, Macedonians, and Arians have been divided into many other heresies: and for what reasons each of them was separated from the other.
Thus indeed Eunomius met his end. D Yet his sectaries departed into diverse sects. And first there was a certain Theophronius, a Cappadocian by race, who, having been instructed by him in the art of contentious disputation, joined himself to his followers; and he, moderately—or rather coarsely, as one might more rightly say—having gone through the Categories of Aristotle and his [i]On Interpretation[/i], left behind a summary and a kind of introduction to the syllogisms used by them.
A Since he was caught in an irrational absurdity, for the reason that he would not remain in the doctrines of his teacher, he was cast out. As he was an extremely meddlesome man, he gathered from the names lying in the sacred Scriptures that God, foreknowing what does not exist, but knowing also what does exist, and remembering also what has occurred, does not hold Himself in the same way at all times, inasmuch as He shifts His knowledge toward the present, and the future, and the past. Therefore, having been cast out for these reasons, he set up a sect named after himself, making gatherings apart from the others.
There was also another man, Eupsychius by name, in the city of Constantinople, who, having been separated from the Eunomians by a certain trivial question, also became the author of his own heresy. For when a question arose at that time as to whether the Son knows the final hour, most people took their stand asserting that even He did not know the hour, bringing forward the sayings in the Gospels; but Eupsychius, writing in support of his view, maintained that He was not devoid of such knowledge, having perfectly received all things from the Father. B Therefore, when those presiding over that heresy did not accept what he said, he ceased to be in communion with them, and went to Eunomius, who was in exile. Others of the Eunomian faction from the city of Constantinople arrived there as well, so as to accuse him calumniously and, if need be, to debate the matter with him. When Eunomius learned of this, he praised what Eupsychius had brought forward and admitted him to communion, although a rule prohibited it, declaring it unlawful to admit those arriving from abroad to common prayers unless they brought letters with them which testified to their peers in doctrine, written with certain signs so that they could not be read by others. C But immediately after Eunomius departed from this life, the one who presided over his heresy in Constantinople did not accept Eupsychius. For he took it ill, since he was led by a certain jealousy, that he could not solve the question proposed to Eupsychius, who was not yet a cleric. Wherefore, out of a desire for opposition, he brought in his own heresy, having separated himself from the Eunomians when many who held his opinion flocked to him.
Furthermore, that divine baptism was also corrupted through an adulterous usage—so that the immersion is performed not into the Trinity, but once into the death of Christ—is ascribed not to Eunomius, but to his disciples Theophronius and Eupsychius, according to the opinion and report of many. D I have set forth these causes briefly, so that everyone might know the reason why the Eunomians split into different parties. Those who followed Theophronius were called Eunomiotheophronians,
...for those who were named Eupsychiani and Eunomiseupsychiani. To recount all the disputations and discourses which were held concerning these questions would be a lengthy and altogether difficult task, especially since I have set a different goal for my undertaking.
At that time, however, discord also arose for a while among the Macedonians, the author of which was a certain presbyter named Eutropius, who held separate assemblies. Carterius, a leader of the Macedonian sect, stood against him. At the same time, among the Arians at Constantinople, a question was raised: "Whether, before the Son existed (for they professed that he had come into existence from non-existence), the Father could then have been called Father." B Dorotheus, indeed, who had been summoned from Antioch and was there managing the administration of this sect in place of Marinus, openly decreed that "it could not be that he was called Father before the Son existed; for the name 'Father' is among those things which are relative." Marinus, however, held a different opinion, and professed that the Father was Father even before the Son existed; whether he really felt this way in his heart, or whether he was opposing Dorotheus, as he had been preferred over him to govern that heresy. For this reason, the multitude that followed them split into two factions. Dorotheus remained in his own house of prayer, but those who were of Marinus’s side, having built new churches, assembled in them. They were called Psathyriani, or Gotthiani, because a certain man named Theoctistus, a "psathyropoles"—that is, a seller of cakes, which are a type of loaf—defended this opinion greatly. The name was given to them by the Goths, because Selinas, the bishop of those people, was so strongly addicted to that opinion that he brought the entire Gothic nation over to it. For he had the Barbarians very much obedient to him, being well suited to teach not only in their native language but also in Greek; he had first been a scribe to that Ulphilas, the first bishop of the Goths, of whom we also spoke above when we were narrating the affairs of Valens, and he later became his successor.
It was not long after that a dissension also occurred between the aforementioned Marinus and Agapius, who, having been created by Marinus, presided over the church of his faction in Ephesus. C Their dissension came very close to bringing about an actual war, with the Goths especially favoring Agapius. For this reason, very many of their leaders, reproving the contention and the spirit of discord of those who presided over them, betook themselves to the Catholic Church, and were admitted to communion without any discrimination. And this was the cause that first led the Arians to be separated and to go off into factions. And from that time on, in whatever cities they are, each sect holds its own assemblies separately. In Constantinople, however, a certain man of consular rank named Plinthas, a follower of their sect, at length brought those who had been dissenting for thirty-five years to concord, D and also to being called—at that time—Father. Indeed, Dorotheus, who had been summoned from the country of Antioch to replace Marinus and held the leadership of that sect in his hands, expressly declared, "It is impossible for Him to be called Father before the Son had come into existence; for the name 'Father' is in relation to something." But Marinus held the contrary opinion: he confessed that the Father was Father even before the Son existed. Whether he truly held this opinion or because he was at variance with Dorotheus, since the latter had been preferred to be the leader of their sect—for this cause the multitude among them was divided into two parties. And Dorotheus remained in his own prayer house, while those around Marinus, having built new churches, gathered in these. They were allotted the name Psathyriani, or Gotthiani, because a certain man named Theoctistus—a *psathyropoles* (this is a kind of cake-seller)—defended this opinion extremely well. But from the Goths, since Selinas their bishop stood out so differently for this opinion, he drew the whole Gothic people to identical opinion. For the barbarian was very compliant to him, as he was sufficiently able to teach not only in the ancestral tongue but also in Greek. He was the one who was the first scribe to that Ulphilas, the first bishop of the Goths, whom I mentioned above in the account of Valens, and who was later established as his successor.
Not long after, differences arose between the aforementioned Marinus and Agapius, who presided over the church at Ephesus for them. The dispute of either side ignited an open war, with the Goths especially inclining toward Agapius; for which reason, it is said, many who condemned the quarrel and contentiousness of the leaders approached the universal Church and obtained communion without distinction. This was the cause and reason for the Arians being separated from the beginning, and from that time, in the cities where they are, they hold church separately. Those who were divided in the time of Constantine, a man from the ranks of the consuls, Plinthas by name—of the same mind as them, but having obtained the command of the cavalry and infantry, and being especially notable in the palace—brought to concord thirty-five years later. At that time, a synod of the Arians having been held, it was decreed never again to bring such questions, which had led to the schism, into the middle. These things, then, occurred a little later; perhaps other heresies and divisions also occurred in the cities. But it is not for me to go into everything in detail, but only to touch upon the timely and necessary things, and especially those in the city of Constantine, of which I am both a product and an offspring, as they are more notable and cannot escape notice. But if anyone's purpose is to learn about such heresies, whence and how they began, and upon what matters they progressed, we urge them to encounter the *Panaria*; a book which was published, once Epiphanius of Cyprus had led it...
furthermore, Theodoret, bishop of Cyrrhus, and in addition that admirable John of Damascus: for both of these also discourse at great length concerning them.
CHAPTER XXXI.
A How the Novatians also, quarreling among themselves over the inquiry concerning the celebration of Easter, established another heresy, which is called that of the Sabbatians.At that same time, the Novatians also, having dissented among themselves by way of secession, constituted the heresy that is called that of the Sabbatians. For there was among them a certain presbyter named Sabbatius, ordained by Marcianus: who, because he had come over to Christianity from the Jews, strove nonetheless to serve the presumed and preconceived opinion of the Jews, and even secretly aspired to the episcopate; and indeed, together with Theoctistus and Macarius, who were themselves also presbyters, and who adhered to them—those who, under the reign of Valens, B had held a conventicle in the village of Pazo—he celebrated the feast day of Easter with the Jews. And first, indeed, on account of his manner of life (for he maintained an excellent monastic practice), he separated himself from the body of the Novatians: but afterwards, regarding some as unworthy of participation in the divine mysteries and offering this as a pretext, he transferred the feast day we have mentioned to another time, namely, according to the opinion of the Jews. But after it became manifest that he was plotting innovations, Marcianus reproved himself on account of the untimely ordination C of Sabbatius: often being accustomed to say, "It would have been better for me, if I had laid my hand on thorns rather than on him." And when he saw his church divided into two parts, and that some were falling away to another, he immediately summoned the bishops of his own heresy who communicated with him to Sangarum. This is a place in the province of Bithynia, situated by the sea, not far from Helenopolis. Thither Sabbatius was also summoned by the assembled bishops. Being ordered there to state the cause of his grievance, he alleged the disagreement over the feast day. For he said that it should be performed as the Jews perform it, D and as those who had met not long before in the village of Pazo had determined. But they, considering that he was putting this forward on account of his aspiration to the episcopate, bound him with the sacrament of an oath that he would never...
A accept the episcopate. But since they did not think there was sufficient cause for their church to be divided by factions, it was agreed among them that all should be in harmony and assemble in the same place; but as to the celebration of the feast of Easter, that each might observe it whenever he wished. And regarding this matter they promulgated a canon, which they called "indifferent." They also decreed that the ruling of those who had convened at Pazum should not prejudice the universal canon: because those ancient men, and especially those who were nearest to the apostles, although they differed much among themselves concerning the day of the Easter feast, nevertheless communicated with one another and did not dissent at all in all other matters. And furthermore, because the Novatians in ancient Rome by no means celebrated Easter with the Jews, but after the equinox with the rest of the Romans, who followed the tradition of the apostles Peter and Paul: nor did they, because of that cause—namely, that they differed among themselves in celebrating the feast of Easter—make a schism from those who held the same religion as themselves. Therefore, after the matter had been well deliberated, they brought forward the "indifferent" canon which we have mentioned, so that each person, according to his own inclination and as it pleased him, out of some custom or presumed opinion, might perform the celebration of Easter: yet not so that this matter should bring any dissension into the communion, but that those who thus celebrated the feast differently might nonetheless be in accord with the communion of the Church. And thus, B when this canon was confirmed, Sabbatius, who indeed was bound by an oath, yet still following the Jews—unless the feast day happened to fall at the same time as theirs—would outstrip others with received and customary fasts, and performing his rites in secret, celebrated Easter, while being in the habit of participating in the legitimate vigils and other prayers on the evening of the Sabbath, and on the following day took part in the feast in common with the rest, and received the divine mysteries. And while he did this for some years in secret, he could not hide himself for very long. For since he had soon gained a reputation from this matter, he drew to himself very many of the simpler sort as emulators, and especially Phrygians and Galatians. Since they possessed an ancestral custom of fasting in this way, they thought his way was confirmed as being more correct. And so, following him, they even celebrated Easter secretly together with the Jews. And Sabbatius, slowly holding his own separate assemblies, seceded from the rest of the Novatians: and holding his oath as nothing, he accepted the episcopate among his followers, as I shall relate a little later.
CHAPTER XXXII.
The opinion and judgment of the author concerning the feast of Easter. Of the Quartodecimans and Montanists, how they celebrate Easter.
But I myself marvel at Sabbatius and those who followed him, as to what came into their minds that they should innovate regarding this feast day: since from the beginning the ancient Jews, as Eusebius Pamphili has recorded, bringing forward as witnesses Josephus and Philo, and also Aristobulus and not a few others, were accustomed to celebrate it after the equinox.
A And the Quartodecimans, offering the passover sacrifices [italic: diabatéria] at the first twelfth part of the zodiacal circle—which the sun traverses, and which the Greeks call Aries—at the time when the moon completes its course on the fourteenth day and is positioned in opposition to the sun in a straight line. B To these are added the Samaritans, who zealously observe the essential points of the Mosaic legislation, and who will not tolerate celebrating this feast before the new crop is ready to be harvested. For the Law, he says, calls this feast (the feast) of new fruits; so that it is not lawful to celebrate it before these have appeared; and thus it happens of necessity that it must follow the vernal equinox. Now, regarding those who imitate the Jews in this matter, I wonder why they did not rather praise the antiquity that is found among them. It may therefore be gathered that, except for these and those who are called Quartodecimans, all other heresies celebrate this feast along with the Romans, Egyptians, and Palestinians. The followers of Novatus, however, celebrate only the day of the Resurrection, following the Jews in this as well. And they also fall into the same timing as the Quartodecimans, unless by coincidence the first day of the week [italic: (Sabbaton)] happens to fall on the fourteenth day of the moon; for they lag behind the Jews by as many days as the following Sunday happens to be removed from the fourteenth day of the moon. As for the Montanists, whom it is also customary to call Pepuzitans and Phrygians, they have devised a certain new method, and according to this they celebrate Easter. And in the first place, they reprove those who, for the sake of Easter, examine the lunar course; for they say that one should not seek this, but rather the solar cycle, if indeed one wishes to examine Easter correctly. And they posit that each month consists of thirty days; and that the beginning of these is the vernal equinox; which day would be rightly said, according to the Romans, to be the ninth day before the Kalends of April. C For, they say, at that time the two great luminaries also had their beginning, by which times and years are measured. And it is clear from the fact that the moon, through a cycle of eight years, D comes into conjunction with the sun, both beginning a new cycle together. For the eight-year cycle of the moon's course is completed in ninety-nine months, and two thousand nine hundred and twenty-two days, in which the sun also completes eight courses; so that it happens that each year is reckoned at three hundred and sixty-five days and a quarter of one day. For from the day of the ninth before the Kalends of April, as the beginning of this creation is reckoned, they calculate the fourteenth day mentioned in the Holy Scriptures; which they say is the eighth day before the Ides of April, on which day they always celebrate Easter. But if it often happens that the day of the Resurrection coincides with it, they celebrate it on the following Sunday; for it is written that from the fourteenth up to the twenty-first, Easter...
must be celebrated. In my view, those who once contended so fiercely about this day of the feast do not seem to have acted rightly, and much less those who decided that in this regard the Jews should be imitated. But it does not occur to them, I think, that with Judaism changed into Christianity, the figures, of necessity, gave way to the reality itself, as will be sufficiently shown therefrom. For no law of Christ commands Christians to judaize; does it command it? Nay, it rather forbids it, just as the divine Apostle decreed in explicit terms, warning not only against circumcision, which is the head of the law, but also exhorting B that we should not be divided by disputing over festival days. And writing to the Galatians, he says these things: "Tell me, you who desire to be under the law, do you not hear the law?" And having discoursed a little on this, he then shows that the people of the Jews were in slavery, but that those who follow Christ obtain freedom. Where he also warns that days and years ought not to be observed. In the Epistle to the Colossians, he proclaims with a clear voice that such observances are a shadow. Wherefore he adds, saying: "Let no one judge you in food or in drink, or in respect of a feast day, or a new moon, or a Sabbath; which are a shadow of what is to come." And to the Hebrews, confirming all these things as if with a seal, he says: "For when the priesthood is changed, there is of necessity a change of the law." It is sufficiently clear, therefore, that neither the sacred book of the Gospels nor the divine Apostle himself imposed upon Christians the yoke of the slavery of the law, but left it to the gratitude of the minds of those who have been benefited, to honor both Easter and the rest of the feast days, whenever it seemed good to them. C Hence, because men especially love holidays, resting from their labors on them, they celebrated, as it seemed good to each one in different regions, led by a custom received by tradition, keeping the memory of the life-giving passion. For neither the Savior himself, nor his disciples, determined by any law that this should be observed; nor did the Gospels or the Apostles introduce or threaten condemnation, or punishment, or curse for one who did not celebrate it in that way, such as the law of Moses was accustomed to do. The divine evangelists, in writing their history, made mention of the Mosaic feast of the Passover only in passing, namely, that the Savior suffered at the time of the Unleavened Bread, when a famous feast was being kept among the Jews, so that they might show that they chose to perpetrate the murder precisely on the feast days. For the holy apostles themselves, certainly, this was not the purpose—that they should take upon themselves judgment over the feast days or make laws about them, but rather that D they should impart and introduce a life pleasing to God, virtue, and true piety toward God. And it seems to me that just as very many other things had custom according to places, so it came to pass regarding the feast of Easter. For from a certain custom among individual nations, it had a peculiar observance, so that it is evident that none of the apostles legislated anything concerning this feast, or that they meant to impose such laws; but rather they sought to impart and introduce a life pleasing to God, and virtue, and true piety toward God.
CHAPTER XXXIII. That the ancients celebrated the feast of Pascha by ancient custom rather than by any law, according to the tradition of the Fathers.
A For that from the beginning Pascha was observed more by custom than by law, we shall clearly demonstrate by the facts themselves. For those who dwelt in Asia Minor, from the time of the apostles, disregarded the Sabbath and observed the fourteenth day of the moon. And acting thus, they in no way differed from those who did otherwise, until Victor, bishop of Rome, being greatly disturbed, by letter condemned and excommunicated those in Asia who honored the fourteenth day. On which account, conversely, Irenæus, bishop of Lyons in Gaul, sent a letter to Victor, in which he rebuked him and blamed his action as too hasty; explaining very learnedly that, while the ancients also maintained communion in all things among themselves in Christianity, and varied regarding the time of the Paschal feast, they considered this to be no prejudice. He added further that Polycarp, bishop of Smyrna, who later, under Gordian, received the crown of martyrdom, came to Rome and communicated with Anicetus, bishop of that city, differing not at all with him regarding the feast of Pascha. For Polycarp himself, by a certain ancestral custom of the Smyrneans, was B celebrating Pascha on the fourteenth day, as Eusebius, son of Pamphilus, also testifies in the fifth book of his Ecclesiastical History. It is manifest, therefore, as I said, that some in Asia Minor observed the fourteenth day of the moon. Others, however, who dwell in the higher parts of the East, honored the Sabbath more in the celebration of that feast; but their contention was greater regarding the month. For some wished to follow the Jews, although they had long since fallen away from a more accurate observation. To others, indeed, who abhorred this, it seemed better that Pascha should be celebrated after the vernal equinox; saying that it must always be celebrated when the sun is in Aries, in the month Xanthicus according to the people of Antioch, C but in the month of April according to the Romans; and that they followed not those Jews who were then in error, but the most ancient ones, and especially that great man Josephus, as he relates concerning this matter in the third book of the Antiquities of the Jews. And they indeed who hold Asia Minor and the higher parts of the East dissented in this manner regarding this feast. But all the rest who have received Christianity, and all the Westerners even to the Ocean, are found to celebrate Pascha after the vernal equinox, following a more ancient custom. And all these indeed, celebrating the feast of Pascha in this way, were never seen to disagree among themselves; and not as the common rumor holds, that the council at Nicaea under Constantine DA diverted this feast. Quite the contrary, the most divine Constantine himself exhorted those few who disagreed regarding it in letters, that they should follow the majority, and imitating them, celebrate the feast with them in the same manner. Now, you will find the whole of the emperor’s letter if you look in the third book of those which Eusebius wrote concerning the life of Constantine. However, I shall set down here the portion which was written concerning the feast of Pascha, which reads word for word as follows: “There is a certain well-established order, which all the churches of the western, southern, and northern parts of the world observe, and certain of those in the eastern regions as well. Wherefore, since all have deemed it rightly constituted in the present case, I also have undertaken that it shall be pleasing to your sagacity, so that what is observed with a harmonious and entirely unified opinion throughout the city of Rome, and Italy, and all Africa, B and Egypt, Spain, Gaul, Britain, Libya, the whole of Greece, the Asian administrative district, and Pontus, and Cilicia, your discernment also may gladly accept, considering not only that the number of churches is greater in the places we have enumerated, but also that it is most holy that all should commonly desire the same thing. This is what strict reason appears to require, and that we have no communion whatsoever with the perjury of the Jews.” Such, then, was the emperor’s letter. But the Quartodecimans claim that they received the observance of the fourteenth day of the moon from John the Apostle. Those, however, in Rome and the western parts claim that Peter and Paul, the greatest of the apostles, handed down the custom that is frequented there. Yet, no one could produce a written decree concerning this. But Victor and Polycarp C appeared to extinguish wisely the contention over the feast day. For since the priests in the west did not think it right to dishonor the tradition of Peter and Paul, while the Asians on their part insisted that they should not depart from the tradition of John the Evangelist, it was deemed best by common counsel to celebrate the feast as each had been accustomed, but not to withdraw at all from their communion with one another. For they considered it foolish in the highest degree to depart from mutual union for the sake of such customs, when they agreed regarding the essential matters of religion.
CAPUT XXXIV. Concerning the varied customs of different nations and churches, through which no impediment, dissension, or discord is created for the catholic religion.
That the ancients followed custom rather than law, and celebrated Pascha in various places as it seemed best to each, can be easily gathered from this: for not all, D even though they might be of the same opinion, observed the same traditions
A in the churches. For those of the same faith have often been found to have different customs, and this does not hinder piety. Being at this place, I think it right to set forth a few small things concerning the varying customs in the churches, which formerly held sway in such a diverse manner, but now, by the grace of God, have changed with time and come to a common agreement.
And first, one must deal with the Paschal festival itself; for we find that the fasts preceding it have been observed differently by each from the beginning. The Romans fast for three consecutive weeks, excluding Saturdays and Sundays. The entire Illyrian region and Greece, as well as Alexandria, and all Libya, Egypt, and Palestine, complete the fast before Pascha in six weeks, calling it the Quadragesima. Others begin to fast B seven weeks before, as in Constantinople and the surrounding areas as far as Phoenicia; while others among them, who fast for three periods of five days with intervals, likewise call this period Quadragesima; as do the followers of Montanus, for two weeks.
It comes to my mind to wonder how all these, while varying so much in the number of days, still call it the Quadragesima, although some weave another rationale to provide a respectable pretext for the name. Nor do they differ only regarding the number of days, but also regarding the quality of foods and the manner of approach to and abstinence from them. For some do not touch living things at all; others touch them, but fish only. There are some who taste of living things along with fish and birds, saying that these also have their origin from the water, as Moses says. Some abstain from eggs and nuts or berries. Others subsist on the fruits of trees. Some eat only dry bread, while others do not touch even this.
Different also is the time of eating. For some eat at the ninth hour, some only after sunset, others after one day, others on the following day; others go for three, four, five, and even up to seven days, just as each person has the strength and the will. And there are other practices among other nations and tribes; for which there are ten thousand reasons, yet for none of these C can anyone show a written commandment. So it is clear that the ministers of the Word from the beginning left such things to the choice of each, so that each might choose and pursue what is good, not driven by fear or any necessity.
But such were the differences regarding the Paschal fasts and food that existed from the beginning in the churches. Furthermore, one may find many other indifferent matters regarding the assemblies; for since the churches everywhere in the world had from custom the weekly rotation of celebrating the divine mysteries on the days of the Sabbath, the Romans and Alexandrians, and all those who dwell around the Thebaid, perform assemblies on the Sabbath; yet they do not partake of the divine mysteries as was the custom then for all Christians. But after having sufficiently D feasted,
and having filled themselves more delicately with all manner of food—that is, after the midday meal, toward late evening—they would partake of the mysteries once the oblation was completed. On the fourth day of the week, and that which is called Preparation [Friday], the Alexandrians would read the Scriptures, the teachers interpreting them; and they would perform everything A pertaining to the Synaxis, except for the participation in the divine mysteries. And this was an ancient custom of the Alexandrians. For they say that Origen also used to conduct the assemblies on these days alone in the church, as he surpassed many in wisdom and teaching; and having perceived that the Mosaic Law was too weak to be rendered and expressed literally in every respect, he recalled the significance of the feast of Pascha to speculative contemplation, saying that the only true Pascha was that which Christ performed, having acted gloriously against the hostile powers when He was suspended on the cross—a trophy he used most excellently against the adversary. In the same Alexandria, there was no distinction in the order of readers and notaries B whether they were already faithful or catechumens—that is, those being instructed in sacred doctrine—whereas in all other places the churches elected only the faithful into this order. In Thessaly, it is clear that this was also permitted. Any cleric, before he was co-opted into the order, was allowed to take a wife lawfully; but if afterward, as the custom was received, he had intercourse with his wife, he was removed from that order: whereas in the East, all, and even the bishops, if they wished, would decline intercourse with their wives by their own choice, not compelled by any necessity of law; and many even while exercising the episcopal office raised many children in their episcopal dwellings from the wives whom they had lawfully married beforehand. Now, however, even if a bishop sleeps with his wife in a dream, he is held to be unchaste. But indeed, the custom which is observed in Thessaly originated with that Heliodorus C, bishop of Tricca; whose love novels are still circulated at this time, which he composed while still a youth and titled *Ethiopica*, though now they call them *Chariclea*. On account of which his bishopric was also taken from him; for since many of the young were being cast into danger by the reading of those little works, the provincial synod decreed that he must either destroy the books themselves—which ignited passions—and consume them by fire, or abstain from the priesthood if he were to adhere to such things; and he chose rather to leave the priesthood than to remove the writing from the midst. Which indeed happened. This custom was maintained in Thessalonica, and in all Macedonia and Greece. And another custom existed in Thessaly: for they baptized only during the days of Pascha; and therefore many from there died uninitiated. In Antioch of Syria, the altars D had their position contrary to the others; for the altar did not look toward the east, but toward the west. In Aelia, and Thessaly, and Greece, they performed the prayers at the lamp-lighting exactly as the Novatians did in Constantinople. Likewise, also in Cyprus and Caesarea of Cappadocia, on the day of the Sabbath and on the Lord's Day toward evening after the lamp-lighting, both the bishops and the presbyters interpret the Holy Scriptures to the people. But they who are in the Hellespont, holding the views of Novatus, do not
A observe the same rite of prayer that their partisans in Constantinople do, but follow to a great extent the ceremonies of the Catholic Church there. And to say it in sum, in all opinions and sects, it is impossible to find a uniform rite of prayer observed among any one of them. The Scythians who dwell along the Ister have many large cities, and all are subject to one bishop. Among other peoples, we know that there are bishops not only in the cities but also in every village. This custom prevailed especially among the Arabs, the Cypriots, and in Phrygia among the Novatians and those who are descended from Montanus. At Rome, to this day, there are no more than B seven deacons, in imitation of those ordained by the apostles, over whom Stephen presided, he who was the first to bind on the martyr’s crown. Among all other peoples, the number of these is as chance has determined. In the Roman city, they sing the Alleluia once every year, on the day of the Lord’s Paschal feast; this is something that many regard as the subject of an oath of prayer, so that they might be deemed worthy to hear the Alleluia and sing it with joy. Nor does any of the bishops of Rome, or any other person, speak to the people in the church; but at Alexandria, the bishop of the city alone performs this duty. And there is a report that this came to pass later, for it was not the custom previously. The cause was Arius; for being a presbyter, and having taken on the office of teaching, he introduced novelties against the doctrine of truth and threw the Church into turmoil. I know that in the same Alexandrian church, a practice long prevailed C which is novel and quite unusual in all other places: for the bishop did not use to stand up when the holy Gospels were being read. Indeed, no one has ever seen or heard that this was done in antiquity in any church whatsoever. The archdeacon alone reads that holy book there; but in other churches, the deacons do so; in many others, the presbyters alone; and in some on the feast days, even the bishops, as is done even to this day in Constantinople, and especially on the first day of the Paschal feast, and on the first entrance of the year. These are also recited twice; for as much as he [the bishop] says, the deacon then says the same, as I suppose, so that it may seem that the bishop is also proclaiming it, and not merely those to whom this office has been allotted. Perhaps we also announce it thus, unchanged, just as if we were hearing it from heaven like a peal of thunder. He also reads the first Gospel of the Testament, as if bearing the complete form of Christ. D As has been said, the churches do not have the same prayers and psalm-singing, nor do they have the same books and readings. For instance, the so-called Apocalypse of Peter, since it was judged by the ancients to be spurious, we found being read once each year in some churches of the Palestinians for a long time on the day of Holy Friday, the day when the people fast with reverence and contrition in memory of the Savior's passion; but the so-called Apocalypse of the Apostle Paul, which no man of old ever saw, which through piety was previously held in
C admiration by many monks. Indeed, the rumor grew that in this very time of the Emperor Theodosius, the book was discovered by divine revelation, in the fatherland and paternal home of Paul in Tarsus of Cilicia, deposited in a marble chest and buried in the earth. That this is surely false, a certain priest of the Tarsian church, being quite advanced in age (for his gray hair testified to this), confessed; for he confirmed that nothing of the sort had happened in his time. When he asserted this, he marveled if the rumor had not been fabricated by heretics—a thing we have said before has been done in many other books as well. It is the custom of the Romans to fast on every Saturday. In Caesarea of Cappadocia, those who had sinned after baptism were barred from communion: the Novatians do the same. The Macedonians in the Hellespont and the Quartodecimans in Asia observed the same. The Novatians in Phrygia do not accept those who have married twice, nor those who have passed to second marriages. But those of their persuasion who are in Constantinople neither openly admit them nor openly cast them out; in the evening, however, this is done without fear. D I think that such disagreements arose in the churches out of reverence for those who presided over them from the beginning, and for those who succeeded them. For having received certain laws from them, they passed them on to posterity by hand, thinking it neither pious nor tolerable if they were not to honorably observe the traditions in which they had been raised, but instead cast them aside with contempt. But it would be very laborious and difficult for me to enumerate and record all the varied customs of the churches throughout the cities and regions; for it is almost entirely impossible to do so. It must be thought that the ancients held the same opinion regarding this festival, on account of which we have digressed to this place: that it was because of some custom that the celebration of Pascha had a different observance. But now, by the grace of God, with those things which had broken the unity of all during that time having been resolved, the festival of Pascha arrives in harmony among all the churches of Christ. And therefore, they seem to me to be mistaken who have spread the rumor that the Council of Nicaea intended to distort Pascha. For the synod was more concerned to establish a harmonious people, who previously disagreed with the majority.
A
Many of the monks were led to observe it; yet it was said D that during the reign of Theodosius, this book appeared by some divine revelation throughout the fatherland, and specifically in the house of Paul in Tarsus of Cilicia, concealed in a marble chest buried in the earth; in which the book was supposed to be lying. But a man of Cilicia, an elder of the church in Tarsus, confessed that this was a lie. And his grey hair indicated that he was of many years. He testified that nothing of the sort had happened in his presence; and he insisted with wonder, if these things had not been fabricated by heretics, even as this had happened in many other books, concerning which we have also spoken before. The Romans have a custom of fasting on every Saturday. In Caesarea of Cappadocia, they used to cast out from communion those who had sinned after baptism, as the Novatians also do. The Novatians in the Hellespont did the same, and the Quartodecimans in Asia. The Novatians around Phrygia do not receive those who have contracted a second marriage. Those in Constantinople, however, neither openly receive them, nor openly cast them out, but this is done at evening without fear. Such disagreements, I think, occurred in the churches out of respect for those who from the beginning presided over them, and for those who succeeded them. For having received from them what were like laws, they handed them down to their successors; for they considered it neither pious nor tolerable to abandon the tradition in which they had been nurtured, and not to honor it. For it is arduous and difficult for me to count and put into writing all the diverse customs of the churches throughout the cities and regions; it is, indeed, almost impossible. In the same way, one must believe that the men of old felt the same way regarding this festival, for the sake of which we have been led into this discourse; that is, that from some custom, Pascha came to have a different observance. And now, by the grace of God, those things which had broken the unity of the whole time having been done away with, the festival of the Pascha of Christ comes to prevail in unity among all the churches. And therefore, they seem to me to be wrong who have spread the rumor that the Council of Nicaea intended to change Pascha. For the synod was indeed concerned to unite the people who were previously in disagreement with the majority.CHAPTER XXXV
AThat anciently and from the very times of the apostles there were certain dissensions and various observations in ceremonies; and that the ancients were not so greatly concerned with ceremonies, but commanded that only the necessary things and those promoting the faith be kept.That there were many dissensions from the apostolic times because of certain observances, I shall produce them as my own witnesses. For the divine Luke writes in the book of Acts: When the apostles learned that a disagreement had arisen between those from the Gentiles who had embraced the faith and the faithful Jews, they gathered together and drew up an ordinance in the form of a letter, through which they freed the faithful from the heavy servitude of the law and inhibited the empty contentions about that matter. They set forth a certain form of life leading to a more upright path and to true piety towards God, preaching in clear words what things were necessary to observe. I have deemed it not ill-timed to set down in this history that very letter of theirs for the sake of clearer knowledge.
"The apostles, and the elders, and the brethren, to the brethren who are of the Gentiles in Antioch and in Syria and Cilicia, greeting. Forasmuch as we have heard, that certain which went out from us have troubled you with words, subverting your souls, saying, Ye must be circumcised, and keep the law: to whom we gave no such commandment: it seemed good unto us, being assembled with one accord, to send chosen men unto you with our beloved Barnabas and Paul, men that have hazarded their lives for the name of our Lord Jesus Christ. We have sent therefore Judas and Silas, who shall also tell you the same things by mouth. For it seemed good to the Holy Ghost, and to us, to lay upon you no greater burden than these necessary things; that ye abstain from meats offered to idols, and from blood, and from things strangled, and from fornication: from which if ye keep yourselves, ye shall do well. Fare ye well." BThese things were pleasing to God; for this, says the letter, "It seemed good to the Holy Ghost, to lay upon you no other burden than those things which of necessity ought to be kept."
But some, caring nothing for these things, count all fornication as nothing; yet regarding days, and festivals, and food, they contend as if for their very souls, inverting the commandments of God and laying down laws for themselves: acting no differently than if they were doing this zealously so that they might easily obscure the things that are most contrary to the decrees of God. And I could have extended this discourse on the feast of Pascha even further, and shown quite clearly that not even the Hebrews keep it with certainty and accuracy; nor do they preserve the type or figure of it, just as it was handed down to them. CD
Moreover, since the Samaritans, who are separated from them, A always celebrate this feast most certainly after the equinox—but there is need of another time to explain these matters more fully. Yet it is better to say now this: those who have chosen to follow the Jews, and who display precision regarding the types and the figure, ought to follow them in every way. For if they choose to seek accuracy altogether, they must observe not only the days and the month, but all other things that Christ did—since he was born under the law, and acted in the Jewish manner, or endured being wronged by his fellow tribesmen, or in another way while doing good to all—and continued to act in a typological manner. For he often entered a boat and preached his teaching; and he had the first Passover prepared in an upper room; and before that he ordered a tethered donkey to be untied; and he set as a sign for those who were hurrying to prepare the Passover the man carrying water in an earthenware jar, and many other things which are variously reported in the divine Gospels. B Those who honestly believe that these holidays ought to be celebrated according to rule do not strive to observe all these things corporally. For who among the teachers ever began their teaching in a boat according to the type? Nor did anyone else take special pains to celebrate the Passover in an upper room or an upper part of a house before anything else. Nor did anyone order a tethered donkey to be untied before that, nor did anyone command someone to carry an earthenware vessel on their shoulders, so that no symbol or sign of the Passover would be lacking. For these things are accidental, and are thought to refer rather to Judaism. For the Jews, too, strive to observe things that happen to bodies C more than those that happen to the soul. Whence they also become liable to a curse, as they take the Mosaic law as a type and not as the truth, and those who admire and love their ways view such things only after an anagogical fashion. But regarding days and months, they stir up an implacable war against the Church, placing the theory concerning these matters in the second place. It remains, therefore, out of necessity, that they should also suffer the same condemnation as the Jews in this regard, drawing the vote of the curse upon themselves. However, regarding these matters, I think what has been said is sufficient; let us bring our discourse back again to its proper course. For we said that the Church, when it was first divided by factions, did not remain in that state of affairs; but those who had made the secession, D having seized upon some small pretext, again broke away from their own and departed into other sects. But others were divided in different ways. The Novatians, however, departed into factions on the occasion and pretext of the Paschal feast. Nor did they remain in one secession of factions; but, disputing also about days and weeks and other, non-essential matters, they were split into other sects: who indeed in some places were segregated and accustomed to hold their assemblies separately, while in other places they were accustomed to meet together in common.
Chapter XXXVI. Concerning the succession of the Novatians, concerning Agelius, Marcianus, and Sisinius; and that Sisinius was a man of urbanity, pleasant in his associations, and a lover of refinement.
It should be known that Agelius presided over their church in Constantinople for forty years, from the times of Constantius down to the sixth year of Theodosius. When he was ill and supposed that he was about to die, he designated Sisinius, who was a presbyter serving under him, as his successor. A man who was highly educated, he had used the philosopher Maximus as his teacher, and had studied philosophy under Julian. But the Novatian people, disapproving of this election—thinking that Marcianus, a religious and celebrated man, by whose virtue their church had remained tranquil under Valens, should have been designated instead—found fault with the choice. Agelius, wishing to gratify the sentiment of the people, set aside Sisinius and chose Marcianus as bishop for them. Yet when he recovered from B his illness, he entered the church and reported these things to the multitude himself: that they would have Marcianus after his death, and after Marcianus, Sisinius. Having said these things, he passed away shortly thereafter.
Marcianus died not long after, and Sisinius succeeded to the episcopate; a man, as has been said, highly educated, and having attained the peak of proficiency in philosophical and sacred literature, while especially devoting his care to dialectics; so much so that Eunomius, whose art that was primarily, often declined a disputation with him. He lived so temperately that he overcame the calumnies of his detractors as well. His diet and daily mode of living were not so frugal, but rather somewhat more lavish and expensive, such that it seemed to some that he could not cultivate modesty and continence amid such splendor and indulgences. He made use of clothing that was particularly exquisite, and sometimes he bathed twice a day in the public baths. Furthermore, his character was pleasant, and he was gracious in familiar conversations. Hence, he appeared dear not only to the Novatians, but also to the bishops, leading men, and magistrates of the Catholic Church. For he both delivered witty remarks and jests against others with a certain grace, and bore those made by others against him with kindness, doing C both with such moderation that he remained as far as possible from hostile bitterness.
He was also, as Socrates holds, wonderfully prompt in responding to those who questioned him with a certain elegance, aptly and opportunely. Once, when someone asked him, "For what reason, being a bishop, do you bathe twice a day?" he replied, "Because I cannot bathe three times." And when someone from the Catholic Church mocked him for wearing a white garment, saying that it was unbecoming for a bishop, he immediately retorted with sharpness against him: "But it is for you to show where it is written that a bishop must be dressed in black." When that man was at a loss, Sisinius immediately added, "But you would not be able to show this; yet Solomon counsels me thus, saying, 'Let your garments be always white.' Indeed, the Savior himself in the Gospels is seen using white garments, demonstrating..."
to the disciples who had ascended Mount Tabor with him, Moses and Elias wearing white. Having related these and further things to them, he was a source of admiration to many. B Furthermore, another witty remark of his, I think, ought to be recounted. Leontius, the bishop of Ancyra in Lesser Galatia, had arrived in Constantinople, having at that time taken away the church of the Novatians there. Sisinius came to him and, as a suppliant, asked him to return the church to his group. When he refused to do so, he harshly inveighed against the Novatians, declaring that they ought not to possess a church, inasmuch as they abolished repentance and spurned the mercy of God. While he was stringing together these and other similar accusations, railing against the Novatians, Sisinius said: "But I, too," he said, "am performing repentance, as I think no one else is." And when Leontius asked him, "In what way are you performing repentance?" he replied: "Because," he said, "I now see you disposed in this way."
He lived his life in such a way that he continued to administer the church of the Novatians while John Chrysostom held the patriarchate. And he even dared to argue against him when John introduced repentance in a writing, saying: "Ten thousand times repenting, enter the church. For I am prepared to receive the penitent, provided that he is not henceforth circumvented by similar evils through sin." C And it happened on one occasion that the divine John, while walking, met Sisinius and cast this at him: "A city ought not to have two bishops" (for he himself was proceeding with great splendor and a retinue). Sisinius, answering him, said: "But it does not have two," thinking himself to be the sole genuine and legitimate bishop. John, taking this statement quite poorly, said to him: "Do you see? You wish to be the only bishop of Constantinople!" Sisinius, in return, said: "I do not say this; but that, while I am bishop to all the others, in your eyes alone I am considered not to be." John, growing angry, retorted: "But I will see to it that you, who labor under that most foul heresy, shall no longer speak to the people in public." Sisinius quite wittily countered his words: "And I," he said, "will give you the greatest thanks if you deliver me from such labor and burden." Moved by this word, John at last said: "Since D this remark pains you, I would not wish to stop it, God having brought this about."
Many other witty things said by this man are also recorded. They say that he composed many writings that were not unrefined. Indeed, he was praised more for his speaking than his writing. For he was excellent at mimicking and acting. For a certain pleasant quality of character sat upon his lips, and grace in his voice and face, and his look and bearing, and the whole movement of his body, was sufficient to attract the listener. For these reasons he was dear to all the notable men of the senate, and was admired by people of all religions.
Most of all, however, Bishop Atticus pursued him with great honor. But of what sort this man was, I think I have sufficiently spoken in this place, having taken the account from the books of the ecclesiastical historian Socrates. And I have recounted these things, wishing to show that by reason of the virtue of those who presided over them—Agelius, Marcianus, and Sisinnius—and because they adhered to the confession of the consubstantial, the Novatians remained untainted by the blight of other sects, and the greater part of them remained quiet in their own church, except for those who dissented on account of the question concerning the Paschal festival, which Sabatius, as I have said, introduced through his innovations. Many other divisions also, as has been said, existed at that time among the Arians, Macedonians, and other sects. While these were thus being torn apart, the Universal Church grew all the more, with people day by day attaching themselves to it because of the mutual contention of those others. B And C especially those who had followed Greek idolatry flocked to it. For when the emperor saw the custom of the former time and the places that were religiously observed by them drawing his citizens and subjects to the worship of their fathers, immediately upon assuming the empire, he first absolutely forbade them to approach the altars; and afterward, by a law, as we have said, he leveled them to the ground. And so, through a lack of sacred buildings, they began to frequent the churches of the Christians. For it was a matter of the greatest danger to perform Greek rites in secret, if anyone were caught in them; and for whoever dared to engage in them, the imperial constitution proposed the penalty of death and the confiscation of property.
CHAPTER XXXVII
Concerning the diminution that befell the Egyptian river Nile, and concerning the star resembling a sword, and the two monsters in human form; and concerning the increase of the Christian religion.
At that time, they say, the Nile, which flows into Egypt, was delayed at the first rising of its waters. The Egyptians took this event quite badly, being indignant that it was no longer permitted for them to sacrifice to the river according to the custom of their fathers; for the fear of the emperor by no means allowed it. The prefect of Egypt, seeing the Egyptians tending toward sedition, reported the matter to the prince. Upon learning of this, he wrote back that it was more expedient to preserve the true religion toward God intact than to prefer the waves of the river and the annual fertility resulting from them to the faith. "For never," said he, "could that river flow from the earth if it were of such a nature as to be easily persuaded by certain sorceries and incantations."
and say that he rejoiced in fumes and the flow of blood, [so that he might] taint the waters flowing from the divine paradise. A Not long after, he suddenly swelled so much that he flooded even higher places. But when he had grown to a proper measure, and rarely having been filled, the wave nonetheless piled up above him, and a different fear seized the Egyptians. For they feared lest he should overwhelm the city of Alexandria and the better part of Libya with his inundation, so fruitfully did his waves flow forth. At which time it is said that the men of Greek superstition in Alexandria, moved by so unexpected an event, mocked the river to such a degree that even in the theaters and spectacles they shouted out that the river, as though decrepit and delirious, had finally urinated. For this reason, very many Egyptians, having sent word that they had renounced their ancestral ceremonies and condemned their own superstition, betook themselves to Christ. So much for this. But then also unusual prodigies were seen, which portended future evils to the world. For B first, an unexpected and strange star appeared in the sky in the middle of the night, shining near Lucifer, around that very circle which is called the Zodiac. Because of its shimmering rays, it was huge and bright, and did not yield much to Lucifer. But gradually a huge force of other stars was gathered to it. If you had seen that spectacle, you would have compared it to a swarm of bees C which fly in a circle around their leader. And the light which flashed out from them all, as if from their mutual and violent collision, escaped into a single flame: it rendered the appearance of a sword—altogether double-edged, large, and terrifying—shining with a certain terror. For the remaining stars falling into the same sight, and one, that alone which had been seen first, appearing with its whole habit as a root or some hilt, and in a way providing the entire brightness of that shown star—just as a burning wick is raised on high as a flame from some lamp. Such was what appeared, providing a certain novel sight. But its motion differed entirely from the course of all the stars. For from the place whence we said it began to move, it was rising and setting together with Lucifer. D Then, gradually departing from him, it held its course sluggishly and bit by bit, as if turned toward the bears, and as if toward those watching, it proceeded its way obliquely to the left. It certainly completed the same orbit with the other stars to which it had drawn near; but by its own proper motion, which was prolonged to the fortieth day, it barely at last reached the Great Bear. And in the middle part of the star, where it had shone lastly, it vanished. At which time this star appeared, sword-bearing, or rather bearing the form of a sword. At the same time also two human bodies were seen: one indeed in Syria, exceeding human nature in size, but the other in Egypt, ending in an incredible smallness.
A He was of such short stature that he might be compared to a partridge; nor was it an unpleasing sight when he mingled with others in a group and, being stirred to rivalry, played with them. But what was astonishing to hear was that he possessed a wisdom befitting a handsome man, for his physical frailty detracted nothing from it. His voice was not unmusical; his speech revealed the nobility of his mind. Both flourished at that time, and they did not depart from life immediately. The largest completed twenty-five years, while the smallest did not fall much short of this. Many other prodigies occurred at that time, which I do not think this is the place to relate in detail.
CAPUT XXXVIII. How Valentinian the younger was killed by strangulation by the general Arbogast.
Theodosius, then, governing the empire of the East in this way, continued brilliantly and diligently to serve God, daily adding to the spread of Christianity; but in the West, public affairs were again in a bad state. For it was reported that the young Emperor of the West, Valentinian, had died by strangulation. They say that this plot was hatched against him by the chamberlain eunuchs and certain others, and especially by that Arbogast who had charge and administration of all his military forces. For when they saw that the young man was in no way inferior to his father in ruling the empire, and that he took it hard that he had to submit to most of the things that pleased them, they conceived a plan to put him out of the way. He was, moreover, quite unable to control his anger. This fact became the manifest cause of his murder. B Having been engaged in conversation with Arbogast in the palace, when their words escalated into a state of insane rage, he attempted to draw his sword against the general. Being prevented—for the guard whom he had commanded to draw the sword did not obey—he then appeased Arbogast with sharp words of rebuke. But Arbogast, by carefully considering the significance of his words, which had clearly revealed his inner thoughts, reflected within himself. For when he inquired into the cause of such an outburst, the youth replied that he would lay hands upon himself, because, although he was emperor, he was not permitted to do what he wanted; on account of this, such a life was hateful to him. And Arbogast, at that time, asked nothing further with curiosity. C But later, in Vienne in Gaul, when he saw him after lunch in a rather secluded part of the palace by the riverbank, free at midday for some game, he sent some of his own men to destroy the youth by strangulation, while none of his attendants were present with him; for the time of day had drawn them away to lunch. And so he was strangled by the cruelty of the men; those
who had perpetrated the murder, lest they should be easily detected if the assassins were sought out immediately, tied his burial cloak around his neck as if it were a noose and suspended him on high, so that it might appear as if he had taken his own life by hanging. They say that this young man seemed wonderfully worthy of the empire, both for the good condition of his body and for that harmony of many virtues by which a good emperor is adorned. In greatness of soul and supreme justice, he would have surpassed even his father, had he been permitted to attain the years of a man. Thus he died, being such as he was, while in his twentieth year of age.
Chapter XXXIX. On the tyranny of Eugenius in the West: and how the emperor beloved by God conquered him too, after divine men had foretold the victory.
Eugenius, a follower of Greek superstition, seized the supreme power and assumed for himself the imperial insignia, with the aid of Arbogast, who, because he was a barbarian by birth, did not himself dare to lay hands upon the empire. Eugenius had first taught Latin letters; then, leaving the schools, he served in the imperial court. Being received there into the order of the secretaries and keepers of the imperial treasury, he became most renowned and was held in great honor by the emperor, eventually attaining the dignity of a magistrate. But since he could not endure his present fortune, he looked toward tyranny, being induced to it by certain men who claimed to know future events for certain through the entrails of victims and the knowledge of the stars. For many others at that time were occupied with such things, and especially that Flavianus, the prefect of the city of Rome, a man famous for his learning and, if anyone, highly skilled in political affairs, and who, as it seemed to him, was a chief seer of future events; he spent much effort on these things. By this art he persuaded Eugenius also to undertake war, promising him for certain that he would accomplish whatever he attempted. For he said that by fated chance the Roman empire belonged to him, that he would be the victor in the war, and that he would alter the Christian religion. Led on by this hope, Eugenius, having gathered a vast multitude, seized and guarded the narrow passes in Italy which the Romans call the Julian Alps. For they have one single, very narrow passage, which is securely fortified on both sides by the craggy rocks of huge mountains. And Eugenius, having been elevated to tyranny in the Western parts, was doing such things as it was natural for one who had thus seized the empire to do. The emperor Theodosius, upon hearing this, was again overwhelmed with cares no less than those he had felt when he moved against Maximus. Yet when he too had enlisted a great army, he deliberated with himself, doubting whether he ought to advance against the tyrant or await his coming. In this anxiety, he determined to seek counsel on this matter from John, a monk shining in the Thebaid, who, in the account given a short while ago of those living holy lives, was most illustrious and remarkable for other famous deeds,
A Migne’s rendering in the catalogue of those who led a holy life we have already spoken of. For the man, having partaken of divine grace, made many predictions to those who inquired of him; a proof and sample of which he provided in the case of the recent tyrant, having prophesied that he would gain that victory without bloodshed. Accordingly, he sent Eutropius the eunuch, who was most faithful to him, into Egypt, so that he might either bring the holy man with him if it were easy to do so, or, if he steadfastly refused to come, force him to disclose what ought to be done regarding the war. Eutropius, having arrived in Egypt, could in no way persuade John to go to the emperor. But John urged him to report that, after much slaughter, he would indeed gain victory over the tyrant, but that not long after that victory, he himself would also pass from this life in Italy. Whether or not both these things came to pass, history will declare. For when he had sufficiently B prepared everything necessary for the war, he proclaimed his son Honorius emperor, for he had already earlier brought Arcadius to the throne. Having left both these sons at Constantinople, he himself, gathering all his strength toward the East, hastened toward the West. A great multitude of the barbarians living near the Ister followed him, having of their own free will offered to serve as his allies. But when the generals complained of the fewness of the allies, and advised delaying the movement so that, upon the arrival of spring, another army might be selected, in order that they might prevail over the enemy by the multitude of their forces, the most religious emperor did not at all attend to the generals' suggestions. For he said that such weakness should not be attributed to the omnipotent armor of the cross, which was set in opposition to the image of Hercules. "For," said he, "the cross leads my army, while Hercules leads his forces." Having spoken thus, he departed. And when he went out of Constantinople to the Seventh, he entered the church there which he himself had built—honoring John the Baptist above others—in order to offer prayer to God at the same time, C and to invoke the Baptist also to bring him aid, that he might have the outcome of the battle which he desired for himself and the Roman army. Having performed the divine service there, as was fitting, he afterwards arrived in Italy, and immediately hastening to the Alps, he captured the tyrant’s first outposts. And when he had passed the summit of the passage, as he arrived at the descent, he saw the whole plain covered with an immense multitude of foot soldiers and cavalry; and not very far from his rear, he saw other enemy troops standing on the mountain peak, and currently remaining still for the time being. But as the first phalanx, descending, engaged with those on the plain, a fierce and evenly matched battle broke out. And when he realized that, as far as human strength goes, the safety of the army was not easily secured, being caught in the middle of the two armies—for already those who were resting on the mountain top were also attacking from the rear; and on one side Romans were fighting against Romans—the battle D was evenly balanced.
A But where the barbarian auxiliaries were fighting, Eugenius’s soldiers were far superior. When the emperor saw his auxiliaries being cut to pieces in this way, as I have described, he cast himself face down, watered the ground with his tears, and besought God not to overlook the empire of the Romans in such extreme danger of annihilation. But God immediately heard him, as the outcome of the war proved. Night intervened, and the army was losing heart. The emperor, however, anxious in spirit and lacking counsel, found a house of prayer on the summit of the mountain where he had his camp and army. He spent the whole night there, again humbly beseeching the Lord of all. Around the time of cockcrow, overcome by sleep against his will and lying on the bare ground, he seemed to see two men, clad in white robes and riding white horses. Accompanied by these, they commanded him to be of good courage and to cast aside his fear, and at dawn to arm his army in good order and confidently lead them against the enemies. They furthermore added that they had been sent to him as helpers by God and would be his champions. One said he was John the evangelist; the other, Philip the apostle. B A certain soldier also saw the same thing. He revealed the vision to his officer, who reported it to the tribune, and he to the commander of the army. The latter explained the matter to the emperor as a new and strange event. When the emperor heard it, he said, "It is not for my sake, soldier, that he saw this vision. For I had already seen it before, and I believed the promise of victory given to me. But in order that no one might think that I was merely rushing into battle heedlessly or inventing a dream, the Lord of all has ordained that my soldier should see the same thing, so that he might be a credible witness to my account. So, casting aside all fear, let us follow these champions who will fight in the front line. And let no one estimate the victory by the multitude of the enemy, but rather let him trust in God with absolute confidence and follow those who lead." C Having thus filled the army with spirit, he led it down from the mountain peak in battle order. Eugenius, seeing from there that the army was eager for battle, also armed his own forces and drew them up in array. He climbed a knoll and kept saying that the emperor would die and that he had chosen to depart from this life; yet he ordered his generals not to kill him, but to bring him alive to him. As the phalanxes stood face to face, the multitude of the enemy was overwhelmingly greater, while those drawn up against them were few and easily numbered. The encounter took place near the river which is called the Frigidus. And first of all the general Bacurius... D [alt-version omitted]
having conceived great strength of spirit, so troubled the phalanxes of the enemy with his charge that his own men immediately ran upon them, broke their ranks, and turned to flight those who had pursued them the day before. Furthermore, the leaders of the tyrant's battle line, who we said had occupied the high mountain to the rear, sent an orator to Theodosius and promised that they would cross over to his side if they were granted a place of greater dignity with him. The emperor accepted the embassy; and since he had no paper, he took a tablet which one of those standing by happened to have, and inscribed upon it the eminent and fitting rank that each of them would have with him if they kept to their promises and brought the matter to its proper end. In this way, they all at once became allies of the emperor instead of enemies.
The battle on the plain was still being bitterly contested, and the momentum of victory had not yet tipped to either side, when a violent wind, suddenly risen from somewhere, blew with such force against the enemy—a wind such as it is recorded had never blown at any other time—that it broke their ranks. It took the arrows and javelins that were being shot against the Romans and, by a certain counter-acting force, turned them back and drove them against those who had launched them. It tore the shields from their hands along with a great mass of debris and incredible dust, snapped their straps, and hurled them into their faces and whatever members presented themselves, while the missiles launched by the Theodosian side were carried against them with even more fierce intensity. For this reason, taking great courage, and because they were still fresh, the troops rushed upon their adversaries with C immense confidence and cut them down. So the enemy, clearly perceiving that this aid was coming from God, threw down their arms and fled to the emperor's mercy, begging for pardon. He, yielding to their supplications, immediately received them into favor and sent them, along with other defectors, to bring the tyrant bound to him.
They, shouting, dashed with great speed up the hill where he sat, still ignorant of the outcome. Eugenius, from their rapid pace and steady panting, thought they were bringing some new development and, believing they were messengers of victory arriving for him, immediately asked whether he was being led in, bound and alive as had—he assumed—been ordered. But they replied, "We were sent not to bring him to you, but rather you to him; for victory, having loathed the tyrant, has embraced the lawful empire; for so the Dispenser of all things ordained." And immediately they tore him from his chair, put him in bonds, and led as a captive to the emperor the man who but a short time before had been so haughty. D The emperor brought before him the transgressions committed against Valentinian, and mocked him for his illegal reign, for the civil wars, and furthermore for the Hercules he had taken as his ally. The tyrant, upon hearing this, threw himself piteously at the feet of the victor and begged to be spared. While he was yet a suppliant, one of the soldiers drew his sword and struck off his head. Arbogastes, who was the author of so many and such great evils, fled for two days, and when he realized that life was no longer tenable for him, he became his own executioner with his own sword.
B Such was that most faithful emperor, who always, in war and battle, depended on divine assistance as was his duty, and never failed to receive it. Indeed, it is also related that at the time when this war in the West was breaking out, at the temple of the Septimum—a suburban region of the city of Constantinople, where we have said the emperor prayed when he set out from that city for the war—a certain man, agitated by the intemperance of a demon, was caught up on high and, as if contending with the Baptist, insulted him because his head had been cut off. He then shouted wildly: "You are defeating me and plotting against my forces." Those who happened to be present at that time, because the war was then a matter of great concern to many, thinking that the demoniac was saying something new, noted it down on paper, and later, through the accounts of many who had taken part in that battle, they acknowledged that the battle had taken place at that very time. Thus did the affair of the tyrant Eugenius come to pass.
CHAPTER XL
Concerning the sedition and tumult that arose at Thessalonica, on account of which Theodosius killed seven thousand men.
C Verily, it is not easy for anyone to escape all the snares of our common adversary. For if someone by chance overcomes the passion of impure lust, he may fall into avarice. And if he overcomes this as well, he may be ensnared by the slipperiness of envy; and should he even trample upon this, he may perhaps not overcome anger. For the pernicious enemy of the human race lays many traps, striving to capture each person by some artifice involving a more vicious affection, and especially that by which he deems someone can be easily ensnared by natural inclination. D He contrives this machination in such a way that he abuses the sufferings of the body to influence the impulses of the soul. But the human mind, if it keeps diligent watch, with the divine spirit aiding it, emerges victorious and escapes his engines and frauds. Since this admirable emperor also partook of human nature, he likewise shared in its passions. Consequently, not tempering a just wrath, he departed from what was fitting and committed a cruel and inhuman deed. I shall relate this, as I am able, not only because it is useful for the reader to know, but also because in that same act there is both a crime and a praise for so great a prince; and I shall say what this is. The city of Thessalonica, and all of Achaia, and Thessaly, and the whole of Illyricum, and other nations as many as belong to Macedonia
are very great and populous. A In this city a great sedition arose, having the following cause. A charioteer dared to look lewdly upon the cupbearer of Butherichus, who at that time was commander of the military forces in Illyricum, and made attempts upon his virtue. Upon this account he was seized and held in custody. When, however, an important chariot race was about to be held in the city, the populace petitioned for the release of the charioteer, who was of particular skill in the art, that he might participate in the competition. When, after many entreaties, they achieved nothing, they were moved to a great sedition; and in their anger, they slew many of the imperial magistrates, and Butherichus himself. Others they buried under stones, and afterwards dragged them through the public thoroughfares. When the emperor learned of these things, he was inflamed with immoderate anger; and not being able to bear the impulse of his passion, he cast aside the reins of reason, and confirmed his desire with his own judgment and sentence. This man, having taken hold of such license, like an autonomous tyrant, unsheathed unjust swords against all; and he cruelly commanded that not only the guilty, but also the innocent and harmless be put to death. The slaughter proceeded, as they say, to seven thousand men, as if harvesting a crop of whatever persons happened to be present, without any judgment or even questioning having taken place. Some say that the emperor ordered a fixed number of men to be put to death. From this, as is wont to happen, the city was filled with unrelated murders; for not only the inhabitants, but also certain strangers who had sailed in were taken against all expectation. And events worthy of lamentation occurred there, such as this: two sons of a certain merchant were seized, for whom he offered himself, entreating that they be saved; and he promised the soldiers whatever gold he had as a reward. But those inhuman wretches, pretending to pity the man's plight, ordered him to redeem whichever one of his sons he might choose, granting this to his prayers. For they said that if they let both go, they would create danger for themselves, as the number of the slaughtered would be diminished. But since his fatherly nature and affection regarded both equally, he wept and lamented, and could not make a choice of one over the other. And being thus in a state of despair, for he was conquered equally by his love for both, he lost both, the soldiers putting them to death with the sword. And even a servant, to assist his good master, whom he had found kind, when he was being led to the slaughter, freely offered himself to death.
CHAPTER XLI.
D Regarding the boldness of speech of Bishop Ambrose, how he did not permit Theodosius the entrance into the house of God; and regarding the law which he established, and regarding the other excellent words and deeds of the same Ambrose.Divine Ambrose, upon learning of this great catastrophe, when after the victory over Maximus he had come to Me
Adiolanum, and was going to the church, as is the custom, to pray, and had already reached its doors, Ambrose met him, and seizing his purple robe in the midst of the crowd, prevented him from touching the vestibule of the sacred building. "Stop," he said, "for you do not realize, O man, that the hands you carry, still unjustly dripping with innocent blood, make it unlawful for you to step across the sacred thresholds before the necessary penance, or to be seen as a participant in the divine mysteries. It seems to me, O Emperor, that you do not even consider in your mind the enormity of such a crime of slaughter, nor has your reason, since the fury of your anger has abated, recognized what you have dared to do. Perhaps the imperial power is an impediment to you, preventing you from perceiving the sin; for authority is like a cloud that lies over your reasoning. But it is very necessary to consider the nature of your own fragile state, which is at once both mortal and fleeting, and the ancestral dust from the first parent, from which we were formed and into which we shall soon dissolve. Do not let the flower of the purple, which obscures the eyes of the mind, lead you to forget the infirmity of the body which it covers. Recognize, therefore, that you rule over men who are of the same nature and condition as yourself, and indeed your fellow-servants; for the Creator of all things is the common Lord and Emperor of all. With what eyes, then, will you behold the divine temple? With what feet will you tread that holy floor? How will you raise your hands, which are still flowing with unjust murder? And how will you receive the divine body of the Lord with them? How will you bring to your mouth the precious blood, through which, driven sideways by anger, you have poured out so much blood? Stand, therefore, as far away as possible, and do not double your iniquity by adding further sin to yourself. Accept the bond which God has ratified from above by His judgment; this is the precursor of true health." The Emperor, admiring the bishop’s boldness of speech, yielded to his words; for he had been educated in divine laws, and clearly knew what were the duties of emperors and what those of bishops. And, deep in thought for a long time, pricked by the stings of repentance, he returned to the palace with tears. C When eight consecutive months had passed, the glorious day of Christ’s Nativity arrived; and the Emperor was sitting in the imperial palace lamenting and watering his face with a flood of tears. When Rufinus the Master (whom the Emperor honored above all others because of their familiar acquaintance) saw him living in such grief, he approached him gently and inquired about the cause of his tears. And he, having drawn a deeper and more vehement and sharp sigh, wept at length. Then, turning to him, "You, indeed, Rufinus," he said, "are playing; for the sense of my woes in no way reaches you. But for me, the causes exist as to why I groan and mourn, feeling the great affliction that has befallen me. For how should I not be bound, when even slaves and beggars are permitted D by custom to enter the divine temple without fear; but for me, not only is it not accessible, but even heaven itself is closed off? For I am not unmindful of that divine utterance which explicitly rules that what is bound on earth is bound by the priests of God, and in the heavens—
A And he immediately said, "But if it seems right to your authority, I shall run to the priest, and I will pull every string, begging that he might release you from these bonds." "But he will not be persuaded by you, I know well," said the ruler. "For I understand precisely the justice of Ambrose’s judgment. For he will never prefer the weight of imperial power to the honor of God." B And when Rufinus had promised, by speaking at length, to persuade Ambrose, the emperor allowed him to do as he had determined. He departed, and Theodosius, carried away by his huge promises, followed him a little later. But when Rufinus had come to speak with Ambrose, the divine man interrupting his words said: "You indeed, Rufinus, appear to me to imitate the shamelessness of dogs in the highest degree. For since you have committed such a great slaughter contrary to justice (O divine justice!), and have raged to such an extent against the image of God, neither does fear enter into you, nor does red flush in your faces, but, having scraped away the veil of shame, you approach with such requests." And when Rufinus continued to entreat, and said that the emperor was just about to arrive, Ambrose, inflamed with divine zeal, cried out loudly: "I proclaim, Rufinus, that I will ward him off again if he approaches the sacred precincts. If, having abandoned his empire, he should decide to play the tyrant, I shall willingly face death for this cause." C Hearing these words, Rufinus sent word to the emperor, advising him not to proceed from the palace. But he, having learned what was reported on the way, said: "I will go, having unjustly accepted these indignities." But when he reached the vicinity of the church, he did not dare to enter, but having arrived at Ambrose—for he was sitting in the greeting room—he asked to be released from the indissoluble bonds. But he reproached him for trampling upon divine laws, and called his presence tyrannical and a warring against God. D He said: "But these things are not of great concern to me, as you say, to enter the sacred porticoes with boldness. I ask only that you release my shackles and imitate the common kindness of the Master, and do not close against me alone the door of compassion, which the Lord of mercy opened in common to all who choose to repent and who make much use of repentance." Ambrose, however, said, "But what kind of repentance, after such lawlessness and the licentiousness of uncontrolled rage? For with what medicines have you treated those incurable passions?" But the emperor quietly said, "It is your work, O divine man, to show these things and to compound for me the medicines of divine healing; it is mine to receive these, even if they bring a very sharp and biting bitterness." Then Ambrose, filled with the Holy Spirit, said: "Since you yielded that judgment to your anger, and it was not reason, remaining in its settled state, that brought forth the verdict, but anger carried by thoughtless rashness, I command you to write a law that votes against anger, and that orders those serving your commands to defer until the thirtieth day
A of the public popular and capital punishments; and when the mandated days have passed, those who have this responsibility must bring forth the writings. Thus, when the anger has ceased, the reason, having returned to itself, might give examination to the decisions, whether they are just or unjust; and if it be contrary to justice, he shall immediately cancel them, but if otherwise, he shall confirm them all the more. And the number of these days will be useful in recognizing what is most expedient. For it is probable that the time in between will both soften the emperor’s anger, and, as the fury wanes, leave room for mercy and humanity. » The emperor, therefore, having received the suggestion of the divine priest with pleasure, and having declared it to be excellent, immediately wrote the law, and confirmed it with his own fingers, so that it might have validity forever. This having been done, the bond was also dissolved, for the ruler had first confessed his sin publicly in the church, and had willingly accepted the set time of penance, during which time, living in mourning, he did not use imperial B ornaments. Afterwards, being deemed worthy of the holy precincts, he did not stand, nor even bow his knees to appease the Lord of all things; but thrown prostrate on the ground, he uttered that pitiful Davidic cry: «My soul has clung to the dust; give me life according to your word.» And, tearing his hair and beating his forehead, and wetting the floor with tears, he sought forgiveness for his offense in that manner. But when the time arrived when, according to the received custom, he ought to offer his gift at the holy table, he arose weeping, and entered the divine sanctuary. And having offered the customary gift, he remained within the holy chancel rails, in the holier place of the priests, where it was the custom of old for the emperors to stand, separated C from the people on account of the sublimity of their dignity. But Ambrose, considering this to be more a matter of flattery than of proper order, regulated the imperial position as was necessary at that time, namely, before the lattice or chancel rails of the sanctuary; so that the ruler might keep his place of precedence with the people, but the priests might sit before him. This, indeed, was commended by Theodosius at that time, and has been maintained by his successors down to this day. I have even seen once a year those who judge piously in our own time, during the season of the Great Sabbath, enter the great house of the Church of Hagia Sophia inside the inner sanctuary, and censing the divine table in the form of a cross with new spices, and bringing gifts to it. D But let us return to the matter at hand. Since
A Theodosius entered, Ambrose asked quietly if he needed anything. When he said that he was waiting to partake of the divine mysteries, the bishop indicated, through his first deacon as an intermediary, saying: “The interior, O emperor, is accessible only to the priests; to all others it is untouchable. Go out, therefore, and share in your standing with the rest. For the purple makes emperors, not priests.” And the God-fearing emperor, having received these words, replied in turn, saying: “It is not through boldness that I was carried inside, but following the custom here in Constantinople. But even for this correction I give you great thanks.” Thus both the emperor and the high priest shone forth with such extraordinary virtue that it is not easy for me to determine to which of them I should accord the primacy. I admire most of all the one for his boldness of speech, and the other for his piety toward divine things; the one for his zeal, and the other for his pure mind toward God. These laws B which he had learned from Ambrose, he preserved accurately even when he went up to Constantinople. For when a festival was being celebrated there, he entered the divine temple, and having placed his gifts upon the mystical table, he turned back and immediately went out. The high priest (Nectarius was at that time the one) being vexed and asking for what reason he had retreated, the emperor, annoyed, said: “With difficulty, at last, have I learned the difference between an emperor and a priest. With difficulty have I found a teacher of the truth. For I have seen only Ambrose worthy of the episcopal name.” How great a good is a blameless reproof, introduced timely by a man shining with virtue and justice! Many other things worthy of hierarchical C activity were accomplished by this Ambrose, which it is likely those of that place knew. I, too, having learned this one thing of his which is worthy of memory, will record it in this writing. One of the men in authority, shackled to the Greek superstition, was abusing the emperor Gratian, saying that he was much baser than his father. When he had been accused by some of this, he was given the penalty of death. And as he was about to be led to his death, Ambrose hastened to the palace to offer a supplication on his behalf. But as Gratian was busy watching the hunts—which the emperors are accustomed to do for the sake of322 their own relaxation—none of those stationed at the gates announced the presence of the bishop, as though the time were not suitable. D He retreated from there; but when he arrived at the gate where they were bringing in the wild beasts, he mingled himself with the hunters and entered unnoticed. And he did not leave there before Gratian and those around him, having pleaded much, until he tore up the sentence of condemnation for the man, and brought out another, pardoning the crime of the one being led to death. If anyone was truly zealous concerning the guarding of ecclesiastical laws, it was Ambrose, and he was most skillful in establishing those around him and leading them to the discipline of divine laws. But out of the very many things he was seen to have accomplished, let so much be said by me here. For it is sufficient to demonstrate how great a portion he held through his
innate virtue, as well as by a certain dexterity, A both in divine matters and in the freedom of speech [he used] before the Roman princes of that time.
Chapter XLII. Concerning the piety and virtue of Flacilla, the wife of the Emperor Theodosius.
The Emperor Theodosius was indeed very greatly delighted by the doctrine and the regulations of Ambrose. Nor did his wife, who shared with him the benefits of the same marriage-bed, provide a small occasion or utility for him toward piety. For she reminded him daily of the divine laws in which she herself had been instructed beforehand. B For she did not exalt herself with imperial power, but rather treasured up the divine love for herself as a treasure. For the greater the benefits she had received from Him, the more she increased her charity toward her Benefactor each day. And so, for those who were held fast by various diseases, and those who were maimed in the parts and members of their bodies, she took care of every kind, serving them herself in all things with her own hand. For she visited their dwellings and supplied whatever each person needed; and going about the hospitals of the churches, she cared for those who were confined to their beds by grievous diseases. C For she did not merely touch their pots and taste their broths, but she even brought them bowls, set out bread, brought pieces of food, washed their cups, and performed all other things aptly and happily which are the duties of bondswomen and maidservants. And to those who tried to stop her from the ministry which she was performing with her own hands, she was accustomed to say: "It is fitting for the empire to distribute gold; but I, for the empire itself, offer the work of my own hands to Him who once bestowed it." To her husband, moreover, she was accustomed to say such words frequently: D "You ought always to consider, my sweetest husband, both who you were formerly, and to what place the God of all things has raised you up. For if you keep a constant memory of this matter, you will not at all show yourself ungrateful toward your Benefactor for the benefits you have received; but according to the prescription of the laws of God, you will govern the empire you have received from Him, and thus you will rightly worship Him who entrusted it to you as to a faithful minister." By chanting such words, she increased the divine seeds that were innate in him, watering them with a continuous stream of admonitions.
Chapter XLIII. On the tumult and sedition at Antioch due to the shameful destruction of the statues: and how Bishop Flavian, as an envoy, appeased the emperor's anger and indignation on that account.
A It came to pass, however, that this wife of the emperor was the first to succumb to fate; and through the event that subsequently occurred regarding her, he showed most clearly the affection the emperor held for her, and how he honored her not for the sake of the marriage bed, but much more for the excellence of her virtue. I shall now relate what this was. Because the emperor’s treasury had been exhausted by frequent wars, he imposed upon the cities a new, unusual tax. While the tax-paying people everywhere else contributed this payment, however extraordinary it might be, the populace of Antioch did not brook the new exaction. And when they observed the collectors doing many other things—some they were hanging up, others they were dragging along cruelly, and others they were casting into chains—they broke out into sedition; and the mob did and said many things such as are customary for it, having seized an opportunity for disorder and for bringing about a confusion of everything. Finally, they foolishly pulled down the bronze statue of the empress B Placilla (for this was her name), and attaching it to a rope, they dragged it by the feet through many parts of the city, subjecting it to the great insults usual to a frenzied and indignant mob, which there is no need to recount. When the emperor learned of this, he was fiercely angry at the multitude; and, as was to be expected, he stripped them of the privileges that had belonged to the city from olden times and bestowed them upon a neighboring city. For he thought that in this way he would grieve the Antiochenes most severely; since Laodicea had long been held in jealous rivalry against Antioch. Furthermore, he threatened to burn the city, to destroy all its ancient ornaments, to reduce it to a village, and to drive a plow over it; and he had it in mind to put many of the Antiochenes to death and punish them so that they might not harbor the thought of committing such acts in the future. Those, however, who were exercising authority there C as magistrates arrested some who had been responsible for the outrage and executed them before the emperor could learn of what had been done. The emperor had indeed ordered [these punishments] and had threatened such severe penalties, but he did not actually carry them out, for the law of Ambrose stood in his way. But the multitude of the city, terrified by the mere report of the dire events, abandoned their frenzy and lapsed into repentance; and as if they saw the evils that were expected standing before their eyes, they groaned deeply and shed floods of tears. They implored God to calm the ferocity of the emperor’s temper and to appease the anger that had been so greatly kindled. Conducting public supplications, they composed certain mournful songs, replete with sympathy, and sang them in melodic strains, and they sent forth their own priest, the divine D Flavian, as an ambassador to the ruler on their behalf. He, having undertaken the embassy for his flock when the emperor was still most bitterly incensed against them, by a certain artifice persuaded the youths—whose custom it was to sing at the imperial table—to sing in supplication the plaintive melodies that the Antiochenes were chanting. By these, as the account goes, the emperor was moved to pity and changed his anger; being overcome by mercy, with the
cup tempered by tears—for it happened that he was at that moment holding a phial—he was reconciled to the city. A At that time, too, as the divine Chrysostom was in his prime at Antioch, and the high priest was away on his embassy, he comforted the people with steady sermons. For great was the flow of his teaching. And seeing the multitude in fear, as he was provided with an opportunity, he quietly roused them to cheerfulness and virtue, and crowning the ruler with praises, he knew how to temper anger and to bring in pity and philanthropy. There are many discourses which he composed on this subject, to which he gave the title "On the Statues." The story goes, moreover, that on the night which preceded the day the popular tumult was stirred up, a phantom in the habit of a woman was seen moving in the air, B of immense size and terrifying aspect, such as to strike great alarm into those who saw it. It ran through the squares of the city in the air, striking the air with a loud-sounding whip: from which there issued a sound such as they are accustomed to produce when they stir up wild beasts to anger and fury, those who put on shows of them. Hence it was the opinion that some pestilential demon had insidiously stirred up the sedition. Much slaughter, indeed, would have occurred there, had not the emperor, yielding to the exhortations of Ambrose, checked his anger as quickly as possible, greatly revering him for his excessive piety, and the priestly intercession of Flavian.
CHAPTER XLIV.
On the illustrious monk Macedonianus: what he reported to Emperor Theodosius through his generals concerning the overthrow of the statues.
C When those who had been sent by the emperor to Antioch to avenge the insult had arrived—these were Elebechus, the master of soldiers, and Caesarius, brother of Gregory, who at that time held the power of master in the imperial palace—all the citizens were struck with fear by their threats, and sought a truce through their go-betweens and spokesmen. For the monks who lived on the mountain peaks (and many were then flourishing remarkably, practicing virtue and piety) left their huts and came into the city, D and urged the men with many exhortations and supplications at the same time. One of them was named Macedonius, entirely unskilled in civil life and uninitiated in both the Holy Scriptures and the first elements of letters, but instructed to offer pure prayers night and day to the God of all things, and accustomed to live on the mountain summits. At that time, therefore, he had come down with the others, and regarding neither the imperial threats nor the fear of those who had been sent by him, he seized one of them in the middle of the city by his cloak
A and commanded both to dismount. But they, seeing a small, wretched old man clad in miserable rags, were first displeased; but when some made known to them the virtue of the man, they immediately leapt down from their horses and threw themselves at the feet of the old man, declaring that they did not know who he was, and were suppliants, asking pardon from him. He, however, filled with divine grace, spoke such words to them: "I beseech you to repeat these things to the emperor, beloved children. You must remember, O emperor, that you are not only a ruler, but also a man. Therefore, do not look only at the greatness of the empire, but consider also nature itself. For since you are a man, the rule of men has been committed to you; they are of the same lot as you, and indeed your fellow servants, and from creation itself they have been honored with the image of God. Therefore, do not proceed with such thoughtless violence against the divine image. For you provoke the Lord of the image if you are cruel to those who bear His image. It is better to consider that while you are incensed at the multitude on account of a bronze statue, you intend to do terrible things. Moreover, what need is there to say how much the ensouled image differs from the inanimate one? This is clear to those who have even a moderate share of understanding. Furthermore, let this also be considered, that it is very easy for us to craft many bronze statues in place of that one which the mad people B in thoughtless violence tore to pieces. But for him [the emperor], it is utterly impossible, even if he should wish to do so, to create or restore even one hair of those who have been slaughtered."
These things, having been heard from that wise old man, simply as they had been spoken, they reported to the emperor; and they contributed not a little to Flavian’s embassy, so as to extinguish the flame of anger in the emperor. For later, having dismissed his rage and threats, he wrote a general apology to the multitude, forgiving them the crime, in which he also explained the cause of his wrath. For he detailed, among other things, this also: "It was not right, even if I perhaps had sinned, for a woman worthy of all virtue and praise, and that too after her departure from this life, to undergo such outrageous treatment. For if it were necessary, one ought to have used rage against me meanwhile," he says. He added at the end that he had been very grievously affected to hear that some of the prominent men in that city had been slaughtered against his will. This was the end that the sedition at Antioch, C which had arisen over the statue, had. I have recounted this, as much as the law of Ambrose has been useful, to demonstrate both the boldness of that wise old man—not trying to conceal with time—and, furthermore, to show the piety of the emperor in divine matters, and the pastoral care of the divine Flavian; how he, standing up for his flock, rightly performed the embassy, and quieted the anger of the prince. D
CHAPTER XLV. Concerning Donatus, bishop of Euroea, and Theotimus, bishop of the Scythians; and the miracles which they performed.
At that age, many men in all parts of the world shone forth, A brilliantly discharging the episcopal dignity. Among them was that Donatus, bishop of Euroea in Epirus, concerning whom the inhabitants of that place testify that he performed many miracles; but especially the one he exhibited when he killed the dragon. This dragon used to lie by the public road; the inhabitants call that place Chamaigephyras, which is to say, "Earthen Bridge." This creature would devour not only sheep and oxen, but even horses and men passing by. When Donatus went against this beast, he did not bring with him a sword, or a spear, or any other kind of weapon with which we are accustomed to defend ourselves; but, having formed the sign of the cross in the air with his fingers, he struck the serpent’s face. The creature, sensing the presence of the holy man, hissed loudly, raised its head, unfurled the coils of its body, and attempted to devour him. But Donatus added the sign of the cross to this, so that he might spit it into the mouth of the dragon. The dragon, having received the saliva in its mouth, and coiling itself about repeatedly, immediately died. B This beast was not inferior in size to those that are said to exist among the Indians. For with great force, it was hauled by eight yoke of oxen into a neighboring field, where the inhabitants burned it with fire, so that it might not lie there, rot, and pollute the air, bringing pestilential disease upon the people. I have also heard that there is a famous monument of this Donatus there, which is also a house of prayer. Furthermore, a town is called by his name, to which there is a spring rolling forth copious water, which had not existed before, but by his prayer it had appeared by divine grace. For that region had been arid from the beginning, and neither moisture nor liquid had appeared there. When Donatus once came there exhausted from a journey and saw his companions languishing from a lack of water, he first prayed to God; then he dug the earth with his hand, and immediately streams of water gushed forth from it, which do not cease to flow to this very day. The neighbors who inhabit Isoria, in which this miracle occurred, testify to these things. C At that time also in the city of Tomis and the rest of Scythia, that Theotimus flourished—a man by birth a Scythian and a barbarian, but educated in the most excellent of all philosophies, and who had obtained the administration of the entire Scythian church. The Huns, who had long dwelt by the Ister, admiring his virtue, called him the Roman God, for they had experienced many divine deeds in him. Moreover, it is handed down to memory that once, as he was making a journey in that barbarian region, certain robbers encountered him who were advancing with hostile intent toward the city of Tomis. When his companions, caught in that danger, immediately thought they would perish, he descended from his horse and prayed. So it came to pass that the robbers, pursuing the same road, D
A neither saw him nor his companions, and thus passed by the very horses they were riding. As for the others, being very numerous, he made incursions against the Scythians and inflicted losses upon them (for by nature they were wild and barbarian). Yet, by a certain art, he led them from their extremely wild custom to a more gentle life, by entertaining them with feasts, conciliating them with gifts, and softening their ferocious cruelty with kinder words. But one of those Huns, toward whom he acted kindly, thinking him to be wealthy, laid a snare for the holy man and strove to capture him. And when the noose was readied, while Theotimus, as was his custom, was leaning on his shield and speaking to the enemies, that man lifted his hand and wished to throw the rope upon him, so that he might at the same time drag him and the tribe that followed his guidance toward himself. But behold, his hand remained stretched out in the air just as he made the attempt: nor was it freed from those invisible bonds, which did not fall into sight, before Theotimus besought God on his behalf; which indeed the rest of the Barbarians had begged him very much to do. B Tradition also holds that since he had been long-haired from the beginning, from the time he dedicated himself to philosophy, he remained as such even to the end; and his other way of life was also very simple. He did not have one set hour for taking food; it was variable, for he determined this whenever he was hungry or thirsty. For in very truth this also is philosophical: to use those things for necessity, and not for luxury.
CAPUT XLVI. Of the holy Epiphanius, bishop of Cyprus, what manner of man he was; and of his wonderful deeds.
At that time also flourished Epiphanius, who had obtained the bishopric of Cyprus; a man who was not only famous for the sanctity of his life while he lived, but whom God also, conferring honor upon him, showed to be a worker of marvelous deeds, both while still surviving and after he had departed. For rumor has it that what did not happen when he was alive, happened to him when he was dead: namely, that many who were vexed by demons, upon approaching his tomb, were delivered from that scourge; and many other healings besides are performed there even to this day. C The inhabitants of that island also relate that he performed many things while alive, to the admiration of all. D But I, as far as it is within my power, will relate them. He was, in fact, exceedingly generous toward the needy, whether they had been cast into poverty by shipwreck or by some other form of adverse fortune. But when he had exhausted his own personal estate (and how great was it?) in such things, he made use of the money of the church, which he lavished, so to speak, in a good and necessary way; and these were many. For those who cared to bestow their substance for pious uses, both while living and when dying, donated most things to his church. For they were in the good hope that a man who loved God, and who distributed money prudently, would spend whatever they had thus given according to their intent. And when at one time, on account of his frequent largesse, the money had greatly decreased, someone coming to the administrator…
A in the place where he lived, placed in his hands a large and wondrous purse, burdened with much gold, and departed. He went away, having made clear neither who he was who had given it, nor who had sent it. And it seemed truly most paradoxical that he who had given such a sum of money should wish to remain unknown. Considering the act, men conjectured that this was a divine bounty. And this, indeed, was so done.
But I hear another story about him, which was similar to the miracle of that Gregory who once governed the church at Neocaesarea in Pontus. Nor is it reasonable on this account not to have faith in the testimony of his miracle, that the same Epiphanius should have performed it; since not only Peter, the leader and prince of the apostles, raised the dead, but also John at Ephesus, and others elsewhere; nay, even the daughters of Philip at Hierapolis. For it often happens, as is fitting and credible, that both the ancients of long ago and the God-loving men of our own age perform such miracles. B Now, the story which I am impelled to recount is as follows: Once, when this holy Epiphanius was passing by, two beggars lay in wait for him, and calculating that they might receive something greater from him, the one lay upon the ground, holding his breath as if he were truly dead; and the other, as if he were a close acquaintance, lamented and wept, feigning such need that he did not have the wherewithal for funeral expenses, and bemoaning such poverty while blaming him for it. Epiphanius, passing by, said nothing other than to pray for rest for the one lying there. He gave a small amount to the one weeping for the funeral of the man, adding these words: “Take care of this funeral, and stop weeping at last; for he will not rise again now. But death, which is common to all and inevitable, must be endured by necessity, and it is fitting that you bear it with a brave spirit.” C Having said these things, Epiphanius went on, intent on finishing his journey.
When no one else appeared on the road, he who had so stood and wept gave a sign to the one lying there by a nudge of his foot to rise. At the same time, he praised him for having portrayed the posture of a dead man so excellently, and said: “Come now, arise, so that we may more cheerfully enjoy the fruit of your cunning for the present.” But when he heard no more from him, nor did he offer any indication in any way that he was alive, the other followed the bishop at a fast pace and told him of the fraud which they, compelled by poverty, had devised. And now, truly weeping and lamenting without pretense, he supplicated him to resurrect his companion. D But Epiphanius, after telling him not to take the matter too heavily, dismissed the man, saying that God did not wish that matter to be reconsidered: for He wished, as I indeed believe, to prove to all—those who dare to try and do such things against His ministers—that they are unbeknownst to themselves deceiving God Himself, who sees and hears all things, and deceiving themselves even more.
I learned that Epiphanius died on a ship; those around him placed him in honey, so that he might perhaps suffer no corruption, and safely brought him to Cyprus. And these things concerning Epiphanius I have narrated, a few from a great many.
Chapter 47. On Acacius, Bishop of Beroea: also on Zeno and Ajax, holy bishops.
A In Berrhoea of Syria, the great Acacius was also renowned in the episcopal office, having been trained from his earliest youth very strictly in the monastic life. Many other things indeed were rightly achieved by him; but the greatest indication of his virtue was this: that at all times, whether for taking food or sleep, or for other matters, his episcopal dwelling was kept open, so that both citizens and strangers might enter to see him freely—a thing which I for my part greatly admire. For he either showed by this means that he lived with confidence always, or, as I suppose, he devised this so that he might suppress the nature’s propensity unto vices. For because he was in expectation that he might be detected by those who entered suddenly through the frequent watching, he could not, even if he had wished, commit sin, but always applied himself to his praiseworthy pursuits. B At that time there were also two brothers, men of distinction, who did not practice philosophy in the remote desert, but in the maritime place of Gaza, which was called Majuma. Zeno and Ajax were the names of these brothers. They were faithful in the correct worship of God, and they were often beaten by the followers of the Greek superstition as men who confessed Christ to be God. Ajax, indeed, while he was with the spouse whom he had married for her extraordinary beauty, had intercourse with her only three times during all the time he lived with her, and it is said that he begat three children by her. Afterwards, however, having sent his wife away for the sake of such intercourse, he chose the monastic life. He also drew his two sons into the same rule of living and persuaded them not to marry, but to transfer all their zeal to divine things, while the third chose to live in marriage with a wife. C Ajax presided over the church of Bitolium very wisely and laudably. Zeno, however, from his youth having pushed aside the life and communion of a woman, was wholly in the ministry of God; he also administered the church of Majuma. And when he reached such an old age that he reached even his hundredth year, he never neglected or omitted the received and appointed morning or evening hymns to God, and the rest of his sacred ministry; he was accustomed to attend the beginning of the psalms and lead them, unless a severe intervening illness hindered him. And because he practiced philosophy in celibacy, he always wove linen cloth in a solitary weaving-workshop. From the fruits of this work, he not only provided for his own life in the acquisition of necessary things, but also supplied expenses to the needy. D And as long as he lived, he did not cease to do such work; although, being of a more advanced age, he held the first place among the bishops of that race, and presided over a very great church. Many others, living not only as priests, but also otherwise dwelling in the deserts, were known at that time to be God-beloved men, whose righteous deeds, if we were to recount them in detail, would stretch the history to a great length. Among all these, Arsenius, of whom I spoke shortly before, shone like a certain brilliant star. I have mentioned only a few in proof of those who then were allotted the priesthood; for it is a task to recount them all, since the majority were noble.
A And they were indeed good. Divine providence also bore witness to their conduct; for when they were in need, it heard them and worked strange wonders through them, by which the whole Church was guided, and both the clergy and the people were stirred up to the same zeal for virtue as they had.
CHAPTER XLVIII. Concerning the discovery of the relics of the ancient prophets Habakkuk and Micah.
Religion did not receive greater increase only through these men; it was also adorned, and, as is fitting, embellished in the highest degree, by the relics of the ancient and illustrious prophets that appeared during this time. For first Habakkuk, then Micah, and finally after them the famous head of the Baptist came forth from the earth. As I have heard, a divine vision in a dream revealed the relics of Habakkuk and Micah to Zebenus, who at that time was governing the Church of the people of B Eleutheropolis. Now that city was called Cela, and even before that name, Eleutheropolis was called Ceila, where Habakkuk was found. About ten stadia distant from the city is a place called Berathpasia, where the tomb of Micah was said to be. The faithful, being ignorant of this, called it by the native name Nephsameemana together with the local inhabitants. But the prophets appearing to Zebenus in a dream, as I said, revealed who they were.
CHAPTER XLIX. Concerning the discovery of the holy head of the divine John the Forerunner and Baptist.
C Furthermore, the marvelous and famous head of the Baptist was discovered during the time of the same reign and was carried off to the most illustrious city of Constantinople. For Herodias, still fearing the reproof of the Baptist, had buried it in a certain hidden place within the palace of Herod. But certain monks of the Macedonian heresy, having been warned by a divine vision regarding so holy a thing, found it; though they first lived in Jerusalem, they later migrated into Cilicia. When Mardonius, who was the first among the imperial eunuchs, had discovered it there, D he reported the finding to Valens. And he ordered it to be brought to Constantinople; and certain men, being sent, brought it with a splendid procession in an imperial carriage. But when they had arrived at Pantichium — a small town situated not far from Chalcedon — the mules hitched to the carriage were unwilling to proceed any further, even though those in charge were threatening them greatly and the driver was enraged and using the whip and the goad with greater severity and with frequent
A provocations. As they were accomplishing nothing, it seemed that the Divine was indicating something strange, not only to those leading and watching, but also to the Emperor himself. And so, having formed this opinion, they deposited this sacred treasure in a neighboring village—the local voice calls it Cosilaus; the property belonged to Mardonius. At this time, either because God or the Prophet himself impelled him, the Emperor Theodosius arrived at this village. When he conceived in his mind to take the head from there, only Matrona, a virgin B and one dedicated to God, who followed the divine head of the Baptist, serving its needs on the journey and being established as its guardian, stood against him. He, believing that such a person who was resisting so bravely should not be treated with such violence, used entreaties and begged her to consent. She yielded with difficulty, supposing that he was tackling an impossible task, just as had happened to Valens. But Theodosius, having wrapped the box in which the sacred head lay with the purple robe, carried it himself in his hands until he deposited it at the place called the "Seventh" C of the city of Constantinople, where, highly honoring the Baptist, he built a very large and most beautiful temple. And though he had gone to Matrona many and many a time and had promised her very pleasing things, he could in no way persuade her to change her opinion, for she was held fast by the sickness of the heresy of Macedonius; although Vincentius—who was a presbyter holding the same views and equally performing the services for the Baptist at the chest, and who had been ordained to the priesthood for this reason—immediately changed and went over to the universal Church, and even having done this—if one is to believe the Macedonians—without D first putting away his own opinion, he changed it after having bargained in this way: if the Baptist should choose to follow the Emperor and lay down his religion for him, then he would communicate with him thereafter without any difference. This Vincentius was a Persian by birth. When a persecution was stirred up in Persia under Constantius, he became a refugee, and along with his cousin Addas, arrived in the Roman domain. And having been enrolled in the clergy here, he reached the dignity of a presbyter. Addas, however, having taken a wife, produced a great benefit for the Church; for he sired a son, Auxentius by name, faithful in divine matters, dutiful to his friends, temperate in life, and constant to himself; he was a lover of learning, highly skilled in profane and ecclesiastical literature, modest besides, and an asset to the imperial court, and he was also an illustrious leader in war; his fame is celebrated even among the best of the monks and other learned and good men who knew him. Matrona spent her life in the village of Cosilaus, and presided over many virgins, whose succession lasted for a long time, as they had inherited the character of Matrona’s instruction and her renowned reputation. So much for these matters; and I believe these are sufficient for the glory of our
religion, A even under the reign of Theodosius.
CHAPTER L.
On the Death of that Most Renowned Emperor, Theodosius the Great.
Theodosius, however, after the defeat of Eugenius, while tarrying in Italy at Milan and setting the affairs of the West in order as was fitting, began to fall ill, oppressed by the disease of dropsy. Recalling the prediction of the monk John, he expected that the end of his life would soon arrive. Yet he was troubled by a greater anxiety for the state of the commonwealth, reflecting within himself how much harm was wont to befall the citizens and subjects when an emperor was removed from the midst, more even than by death itself. Therefore, he sent for his son Honorius from Constantinople with all possible speed, desiring to appoint him emperor over the Western regions. Upon seeing him arrive, he felt somewhat better and went forth to the show of the Circensian games, which were to be celebrated in honor of the victory. And though he had been stronger before the midday meal, later a sudden weakness seized him. Being unable to complete the spectacle, he entrusted it to his son to perform according to the usual custom; and on the following night, he succumbed to his fate. This was on the seventeenth day of the month of January, leaving behind him an immortal memory of praise and glory. B He had reached a sufficiently long span of life, and having governed the Roman empire alone with splendid victories, he had become the father of two emperors, to whom he left an empire at peace. He ended his life peacefully in his own bed by a blessed death, having obtained this as a reward for his faith toward God and his burning zeal against idols and images. He lived sixty years and eight months, of which he spent sixteen and a half in the Roman empire. This twelfth book of my history embraces a period of eighteen years; at which time the year from the creation of the world was five thousand ninety-nine, and from the divine birth of the Lord, the four hundred and fourth year.
NICEPHORUS CALLISTUS XANTHOPULUS ECCLESIASTICAL HISTORY VOLUME XIII
CHAPTER I De imperio Honorii et Arcadii: et ut apud Arcadium quidem Rufinus in administratione rerum primum locum, apud Honorium autem in Occidente Stilico eamdem obtinuerit dignitatem: et ut tum cum publicæ tum ecclesiasticæ res habuerint.
A Theodosius the Great, having splendidly increased the Church, departed this life, leaving two sons as his successors. Of these, he appointed the elder to rule over the nations of the East, while he entrusted the administration of the West and of Constantinople to the younger, Honorius. Both, moreover, continued in the worship of religion with the same convictions as their father. For, as he was dying, he gave them no other instruction than that they should keep the true piety whole and entire, maintaining that thereby they would enjoy peace, extinguish war, raise trophies, and obtain victory from God. B Such were the commands he left his children when he died. They, however, became the successors and heirs not only of his empire, but also of his true piety. For immediately the emperor of Europe abolished the gladiatorial combats at Rome, for the following reason. A certain man, leading a quiet, monastic life, came from the East to Rome. Seeing that the Romans were thus utilizing their weapons against each other, and that many were teeming into that shameful spectacle, he made his way into the stadium to put a stop to it. But those who delighted in the murderous sight—agitated, moreover, by the influence of the demon who finds pleasure in the spilling of blood—were aggrieved and, throwing stones, killed the man who was bringing peace. C When this matter was reported to Honorius, he reckoned Telemachus (for that was the name of the monk) among the martyrs, and abolished that wicked practice, commanding that it should never take place again. But as for the East, Rufinus was entrusted with the administration of Arcadius...
A a man of statesmanlike character, well-proportioned in person, and naturally endowed with a singular prudence, which the movements of his eyes and the readiness of his extemporaneous speech clearly indicated. In the West, a certain man named Stilicho held the same position over Honorius. Each of these, while permitting both of Theodosius’s sons to retain the name and habit of imperial power, usurped the supreme conduct of affairs himself, both in word and deed, ruling the ruler under the title of prefect. But neither of them was content with the station he had attained. For Rufinus endeavored to arrogate the imperial dignity to himself in the East, while the other strove through certain stratagems to transfer the Western empire to his son Eucherius. But both were deceived by their ambition and their attempts.
For the Roman army, which had fought with Theodosius against the tyrant Eugenius, as it came to meet Arcadius—who, according to established custom, had gone out before the gates to receive them—slew Rufinus with the sword at the place called the tribunal, at the very feet of Arcadius. B This they did, firstly, because Stilicho had instigated the soldiers to it; secondly, because he had been caught mocking them; and thirdly, because he was suspected of tyranny. Moreover, a rumor was abroad that he himself had incited the Huns—a wild and barbarous race—to descend upon the Roman frontiers. For at that very time, they were overrunning Armenia and certain parts of the East, plundering without fear and carrying off a vast amount of booty. It happened by a strange providence that his execution fell on the very day when those charged with the selection of soldiers were all but ready to wrap him in the purple. For he had conceived the hope that, at the very sight of him, the army would immediately cast off Arcadius, whom it deemed ill-suited in appearance and general physical constitution for the empire, and would choose him to reign instead. Having severed Rufinus’s head and placed a stone in its mouth, they hung it on high upon a pole. C They also cut off his right hand and carried it about the city shops, crying out, "Give alms to the insatiably avaricious." And that ridiculous begging garnered a large amount of gold, for those who saw the pleasant and welcome spectacle bestowed their gold with great willingness. Such was the end to which the ambition of empire brought Rufinus. In the same manner, Stilicho, who held as much power as any man among both Romans and barbarians, desiring to draw the supreme authority to himself, was slain in Italy, as I shall relate in its proper place.
After Rufinus, a certain eunuch named Eutropius attained the rank of praepositus, but he too was not satisfied with that dignity, which was beyond his deserts. For since his castration deprived him of the purple, he persuaded D the emperor, by bringing him to the test, to appoint him patrician and consul. And for the rest, the eunuch was the father of the sovereign, he who could not even...
produce a son of low birth. But we shall speak of Eutropius later. B We have interwoven these things into this history, because they were no small occasion for our religion to receive great increase. For the emperors held it as a certain conviction that victories over tyrants had come to their father from true piety, and to this they also attributed the fact that Rufinus, who had plotted against the empire, had been removed without civil war. For this reason, whatsoever their pious predecessors among the emperors had decreed for the churches, they confirmed, and firmly observed, and added other works pleasing to God, bestowing gifts upon them most liberally from the first. All the subjects, indeed, looking to their princes, who had been addicted to Greek superstition, passed over to Christianity; and those who followed heresies, approached the Catholic Church. For those who embraced the heresy of Arius and Eunomius were split by dissensions for the reasons we have mentioned, and for this cause they were diminished. For most men, believing that they did not hold correct views concerning the Divine, and seeing them at war with one another and acting in a very contentious manner, immediately transferred themselves to those who held the same opinion as the rulers. The Macedonians C at that time were of little influence in Constantinople; for they were harmed by the fact that they did not have a bishop of their own. From the time when their churches had been taken away from them under Constantius by Eudoxius and his followers, they had subsisted under only presbyters until the following reign. After the death of Eudoxius, who had presided over the Eunomian assembly in Constantinople, a certain Lucianus was substituted in his place—the son of the sister of Eunomius. They say that he, having fallen into the love of money and other kindred vices, and suspecting that he would pay the penalty for these things, had detached himself from the rest of the Eunomian faction and become the leader of his own group, and had become the head of a non-negligible company, as all who were burdened with various infamous crimes flocked to him. It is said that by the efforts of Eutropius the praepositus, all of Eunomius's writings were publicly committed to the flames, and that his corpse was removed from its sepulchre and cast out from Dacora to Tyana. D Those from Novatus, as has been said, were quiet at that time; although the question of the feast of Pascha, which Sabbatius had stirred up, disturbed them somewhat, they were not, however, liable to the other penalties which had been decreed in the laws against heretics, for they also preached the Trinity as consubstantial with the Catholic Church, and were guided by the instruction of their leaders; for after Agelius came Marcianus, and Sisinius succeeded him when Rufinus was slain. Of whom I have made mention above. And thus concerning these matters.
Chapter II. Concerning the upbringing and way of life of Saint John Chrysostom in his youth, and how, shining with both doctrine and virtue, he was raised to the throne of Constantinople.
A At that time, Siricius held the bishopric of the Roman Church, having succeeded Damasus; Theophilus ruled the churches of Alexandria; and Flavianus governed Antioch. In Jerusalem, John still held the episcopate, having succeeded Cyril. At Constantinople, Nectarius, of whom we have spoken more fully above, was distinguished. Upon his death, which occurred shortly thereafter, there was great concern and effort among all as to whom it was fitting to choose as bishop of the queen of cities. As usually happens, with some favoring one candidate and others another, and their deliberations being long drawn out—since there was no consensus among all of them—it was finally agreed by everyone that the presbyter John of Antioch should be called, who, on account of his eloquence, was called Chrysostom. For a most illustrious rumor about him traveled through the world, that he was most apt for teaching, exceedingly renowned, and outstanding as much for the nobility of his birth as for the integrity of his life. For his father was Secundus, a military commander, and his mother was Anthusa, a woman of noble birth and distinguished by all other graces. In speaking and persuading, he possessed such power that he surpassed the orators of his own time in many ways. In his daily life, he practiced singular moderation and a most precise discipline. Indeed, he so excelled his peers that he even won the testimony of Libanius the Syrian sophist in this area of praise. B For it is said that when Libanius was about to die, and his students asked whom he would leave to succeed him in his sophistical chair, he replied, "John, had the Christians not snatched such a man away." By his influence, he brought many of his listeners to the Church and persuaded them to share his own convictions. For since he exerted himself to live according to the rule of God, he instilled no small zeal for virtue in those who attended upon him; and he easily won over the majority in this way, and was the author of their embracing the same convictions as his own, not by any artifice or force of rhetoric, but by drawing them to himself through the fact that he explained the sacred Scriptures sincerely, just as the thing itself was. C For a discourse that is truly in harmony with one's deeds most easily merits belief and is deemed worthy of assent. On the contrary, he who lacks these things appears more an impostor and an accuser of himself, even if he brings much study and effort to his teaching. But to whom it happens to be famous in both these praises, he can accomplish anything he wishes: which was precisely what happened in his case as well. For his manner of life was most precise and moderate, and as he was of an excellent nature and genius, so too did he employ a most clear style of speech, with unutterable brilliance and a certain divine grace
so that by a sort of indwelling tyranny and mastery, the listener was charmed A. He infused a mysterious depth, and a force not perceptible to the eyes, into a mediocre style of speaking; he tempered it with a new mixture of elocution, teeming with frequent pithy sentiments, so that all were stunned by the harmony and the fitting cadence of such a composition, and attributed to his oratory an incomprehensible reach that robbed them of their senses. In rhetoric and the art of speaking, his teacher was Libanius; as for philosophical doctrines, Andragathius oversaw his training. He seemed so well-suited to pleading cases in the forum that he adopted that way of life. But later, judging that life to be unjust and corrupt, he decided it was necessary to first apply himself diligently to the holy books and to live a tranquil, philosophical life according to the statutes of the Church, imitating Evagrius. In this pursuit he had as his masters those who were then in charge of the most distinguished monasteries, namely, Carterius and that Diodorus whom we have already stated governed the Church of Tarsus. It is said that he left behind many books of his writings, in which he was occupied only with the literal exposition, avoiding the allegorical and contemplative sense of Scripture; and in this his disciple B specially imitated him. John, however, not only followed these masters, but also brought many other associates in his studies from the school of Libanius to them; especially Theodore and Maximus, of whom the former later became pastor of Seleucia in Isauria, and the latter became bishop of Mopsuestia in Cilicia. Now this Theodore was a man exceedingly well-versed in divine letters and Greek learning, as well as in the art of oratory and philosophy. To him, when he had fallen away from the studies of the religious life, the divine Chrysostom sent one, and then a second, epistle. For when he had read our laws and literature, and had insinuated himself into the intimacy of divine men, he had put all other matters behind him, rejected the tumult of urban life, praised that way of life, and conformed his own life to their customs. However, he did not retain that alacrity C constantly; but led by a sort of regret, he returned to his former life. And when he had conceived a different opinion regarding the sacred study, he abandoned that type of philosophy and returned to the city, thinking he would better attain what he sought that way. When John learned of this—that he had relapsed into civil affairs and had turned his mind to marriage—he sent him an epistle, composed with words and ideas more choice than any human mind could grasp. He wrote then a second one to the same man as well. When he had read these, he betook himself again to the plan of life he had before adopted. For he abandoned his property, renounced his pursuit of marriage, and returned to the philosophical life.
A Indeed, it seemed a grief to those in power, because it was permitted for them to commit many sins. For all these reasons the man became widely celebrated, both to those who had seen him and experienced his ways, and to those who had not yet seen him, by his reputation; for a great report flowed forth and filled everyone's ears. And indeed, he was judged by all those in the Roman empire subject to them as fit for the episcopacy of Constantinople. The Emperor Arcadius also agreed with the vote of the people and the clergy and the many, and immediately sent for those who might bring him. He also summoned a synod of many other priests, desiring to make the ordination more splendid and impressive. When Asterius, the prefect of the East, received the Emperor's letters, he summoned John to himself at one of the fields before Antioch, announcing that he had something secret which he wished to communicate to him. When he arrived, he immediately placed him in a carriage and conveyed him to Pagae, a station so called. There he delivered him to those who had been sent by the Emperor, and though he resisted greatly, he returned to his own home. He did this because he knew that the people of Antioch were quick to start a riot; for they would by no means have willingly allowed themselves to be deprived of John's tongue before they had done some grievous thing or suffered it. When they reached Constantinople, and all the bishops who had been summoned were present, all the others agreed and gave their vote; only Theophilus of Alexandria stood in the way of John's ordination, disparaging his glory, and being eager to bestow the episcopacy upon Isidore. B This man was a presbyter of Alexandria and had the responsibility for the strangers and the poor there; from his youth he had been trained in the ascetic labors in Scetis. Theophilus was very insistent on behalf of Isidore because he had long been a witness to a dangerous matter of his. For when the Emperor Theodosius was struggling in the war against the tyrant Maximus, Theophilus, sending gifts to the Emperor, gave two letters to this Isidore and sent him to Rome, with a command of such a kind: that remaining there, he should await the outcome of the battle, and to whomever the victory should smile, to him he should deliver both the letters and the gift. Isidore undertook that mission and settled at Rome, intently watching for the moment of victory. And when he tried to press this matter, a reader who was with him stole the letters secretly and denounced him. C And because of these things, suspecting that some harm would come to Isidore, he immediately became a fugitive and reached Alexandria; and having become most faithful to him from that time, he [Theophilus] intended now to pay back the reward for the dangers he had undergone on his behalf, and was depositing such great zeal upon him. Whether, therefore, for these reasons, as is said, or because he regarded him as a God-beloved man, Theophilus in the end consented to the ordination of John, and was of one vote with those at the palace, D especially fearing Eutropius the praepositus, who at that time was in charge of the imperial house and the bedchamber; for he had threatened him openly, that he must either cast his vote with the other priests...
or prepare himself to defend his cause against his accusers. For many had arrived there from Alexandria, presenting to the bishops petitions against him, which they had been forced to bring; some accusing him of one crime, others of another, and charging him with having violated the divine and ecclesiastical laws. Theophilus, fearing these things, not only supported John, but even ordained him by the laying on of hands. A Zeno, bishop of Gaza or Majuma, made him a Reader, as the ecclesiastical writer Socrates says, while he was returning from Jerusalem. At that time, as the same writer relates, he lived for a long time with Basil, who had formerly been chosen into the order of deacons by Meletius, and later presided over the church of Caesarea in Cappadocia. This is entirely rejected by Symeon, who wrote the life of the holy Chrysostom; for he has handed down to memory that he was made both deacon and presbyter by Flavian, at which time he also records that a divine dove flew down and perched upon his sacred head. Socrates, however, says that he was raised to the dignity of the presbyterate by Evagrius. For he relates that after the death of Meletius, John withdrew from the Meletians and lived for three years in such quiet that he held communion neither with the followers of Meletius nor with those of Paulinus; but that afterwards he was made presbyter by Evagrius, the successor of Paulinus. B While he was in the order of Readers, he composed his discourses against the Jews. Having received ordination as a deacon, he wrote dialogues concerning the episcopal office, and books to Stagirus, as well as others concerning the incomprehensible, and again others—which is to say, concerning virgins not adopted for the sake of marriage or lust. Being honored with the rank of presbyter, he published expositions of the divine Gospels, the Statues, the Consolation, Commentaries on the Psalter, On Virginity, On Mercy, and many other books. Moreover, he composed mystical homilies on the divine Apostle and the sacred Acts, and many other things besides, celebrating various feast days and ecclesiastical assemblies while he was in the episcopate at Constantinople. C For my own part, I have read more than a thousand of this man's works, flowing with an ineffable sweetness. For from my youth I have burned with love for him, and fixed my reliance upon his words as if they were the words of God himself. And whatever erudition I possess, I attribute to him. I have also persuaded many of my own followers to leave everything else and make him their own intimate guide. But let us return to the subject we had proposed. D
CAPUT III. Of the pastoral care and doctrine of John: and how, by arguing and correcting the failings of many, he came into suspicion of wickedness: and whence the fury and persecution against him arose.
B John, having obtained the episcopacy, first set out to correct the conduct of his own clergy: he scrutinized their way of going out and their manner of living. Employing more severe censure, he brought some back to a life of legal conduct; but if he saw any priests who chose not to live according to the constitutions of the Church, he excluded them from the sacred buildings. For he said that those who were unwilling to emulate the life of true priests ought not to enjoy the honor of the priesthood. For since his nature was inclined to arguing and reproof, this habit in him increased all the more after he had assumed such a great magistracy. For nature, having attained power, is moved more readily against those who commit sin.
Nor did he strive to conform to a right state not only his own clergy, but, like a father, the churches everywhere. Thus, indeed, he endeavored to reduce to their duty by the same laws all of Thrace—which is divided into six prefectures—and all of Asia—which was governed by eleven governors—and also the province of Pontus, governed by an equal C number of prefects. And when he learned that the Phoenicians were still mad with the sacrifices of idols, he sent men burning with divine zeal, and having confirmed the laws which had long been established, he tore down from the very foundations whatever remained of their superstition and the temples of the idols. For this purpose he provided expenses from his own house, for he had persuaded noble and wealthy women to contribute such money liberally.
Moreover, so that he might deliver the multitude of the Scythians from the Arian contagion, he set over them those who were of the same language as them; and he himself, visiting them more frequently and illuminating them with his teachings through an interpreter, led them to the truth. And he sent also to those Scythians who are by the Ister, when he understood that they were seized with a thirst for truth and salvation; and having captured them, he brought them into the power of the truth. From the Osroenians, he expelled the disease of Marcion, which had taken deep roots among them, and performed many other works pleasing to God, carrying in his soul an apostolic care for all the D churches.
Nor was he content with these things alone; but he also removed the dissension which existed between the Eastern and Western churches on account of Paulinus and Flavian, having reconciled Theophilus; and he caused there to be one church at Antioch, when Paulinus and Evagrius had ended their lives. Wherefore I think that the reconciliation was easy for the bishops, since no one was a hindrance. For the people, once the dissensions by which they had already been wearied were put aside, those who had first followed the authority of Eustathius—as is wont to happen—gradually approaching those who were under Flavian, were joined to them through union.
Such a man, both by nature and by zeal, having immediately from the beginning shown himself thus, seemed quite harsh and burdensome to those who sinned; and especially to as many of the clergy as delighted in improper deeds; and a hatred was smoldering, and many, having become alienated, avoided him. But he was most charming to the multitude, who were captivated by his continuous teaching. Nothing, therefore,
A seemed strange in this, even if it did not appear good to some, since even honey tastes bitter to those suffering from jaundice. Most of all, as they say, his disciple Serapion incited many to clash with him in this manner. It is said that he once spoke openly in the presence of all the clergy, saying, "You will not be able to draw all men by your words, unless you are also eager to drive them all with a whip." This statement, once uttered, stirred up no small hatred against the bishop among many. And indeed, as many had been expelled from the Church for various charges, they, as is wont to happen, gathered together and moved toward what seemed B good to those in power; and having formed a faction of no mean standing, they used not moderate slanders against him. And what was said lent credence to this, that John had been caught eating with no one, nor did he attend any banquets. From this, greater slanders were raised against him. Though for what reason he did this, no one clearly reported; those who defended him pointed to his long-standing discipline of extreme austerity and his having a sickly stomach that could not easily digest food. However that may be, it provided no small handle to those who were disposed against him. But the multitude, because of the abundance of his teaching and the benefit C springing from it, clung very strongly to the man, and were so strangely enamored of his tongue that they even called him Chrysostom ("Golden-Mouthed"), hinting at the surpassing grace that was in him; and they cared not at all for those who chose to carp at him. Why need one say again what kind of discourses they were, both those of his that were published in writing and those that were taken down by shorthand writers as he spoke? And for the most part, how they were very brilliant, and at once alluring and charming? It was possible for anyone who wished to meet with them, to read them, to reap the benefit from them, and besides, to draw forth divine pleasure; so that one seemed D to be divinely possessed and soberly mad. But as long as he only struggled with the clergy, the fury against him was weaker, and it could prevail in nothing. But when he began to rebuke even the magistrates openly, then at last a greater envy was aroused against him, and many attempts were made upon him. And everyone, according to one's own opinion, or perhaps burning with rebuke or hatred against him, gave credence to the slanders brought against him. Moreover, the public address he delivered against Eutropius added the greatest weight to the slander against him.
Chapter IV. Regarding Eutropius, the Praepositus, and the law which he enacted; and how he was put to death; and how hatred toward John was conceived and fostered.
Eutropius, this man who was the first among the chamberlain eunuchs and had attained the consular dignity and been called "father of the emperor," could not bear the magnitude of his present good fortune, nor did he reflect at all upon the mutability of human affairs. Having set his mind on taking vengeance on certain people, he exerted great effort to induce the emperors to enact a law that no one should take refuge in the church, but that even if someone had taken refuge there and become a suppliant to God, keeping himself in the temples for fear of danger, he should be dragged out from there. He did this primarily for the sake of Pentadia, the wife of the most illustrious commander Timasius, whom he had caused to be accused of the crime of aspiring to tyranny, though the man possessed great glory, and had caused him to be deported to the Oasis for perpetual exile. But the latter, oppressed by thirst, as I have heard, or perhaps fearing that he might suffer something even worse, wandering in those sandy regions, immediately ended his life. And the law which Eutropius had labored to bring about reached its end: for not long after, having offended the emperor, and being one who had been insulting toward his wife, he himself was the first A to immediately violate the law he had labored to establish. For, fleeing from the imperial palace, he sat as a suppliant in the church. B Then John, refuting the absurdity of Eutropius’s undertaking, delivered a brilliant speech against him, having sat down upon the ambo, or podium—as was his custom when teaching the people—so that his voice might reach them all. In this speech, he at once dismantled, as far as possible, the raised eyebrows of the powerful and, moreover, demonstrated to the populace the instability of human affairs, which are not accustomed to remain in the same state. But those who were hostilely disposed toward him slandered this too, and reproach was cast upon John, when they ought rather to have pitied the man who was running such great danger for his soul. But he, in the midst of the calamity, was both refuting him, increasing his grief, and trampling upon his wretched state. C But Eutropius, not long after, paid the penalty for his impious undertaking on account of many other faults, being put to a capital death. And the law which had been enacted through his efforts was removed from the public records, and his name was stricken from the catalogue of consuls. The Church of God, however, shone forth, well established by its ancient laws, God Himself immediately avenging the open insult. But I will not refrain from adding to this history the most important cause of the removal of Eutropius, so that this matter may not be a stumbling block to those who are completely ignorant of it—to those who, being unaware of the reason by which that great man brought insult upon the man who had been insulting to the Church, allow him to be suspected [of impropriety] for having permitted him to be dragged out of the sacred halls. For after the death of his father, the Emperor Arcadius took a wife named Eudoxia, the daughter, as some relate, of Gratian, who held the empire of the West, or, as others say, of Bauto, who was a barbarian by race, in military command...
and many imperial arts, however, renowned in the West. But this woman was not sluggish as her husband was; rather, she possessed no small amount of barbarian boldness. She bore two daughters to Arcadius, first Pulcheria, then Arcadia, and a third, Marina; and long afterward she bore him a son, Theodosius, named after his grandfather. While she was yet a mother of two children, she was insulted by Eutropius; for in addition to other taunts, Eutropius A threatened that he would soon remove her from the imperial palace and send her home. She, burning with anger, took her two little daughters in her arms and approached her husband, lamenting and wailing, and presenting the infants to move him to pity, shed floods of tears; and she did all else that a woman inflamed with rage might do to draw her husband toward sympathy. Arcadius, having pity on his wife and children, was himself kindled with anger, and with the heat of his rage, and with the most weighty gravity of his words, he showed himself a true emperor. Accordingly, he stripped Eutropius of all his dignity and all his riches, and sent him into exile to the island of Cyprus. Shortly after, however, because at that time, as he entered upon the consulship, he had used ornaments beyond his rank, which it is permitted only to an emperor to wear, he was accused, brought back from there, and at Pantichium, where the council of judges presided, with the prefect Aurelian and other illustrious men examining his case, he was found guilty of grave crimes and B suffered the death penalty. Such were the affairs concerning Eutropius.
From this no stain attached to John; rather, he was reproached because he openly insulted the general Gainas, using his customary freedom of speech, at the time when Gainas dared to request of the emperor that one of the churches within the city be granted to his own people, the Arians. When he did not obtain this, he turned to tyranny and brought many calamities upon the Romans, laying waste their territory. Many also accused him of rebuking others more than was fitting, for which reasons he became a source of discord for the many. Nor did Theophilus of Alexandria behave moderately toward him immediately after his ordination; rather, he said many things against him through his own mouth to those he encountered, and wrote even more to those who were absent, mocking the man, and calling him wild and savage. For the zeal of John and his divine C boldness offended him in no small measure, and furthermore, because it was through him that Isidorus, who was so greatly beloved by him, had been repulsed from the episcopate. Thus was the state of affairs concerning the most holy John; and the evil was even then brooding against him. For how could the world have contained a man such as this, who lived for God alone, and busied himself in word and deed with nothing other than the salvation of men? But we shall make these things known further on as we proceed.
Chapter V. The affair of the Gothic barbarian Gainas; and concerning the boldness of speech which John used on behalf of the churches, both before the emperor and before Gainas himself.
Our discourse is eager to recount the affairs of Gainas: who he was, whence he entered into the Roman Empire, and how he caused trouble for John; how, having risen against the government, he brought it about that this great man was commissioned as an ambassador to him; and finally, how he perished, being delivered over to oblivion. Under him an event of a truly novel kind also occurred, through which God demonstrated by His providence and aid that He had delivered the imperial city and the Roman Empire from the greatest of dangers. A This Gainas was a barbarian by race, originating from the Scythians who dwell along the Ister. These, having crossed that river when it had been frozen over with ice, rushed in a body into Roman territory and, overrunning all Thrace, plundered Europe. He, having deserted to the Romans, gradually advanced; and from a humble soldier he was before long promoted to be commander of the Roman troops, and he presided over both the cavalry and infantry forces. B Having attained such honor beyond his desert, he was not content with that place and rank; but he considered it a grievous thing if he did not subject the Roman Empire to his own power. Revolving these things in his mind, he summoned his fellow Goths from their own regions, and those who were related to him by birth he made commanders of divisions, centurions, and tribunes, and entrusted the entire army to his own companions. He also arranged for Trigibildus, who was among those most intimate and useful to him, to command a numerous regiment, and granted to him the administration of Phrygia with the rank of count. C When, not long after, it was reported regarding this man that he was stirring up rebellion, was ravaging the cities around Phrygia and Nacolia, and was committing great slaughter, Gainas indeed pretended to be indignant at this cause; but by certain signs he clearly showed that he also was conspiring with him. Indeed, he craftily contrived to undertake the war against him, pretending to be very well-disposed toward the Romans and as though it were his duty to bring aid to the cities around Phrygia. The ruler, believing the deception, permitted him to do so. D He, therefore, leading a huge multitude of many thousands, immediately revealed the plan he had concealed and brought the fledgling of his tyranny into the open. For he was so far from defending the cities to which he had been sent that he plundered even those that were still remaining, and overturned them with great violence, while others were in expectation that they would suffer the same from him. Moving from there, he made everything in the surrounding region a prey, in the manner of the Mysians, as the saying goes, and encamped at Chalcedon, which is opposite Byzantium, and threatened to do terrible things; and he did them. Being in the greatest danger from the eastern cities, and especially those in Asia and along the Euxine...
the Emperor, together with his friends who were with him, judged that he should delay no longer; for it was not safe for the Roman State to be so unprepared against men who were already rushing toward death and had utterly despaired of life. A Yielding to the necessity of the time, he dealt with the barbarian by policy; and having sent messengers to Gainas, he promised to have in readiness whatsoever he should ask, and to be gracious to him for the rest of his life. He assented, and asked for nothing else than that Saturninus and Aurelian, men of consular rank, should be delivered to him, suspecting that they were opposed to him. The Emperor, even against his will, granted this. Those men, choosing to die for the common good, were the more ready to obey, and gave themselves up. Gainas, having received them, spared them. B Feigning to be modest, he arrived at Chalcedon, where the Emperor also was. And there, entering into the temple of the martyr Euphemia, where her body lay, and having given and received oaths of goodwill, he laid down his arms; and then he crossed over to Constantinople, where he again received from the Emperor the command and administration of the cavalry and infantry. But when he saw that his affairs had succeeded beyond his expectation, he could not bear that honor moderately. Since his first unreasonable demand had succeeded to his mind, he decided to attempt another, and began to stir up no small tumult for the Church. For although he was a Christian, he did not keep the religion pure; for he was infected by the plague of Arius. We have mentioned before how that people, in the time of Valens, under Ulphila, had received the Arian contagion from Eudoxius. C Therefore, whether puffed up by the magnitude of his recent crime, or perhaps persuaded by the leaders of that heresy, he asked the Emperor for one church within the city for the priests who worshipped as he did. And he acted as though reproaching him, saying that it was not fitting that he, being a general of the Roman army, should pray in a church outside the walls of the city. The Emperor, fearing the instability of his mind and suspecting the tyranny that was expected from him, promised that he would deliberate and that he would be consulted on these matters. Having summoned the divine Father, he disclosed the barbarian's petition, recalled to him the barbarian's power, and intimated his meditated and sought-after tyranny; and finally, he was clearly seen to signify that he would give as a suppliant what he asked, so that by such a concession he might curb the barbarian's fury. D But that divine man did not allow those words to reach their fulfillment, nor did he yield to the time; but taking with him the bishops who were then present in Constantinople, he went to the palace. And first, he himself spoke bravely against the Emperor, saying: "Do not, O Emperor, promise such things, nor choose to throw what is holy to the dogs. For I will not suffer you to drive out those who rightly theologize on the Divine, and to give the divine sanctuary to those who move a blasphemous tongue against Him. Nor should you fear that barbarian; but call them both, and you, for your part, remain silent. I will place a bridle on his tongue, and I will persuade him not to ask for things that are not profitable to be granted." Pleased with what had been said, the Emperor sent for both the next day. Gainas asked for what had been promised, but the bishop controlled his tongue.
A John took a stand against him, saying, “It is not permitted for an emperor to be so bold toward divine things, if it is his concern to be pious, rather he should preserve the established laws, and especially that which was promulgated against other heresies.” He advised him that it was better to yield the empire than to become a traitor to the house of God and commit impiety. Turning the conversation back to Gainas, who was insisting that he at least needed one church for himself, he said, “Every divine house is open to you.” “But I,” replied Gainas, “am of a different religion, and what I ask, I believe I ask justly, having conducted very many struggles on behalf of the Romans.” “But you have,” replied the other, “rewards greater than your labors. For it is a great thing for you that you are both master of soldiers of the Romans and are named as such, and that you have been deemed worthy of the consular robes. It is fitting, however, that you also consider who you were before, and what you have become now; and of how much poverty you were full before, and of how much wealth you are now; and what attire you had before you crossed the Ister, and what appearance you have now. B And remember that while the labors were minor, the rewards for them were greater. Come, therefore, show moderation, and beware of being ungrateful toward those who have honored you. Consider your fatherland, and how, [having been] driven from it and saved by the Emperor’s father, you were forced by oath to be a friend to the Romans, to him, and to his children, and to observe the laws, which you now intend to challenge as void; and especially that law which the Emperor who received you as a fugitive confirmed, [the law] prohibiting those who are of a different religious opinion from assembling within the walls of the city of Constantinople.”
CAPUT VI
Περὶ τῆς ἀποστασίας τοῦ Γαϊνᾶ, καὶ περὶ τῆς ὀπτασίας ἣν ἐθεάσατο τῶν φρουρῶν ἀγγέλων τῆς πόλεως· καὶ περὶ τῆς εἰς αὐτὸν πρεσβείας τοῦ Χρυσοστόμου· καὶ ὡς διεφθάρη θανὼν ἐν Θράκῃ ἀλώμενος.
Thus the great John, speaking with great boldness and constancy, stopped Gainas’s mouth and compelled him to keep silent, nor did he allow anything to be changed regarding the churches of which he had charge. C But he [Gainas], not long after, turned his mind to perfidy, and revealed the tyranny which he had long since conceived and meditated. For he had it in mind to devastate the city and meditated on plundering it. These snares that sword-shaped star portended, which was brilliant beyond measure (such as it is recorded in the annals of literature never to have appeared before), shining above the city itself, and extending almost from the highest heaven down to the earth itself. And at first he intended to attack the silversmiths’ shops in the forum, D gathering heaps of money, being in the greatest of hopes; but as rumor
A of this affair began to spread, the money-changers, as they had done before, did not display their funds and wealth publicly on their tables, so he sent a great force of barbarians at night to the imperial palace to set it on fire. But they were so far from accomplishing anything that they retreated from there in great fear. For God then showed what providence and care He had for the city; for a certain heavenly power, appearing to those conspirators in the form of huge bodies, so terrified them that they turned their backs and in a panic quickly signaled to Gainas that a new army had entered the city that night. He, however, did not believe what they said, knowing of no other soldiers than those accustomed to be in the city. Wherefore, on the following night, he sent others there. But when they also reported the same things as the former, he himself came and was an eyewitness of the marvelous sight. And indeed, thinking that such soldiers had come for his own sake—that they hid themselves by day, but by night guarded the city and the imperial palace—he feigned that he was possessed by a demon, and as if intending to pray, he went B to the temple which the emperor’s father had built in honor of John the Baptist in the Seventh district. But a great multitude of the barbarians went out with him, who were secretly carrying arms and earthen vessels filled with weapons in women’s carriages, and utilizing other devices they had fashioned. He had formed this plan, indeed, to the detriment of the Romans. But it turned out rather for the good of their empire, as the outcome of the matter showed. For when they were caught carrying out arms by those who guarded the gates, and were being prevented from doing so, they drew their swords and killed the guards. And as a grave tumult, as is wont to happen, seized the city, just as if it were about to be captured in an instant, a good plan nevertheless resolved and overcame the present evils. For the city, with the gates closed and secured, was rendered safe. And the emperor, following the best advice, declared Gainas a public enemy C and ordered the barbarians who remained in the city to be killed within the walls. Therefore, the soldiers, attacking with great spirit, killed the majority of them near the church of the Goths; for they had gathered there as in a place of sanctuary, being unable to flee as the gates had been closed. And so, throwing fire into their church, they burned it and slaughtered all those barbarians without distinction. When Gainas learned this, having dismissed the demon he had taken upon himself by his own will, and seeing that his fraudulent plots would from then on no longer succeed, he departed from there, marched through Thrace, and came to the Chersonesus, intending from that spot to cross over into the East. For he thought that if he could capture D the cities in Asia, he could easily subject the surrounding nations to himself as well. And he indeed was plotting these things. The emperor, however, chose to send envoys; but no one dared to undertake the embassy, for each one suspected the cruelty of his character. Leaving the others, they looked to the greatest among them. But he, not fearing the conflict that had just occurred, immediately went as an envoy to the barbarian in Thrace. Gainas, having recognized the man who had come as an envoy, and having placed the boldness that had been exhibited on behalf of piety in his mind—and yet, moved by respect, if ever he was at all...
A a man of virtue, even if he were a barbarian and an enemy, he would meet him from afar; he would place his right hand to his eyes and kiss it; and bringing his children, he would lay them at his sacred knees. And then, indeed, he would lay down his arms and was obedient. Thus is virtue accustomed to fill even a very hostile man with reverence and awe. In not much more time, as others were also born, Gainas was in the same state; and when he set out to cross the Hellespont and move toward Lampsacus, he was disappointed in his hope, as the Romans once again had the divine favor accompanying the emperor's plans. B For when the barbarians, being in want of ships, were joining rafts together and were attempting to sail across the Hellespont to the opposite continent, the emperor advanced against them by land and by sea, with many military triremes following. While matters were in this state, a strong west wind suddenly blew and violently broke up the rafts, and drove the Roman ships against them. The barbarians, with their rafts dispersed, were mostly submerged in the depths with their horses themselves, while others, carried around by the waves and tossed back up onto the shores, were swept away. Many were also slaughtered by the soldiers who were attacking them. The vast majority of the barbarians perished in the crossing. Gainas, however, escaping with a few others, wandered through Thrace, and often changing his flight, fell upon other Roman forces, and there he was slain with the barbarians who were his companions in flight. His head was dried and brought to Constantinople. In this war, Flavita, a man by birth a Goth, but most loyal to the Romans C and most excellent in military science, because he had conducted himself most excellently and splendidly, was proclaimed consul. At which time also a son was born to the emperor, in all ways good and dear to God, Theodosius, namesake of his grandfather, as we have said; and in the following consulship he was also proclaimed Augustus. The same fate as Gainas is suffered by the aforementioned Trigibildus, the Goth. For after he betrayed the victory to Gainas, by collusion of course, and fled from the battle, he ran through Pisidia and Pamphylia, causing damage. Afterwards, in many battles and due to the difficulties of the regions in Isauria, his strength being cut down, he himself barely escaped safe to the Hellespont. And when he crossed from there into Thrace, not long after D he too was destroyed. But as for the things concerning the daring deeds of Gainas, and what end he met, I think we have sufficiently spoken in a summary. But if anyone wishes to know precisely and in detail the events that took place in this war, we command him to consult the Gainian scroll, which the scholastic Eusebius composed, who studied under Troilus the sophist; who, being present at the events and an eyewitness of the war, covered it brilliantly in four books in heroic meter. While the events were still fresh, he was greatly admired for his composition. And Ammonius, another poet, by rhapsodizing the same things, was judged reputable during the present reign. So much for these matters.
Chapter VII. How John led the people wherever he willed by his teaching; and how, by a miracle, not without the divine will, John brought back a certain woman of the Macedonian sect to the path of salvation.
A Divine John, governing the Church as was fitting, drew many from the followers of the Greek superstition, and many also from the heresies, by his teaching. Moreover, he led many as far as possible away from vicious passions and sufferings through the continuous irrigation of his words. Infinite multitudes flowed to him daily, partly to hear him and obtain some profit from his speech, and partly to see the man and test him. He captivated them all at once, and persuaded them to think the same things about God as he did. In truth, the crowd hungered for his doctrine—for which they could never be satisfied—to such an extent that the people even endangered themselves, as they were crushed together in the packed crowd, pushing and repelling one another with their elbows, because everyone was striving to get as close to him as possible, so that they might hear him speaking more clearly and precisely.
B For this reason, he too offered himself in common to all and, sitting in the midst of the crowd on the reader’s pulpit, dispensed his rich doctrine as a common grace for all. Each person, having tasted the sweetness of his words, would hasten to take a place, awaiting him in the temple day and night, so to speak. It does not seem untimely to me to recount here the remarkable miracle that happened under his ministry. A certain man, suffering from the disease of Macedonius, had a wife infected with the same contagion. When he had once chanced upon that great man discoursing on how one should think rightly about God, he was immediately changed, having abandoned his former opinion, and praised his words; he began to compel his wife to change her own opinion in the same way. But when she, relying on the customs and daily conversations of her familiar female friends, did not receive his admonition, and her husband, having tried the matter often, achieved nothing, he finally threatened her that unless she held the same common opinion about God as he did, he would not allow her to live with him at all.
C The woman, after she had agreed to this through simulation, confided in one of her maids whom she believed to be faithful to her as to what she was going to do, so that she might deceive her husband through fraud. And at the time of the sacred mysteries, she approached and received the gift, as was the custom (those who have been initiated into the sacred things know what I say); and, keeping it, just as if she were occupied in prayer, D she hid it—as if she were indeed praying—while her maid, who was standing by, secretly brought a common loaf from home and handed it to her. She, in turn, offered this, and he perceived it to be turning into the nature of stone, as she attempted to soften it with her teeth. Then the woman, shrinking back in fear, and dreading lest she suffer some divine affliction for the strange occurrence, went as quickly as she could to the great Father; she reported what had happened and showed him the stone, which retained the precise image of the mark of her teeth.
A She, bowing low, hid the mystery, and the maidservant who was standing by her offered in its stead common bread brought from the house; and when the other moved it to her mouth, she felt that it had hardened into the nature of stone as she attempted to grind it with her teeth. Therefore, seized with fear, lest she suffer something more serious through the vengeance of God on account of the miracle which had happened beyond expectation, she went without any delay to that great Father, explained to him what had happened, and showed him the stone, which clearly and openly exhibited the mark of her bite, now possessing an unknown material and a new and strange color. And having begged forgiveness for her fault, she afterwards remained in the same opinion as her husband. This stone, for the sake of confirming the miracle, was kept for a long time among the gifts of the church, and was a wonder to those who saw it.
CHAPTER VIII
Concerning the frequent assemblies of the people in the divine temples, and concerning the alternating psalms and hymns; for what reason and in what manner the Church of God first received this custom of chanting.The people of Constantinople were B intent upon these nightly and morning hymns with the greatest fervor, and this was the cause of it from the beginning: The Arians, having been driven out of the houses of prayer under Theodosius, were holding their assemblies outside the city walls. Previously, they would gather at night in the public porticoes, and being divided into their choirs, they would sing certain songs in an alternating, antiphonal fashion, responding to one another and adapted to the tenets of their heresy, and they would spend the better part of the night in this kind of psalmody. At dawn, chanting the same things publicly, they would proceed out of the city to the places where they held their churches. They did this most especially on the more solemn feast days, and on the first and last day of the week, which we call the Lord’s Day, at which times assemblies are also accustomed to be held in the churches. C But later, they also made these songs contentious: "Where are they," they would say, "who worship a Trinity of the same substance and the same honor?" And they would intersperse these and other such words into their songs. John, therefore, fearing lest some from his own church, being charmed by such songs, might be led astray by them, devised a similar method of psalmodizing against them. And in a short time it became more celebrated than that of his adversaries, such that it surpassed them both in the multitude of people and in the honor of the procession. For silver crosses, with lighted tapers fixed upon them, went before them, with the empress Eudoxia providing the expenses for this, who enjoined Briso, the prefect of her bedchamber, to procure the chanting of the hymns D and to prepare as many lamps as possible for that use. The Arians, incited by this to the heat of emulation, betook themselves to vengeance and attempted to join battle with our people. For they were still burning in their spirits from the power and domination they had previously held, and they were prepared to engage in conflict, and indeed they looked down upon our people. And so, on a certain night, having clashed with one another, not a few fell on both sides. And Briso, the aforementioned man, who was then in charge of the eunuchs of the royal bedchamber, was struck on the forehead by a stone. The emperor, being highly enraged because of these things, henceforth [forbade] such
A And Brison, whom we have mentioned, the chief of the empress’s chamberlains and eunuchs, was struck on the forehead by a stone. Moved by this event, the emperor suppressed such Arian processions or assemblies. The Catholic Church, however, having adopted from that time this manner of psalmody and chanting of hymns, retains the custom to this very day and performs its sacred songs. The Church received the practice of antiphons—that is, the chanting of songs by alternating response—long ago from the apostles. For they say that the divinely-inspired Ignatius, who was the third hierarch of the Church of Antioch after Peter the apostle and had lived for a very long time with all the apostles, being transported in an ecstasy of mind, saw a new vision: namely, that holy angels were praising the Holy Trinity with hymns and songs, responding to one another in turns. He himself first gave this form of chanting to the Church of Antioch; whence, as from a fountain, this custom was spread to all the other churches of God. These things I have heard and recorded concerning antiphons and hymns responding to one another.
CHAPTER IX
C How the holy Chrysostom traveled into Asia, and deposed those who were unworthily serving in the priesthood; and concerning Gerontius of Nicomedia; and concerning Serapion, Severian, and Antiochus, and the outrages committed against him by those who had been driven from the churches; and how the Empress Eudoxia resolved the dispute between him and Severian, the bishop of Gabala.
After that great man heard that the churches in Asia were being poorly administered by certain unworthy persons—because some were obtaining the episcopate through money, and others through favor—he traveled on foot to Ephesus. He deposed thirteen bishops, some in Lycia and Phrygia, and others in Asia itself, and replaced them with others in their sees. He also appointed Heraclides, an archdeacon, to the metropolis of Ephesus; he was one of the monks under his jurisdiction, a disciple of the monk Evagrius, and a man of Cyprian origin. For it happened that Antonius, who had been in charge of the church there, had died at that time. He not only did these things, but he also drove Gerontius out of the church of Nicomedia. This man had served the great Ambrose, whom, as our account has already mentioned, was bishop of Milan. I do not know what happened to him—whether he was playing the prodigy D or was possessed by some demonic phantom—but he said to some people that at night he would take a demon with donkey's legs, shave its head, and cast it into a mill. Because he had uttered such unworthy words, Ambrose, the deacon of God, ordered him, in order to discipline his tongue, to remain by himself thenceforth and to cleanse his sin through repentance. But Gerontius, who was highly skilled in the medical art and clever at speaking and persuading, and who easily possessed the ability to make friends for himself, mocked Ambrose, as it were, and migrated to Constantinople. In a short time, by skillfully maneuvering among those with power at the imperial court, he easily made friends and gained charge of the church of the Nicomedians.
Chapter IX.
A Helladius, who had obtained the bishopric of Caesarea in Cappadocia after the great Basil, laid his sacred hands upon him, bestowing this favor upon him because through his son he had been the cause of his own brilliant prosperity in the imperial court. When the divine Ambrose learned of this, he wrote to Nectarius, who presided over the Church of Constantinople, that he should not allow him to be so insolently treated, but rather that he should deprive Gerontius of his priesthood, if indeed he had any concern for ecclesiastical good order. Nectarius, for his part, attempted many things to satisfy Ambrose, but he undertook a task which, one might say, he was unable to complete, as the Nicomedians defended his position with great spirit.
John, however, with great difficulty, finally managed to accomplish this. For after deposing him, he appointed in his place Pansophius, who had formerly been the tutor of the Emperor’s wife—a man who was exceedingly gentle and very religious, but to the Nicomedians most unpleasing and hateful. Publicly B and privately, the seditious partisans of Gerontius used to recount his gifts, extolling his abundant learning and the singular dexterity and liberality he showed to all, both rich and poor, as well as the other virtues he possessed. Furthermore, in their supplications—just as in times of earthquakes and other divine portents—in his own homeland and elsewhere, they would chant and pray, beseeching God that they might be allowed to have him as their shepherd. Finally, being forced, they parted with him amid infinite grief and lamentations; and against their own will, with fear and hatred, they received Pansophius as their bishop.
Hence, not only did those who had been deprived of their churches in this way—and all who had any connection with them—bring accusations against John, as if he himself were introducing new and revolutionary practices into the Church and setting out to abolish the ancient rights of episcopal ordinations, but, driven C by immoderate grief, they even disparaged those things which he had managed with the best of reasoning, following the opinion of the many. John, however, kindled the love of the populace toward himself more and more, but he stirred up the hatred of the more powerful and of those who were not well-disposed toward the clergy, because by reproving those who were accustomed to do injury to others, he warned them, and he attempted to lead the delicate, the wealthy, and others who lived not quite in a holy manner, to virtue as far as was possible.
But it was especially Serapion, his archdeacon, who increased the hatred and insults of the people toward the clergy. He was by race an Egyptian, a man irascible and most given to insults. Matters were further complicated by the meetings and deliberations of John with the holy Olympias, of whom we shall speak later. D Moreover, he also drew upon himself the enmity of many of the monks. For those who chose to live as philosophers within the monasteries and attend to their own affairs, he cherished and held in honor, and he took the greatest care that they should not be wronged by anyone and that they should enjoy an abundance of necessities. But those who went abroad, wandering through the streets of the city and bringing insults upon the philosophical life, he caught with well-aimed words, reproaching and casting them off. Sometimes, by rebuking them, he heaped insults upon those who were present. Those who were thus reproved became angry and retorted with insults,
A They [his detractors] called him savage and inhuman, irascible, proud, and hot-tempered. They quietly attempted to slander his way of life to the masses; and they succeeded in persuading them, attributing to him that he was never seen eating with anyone, nor did he go to a feast, nor attend a lunch party; and that he would partake of a small morsel only after the reception of the divine mysteries. Relying on such things, they wove unspeakable slanders against him.
A very notable occasion for the hatred directed toward him arose from the emperor's wife, through Severianus, bishop of Gabala in Syria. B Indeed, he, along with Antiochus—who was bishop of Ptolemais in Phoenicia—had become celebrated, both being highly practiced in speaking to the people in church. Antiochus possessed such facility in speaking, and articulated so smoothly and pleasantly, that by some he was actually called "Golden-mouthed" [Chrysostom]. Severianus, however, was judged superior for the density of his ideas and for the testimony of the divinely inspired oracles, although he carried the heaviness of the Syrians in his tongue.
Antiochus had come to the city first, and having collected much money, returned to his own city. Severianus, emulating this, also went there. Finding John well-disposed, he was frequently allowed to speak in church; and when he spoke, he was greatly admired—just as Antiochus had been. C Through the honors granted by John, he became very powerful, became known to the emperor, and was highly favored by the empress. When it seemed good to John to depart for Asia, he entrusted his own church to him, so that he might care for it and, in his place, feed the people with doctrine. For he thought he was using his best friend, who had followed him so assiduously with flatteries.
But he [Severianus] was more concerned with gratifying the multitude, drawing them by his oratory, and in every way pulling them toward himself to make them entirely his own. When John heard of this while he was away, instigated by Serapion, he did not tolerate it, but returned to Constantinople from Asia as quickly as possible. D When he had returned, it happened that Severianus was passing by somewhere, and Serapion, having seen him, did not rise—as if by arrangement, showing those present that he held the man in no regard. The latter, having become extremely angry, shouted aloud: "If Serapion dies a Christian, then Christ did not become man."
Because of this, having undergone a trial before Serapion, he was expelled from the city by John, as if he had insulted God. For when witnesses were brought forward, some testified as Severianus had spoken; but those who were attached to Serapion, concealing everything else, only witnessed that he had said: "Severianus said that Christ did not become man." John, however, did not ascribe all the charges to this alone, but also to the other things that he contended the other had added. For he said, "Even if Serapion were not to die a Christian, Christ did not on that account fail to become man." The empress Eudoxia, however, at once [began to concern herself with] the matter between the bishops...
A Having learned of the discord through Severianus’s devotees and of his exile, the empress immediately sent to Chalcedon and recalled him. John, however, would not grant him an audience, though many pleaded for him, until the empress, in what is called the Church of the Apostles, brought forward Theodosius—who was still an infant, whom John had claimed as a son for himself through baptism—and casting herself at his knees, pleading and adjuring him with oaths, she finally and with difficulty persuaded him to adopt a conciliatory frame of mind and to receive Severianus back into his friendship. And these things were thus accomplished.
Chapter X. Regarding the question that then arose in Egypt, whether God has a human form; and about the discord that meanwhile occurred between Theophilus, Bishop of Alexandria, and the monks of Egypt; and about the four brother monks who were surnamed "The Tall."
At that same time in Egypt, the question that had arisen a little earlier was again stirred up: whether it is necessary to believe that the divine nature is anthropomorphic and subject to bodily features, or if it is entirely alien to the human shape. B Some, indeed, through an unskilled simplicity, interpreting what is written in Scripture according to its common usage, and hearing it spoken just as it is said, attributed to God a face, hands, and the other members of the body; others, however, considering the deeper meaning that lies hidden in the letter, believed the very opposite. They declared that those who thought otherwise were impious and blasphemed against the divine nature; among these, Theophilus of Alexandria was pre-eminent. He frequently reprimanded in church those who held such crude opinions about God as to imagine Him to have a human form. He also recorded this belief in the letter which, according to custom, he was accustomed to write regarding the Paschal festival, teaching that one must conceive of God as incorporeal and alien to human form. C When the monks who were living in the Egyptian asceteria learned of this, they left their abodes and came to Alexandria as quickly as possible. Raising a sedition at the same time, they wanted to remove Theophilus, as an impious and blasphemous man. But he, having discovered their design, settled the matter with a certain artifice. Appearing before the seditious men, he deceived them with flattery, saying: "I have seen you as the face of God." This remark persuaded them to lay aside their anger. D And they immediately added: "If you believe in your heart what you say with your mouth, you must also denounce the books of Origen; for some of those who are in training encounter them and are persuaded to think this way, and they are opposed to us. But if you are unwilling to do this—
Chapter X. On the Dissension of Theophilus with the Monks called the "Long," and the Beginning of the Conflict against Origen.
A "You shall now pay the penalty to us, as one who inherits the reputation of an impious man and a fighter against God." Theophilus replied, "But this has been settled in my mind for a long time, and I am ready to do what is pleasing to you; for I am no less distressed than you are by the writings of Origen and by those who accept them." Thus, having dismissed and deceived the throng of monks, he dissolved the sedition. And perhaps the inquiry concerning this matter would have ended then and there, and been entirely laid to rest, had not Theophilus, for the sake of his own private enmity, brought back to life—if I may use that expression—a matter that was as if dead. He openly opposed Ammonius, Dioscorus, Eusebius, and Euthymius, who were brothers by birth and bore the surname "the Long" on account of their tall stature. These men, illustrious for a long time, as we have said, in Scetis, were at that time presiding over the monasteries in Egypt, being distinguished in both life and doctrine. B Great, indeed, was their reputation in Alexandria, and especially with Theophilus, who esteemed them as surpassing the other Egyptian monks in both grace and name. Consequently, he had frequent dealings with them; he would invite them to his table and honor them greatly. He even compelled Dioscorus, using great force, to accept the bishopric of Hermopolis. He also urged the other two to remain with him; and he scarcely persuaded them, or rather, as a bishop, he forced them to do so. Having enrolled them into the clergy under him, he committed to them the administration of Church affairs. They, though overcome by force, performed the duties of stewardship as was fitting, but they were full of sorrow, because they were unable to devote themselves to philosophy as they had once determined.
As time went on, thinking that their souls were being harmed by observing Theophilus living a worldly life, busying himself with making a profit, C and moving—as the adage goes—every stone in order to savor the scent of gold, they asked to be excused from living with him and once again sought the desert, preferring its way of life to that of the city. As long as they concealed the reason and made other excuses, he urged them to remain and desired their company; but when he learned that he himself had been condemned by them, he was filled with rage and did not cease from being angry, and he threatened to do every manner of evil to them. They, however, caring little for his threats, withdrew once more into the desert. Since Theophilus was of a very vehement temperament, he was impetuously carried away by the design of contriving against these men; indeed, he even began to hate their brother Dioscorus, whom he had appointed bishop of Hermopolis. What grieved him most was that the most outstanding of the monks favored them and held them in great honor; D and he conceived in his mind that it would be impossible in any way to harm them unless he could also make the whole throng of monks their enemies. Planning these things, therefore, he employed this stratagem: because he knew, from having often conversed with them about God, precisely what they believed—namely, that God is incorporeal and altogether alien to human form and shape, for it is a necessity that what is anthropomorphic must also be subject to human passions—a truth which had also been established by the ancients.
A He considered that no harm would come to them unless he stirred the hands of the monks to take up enmity against them. Having deliberated the matter thus, he devised the following fraud. Because he knew well that they, often having conversed with him in familiar company about God, held the opinion that God is incorporeal and entirely foreign to human form and appearance—for they knew that he who possesses a human form is necessarily subject to human affections and sufferings, a point which had been most accurately disputed and decreed by the ancients, and which Origen especially had treated most beautifully—Theophilus, although he was greatly of this same opinion, yet having determined to take vengeance upon these men, did not shrink from overturning those things he knew to be right, as if serving the needs of the moment. And so, he incited the crowd of monks against them.
B He drew many of them to himself—men of simple character and unlearned, and many even illiterate. And sending letters to the monasteries in the desert, he taught that it was necessary not to obey Dioscorus and his brothers, because they openly taught that God is incorporeal. For God, he said, just as divine Scripture testifies, has eyes, ears, hands, feet, and the rest, just as men do. But Dioscorus and his followers bring in a new and blasphemous dogma, following Origen, by asserting that God has neither hands, nor feet, nor anything else. By caviling in this way, he stirred up many of the monks to contention, and a huge sedition arose. And not in an orderly fashion were the discussions conducted among them; in the end, they settled into insults. Now, those who had a trained mind and more robust senses were not moved by the sophistry of Theophilus; they adhered to Dioscorus, who thought correctly, and especially to Origen before them. But those who were simpler, and who breathed a zeal that was fervent indeed but not according to knowledge, struggled and wrangled among themselves, and reviled those brothers as if they held impious views.
C Those who sided with Theophilus called the others "Origenists." But those who defined the Divine as incorporeal and without form named those who were incited by Theophilus and thought the opposite, "Anthropomorphites." And a relentless war erupted among the monks, with no small amount of friction occurring. When Theophilus learned that his purpose had succeeded, he occupied the mountain of Nitria—where there were the most monasteries—with a great multitude and soldiers following, and he armed the bands of monks against Dioscorus and his brothers; and having cast fire into their monastery, they completely destroyed it. And they, having been cast into extreme danger, finally escaped the peril of their lives with difficulty, naked, having emerged from the wells where they had hidden themselves.
CHAPTER XI
D How the Tall Brothers, because of the enmity of Theophilus, joined themselves to John. Also concerning Isidore, how he came to be opposed to Theophilus; and how the Augusta received them kindly.These things were happening in Egypt and were at the time hidden from John, who was excelling greatly by his devotion to teaching, owing to the unanimous reputation concerning him.
A The companions of Dioscorus first arrived in Jerusalem, and from there they departed to Scythopolis, which they considered a place well-suited for themselves and their brethren to dwell, on account of the abundance of palms, for the monks rightly made use of their leaves for the tasks proper to their vocation. About eighty men of that desert followed them. Theophilus, being fearful, immediately sent his men to Constantinople in order that they might lay traps for them with slanders and prevent them from accomplishing their aims, should they seek anything from the Emperor. When Ammonius and Dioscorus learned of this, they too immediately sailed to Constantinople. Isidorus was with them, owing to whose enmity Theophilus began to hate Dioscorus and his brothers all the more. This man had once been so dear to Theophilus that after the death of Nectarius, Theophilus had exerted great effort to have him made bishop of Constantinople. B But now he was filled with intense hostility against him, for various reasons, but chiefly because of the following. There was a certain Peter, the first of the presbyters in Alexandria, whom Theophilus, wishing to take vengeance upon owing to some grudge that had arisen between them, was planning to strip of his ecclesiastical rank. He brought a charge against him, claiming that he had admitted a certain woman, who was of the Manichaean heresy, to the divine mysteries before she had legally renounced that heresy. He felt a deep hatred toward him for other reasons as well. The archpresbyter maintained that the constitution of the Church had been observed in the case of that woman, and asserted that she had been admitted to the mysteries at the urging of Theophilus himself. The bishop was indignant, and acted as if he had been burdened by slanders, flying into a rage. Peter, to prove the truth of the matter, called Isidorus as a witness to testify that, by the opinion of the bishop, the woman had been admitted to the mysteries. C Isidorus, however, happened at that time to be away in Rome; for at the prompting of John, he had been sent by Theophilus to Damasus, the bishop of Rome, so that he might resolve the schism that had arisen on account of the oath concerning Flavian, and reconcile the bishops with one another. For those who adhered to Eustathius and Meletius were still at variance with Flavian, as we have mentioned above. When Isidorus returned, he testified that Peter was speaking the truth, and that all matters regarding the woman had indeed proceeded according to the bishop’s will. Theophilus, as if he had been slandered, was vehemently incensed and expelled both from the Church. This is one cause for the dissension that arose between Isidorus and Theophilus. However, I have learned of another, which I think it fitting to set forth as well. D Isidorus was the steward of the poor in the Church; and when much money was collected through the liberality of men for their sake, he refused to give it to Theophilus, who wanted to plunder it and expend it on the construction of churches. For he suggested that it was far better to restore the bodies of the sick—which are indeed more truly temples of God—with the necessary care, since the money had been collected primarily for that purpose, than to raise up lifeless walls and build for the sake of beauty. Whether this, therefore, or that other matter was the cause of the ill-will toward Isidorus, he was meanwhile expelled and went to his companions, the monks throughout the Scetis; and he, too, continued to harbor resentment against Theophilus. Ammonius...
wishing to wipe out such an offense, took along certain other monks, came to Theophilus, and asked him that communion be restored to Isidorus. Theophilus promised that he would do it. But since a good deal of time passed and they achieved nothing, and it became clear that Theophilus was also deceiving them with the deceptions of his words, they attacked with greater fervor, imploring him to bring the promise to its fulfillment. A And he, having seized one of the monks, deposited him in custody, so that, by frightening the others, he might be freed from the frequent annoyance they caused him. But he missed the mark so far that Ammonius, having gathered the rest of the monks, entered the prison of his own accord; for by providing an explanation to the guards that they had come to provide necessary supplies to those who were bound, they found the entrance open. And having arrived there, they were no longer willing to leave. When Theophilus learned of this, he summoned them to himself. They, however, first indicated that he himself should be present there and grant them the power to go out. For it was fitting, they said, that an exit be openly permitted to those who had been so openly treated with contumely by him. With difficulty, however, yielding to him on this point, they proceeded to his presence. After a plea intervened, he promised that he would not be troublesome to them thereafter, but would fulfill the promise in deed, and he released them. Yet within himself, he was suffering and indignant, and he was plotting to do some evil to the men whom he had previously continued to love just as his own soul. But since he was in doubt of mind, how at last he might cause distress to those who possessed nothing besides their bodies and who subordinated all things to their monastic philosophy, he set out to disturb their quiet, and he accused them of that question concerning the opinion of Origen, as has been said. I have learned that these were the reasons why the aforementioned Isidorus, along with those around Dioscorus and his brothers, came to Constantinople: B namely, so that publicly, under the emperor himself and John as judges, the injury and the snares by which they had been sought out might be investigated. For they thought that John, in accordance with his accustomed freedom, which he lawfully exercised, would not stray from justice and equity. He received the men kindly and held them in honor; and he shared with them the prayers in the church, but he declined to communicate with them in the divine mysteries; for it was not right, before the case was known, to share these with them. He also sent a letter to Theophilus on their behalf, either to restore to them the communion—as they held a right view of God—or to send someone suitable to Constantinople who would dispute with them, if indeed he saw fit to contend with them in a trial. And when the monks were remaining in the city for a long time, and the empress Eudoxia had gone out in public, C those around Ammonius approached her, accusing Theophilus of the things he had plotted against them. She, having perceived the injustice against them, and honoring the men, stopped her progress and, leaning out from the imperial carriage, nodded her head and said, "Bless me, and pray for the emperor and for me and for my children. I, for my part, will hurry as quickly as possible to get Theophilus to arrive." And she, having said these things, departed.
CHAPTER XII
AHow Theophilus, setting himself against John and gaining the friendship of Epiphanius of Cyprus (to whom he had previously been hostile), slandered John as an Origenist, and convened synods that abolished the writings of Origen, in order to defame John and the "Tall Brothers."A false rumor reached Alexandria that John had communicated the mysteries with them and had decided to bring them aid. Meanwhile, Theophilus was turning various schemes over in his mind, wishing not only to take vengeance upon Dioscorus and his brothers, but also, if possible, to depose John himself from the episcopate. While he was silently ruminating on these things and plotting them, he wrote to the bishops of many cities; he concealed the core of his design, but railed against the books of Origen—books which the celebrated Athanasius, victor in many contests, had often used before him in his own writings against the Arians to prove his faith. Once it occurred to him that it would greatly serve his purpose if he were to win over to his side Epiphanius, bishop of Salamis in Cyprus—a man B extremely famous in his own time, distinguished in life, and respected for his reverence and virtue—he immediately sent to him and made him a friend, even though he had formerly differed with him, given that Epiphanius thought God had a human form; but now, acting as if he had repented of this, Theophilus pretended to have adopted the correct opinion and became his supporter. The intention of Theophilus, clearly, was to pretend to reject what he rightfully believed for the sake of causing strife with others, C mocking those who attributed a human form to God. And so, as has been said, having made Epiphanius his friend, he feigned agreement with his views regarding God and urged him to slander the books of Origen, on the pretext that they were the cause of corrupt doctrines. Epiphanius, who had long hated the writings of Origen, and being a simple man who lived in the deepest piety, very easily moved over to Theophilus's opinion. And immediately, having gathered the bishops in Cyprus, D he prohibited by decree the reading of the books of Origen. He sent the decree of his synod to many others, and also to the bishop of Constantinople, whom he further exhorted to convene a synod, to make a similar ruling against the writings of Origen, and henceforth to forbid the reading of them. Theophilus, having seized upon the famous Epiphanius—who had many admirers and who, because of his holy life, was believed in whatever he thought—gathered the bishops under his own authority and did likewise, and made a far-reaching calumny against Origen, two hundred years after his death.
A For he did not primarily intend this, but was rather moved by the desire to avenge himself upon Dioscorus. But the admirable John thought things of this sort were beneath his concern, and he paid no heed to the letters of Epiphanius and Theophilus; he devoted himself rather to the customary labors of his teaching, in which he particularly flourished, taking no account of the snares that were being set against him. But when it became clear that Theophilus was exerting every effort to depose John from his throne, then those who were hostile to him—many of the clergy, and not a few of those in power and authority—thinking they had found the opportune moment to manifest their desire for vengeance against John, wove together calumnies and sycophancies from every source, and prepared for a great synod to be held in Constantinople, summoning some by letter and the majority by word of mouth. B Theophilus, hearing of this, was even more zealous and prompted the Egyptian bishops to sail for Constantinople. He wrote to Epiphanius and other bishops throughout the East, urging them to travel quickly to Constantinople, while he himself set out on foot.
Chapter XIII. Regarding the discord between John and Epiphanius in Constantinople; and how Epiphanius, led by repentance, sailed to Cyprus and exchanged this life for death, as John had predicted.
C Not long after, Epiphanius arrived by ship first, coming to the Seventh [milestone] near the city, bringing with him the decree written against Origen, in which he did not excommunicate Origen himself, but condemned only his books. Having performed prayer in the church of that place and ordained a deacon, he entered Constantinople. John sent the whole clergy to meet him with honor upon his arrival, but Epiphanius clearly showed that he was being led by the provocations of Theophilus. For, having been advised to stay in the ecclesiastical residences, he flatly rejected this offer, D and refused even to meet with John in the same place, intending to do a favor for Theophilus. He privately summoned the visiting bishops and presented the document for the condemnation of Origen's writings—having nothing to say against them himself, yet attempting to reject them according to the opinion of Theophilus. Some, out of reverence for Epiphanius, confirmed the decree with their own signatures, but the majority refused to do so. Theotimus, the bishop of Scythia, and nearly all others, countered the arguments of Epiphanius, saying: "I, Epiphanius, do not consider it holy to insult one who has long been dead," and—
I do not believe it is the mark of prudent men to reject writings that have been approved by the ancients and by time itself. A For to tread underfoot the judgment of those men and to abrogate what was rightly and orderly established by them, and tested by time itself, does not seem to me to be the action of wise men." Saying these things, he brought forward into their midst one of the writings of Origen; and having shown how necessary and useful those things were for the Churches, he said: "They act absurdly who strive to slander these items; for they appear to harm not only these, but even the things which are treated in the books, with dangerous insult." John did not reproach Epiphanius for having usurped the authority to perform ordinations outside his own jurisdiction; rather, out of reverence for the man, he urged him to hold church services with him, and even to share his house, if he wished. But he refused both, unless John would first himself condemn the books of Origen and expel Dioscorus and his companions from the city. B When John said that nothing should be done rashly or greedily outside of a public assembly, and that such a matter should be postponed, those who were ill-disposed toward John suggested a different plan to Epiphanius. They reasoned that, since a very large assembly was about to be held at the Church of the Holy Apostles, he should go there and publicly condemn the books of Origen, and furthermore, that he should proscribe Dioscorus and his followers as men who held the same views as he; and in addition, that he should slander and defame John's reputation, as if he were associated with them. Those men were involved in this plot, thinking that he would thus clash with the populace. And so, Epiphanius set out for this purpose and was already near the church. But Serapion, having been sent by John, met him; for he had heard the advice the malicious men had given him. He C therefore testified against him taking initiatives that, as being illegitimate, would in no way benefit him. "For firstly," he said, "you chose to perform ordinations in the churches under my jurisdiction, by your own authority, having performed a ministry not entrusted to you; and then, having been invited to communion, you refused. And now, as I hear, you intend to perform absurd acts. You must be careful, lest a sedition be aroused for this reason, and you yourself face danger in answering for it, having been the cause of such confusion." Being cautioned by these words, Epiphanius desisted from his undertaking. Meanwhile, it happened that the emperor's son was seized by a severe illness. D The empress, anxious about the child and fearing lest anything human happen to him, sent and asked Epiphanius to pray for his health. He promised that the boy would recover if Dioscorus and his companions were driven from the city. Eudoxia, however, said: "My son, if God wills, will live. But if He who gave him has decided to take him away, His will be done. But if you were able to raise the dead, your archdeacon would not have died." For quite recently Criton had died, who was the brother of Phouskon and Salamon, monks famed for their virtue, whom I mentioned in the history concerning Valens, whom he also kept as a housemate and honored with the rank of archdeacon. But the followers of Ammonius and Dioscorus—for thus it seemed good to Eudoxia—came to Epiphanius. When he asked who they were, Ammonius replied: "We are the Tall Brothers, O master." But if ever a work—
or students of yours—happened to come your way," Ammonius asked, "you, who are so eager to know, how is it that you think those men are heretics, without having examined their opinion? For," he said, "we are suffering the complete opposite. For we have encountered your writings and your students, and especially that one of your writings which has the title *Ancoratus*. A While many were whetting their slanderous tongues against them, starting to attack them as heretical, we said: 'We are reasonably defending a Father, as we are championing what was written by him so excellently. Therefore, it was not right that you should reject us thus, unheard, led by a certain semblance of truth, when you had not condemned us yourself, nor that you should render such thanks to those who are united with you in good and honest matters.'" Upon hearing these words, Epiphanius was moved to repentance and both received the men more modestly and dismissed them. But not long after, as if condemning himself by his own judgment, deeming that he should not linger in Constantinople—or perhaps, as I think, God indicated his own death to him by an oracle—he sailed for Cyprus. And while still on the voyage, he died. It is said that when he was about to board the ship, he said to the bishops who had escorted him to the sea: B "I leave to you this city, the imperial court, and the life and drama of this place; as for me, I am departing, extremely eager to pass on to another city." It is also said that he uttered that remark worthy of eternal memory, which even today rings in the ears of many. For just as John had predicted to Epiphanius that he would die at sea, so he himself had predicted the removal of his bishopric to him. For while they were contending with one another, Epiphanius said to John: "I do not think you will die a bishop." And John replied to him: "But I, for my part, know that you will not reach Cyprus." And both of these remarks had their fulfillment. For Epiphanius did not step foot in his homeland, and John was, a little later, driven from his throne, as the ensuing history will show. C
CHAPTER XIV. Concerning the dispute between John and the Empress Eudoxia; and concerning the plots of Theophilus against John; and concerning Cyrinus, bishop of Chalcedon.
After Epiphanius had departed, John was informed by certain people that the Empress had incited Epiphanius against him, among other various injustices which she had visited upon her subjects, but especially on account of that vineyard of the widow Callitropa. John did not cease to rebuke this matter until she had returned her property to the little woman. And because he was very fervent in correcting such offenses D and sharper in his sermons—A it seemed to the crowd that the discourse had been composed by him precisely as an enigma against the Empress. And the discourse, having been understood by those who were ill-disposed, was carried to the Empress. She, quickly approaching her husband, lamented her own insult, and added that the injury was also common to her husband as well. She prompted Theophilus to arrive quickly, and urged on the synod against John. Severianus of Gabala also cooperated in these things, still harboring his hidden grief and not having rid himself of his malice. But whether John had delivered such a discourse in church by chance, or whether he was inveighing against the Empress enigmatically because of the contention that had occurred between him and Epiphanius, I cannot say with certainty. But Theophilus, indeed, was not long in arriving, and many, moreover, of the bishops arrived at Constantinople, some by the order of the Emperor, and others by the instigation of Theophilus. But those who had been legitimately deprived of their episcopates by John throughout Asia, and those who were hostile to him for other reasons, gathered with the greatest zeal. Ships had already also arrived from B Egypt, which Theophilus had been awaiting. And when all were gathered at Chalcedon in Bithynia, they consulted on how they might proceed with the undertaking against John. Then truly Cyrinus, the bishop of Chalcedon—who was a fellow-countryman of Theophilus, and being himself Egyptian, was very much inclined to favor him, and was moreover most especially opposed to John—stepping forward, reviled John with many words, calling him impious, arrogant, and unyielding. And the bishops were delighted by these words. But for him, after a short delay, divine vengeance followed on account of such insults. For Maruthas, the bishop of Mesopotamia, inadvertently trod upon one of Cyrinus's feet. Being severely affected from that moment, he was in no way able to proceed with the rest of the bishops to Constantinople, although he seemed necessary for the conspiracies against John. Afterward, as his condition worsened, his leg was differently amputated by the doctors. For a putrefaction arose from that place C and spread through his whole body, such that by contagion his other foot was likewise beset. And not much later, he ended his life from that very affliction, receiving a reward worthy of the insults with which he had afflicted the holy man. His throne was received by Arsacius.
CAPUT XV.
On the synod gathered against John at the basilica named after Rufinus: and how John was condemned in his absence without a hearing.
When, however, Theophilus arrived at Constantinople, no one from the clergy of Constantinople came to meet him, as was the custom, because it was known to all that he was an enemy to the bishop. But the Alexandrian sailors, and especially those who brought the grain—A they gathered and received him with favorable acclamations. Having declined the ecclesiastical residence, he went to one of the imperial houses which had been prepared for him, the name of which was the Placidianae. From that point on, there was no longer any mention of the books of Origen, but they turned to other absurd accusations. And when many accusers had gathered—Theophilus, having prearranged matters to his satisfaction—he departed from Constantinople to the harbor before Chalcedon, which is named the Oak; it is called by this name to this day, after the consular Rufinus. It had a splendid palace and a very large and famous church, which that same Rufinus B raised in honor of the apostles Paul and Peter, calling the place the Apostoleion—that is, the temple of the apostles—and in the vicinity he also built many dwellings for the monks who performed the duties of the clergy in the church.
Having gathered there with the bishops around him, Theophilus made no mention of the books of Origen; instead, he first called the monks from Scetis to repentance, promising that he would neither bear a grudge for the past nor harm them in the future. And when, by pretense and dissimulation, those who were zealous for Theophilus and the synod itself begged on their behalf, the monks were misled; and, thinking that in the presence of many bishops they ought to do what was required, even if they themselves were the ones being wronged, they said the customary word: "Forgive." Theophilus let them off readily enough, as it were, and admitted them to communion; and thus the inquiry into them reached its conclusion. C And this, in my judgment, would not have happened if Dioscorus and Ammonius had still been alive. For Dioscorus, having died earlier at Constantinople, was buried in the church of the martyr Mokius. Ammonius, however, not long after—while the synod was being assembled—having been afflicted with illness, came to the Oak; but there, the disease having worsened due to the journey, not long after he too departed this life and was buried there with honor by his own monks. It is said that when Theophilus learned of his passing, he wept and openly exclaimed: "There is no other monk left like Ammonius, even though he was a cause of trouble to me." But even so, this event turned out according to his wishes.
Theophilus and the synod also summoned all the clergy of the city of Constantinople, threatening those who delayed with deposition from their dignity. They also ordered John to be present there to plead his case, and commanded him to come with Serapion, and Tigrius the eunuch presbyter, and a certain reader named Paul. D For these were involved in the charges along with him. But John, having sent other members of his own clergy, and specifically Demetrium of Pessinus, to the synod, delivered these words to them: "I do not flee from judgment; I am ready to offer a defense, if I might first learn who my accusers are and consider the formal charges." And he chose to defend himself before a larger and more complete synod; for he said he would not endure such a senseless thing,
[...so that I might be judged as having been withstood by] A manifest enemies. They were harshly disposed, as if I had determined to be disobedient to such a synod; those who were sent did not return back. But Demetrius and those who preferred communion with John to empty glory, returned to the holy man. On that very day, a shorthand writer and a dispatch-rider were sent by the emperor; they urged John to appear before the synod, and told the bishops to delay the sentence and not to press the matter. But because he was summoned four times and did not appear, rejecting those judges as his enemies and appealing to an ecumenical synod, they, having passed judgment on the man in his absence, deposed him, objecting nothing else against him except that, having been summoned four times, he did not appear.
CHAPTER XVI.
B Regarding the first exile of John, and the outcry of the people; and how, though unwilling, he returned again to the throne, praying for peace for the people.When the multitude of Constantinople learned what had happened at late twilight, they were aroused to the greatest tumult; and having seized the church, they cried out many other things and heaped insults upon the ruler, and insisted that it was necessary to entrust his case to a greater synod. They resisted bravely those who had been sent C by the emperor to drag him from his throne, and passing the night there, they in no way allowed him to be led off into exile. But John, fearing that some other accusation might be attached to him—either as one resisting an imperial decree or as one inciting the people to sedition—three days after the condemnation had passed by, about noon, when the multitude had dispersed, each one going off to their own customs, he escaped notice of them and entrusted himself to those who were to lead him away, departing through the eastern gate. And D first he reached the sanctuary situated at the mouth of the Pontus; for that is how that harbor for ships is called; then he was led through Bithynia. The multitude bore this with difficulty and rioted severely; they mocked the emperor, and also Severianus and Theophilus; for both were authors of the conspiracy against him; and this was all the more because Severianus, then teaching in the church, praised the condemnation of John as just, saying, "Even if there were no other accusation against John, the very fact that he is arrogant is enough; for while God remits other sins to men, He overtly resists the proud, as the [E] holy Scripture says." These words having been spoken, the crowds were even more sickened, and their anger was renewed. They rioted uncontrollably; and they would not deign to be quiet either in the marketplaces or in the churches. With lamentations and howls, and with supplications, they came even to the palace, and demanded the recall of the shepherd; and to see
him they greatly desired, from whose mouth they daily drank, so to speak, the golden milk. And as is wont to happen, not a few who had been hostile toward him changed their minds and asserted that the man was sought for by sycophants—he whose removal they had shortly before most intensely coveted. A Accordingly, many raised their voices against the emperor, the synod, and the bishops themselves, and especially against Theophilus; for he could no longer remain hidden with his sinister machinations, as it was demonstrated by many clear proofs. The Empress, therefore, moved by the entreaties of the people and by the earthquake that had occurred at night, persuaded her husband to consent to the restoration of the holy man. And having sent Briso, her most faithful chamberlain, she brought John back from Prænetus, an emporium of Bithynia situated opposite Nicomedia, declaring him to be innocent and alien to the snares contrived against him; and she promised, moreover, that henceforth she would revere him as a priest of God and as a teacher of her children in divine matters, he who had entered into fellowship and communion with her through the divine laver of the sacred birth. B John, having returned, waited near the city, at the crossing, in the region called Marianæ; nor did he wish to enter the city before the discussion and judgment of a more numerous synod, that it might manifestly appear that the episcopate had been taken from him unjustly and by injury. But when he delayed his entry into the city in this manner, the people were even more incensed, assailing the princes with reproaches. On account of the great necessity thus imposed upon him, he entered the city very much against his will. Then the Bosporus was filled with those sailing, and the sea was covered with fishing boats, and the entire populace immediately went out to meet him, carrying lighted candles, and singing psalms aptly and elegantly composed for the occasion; they brought him to the church, C although he resisted greatly and insisted that those bishops who had unjustly condemned him by their sentence ought, as was right and lawful, to absolve him. But compelling him with great force, they placed him in the episcopal seat, so that he might announce and pray for peace for the people. Having thus acted out of a certain necessity, he then also delivered an extemporaneous oration to the people, using arguments set forth with great grace. For he said that Theophilus, out of insolence, had attempted to do injury to his Church, just as the king of Egypt once raged against the wife of the patriarch Abraham, as the books of the Hebrews record. And having followed this by praising the ready alacrity of the people, he also celebrated the benevolence of the princes toward him, and so stirred up the multitude to honor the emperor D and empress with auspicious and favorable acclamations, that he could not bring his oration to a conclusion, but desisted from speaking when it was only half finished.
CHAPTER XVII. Concerning the renewed wicked and erratic actions of Theophilus, how he consulted his own safety by flight while the people were split into factions by sedition, and concerning the holy monk Nilammon, the books of Origen, and the synod convened on behalf of John.
A Theophilus, being at a loss in this state of affairs as to how he should act, although he was eager to openly calumniate John—as one who, despite his deposition, continued to perform episcopal duties—yet he dared not do so. For he knew for certain that he would offend the princes by such a course, since they, moved by the agitation of the common people, had compelled John to discharge his duties, even while he resisted and asked to be excused. Therefore, he granted a judgment of injury to the accusers of Heraclides, although Heraclides was absent; for he thought that from this he would easily arrive at the deposition of John. Heraclides, indeed, as I have said, was not present; but he was accused B even in his absence, on the charge that he had beaten certain men by unauthorized force, and that he had led them in chains through the middle of the city of Ephesus as if in a triumph. When those who favored John said that a man ought not to be put on trial in his absence, and those who stood on the side of Theophilus contended that the accusations against Heraclides ought to be admitted, and that a judgment ought to be rendered even against one absent who was unworthy of the episcopal office, a quarrel arose between the Alexandrians and the people of Constantinople. And since the matter came to a conflict, many were wounded, and not a few were even killed. Consequently, Theophilus, fearing the rush of the multitude, as did those bishops C who were with him—except for those who were John's associates—fled from Constantinople, and each retreated to his own home.
Theophilus, along with the monk Isaac, arrived in Alexandria as winter was beginning. It happened that he landed at Geras, a small town situated about fifty stadia from Pelusium. Now, since the bishop there had died at that time, the inhabitants and citizens chose in his place Nilammon, a man who was good and renowned for his virtue, and distinguished for his monastic philosophy. He lived shut up in a small hut before the town, the entrance to which he had blocked with stones. D Because he declined to be ordained, Theophilus urged him to accept consecration from him. After he had refused many times and could not be overcome, Theophilus said, "Tomorrow, then, if you please, Father, do what you have determined; but today allow me to manage and dispose of my own affairs." When Theophilus came to him on the following day, according to the agreement between them, and ordered the doors to be opened, Nilammon said, "Come now, let us first offer prayer to God." Theophilus approved of this and performed the prayer. But Nilammon finished his life while praying; and Theophilus, and those who stood outside with him, were unaware of it at that time. And when the greater part of the day had passed, and Nilammon did not respond to their shouting, they rolled the stones away from the entrance and found him dead; and having shrouded him as is fitting, they deemed him worthy of a more distinguished burial. The inhabitants built an oratory over his tomb and continue to this day to celebrate the day of his repose with joy. And thus Nilammon...
A met his death—if that which he himself had prayed for with supplications and vows rather than becoming a bishop, deeming himself unworthy of that dignity because of his modesty and submissiveness of soul, can be called death.
But after these things had taken place, Theophilus was condemned by all; and the hatred of men toward him was increased all the more, because he again, without any dissimulation, was handling the books of Origen, which a little before he had condemned. And it is said that once, when asked by someone why he was again turning over the writings he had previously judged worthy of destruction, he replied that the lucubrations of Origen were like a flower-filled and fragrant meadow. "Whatever useful thing I find there," he said, "I gather and pluck; but whatever is thorny and pricks me, I turn away from and pass by as if it were pernicious." B Theophilus said this, not sufficiently considering within himself the saying of the wise Solomon, that the words of the wise are as goads, against which they who happen to feel the goads of contemplation and truth ought not to kick. For these reasons, Theophilus was in infinite condemnation by all.
But the divine John, having returned to Constantinople, came into such love and favor with the people that they were inflamed more and more with the desire to see him teaching from his throne. About sixty bishops assembled there, who decreed that what had been done at the Oak was null and void, and they bade John to retain his bishopric, fearing nothing. Thus he continued to discharge his episcopal duties, ordaining the clergy and performing the other tasks proper for a bishop to execute, administering the church as excellently as possible; at which time he also made Serapion, on account of whom the hatred of many against him had been most kindled, bishop of Heraclea in Thrace.
Chapter XVIII. Concerning the second synod convened against John, and his deposition and exile.
Not long after, another war was again stirred up against the Church, from an origin of this kind: a silver statue on a porphyry marble column stood in the name of the Empress Eudoxia in the southern part C of the church, in front of the house of the great council. It stood on a high pedestal, clad in a chlamys, not very near nor very far from the temple to which the name of Wisdom (Sophia) is given. A fairly wide road lay between them. At this place, applause and public spectacles of dancing and mime-plays, and loud shouting took place. John, thinking that these things were being done to the contumely of the Church, roused his accustomed freedom of speech and moved his golden tongue against those who were busy with such ludic performances; and in a certain sermon, he inveighed vehemently against them. The Empress, however, still keeping the former grievances in fresh memory,
A and being filled with anger, hastened to have another synod assembled as soon as possible. John, moreover, when he perceived this, was so far from retracting his words that, speaking still more clearly in the church, he fanned the flames of that anger when he delivered that famed and celebrated sermon to the people, commencing the discourse in this manner: “Again Herodias rages, again she is troubled, again she dances, again she seeks to receive the head of John upon a platter.” And in one of his homilies he uttered that memorable saying: B “Have I not always hated false glory and loved true disgrace?”—further introducing the history of the shame of Jezebel and the priests. When this reached the ears of Eudoxia, it greatly kindled her anger. A short time elapsed, and both many other bishops and Leontius of Ancyra in Lesser Galatia, Ammonius of Laodicea in Pisidia, C Brisson of Philippi in Thrace, Acacius of Berrhoea in Syria, and certain others were present, before whom the previous case was revived. John, however, maintaining a great spirit, requested that an inquiry be made into the accusations brought forward. And now the feast of the birthday of Christ was at hand, and the Emperor, according to his usual custom, did not come to the church; and he gave notice to John that he would not come into his presence until he had purged himself of the charges brought against him. But when John showed himself eager to plead his cause before anyone who wished, his accusers, seized with fear, dared not bring forward the charges. It seemed good to the bishops, however, not to bring again into judgment him who had, for whatever reason, already been removed from the throne. D And while they declined to examine other matters, they sought from John an answer on this point alone: how, after he had been deposed and the synod had not again voted in his favor, he had bestowed the priesthood upon himself and, leaping in, had ascended the throne. When John brought forward the sixty bishops who were in communion with him, those around Leontius said: “But there were more, O John, who condemned you, and furthermore, an ecclesiastical canon forbids this.” He replied: “But this is not a canon of the Church, but of the Arians, who, when they were contending at Antioch against the profession of the consubstantial faith and, through treachery, had circumvented Athanasius and taken away the Church of the Alexandrians, fearing a change in affairs, issued this canon; being especially concerned and diligent that those things which they had insidiously plotted against him might not, in case their malice and impropriety were detected, be called into question.” When they had nothing to say in response to these words, they rendered a sentence of condemnation against him. Upon learning of their decree, he no longer held assemblies in the church, but remained in silence in the episcopal residence. When the days of Lent were finished, on the very day of the Great Sabbath, the Emperor sent word to John to depart from the throne, as he had already been deposed by the synods. But the great man said: “Called as I am by the Savior to exercise the priesthood, I will not yield the throne. If this is thy will, O Emperor, use force to cast me out.” They, fearing that some other dire event might occur, for the time being left him to continue residing in the lodging. While he remained in peace in his bishopric,
A those who were of his party, having withdrawn from the church from which they had been cast out, celebrated the Paschal feast in the public bath which is named after Constantius. B Many bishops and presbyters, and others of the ecclesiastical order, with them—holding services in various places from that time on—were surnamed Joannites.
Further, on the holy night which the brilliant day of the Paschal feast immediately follows, the emperor gathered the bishops and asked what ought to be done, and whether what was happening was pleasing to God. They all with one voice cried out: “May the deposition or condemnation of John fall upon our own heads.” C The followers of John, therefore, while conducting their illustrious service for the resurrection of Christ by candlelight in the aforementioned bath, were treated very grievously by the enemies of John and by certain dissolute and wicked men who had assaulted them. But what need is there to speak of these things, when it is possible to describe them most accurately through his own golden tongue? For he who endured these evils nobly will also relate them truthfully. For he adds these things, too, when writing of his circumstances to Innocent, the bishop of the city of Rome:
CAPUT XIX. The letter of Saint Chrysostom, recounting those things which happened to him, and regarding those who were present with him at the time of his exile.
“How indeed could I eventually explain things that thus exceed all tragedy? What speech could recount them? What ears could hear them without horror? D For when we were providing for those things which we stated before, a detachment of soldiers, in a single body, on the very day of Great Saturday, as the day was already verging toward evening, breaking into the churches, cast out the entire clergy together with us by force, and the sanctuary was surrounded with arms. Women at that time in the sacred buildings, having laid aside their garments for baptism, fled naked from the fear of this grievous incursion, nor were they permitted to don their decent attire, which is most becoming to women, and to clothe themselves. Many were even cast out having received wounds; the very pools of the baptisteries were filled with blood, and the sacred waters were stained with the purple color of blood. Truly, the calamity did not even stop at this. But the soldiers entered even where the holy things were reserved; some of whom, as we have learned, were not even initiated into the Christian mysteries, and they searched everything thoroughly, and the most holy blood of Christ, in such a great tumult, was poured out upon the garments of the aforementioned soldiers; and as if in a barbarian captivity…”
everything was done through audacity. The plebs were cast out into the wilderness, and the entire populace of the city dwelt outside. On such a feast day, the churches were empty of people, and more than forty bishops who were in communion with us were, together with the people and the clergy, driven out for no reason and in vain. Lamentations and wailings were heard everywhere in the houses and the wildernesses, and every part of the city was filled with these calamities. For because of the immensity of such an injury, not only those who endured it, but even those who suffered nothing of the kind, grieved with us; and not only those of our own persuasion, but even heretics, and Jews, and those who follow Greek superstition were affected, just as if the city had been taken by force and arms. Thus was everything in tumult and chaos and lamentation. A And these things were dared against the will of the most pious emperor, performed at night, with bishops directing them and in many places leading the ranks, who were not ashamed to have camp-commanders [Note: campiductores] as precursors instead of deacons. When day broke, the entire city moved outside the walls, celebrating the Paschal feast under trees and in woods, like sheep scattered. B Thus indeed did that golden tongue; and such were the fruits that those good pastors, to whom the care and authority over souls had been entrusted, offered to the One who rose from the dead on the day of the Paschal feast itself. But what was done thereafter? Edicts were broadcast everywhere, forbidding the people from the name and communion of John: which indeed had the entirely contrary result. For it greatly strengthened those who were under attack, as indeed is God’s law, managed in such times. And indeed, the churches themselves and the number of those who were being added to him increased in every hour, and made the greatest progress.
CHAPTER XX
C More regarding the unjust exile of John, and what he said to his followers as he was departing: and regarding the affection of the people toward him.When the day of Pentecost arrived, the bishops again approached the emperor, and set upon him with these words: “To you, indeed, the administration of human affairs has been entrusted by God, but the management of ecclesiastical matters has been entrusted to us. Therefore, do not wish to be more sacred than the priests, or more upright and equitable than the D canons; but yield the care of such things to us, who are bishops of God. For we have told you before, and now we say it again, that the condemnation of John should redound upon our own heads. It is therefore right for you to consider, lest by defending one man, you destroy a not insignificant multitude.” When they had said these things, he immediately sent to the prelate, with men to signify to him: “Your accusers, because of your judgment—however it may stand—and the sentence of your condemnation, have devoted their own heads. Therefore, since your case is committed to God, depart from the church.” What is this, O most fickle of men, and even in the very act of ruling, the most ignoble and thoughtless of all kings? Where is the fervor of your former zeal, which you had when you were calling back from Antioch such a man, and the…
A church of Christ—the one to whom you had entrusted the stewardship not merely of words, but of the most proven virtue—that you should now, having so simply cast out from the Church one so dear to you, condemn him to exile? Having deprived Christ’s Church of such a man, to whom, according to the divine Paul, even the whole world is not worthy to be compared? But truly, a woman has led you astray as well, and has pitifully deceived your all-too-ready ears by tickling them. For just as Eve did through the serpent to the progenitor of our race, so she, through the league of those goodly bishops, secretly instilled poison into you. When that great man heard this, he did not show himself a coward, but revealed himself as a man of primary stature. For entering the divine sanctuary with the bishops who were with him, he commended the needs of the Church to its angel, addressed those present with appropriate words, and exhorted them to hold fast to the faith; then, he pondered by himself how he might depart from the city without a riot. For already the multitude was gathering, intending not to allow themselves to be deprived of such a man. Therefore, he ordered the mount he was to ride to be led through the western gate, while he himself departed through the eastern. Furthermore, he admonished the bishops and priests who came to him weeping and wailing not to grieve his spirit, but to regard their present circumstances B as for the best, and not to desert their churches, teaching them that through many tribulations must the kingdom of heaven be prepared. But one of them, taking up the word, said, “But if we remain in our ecclesiastical offices, the necessity will be laid upon us to communicate with the Church that opposes you, and to set our signatures to your deposition.” But that great man, thinking of something greater than human capacity, and cutting off the occasion for schisms and divisions in the Church, replied in a more subdued voice: “That you should communicate with my adversaries, I judge to be permissible for you; but to set your signatures to my deposition, I do not permit, for I am conscious of nothing in myself that deserves deposition.” Having said these things, he went into the holy baptistery, and having met with the blessed Olympias and those of her order, who were lamenting vehemently because of their bereavement and his departure, he comforted them and told them that they would not see him again. And having, in his haste, added many other words, he finally C added this: “From you, I ask this last thing: that you do not slacken in any of your accustomed assiduity and attendance upon the temple of God, where you serve. And whoever may ascend this throne (for it shall never be that the Church is left bereft of a bishop), to him, just as to me, do you bow your heads, and remember me in your prayers in love.” Having said this, he went out through the eastern gates, complaining only of this: that he was being driven away illegally and by force, without being judged—which even adulterers, murderers, and sorcerers are entitled to by law. And having been led down, he set sail, having crossed over in a small boat to Bithynia, that inexhaustible sea of wisdom. From there he kept to his journey, until he reached a certain small town in Armenia, situated at the borders of the Roman lands, near the mouth of the Pontus, dreadfully desolate (O justice and laws of God D and of Christ!).
he was impiously led away, being condemned by the letters of the Emperor to dwell in that place. B The native name of the town was Cucusus. The band of plotters, reasoning among themselves that if the people of God who were in the church learned what had happened, they would surely pursue him, add force, and persuade the great man to return, anticipated one another and closed the gates of the temple. But when those who were walking in the streets and standing outside round about the temple recognized the situation, some ran with all speed to the sea, thinking they would catch the good shepherd; others, overcome by fear, fled, fearing the sedition and the heavy tumult, and also the wrath of the Emperor. But those who stood guard at the temple blocked the exits even more, against which the multitude surged, pushing one another. At last, with great effort and by the pressure of the crowds in the rear—some of whom even broke the doors with stones—they opened them with great violence and rushed in a body to the sea. But when they did not reach him, but saw him upon the sea cutting through the waves with great speed, and since certain armed men from the imperial guard were present there, restraining the onset of the people in every way and by every means, they, as if despairing, chose to lose their lives rather than him. And as they vehemently bewailed their bereavement and the departure of the good shepherd, and vied with the waves in the force of their tears, sad and weeping, gazing upon the vessel as far as their eyes could reach, they returned to the city with such wailing as no one among men from the beginning of time has ever seen or heard.
CHAPTER XXI.
Concerning the assassins hired against John, and of the fire sent from heaven by divine vengeance upon the church and the imperial palace.
Furthermore, I was so disturbed by this mournful event that I nearly passed over a fact which occurred a little before John's departure, or rather at the very moment of his departure, which is a certain proof and manifest indication of both the malice and iniquity of those wicked men and the divine care and providence for that great man. For that malignant synod—since it was necessary for them to commit murder alongside their other crimes—hired a slave of a certain presbyter named Elpidius, having bribed his hand with fifty gold pieces, and sent him to murder the holy man. When a certain person who happened to be nearby asked him the reason for his hurried dash to the episcopal house, and tried to detain him as best he could, he gave no answer, but immediately he struck this man with a sword, and then a second time as he cried out from the first blow, and then, having struck a third, he fled at full speed. Many pursued him and
by their cries and signals, signaled for the assailant to be caught in his flight; a certain man who had just come out of the bath after washing, by chance, apprehended the man. But he, too, having been struck by a dagger, immediately fell and died. When he had fled in all directions and was surrounded by the crowd that had encircled him, they led him to the royal palace. And those who were among the enemies of John demanded that he, as well as those who had led him to commit such a deed, be punished. The prefect took him in custody as if he would preserve him for punishment, and with difficulty quelled the shouting of the multitude. Another man, also, pretending to be possessed by a demon, and holding a dagger in his hand, prepared himself for the slaughter of the holy man. But, having been caught before he could set his hand to the deed, he too was brought to the prefect. B But before he could be put to the torture, John sent those of the bishops who were with him and released him from the punishment, for he did not wish anyone to suffer anything on his account. I shall also relate another event, which was indeed a work of God's providence, though to the ministers of it it appeared to be the work of His own servant, and which served to strike fear and provide insight to those who were exceedingly bold and reckless. On the day when the great star of the Church, as if setting, departed for exile, a fire burst forth from the middle of the throne where that light of doctrine had once sat and shone, yet no one had ignited it; it suddenly crept through the sacred chains up to the height, and seized the church on every side, and running across the whole of it, devoured it; then, having consumed the roof, it turned to the rear of the sacred buildings, and being caught by a strong and violent wind from that direction, it invaded the house of the senate lying to the south, C even though it was situated at a considerable distance. It was a sight truly divine and most wonderful to behold; for the flame, as if it were a living thing, passed over and leaped across the buildings that were in between, lest by consuming everything nearby, any man might think it a human deed. And in the space of three hours, such a great work, which had lasted for a long time—constructed of materials of the highest value and of the most beautiful form—was reduced to ruin and burned up. Yet the fire, creeping around and spreading everywhere, spared only the small chamber which held the sacred vessels. And I believe this did not happen without the divine will, so that there might not be an opportunity for those calumniators to weave a notable false accusation from the loss of the sacred objects, or to traduce the holy man through blame. D The fire, having begun about twilight, continued moving until dawn and even further, occupying and burning whatever material still remained.
A
Chapter XII. Concerning the persecution suffered by those who favored Chrysostom; and how the Church was divided on account of his unjust exile.
For the perverse men, when they ought rather to have understood what was right from this event, instead seized upon another opportunity and accused the supporters of John; and, treating them as if they had gratified those who started the blaze, they punished them severely. They immediately seized many bishops, as well as not a few priests and clergy and others who were of his party and had gone out of the city with him, and cast them into bonds at Chalcedon. Others, who were wandering about the city, if anyone were denounced to them as being a supporter of John, they would seize him B without delay, consign him to custody, and force him to strike the holy man with anathema. As for others, to whom the church of the wicked was hateful, they were parted from one another by exiles, confiscations of goods, deaths, and various torments. These were bishops and priests, and those who had embraced the monastic philosophy. For it was fitting that, when the good shepherd was delivered into the hands of the lawless, the sheep too should be scattered and become partakers of the same afflictions as their master. Thus, some filled the nearby prisons, while others were sent to the more distant continent, and crossed the vast sea to inhabit islands, having first been subjected to many outrages. But what manner of speech could recount in tragic terms the misfortunes that befell them upon their journey? For, delivered to wild and most wicked men, they were treated cruelly and inhumanly by them, and were spared in no respect. C Some, indeed, were treated on the way with such utter lack of mercy. Others, without a cloak, were thrown upon mules like pack-saddles, carried with their heads hanging down, no differently than offerings or sacrificial victims. And who has language sufficient to describe the derision, the reproaches, the mockeries, the heavy sneers, and the insults, which penetrate the soul more sharply than blows and recurring lashes—things which made death more desirable? And, taking delight in their humiliation, these men, full of execration, made their stops in brothels and other most foul lodging-houses, and not in honest dwellings, nor did they shut them up in other suitable places. These things, however, those men deemed entirely small and as nothing, D compared to being separated from the party of John. But if some of them were able to escape, they nonetheless punished themselves, condemning themselves to lonely and inaccessible wildernesses. For they preferred to dwell with wild beasts rather than with men so savage and cruel. The bishops of Europe, in particular, utterly detested such injustice or iniquity. For they separated themselves from the communion of those who had committed such deeds, and stood firm in their own regions. The Illyrians, too, and most of the bishops in the East belonged to the party of John. Yet they did not divide the body of the Church; so that even when the great Father had passed away, the Western priests did not accept communion with those in Egypt and the East, nor with those in Bosphorus and Thrace, until they had associated the name of that divine man with the departed.
But neither did they deign even to address Arsacius, his successor. Moreover, they did not receive Atticus, who was substituted for Arsacius, even though he sent many embassies to them and often endeavored to reconcile them for the sake of peace, until a long time later, when he inscribed the name of the great man upon the sacred tablets, as we shall declare a little further on.
Chapter XXIII. Concerning Tigrius the presbyter, and Eutropius the reader, and the vision which appeared to Sisinnius on account of the latter.
At that time, maximum fear having been aroused, since it was evident that the people, being now quiet, would cause no further sedition, the urban prefect Optatus, sitting publicly before the tribunal, investigated the matter of this fire and what had burned down the senate house, or rather the curia. Under this pretext, he severely tortured many. For since he professed the Greek superstition, as if taking delight in our misfortunes and mocking the ecclesiastical disasters, he was pleased by this event. And he seized a certain presbyter, whose name was Tigrius, and stripping off his garments, he inflicted stripes on his naked back with lashes; and he macerated the man until his joints were loosened. For his hands and feet, bound tightly, were stretched as far as possible. Now this Tigrius was, in terms of race, a barbarian, and a eunuch, though not from birth. And because he served in his master's house as he ought, he earned for himself praise more glorious than required of a slave. Wherefore, having been granted his freedom, on account of his humaneness and modesty, after much time had passed, he was raised to the dignity of a presbyter. He was indeed very moderate, and remarkable for the equability of his life. Towards the needy he was, if anyone was, very accommodating, and hospitable to those who stayed with him. Then Eutropius, a reader, was also brought forward, having been denounced by informers as an incendiary. And first, indeed, he was tortured with his feet stretched in the stocks, afterwards his bones were crushed with sticks and clubs; then his limbs, sides, and jaws were lacerated with iron claws; finally, he was subjected to flame kindled beneath his lower body. And when he confessed nothing, after the aforementioned tortures he was shut up in custody, although he was a youth and of a most tender body. Where, his limbs becoming gangrenous, he soon ended his life. But it will not be burdensome for me to append to this history the dream which occurred concerning him. For to Sisinnius the bishop, while sleeping, a certain man appeared to stand by, illustrious in form and stature, and with a garment also honest and grave, near the holy altar of the temple which has been dedicated to Stephen the protomartyr. And he appeared to be mentally shaken with wonder, because he had not found good men, for the sake of which he had traversed the whole city: and that in such great
A penury of good men, Eutropius alone was distinguished. Upon this vision, because of the novelty of the matter, Sisinnius was struck with astonishment; he arose quickly, and explained the dream to a certain presbyter who was under him, and ordered him to go around the city and inquire if there were any Eutropius anywhere. And he, led by conjecture, immediately said that this was the man who was reported to have recently endured so courageously the torments inflicted upon him in the interrogation by the prefect. And in the prison itself he searched diligently to see if there were any Eutropius there by name; and when he found him, he spoke with him and, having recounted Sisinnius's dream, he wept and begged him to pray for him. These things concern Tigrius and Eutropius.
CAPUT XXIV. Concerning the blessed and holy Olympias, deaconess of the Great Church of Constantinople: and a certain singular commemoration of her deeds.
In these ecclesiastical calamities, the blessed Olympias, B the deaconess, displayed a specimen of a very manly spirit, a woman sufficiently famous and manifest by her name alone. And I would be doing an injustice to this history if I did not also relate things concerning her, of whom mention has already been made once or twice. But the narrative must now be relaxed, so that we may also delight ourselves with her virtues. By birth, she was descended from very distinguished parents, and was exceedingly illustrious in wealth, the beauty of her form, and all the ornaments of life. C And indeed, she was given in marriage to a man, yet she was not thereby deprived of her virginity. For after having lived with him in wedlock for twenty months, when death took him from her, although she was of an age that would not have disgraced a second marriage, she nevertheless preferred to embrace chastity and chose to persevere in it throughout her life. And even though the emperor tempted her with a marriage to his own kinsmen and offered her fitting rewards and honors, she nevertheless insisted that she must pursue the mode of philosophy most in accordance with the constitutions of the Church. Accordingly, she renounced all pleasures, D deeming them to be alien to women of outstanding nobility. And since she had devoted herself not only to abstinence from food, but also from sleep and from the affections or passions of grosser matter, she exercised her body so accurately that she used it as a minister, and not as a plotter; but she held chastity to be established not only in the contact of any senses whatsoever, but in the mind itself. Moreover, being mistress of that great wealth, she first distributed it to those who asked, just as fate brought them. But when the light of the Church, John (for Nectarius had already ordained her as deaconess), saw her doing this: "I truly admire," he said, "your purpose, O woman, concerning these vain things of the world. But it is necessary for one who strives for the pinnacle of perfect virtue to know the manner of dispensing and bestowing. And you, indeed, who distribute your substance to those who have, appear to be pouring water into the sea and giving it in exchange. Yet this is what it behooves you to look to most, since you have of your own will yielded your goods to God Himself, and to the dominion of possession
and at the same time you shall attain the care of both compassion and of divine economy, having been blessed with a suitable reward. From that time forth, therefore, she determined to expend her wealth solely on the care of the saints; with a bountiful hand she entertained the lovers of virtue and deemed them worthy of the care that was due A with cheerfulness. Many others, indeed, she received bountifully because of her overflowing hospitality; but she showed her magnanimity especially toward Theophilus, B reckoning him to be a friend and dear to God, although she herself did not escape the wickedness and insults of his tongue, for the reason that she had received into her hospitality those lovers of God, Ammon and Isidore, and treated them kindly. And while she honored all who lived piously according to God, and deemed them worthy of competent care with a burning zeal, and served them, she was especially devoted and attached to the Father Chrysostom, hanging entirely upon his nod and word, and preparing for him, as was fitting, both clothing and that ethereal food and care, and becoming in all other things, in a manner, as another Thecla to another Paul.
On the pretext of this fire, she also stood at that time before the prefect’s tribunal. And when he asked, "Why on earth, then, had she burned down the church of the Christians?" with a composed and calm state of mind she said, "This is not, O prefect, the purpose of my life. For you know, as you yourself are aware, that I have C expended almost all of my substance, which was very great, on the restoration of sacred shrines." But when he hinted obscurely that he knew about her life, Olympias said, "Therefore, lay down the office of a judge and assume the person of an accuser, and let someone else be given D to us as judge."
Now, because he could not confirm the crime laid against her with testimony, nor was it permissible to convict her legitimately, the prefect gradually passed on to other things. And as if he had taken the place of a counselor, he chided her for retaining the intimacy of John, and for that reason not receiving the communion of the Church, when it would have been easy for her, if she came to her senses, to be freed from all business and trouble. But that blessed woman said it was a crime for one who had been publicly accused through chicanery and not convicted in judgment of the crime charged, to pass over to the defense of another matter that had not come under criminal prosecution or judgment. "But if it seems good to you," she said, "order that advocates be brought forward for those crimes which are recently laid against me. For if you wish to compel me to participate, contrary to the laws, in synaxes and congregations with those with whom it is not at all proper, know that I shall not do what it is permitted to them to do"
A, or those who have determined that they must live in a godly manner. After she had understood that she could not be persuaded to communicate with the Church, the prefect allowed her to seek advocates for herself. At another time, when she was summoned to court, he fined her a great weight of gold through a condemnation, thinking that she would change her judgment for such a reason. But she accounted these things as nothing, nor did she retreat at all from her proposed resolve. For this reason, she even left Constantinople and betook herself to Cyzicus, so that she might live there. Then, however, from that place she was condemned to exile in Nicomedia of Bithynia. She abundantly provided the necessary things for John in his exile, so that he, out of that generosity, relieved the poverty of many others as well, and restored to their own not a few who had been ransomed from the captivity of the Isaurians.
There, when she had spent many years, and had bravely sustained the storms of temptations and various afflictions through her outstanding love for God, finally she received the crown of patience. The monastery which she had established in Constantinople she left to Marina, her kinswoman, strictly commanding her to keep the rule of the monastery inviolate. It was near the ancient temple of Holy Peace and the Wisdom (Sophia) of the Word of God, and it lasted until the sedition which is called at the Vine. But then, the temple of Wisdom having been scorched, it also perished with it. B Yet, the greatest temple having been rebuilt long afterwards, that monastery also regained its former beauty, and was restored to its ancient dignity, with Sergia presiding over it, who also left a written account of the life of this blessed woman: in which one may also hear her recounting that, after holy Olympias died in Nicomedia, before the tomb received her, it appeared in a dream to the one who at that time was governing the Nicomedian see as priest, that he should place her precious relics in a chest and commit them to the deep sea; and wherever that (chest) should end its course, there also the body of the holy woman should be deemed worthy (to be laid). C And that indeed came to pass; and it reached the shore, where the temple of the apostle Thomas is founded; the place is called by the locals Brochti. There, those who inhabit that region, being warned by a divine vision, went out and placed her sacred relics at the holy altar of sacrifice, which were deemed worthy of the healing of countless diseases, of demons being cast out, and of other prodigies having occurred beyond expectation.
It is recorded, however, that after this, through an incursion of a foreign race, the temple of the apostle also shared in the conflagration. And, the relics being situated near the sea, the chest was consumed by the fire, but the relics were cast into the sea waves; and wherever they were, the very water became blood-red, as though God were demonstrating the testimony of her confession. Sergius, who was patriarch at that time, sent John the presbyter; and he, having collected her sacred relics, placed them in her monastery, which, as has been said, she built in the middle space between the two temples of Wisdom and Peace. D The aforementioned presbyter affirmed that when he was collecting these relics, he saw a great torrent of blood welling up over them, such that it even touched his garment and flowed down from it. Another also saw the same. And when many people flocked together, miraculous healings were exhibited, with many demons being cast out; one of whom, dwelling in the ankle of a woman, was expelled. But so much for the blessed Olympias.
CHAPTER XXV.
A De conversatione et vita sanctæ Nicaretæ Nicomediensis. There were, however, many others also who contended in the same course as she did, and who burned with the same love toward the great Father. Among these, one was exceedingly good: Nicareta the Bithynian, born of very noble parents among the Nicomedians. Her lineage was illustrious, and she was very celebrated for her perpetual virginity and for the rest of the virtue of her life. She was entirely free from arrogance, and among those who followed the same pursuit, she was especially distinguished for humility. She maintained order in her character, speech, and daily life. Until her very death, she subordinated human affairs to divine ones. She was also disposed toward fortitude, and she bore the difficulties of affairs most easily. And because much of her wealth had been taken away, it did not grieve her; rather, she used the small remainder of what she had very well by dispensing it for her needs, even when she had reached a great old age, and she also generously shared it with others. Since she was very fond of fine things, she prepared remedies with remarkable promptness, suited for the use of various diseases, which she gave to very many sick people who had derived no help or aid from the usual physicians. For by a certain more divine impulse, whatever things she undertook reached a good end. And in summary, I will say that among the women who have been praised among us, one could not find another who was more excellent in character, holiness, and virtues than the rest. And though she was such a person, she was C known to very few. For on account of her modesty of character and her pursuit of mediocrity, she exerted herself above all to remain hidden, to such an extent that she refused to accept the honor of deaconess, nor would she preside over the company of holy virgins, although the patriarch John had often exhorted and urged her to do so. Such was the celebrated Nicareta; but let our discourse return to the continuation of the history.CHAPTER XXVI.
De profectione Joannis in locum cui nomen Cucusus: et de episcopo Adelphio, et de admirabili visione quam is de Chrysostomo vidit. That brave champion of the truth was led away to the Armenian town called Cucusus, toward which many Isaurians were making incursions at that time. I believe that this too happened by design, that he might be in the hands of more savage men than those who had led him there; although divine providence had also disposed it so, that even those who had not seen the light of the truth might be led by the hand through him. Which indeed happened. For by his teaching and wondrous deeds, he won over many nations there, creating bishops and presbyters there, and teaching them the holy Scriptures. But at the town of Cucusus, a certain Adelphius, bishop of D Arabissus, being warned by a divine vision, him...excepted. It is said that after the death of John, as he was in great sorrow, he prayed to God that He might reveal to him in what seat and station He had deemed him worthy. Being in an ecstasy, he saw all the saints standing around in order, but he did not descry him in their company. When he was grievously afflicted A by this, an angel stood by him, took away the burden of his grief, and said that another seat had been given to John, nearer to God and of more excellent honor, so that he might praise God together with the angels, and that it is not permitted to many to perceive that station. "Depart, therefore," he said, "and put away your soul’s sorrow. For that you do not see him does not mean that he is not present, but rather that he is above many: and this is a mark of excellent honor." He, indeed, as we have said, excepted John. But as for the things which befell him on the journey, they are another tragedy, or truly an Iliad of woes; for how many various evils he struggled against, no one could learn more pleasantly or truly than from his own narration. For even these evils that golden tongue set forth most excellently and as was fitting. For, writing to the presbyter Constantius, immediately from Nicaea itself, he signifies these things in such words:
Chapter XXVII. Letter of Saint Chrysostom on behalf of the churches of God: a unique account of his exile.
Being about to set out from Nicaea on the fourth day of the month of Panemus, C I sent these letters to your piety, exhorting you to that to which I never ceased to exhort: although a heavier storm and greater waves of the present tempest are surging, that you do not cease to fulfill the things which are of your office, in that administration which you undertook from the beginning: I mean the extermination of Greek superstition, the building up of the churches, and the care of souls. Let not the difficulty of affairs make you indifferent or slothful. For neither does a pilot, when he sees the sea itself stirred up and raging, depart from the tiller and the rudders; nor does a physician, when he perceives his patient seized by disease, desist from his cure; but at that very time each of them makes the greatest use of his art and readiness. Let not the present evils reduce you to sloth; D for we shall not render an account of the calamities which others inflict upon us, but shall rather receive a reward. But if we do not contribute what is in our power to the Church, but become slothful, the tumult of evils will neither help nor defend us in that matter: since even Paul, living in prison and bound in stocks, did his duty; and Jonas was carried in the belly of the sea-monster; and the three children were passing their time in the furnace: yet to none of these did their various bonds lead to sloth. Pondering these very things with yourself, my lord, do not cease to take care of the churches of Phoenicia, and Arabia, and those in the East; knowing that you will receive a greater reward, in proportion as, with so many obstacles intervening, you bring in the things that are yours
And do not be weary of writing to us constantly, but rather, very frequently. For as we have learned just now, we have been ordered to go not to Sebasteia, but into exile to Cucusus, A whither it will be easier for you to send letters to us. Write to us, therefore, how many churches have been built each year, and which holy men have crossed over to Phoenicia, and if any greater progress has been made. For having found a certain monk from Nicaea enclosed in his cell, I persuaded him to go to your reverence and to set out for Phoenicia. If he has arrived, therefore, strive to inform me. Concerning the town of Salamine, which is situated not far from Cyrus and is being besieged by the heresy of the Marcionists, I had discussed the matter with those with whom it was necessary and had set the whole affair in order; but I was forestalled by being driven out. If, then, you learn that my master, the bishop Cyriacus, is staying in Constantinople, B write to him regarding this matter, and he will be able to accomplish everything. Exhort all, and especially those who have boldness before God, to use frequent and very fervent prayer, so that this shipwreck of the world might cease; for unbearable evils have seized upon Asia, and other cities and churches as well. Which things, so that I may not seem troublesome, I omit to recount one by one, and say only this, that there is need for many prayers and fervent supplications. » And again in another of the letters, he speaks thus: « For if you are dwelling in a prison, and are bound by a chain, and are shut up with squalid and filthy men, because you do not consent to their iniquity, exult and rejoice C on this account, since these things are an occasion for you of great gain; for we too have been consumed and spent, and have died a thousand deaths. And those who have been with us even for a brief moment are able to report these things more accurately; with whom I was not able to converse, being laid low by the continuous fevers, which kept me in their grip both night and day, while I was forced to travel, and was beset by the heat, and perishing for want of necessities, and for lack of those to provide for me. For we have suffered and are still suffering even things harder than those who work in the mines or who dwell in prisons. And at last, with difficulty, we reached Caesarea, having arrived in port after a storm. But not even this harbor D was able to restore us from the miseries of the waves; to such a degree has the past time thoroughly consumed us. But nevertheless, having come to Caesarea, I was not a little refreshed, because I drank pure water, and partook of bread that was neither foul nor hard; and because I was no longer bathing in the fragments of jars, but had found a bath, such as it was, and because I was permitted for a time to lie in a bed. I could indeed recall more things than these; but lest I cause you excessive pain, I will stop at these, adding only this: that you ought not to cease to reproach those who love us; for although we have so many who are zealous for us, endowed with such power and authority, we do not even obtain those things which the condemned also
A obtain—that we might be condemned to a more pleasant or nearer place. But since our body refuses to endure these hardships and the fear of the Isaurians encompasses everything on all sides, we cannot even obtain this small and trifling favor. Glory be to God for this too; for we do not cease to glorify Him in all things. May His name be blessed forever. For you know that all places are filled with tumults and disturbances; and it is necessary to pray not just for Constantinople, but for the entire world; for since the evil began there, as it has been said, it ravages the churches throughout the whole earth. Having therefore spent seventy days on the journey, we at last arrived at Cucusus, the most desolate place in the entire world. Hence your wonderment can judge how many and how great are the evils we have suffered, struggling with unbearable fevers and besieged by Isaurian fear. And I say these things not because I wish to cause trouble for anyone or to ask that I be transferred elsewhere. For we have endured the most difficult part, namely the hardship of the journey. But I do ask this favor of you: that you write to us frequently and take care of the churches.» And again he says: «Since we have now been living in exile for B three years, in famine, pestilence, struggles, continuous sieges, incredible solitude, daily death, and by Isaurian swords, the abundance of your affection, your constancy, and the steadfastness of your trust encourage and console us not a little. Therefore, even if we have been cast out from the soil and walls of the city, we have not been driven from the true city. For if you make the city, and we are always with you and in you, it is sufficiently clear that even while we live here, we inhabit that city. For we dwell in your souls; and wherever we are, we go forth carrying all of you, who are so fervently our lovers, in our minds.»
CHAPTER XXVIII
Concerning Arsacius, patriarch of Constantinople, what kind of man he was, how he persecuted those who followed John, and how he died shortly after.
Such are the letters. Not long after, Arsacius is ordained bishop of Constantinople, the brother of Nectarius, who had held that same bishopric before John; he was judged to be a C peaceful man, and most religious towards God. However, certain of his clergy hindered his glory, doing whatever they wished and shifting all the blame onto him. Yet the events that then happened regarding those who adhered to John made him much worse. For since they refused to communicate or pray with him and with his church—in which many of John’s plotters and sycophants were mingled with others—and held their own assemblies in remote places and porticos of the city, he referred the matter to the Emperor Arcadius. And so, a certain man was sent to those who had gathered, bringing with him no small band of soldiers. These men, striking the multitude with clubs and stones, drove them away from there. But whoever among them had a more ardent spirit towards John, and as if a multitudeD
were distinguished—these were kept under guard. And as is wont to happen in such circumstances, when soldiers are allowed to riot, they plundered many of the women who had gathered there of their head-coverings, golden girdles, necklaces, collars, and all other finery they wore. There were even some from whom earrings were torn away along with the very lobe of the ear. And although great shouting and wailing arose throughout the city, they were so far from changing their love for John that they even increased in number from this very event, and many others joined them. They did not, however, assemble in public; and many of them would go neither to the forum nor to the baths. For some, even remaining in their own homes was dangerous, and they left the city, imposing exile upon themselves, and went off wherever each one thought best. Many other honest and good men, and no fewer women, strove with an equal ardor for John, among whom were Olympias and the Bithynian Nicareta, of whom we spoke a little earlier. B Arsacius, having lived on the episcopal throne no longer than fourteen months, died, having accomplished, as one might say, no work of a living man, having been as if dead before his natural end, wasted away for a long time by the cold sloth and torpor of his nature. Alas, who has replaced whom, says Symeon; as it were an old log, to speak in such a way, substituted through the great readiness of the rulers? Having passed his eightieth year, more fitted for the tomb than for the throne, a man somewhat delirious and fuddled, most inept at speaking, most stupid at thinking on proper matters, most slothful at acting, differing little from the inanimate, worthy only of a bed and a corner; since he was useless in himself, and the people held to the love of John, which stood as an obstacle to him on the other side, he was utterly ungrateful and unpraised by all. Such was Arsacius; and having presided over the Church for a short time, thus he departed from the living. C
CHAPTER XXIX. Concerning Atticus the patriarch, and the persecution that occurred in his time. And what happened at that time to the churches in Asia.
D As many were seeking the Church, in the fourth month after the death of Arsacius, it was entrusted to Atticus, one of the presbyters, who had been enrolled in the order of the clergy, and who was also one of those who had plotted against John. This man drew his descent from Sebastia in Armenia; from his youth he had applied himself to philosophy. His teachers were certain monks who held the heresy of Macedonius, who at that time had the workshop of their philosophy at Sebastia; these again were of the discipline of Eustathius, whom we have shown in previous books to have been bishop of Sebastia and the best leader of monks. They say that a certain very beautiful writing of his exists, which are called the Ascetica, or monastic works, of Basil the Great. This is not, however, the Eustathius who later Antiochon account of whom the scandals concerning Paulinus, Flavian, and Evagrius occurred in the Church. Now Atticus, once he was numbered among the men, having rejected the opinion of Macedonius, betook himself to the universal Church; he was a man cautious and prudent not so much by learning as by nature. On this account, in the affairs he conducted, he easily attained what he desired, possessing a wondrous dexterity in both setting traps and escaping them. These were the allurements of his character, such that he was pleasing and dear to almost everyone. In ecclesiastical discourses he was simple, and he delivered them in such a way that they were neither transcribed by the hearers, nor yet entirely lacking in liberal learning and elegance. And since he was a man of the highest diligence, having found an opportune time, he exercised himself by reading the more celebrated Greek orators. Then at length, when he seemed to be an unlearned or rude man, having borrowed testimonies from them, he deceived even those who dealt with him as a learned man. And while he was most studious and placid toward those of his own belief, he was most formidable to those who thought otherwise than he did, being able with the greatest ease, whenever he wished, to strike fear into them; and again, having changed entirely, he would return to courtesy. Such was he, as those who were acquainted with him have recorded.
While he was at the helm of the Church, a great persecution fell upon those who were devoted to John, B since indeed the greatest part of the East and of the West avoided the communion of his Church. At which time the Ephesians, having seized upon impunity, wished to move and change everything as it seemed good to them. And so they cast out those who had been duly placed upon the thrones by the good shepherd, and as was pleasing to God, and in their place substituted certain profane and thoroughly impure men, with no examination preceding the imposition of hands; for the matter seemed so vain and easy that to most readily undertake the episcopate, it was enough if someone simply wanted it or donated something. C Accordingly, those who had long since been deposed by John, having conveniently approached the despisers of such things, were introduced into the Church, having (proh pudor!) redeemed the bishopric with money. Who also imprisoned for four years most cruelly that Heraclides, whom the great John had created bishop of Ephesus, with seventy other bishops also voting in favor of the act; after which they deposed that accursed and manifest catamite, a man full of every abomination, the eunuch of the tribune Victor, and D most unworthily seated him upon the throne of the Virgin (O the vengeance and the patience of God!).
CAPUT XXX. Concerning the most impure Porphyry, who succeeded Flavian in the episcopacy of Antioch; concerning the persecution [directed] by him, and the decree which Arcadius promulgated.
A When the great Flavian, bishop of Antioch, who had not joined himself with the adversaries of John, had been translated to the eternal rest, Porphyry succeeded him: a man of great age, no less a veteran in wickedness—for it had been nurtured and had grown with him with diligent care—than he was old in years. For his life, spent in lust, did not remit any of its intensity even in his old age; rather, he strove mightily to surpass and overcome nature itself in base deeds. When, however, the desire to seize the cathedra of the Church of Antioch by tyranny took hold of him, since the whole city, according to custom, had poured out at the proper time to the theaters in the grove of Daphne, and having enticed Severianus and Acacius, and even Antiochus, into his friendship, and having taken them as ministers of his tyrannical cupidity (for like is utterly B friendly to like), he ascended the throne in the manner of a robber, like a wolf and not a shepherd; and at that very hour, he received ordination from them. And the matter was so hurried for them that they omitted many of the received rites in the sacred initiation. Moreover, these doers of the deeds of darkness, having put an end to such villainy, afterwards departed, loosening the reins, consulting their own safety by flight, and returning to their own through pathless mountains. But the city, when it perceived what had been done, seizing and gathering in their hands fire and all other material suitable for a conflagration—burning themselves with divine zeal—all went against him together, wishing to burn him up along with the episcopal house. For they were not ignorant of how wicked and abominable his life was. C When he knew that it was being done in this way, he persuaded the governor, having corrupted him with money, to arm another fury against the company of the pious. And so a band of armed men was assembled, and a troop of wicked men was gathered against them, nor did he allow them to come into view of those who were opposing him. At this time, also, a great persecution was stirred up against the Churches of God. Through the instigation of Atticus (for no one wished to communicate even with him, on account of the love they bore for John, which these men most of all persecuted), imperial edicts were circulated everywhere, conceived in these words: D "If any of the bishops shall refuse to communicate with Theophilus, Atticus, and Porphyry, let him be banished from the Church and deprived of his property. As for the laity or those of the common people who hold magistracies, let them fall from their dignity, and let the soldiers lay aside their belts. But let the common folk and the craftsmen be condemned to pay gold." Therefore, those who sincerely followed what was honorable, and who did not set great store by present things, so that they might not commit anything discordant and unworthy of the rule of true piety, fled to inhabit the solitudes. Some were even compelled against their will to communicate with them, to whom it seemed a great thing to fall from glory and wealth. But the most part of the monks in Syria, separated from the Church, according to themselves
their own practices held their own assemblies; on account of which they also experienced many calamities.
CHAPTER XXXI.
Concerning the embassy which the pious sent to Rome regarding the judgment of John.
A When the Church was thus afflicted, certain bishops and clerics, burning with divine zeal for John and for the Church which was in such a bad and wretched state, set out from the East and reached the elder Rome, and reported that grievous tragedy to the Emperor Honorius and also to Innocent, the bishop of the Romans. For after that great Damasus, Siricius held the Roman episcopate for fifteen years. When he died, Anastasius was raised to the throne. When he passed away after three years, Innocent took his place by succession. They brought with them three epistles: one of which was from that golden tongue, recounting all the calamities most exactly; the second, from the whole common body of the clergy of the city of Constantinople; the third, from those forty bishops who were of John’s party and communion. When these were delivered, they kindled so much zeal in those who were grieved by these calamities, that both wrote letters to the Emperor Arcadius, reproaching his long slumber in such matters. They also found fault with the second exile, to which John had been subjected contrary to ecclesiastical sanction: affirming that, if he had any care for true honesty and the peace of the Church, it was required that the bishop be restored to his own see, and that a synod be B assembled at Thessalonica, which is situated midway for those coming from the East and from Rome; and that Theophilus of Alexandria, who had confounded all these things, be summoned: and that thus, at last, by a canonical judgment corrupted by no bias, the whole cause of John should be decided rightfully and in order. For the sake of this, they added, they had sent some of the Italian bishops, possessing a good conscience and righteous judgment in their hearts. Thus did Honorius and Innocent write to Arcadius. But what they wrote back to John and to the clergy, is contained in these words; which things I, having found both translated from the Roman tongue into the Greek language, have appended to this history. The epistle to John is as follows:
CHAPTER XXXII.
Two epistles of Innocent, Pope of Rome, sent to the holy Chrysostom while in exile, and to the clergy of Constantinople.
‹ Although it is fitting that the innocent should expect all good things, and seek mercy from God, nevertheless we also, who are the advocates of the endurance of evils, have sent these letters, as was proper, with the deacon Cyriacus to you, that the injury of the adversaries may not be able to prevail more—while it afflicts—than a good conscience, while it struggles with it in hope. For there is no need that you, the guide and pastor of so many peoples, should be taught, always and in many...
A ways, that those who have reached the prime of patience remain firm, and do not succumb to any trial of hardship. And it is in truth a stable and solid thing, a good conscience in all the evils that unjustly befall one: which, if one does not overcome by being patient, he provides evidence of a base suspicion concerning himself. For he ought to endure all things, trusting first in God, and then also in his own conscience; since a good and noble man is able to be exercised in patience, but cannot be overcome, for the divine Scriptures guard his mind. The sacred readings which we deliver to the people abound with examples, and they confirm that almost all the saints were afflicted by various evils continuously and in different ways, and were tested as if in some examination, and thus reached the crown of patience. May your charity be consoled, most reverend brother, by your own conscience, which obtains B the comfort of virtue in tribulations. For with the Lord Christ himself looking on, in the harbor of peace, a pure conscience shall stand. These things Innocent wrote to the divine Chrysostom. But the epistle to the clergy is as follows: Innocent the bishop, to the presbyters and deacons, and to the whole clergy and the people of the Church of Constantinople, which is under Bishop John, to the beloved brethren, greeting. From the letters of your charity, which you have sent to us through Germanus the presbyter and Cassianus the deacon, I have recognized with anxious concern the scene of evils which you have placed before our eyes: and I have perceived by reading them over and over again with how many hardships and labors faith is struggling. The sole consolation of patience cures this matter. For our God will shortly C give an end to such great afflictions, and they will prove to have been brought upon you for your benefit. But we have understood and praised this very necessary consolation, placed at the beginning of the epistle of your charity, and your proposed plan, which contains many testimonies of patience. For you have anticipated by your own letters the consolation which we ought to have written to you. For our Lord is accustomed to provide this patience to those who are suffering, so that, even while they are in tribulations, the servants of Christ may console themselves, reflecting within themselves that the same things which they are suffering happened to the saints before them. And we are also able to bring you consolation from your own letters; for we are not strangers to sympathizing D with you, since we also are afflicted in you. For who could bear what is done by those whom it most of all behooved to be studious of peaceful tranquility and concord? Now, in an unusual manner, innocent bishops are being cast out from the sees of their churches. Which, indeed, our brother and colleague, your Bishop John, has suffered by injustice, with the case unheard, and no charge either presented or heard. Yet what is this prohibited method, such that no form of judgment is observed, nor is the case inquired into? Others are substituted in the place of living bishops: as if those who break forth into such crimes could rightly be judged by anyone to say or do anything.
We have never known our fathers to have dared such things; but rather we know they were forbidden, and that no authority was given to appoint another in the place of a living person. For an invalid ordination cannot take away the honor of a priest, since he who is unjustly substituted cannot even be a bishop. We write that even regarding the observance of the canons, these men must follow those which were decreed at Nicaea; the Catholic Church ought to follow these alone and recognize them. But if others are brought forward by some, which disagree with the Nicene canons and relate to heretical authors, these are to be rejected by Catholic bishops. For the inventions of heretics are not to be attached to Catholic canons. They always intend by contrary and unlawful decrees to diminish the counsel of the Nicene Fathers. Therefore, we not only say that these should not be followed, but rather that they are to be condemned along with heretical and schismatic doctrines, just as was done previously at the Council of Sardica by B the bishops who preceded us. For it is more fitting to condemn those things that are thus wrongly introduced than for those things, which are directly established against the canons, to have any firmness, most honorable brothers. But what are we to do concerning such men in the present time? A synodal judgment is necessary, which we have long since declared must be gathered. For it alone is able to calm the movements of such storms; to obtain this, it is now useful to refer this remedy and assistance to the will of the great God and His Christ, our Lord. All things that have now been disturbed by the envy of the devil for the trial of the faithful will be calmed. We ought not to despair of anything from the Lord because of the firmness of our faith. We ourselves are deliberating much and considering how a universal synod might be gathered, so that by the will of God these turbulent C movements may be suppressed. Therefore, let us wait in the meantime; and, surrounded by the wall of patience, let us hope that all things will be restored by the help of our God. All those things which you wrote that you have endured, we have also learned through careful inquiry, although at very different times, from your fellow bishops Demetrius, Eulysius, and Palladius, who came to Rome and were with us. These are the things which the letters given by Innocent to the clergy contained; from which it is possible to gather what his opinion and zeal concerning John was.
CHAPTER XXXIII
Concerning the legates sent from Rome, and what they suffered through the suggestions of Eudoxia and Atticus.The letters themselves were such. Moreover, by the decree of the synod D which was gathered in Italy for the cause of John, [it was decreed that] legates should be sent to request the place and time for the convening of a synod.
A Having taken the decree in hand, Aemilius—a man beloved of God, and bishop of Beneventum—along with Cyriacus and Gaudentius, and with the presbyters Valentius and Bonifacius, departed from Rome for Byzantium. They were followed by Cyriacus and Demetrius, along with Palladius and Eulysius, who, being of John’s party, had arrived there and had recounted to them the whole tragedy of their troubles. When they reached Greece, they fell into the hands of a certain tribune who had laid an ambush for them; for it was not possible for the most wicked of women, Eudoxia, to remain ignorant of the terms of the embassy being sent. Being craftily opposed to the purpose of those who had sent the embassy, she forestalled them by countering their actions. Therefore, they were permitted neither to visit Thessalonica nor to deliver the letters of the pope which they bore to Anysius, the bishop of that city.
B Having compelled them to board two ships, as soon as they reached a suburb of the city of Constantinople called Athyras, they were forcibly cast into confinement. They were slanderously accused of disturbing foreign jurisdiction beyond their own borders and of being present there to the injury of the empire of the East. The Romans, and Bishop Cyriacus and those with him, were shut up in separate prisons and subjected to many hardships and trials, being pressured to produce the letters. But since they insisted they would not give them up before they had seen the Emperor, as they were envoys to him, finally a certain Valerius—a man seeking to gain a name and notoriety for himself through savagery and impudence—broke the thumb of one of the bishops, with whom the letters were hidden, and snatched away both the packets and certain vessels, and whatever silver they had for procuring necessary supplies. He did this not without malicious intent, so that when they were despoiled of all their funds, they might be forced by necessity to do something prohibited.
C On the following day, many others appeared, sent either by the Augusta herself or by Atticus; they requested that, upon receiving three thousand gold pieces, they should hold communion with Atticus and abandon the cause of John. This they utterly refused to do. For something divine happened which prevented that outcome. It is said that to one of Aemilius’s deacons, Paul by name—a chaste and moderate man—the divine Apostle Paul appeared and said: "See that you walk accurately [or circumspectly], for the days are evil" (Eph. 5:15-16), perhaps thereby inhibiting the promised fraud.
D Since they would not accept the offer or the condition, but instead prayed for a return to the city of Rome, Valerius—who had performed that noble deed against the good man’s thumb, being energetic in doing evil—entrusted them to a certain rotten and age-worn ship, contriving effectively to send them into exile, and ordered them to return to Rome. After sailing with the greatest danger, they could barely put in at Lampsacus. Then, having changed ships, and four months having passed, they reached Rome. They appeared before Pope Innocent and reported in detail the things that had befallen them, knowing nothing of what had happened to those around Cyriacus, nor even being able to learn what had befallen John himself—things which were occupying the slothful Arcadius at that time, as was later to be learned.
A For these reasons, Innocent, the bishop of Rome, being greatly indignant, composed the following letter and sent it to those around Arcadius, Atticus, and Theophilus, subjecting them to excommunication and deposition. Having learned these things, he also learned not long after that their Father had met his end while being led away into a more distant exile, as we shall explain as we proceed a little further. The letter was written in these terms:
CHAPTER XXXIV
Letter of Pope Innocent of Rome to Arcadius and Eudoxia, subjecting them to excommunication.
“The voice of the blood of my brother John cries out to God against you, O emperor, just as once that of righteous Abel did against the fratricide Cain; and it shall be avenged in every way. B You have not merely done this, but in a time of peace you have stirred up a great persecution against the Church of God and His priests. You have driven the great teacher of the world from his throne without a trial, and together with him you have persecuted Christ. Nor do I lament for him (for he has obtained his lot and inheritance with the holy apostles in the kingdom of God and our Savior Jesus Christ), even though the loss is unbearable; but I am distressed because I am concerned, first, for the salvation of your souls, and next, for those who, having been bereft of his all-wise, spiritual, and divine teaching and instruction, C are starving for the word of God. For not only has the Church of the Constantinopolitans suffered the loss of that honey-flowing tongue, but the whole world under the sun has been reduced to widowhood, having lost such a divine man, because a wife’s persuasion allowed this drama and spectacle to be staged. D Yet she shall receive the punishment from this, and the future unending torment, which shall come upon her after these many days. For even if the blessed John has left this life, having kept the faith and strengthened the wavering, he has nonetheless inherited eternal, inexhaustible delight and immortal life for endless ages. But the new Delilah, Eudoxia, who bit by bit shaved you with the razor of deception, has brought upon herself a curse from many mouths, binding together a heavy and unbearable burden of sins, adding this to her former transgressions. Therefore, I, the least and a sinner, who have been entrusted with the throne of the great apostle Peter, excommunicate and reject both you and her from the participation of the immaculate mysteries of Christ our God; and furthermore, I decree that any bishop or cleric of the order of the holy Church of God who shall dare to administer or offer them to you, from the hour you read this present bond of mine, shall have fallen from his dignity. But if, as powerful men, you compel anyone to do so by force, and transgress the canons given to you by the Savior through the holy apostles, you shall know that, as first
A you shall not find that your sin is a small one on that fearful day of judgment, nor will any worldly status be able to help anyone; but the hidden and secret things of the hearts shall then be poured out and laid bare before the eyes of all. Arsacius, whom you brought forward into the episcopal throne in place of the great John, we depose even after his death, along with all those bishops who knowingly held communion with him; and let not his name be inscribed in the sacred diptychs of the bishops, for he is unworthy of that honor, as one who has defiled the episcopate as if by adultery. For every plant which is not planted by our Father who is in heaven, shall be rooted up. To the deposition of Theophilus we add excommunication, anathema, and complete alienation from Christianity.” Such things Innocent wrote while championing John. Nor did he leave unaccused Atticus, who had leaped upon the throne of that great man after Arsacius. But how this matter was later settled, the history to follow will show. B
Chapter XXXV. Regarding the incursion of barbarian nations that occurred at that time, and regarding the tyrants who rose up—Stilicho, Alaric, Attalus, Sarus, and others; and how Rome was captured by Alaric; and concerning the chastity of a certain beautiful Roman woman.
At that same time, as is generally the case in all dissensions among bishops, civil affairs also were filled with turmoil. For the Huns, having crossed the Ister, overran Thrace, laying it waste, with Uldin as their leader. And certain savage Isaurian brigands, having gathered in great numbers, ravaged Phoenicia and Caria, and the cities situated between them, vexing them with extreme calamities. Stilicho, too—the father-in-law of Honorius and the commander of all his wealth and forces—being a man of exceeding greatness, having won over to himself the sympathies of both Romans and barbarians who were looking toward revolution, held meetings with their leaders and attempted to incite the empires against one another. And when, by his own vote, he had secured that the dignity of commanding the Roman forces should be granted to Alaric, the leader of the Goths, he moved into the Illyrian provinces C and sent a certain Jovius ahead to those parts, having arranged the matter in such a way that both he himself might join battle with the Roman commanders of Arcadius, and that he might, supposedly, subject the peoples of that region to the empire of Honorius. D Having taken up his army, Alaric came from Dalmatia and Pannonia, barbarian lands, into the interior; and having captured Greece and Athens, he ravaged the neighboring Dalmatia as well. Then, having entered Illyricum and remained there for a considerable time, he returned to Italy through the Alps, with Stilicho allowing him to traverse their narrow passes, inasmuch as he was laying snares for the emperor. Afterward, when Alaric wished to depart from there, by the letters of Honorius…
A he was restrained, as he himself confessed. Stilico, indeed, prevented Honorius from going to Constantinople to care for his brother’s son, so that he might appoint faithful prefects for one who had not long before been made an orphan; he feared, you see, that on account of his tender age, the boy Theodosius might suffer some adversity. Stilico, therefore, hindered him, saying that he must necessarily remain in Italy on account of the recent tyranny stirred up at Arelas by Constantine. When he had persuaded him of this, he seized one of the royal scepters, or rather standards, which the Romans call a labarum, and at the same time took four cohorts of soldiers and the emperor’s letters permitting his departure for the East, and set out on the expedition. B When, however, the rumor spread that he was preparing to establish a tyranny for his son Eucherius, with the help of those who held power about him, the soldiers, moved to sedition, first killed the prefect of Italy and Gaul, and others who had been entrusted with imperial offices; then, a little while later, Stilico himself was slaughtered by the soldiers at Ravenna, and soon after his son Eucherius was killed as well. These men, then, because they were discovered to have conspired against the emperor, perished in this manner. After their destruction, the barbarians who had been with them joined the aforementioned Alaric the Goth and assaulted Rome. C Thither Alaric sent envoys to Honorius regarding peace; when he did not obtain it, he brought with him many other barbarians and besieged the Roman city. He blocked the river Tiber, which flows through the middle of the city, and prevented the necessary supplies from being brought from the Port into the city. Now, the Port is the largest naval station of the Romans (for that is what they call an anchorage for ships), comprising three docks and, in its magnitude, resembling a small city. D When, therefore, a shortage of provisions arose, and famine and pestilence had broken out, and the slaves were already deserting to Alaric, it pleased the Roman senators who held to the Greek superstition that sacrifices should be performed in the Capitol and all the temples. Certain Tuscans were summoned who promised that they would drive the barbarians away from there with thunder and lightning. For they had done this for another city, named Narnia, which Alaric, passing by, had not captured; his project and plan, however, were in vain. For those who possessed a right mind believed that the Romans were suffering these things by divine wrath because of the immense luxuries and debaucheries they displayed, as even Alaric himself once pointed out. For it is said that to a certain good man who was exhorting him to spare Rome and not to be the author of so many evils, he replied that he undertook this business against his will, for someone was constantly urging and pressing him to sack Rome. This he did. At that time, then, having received money, he dissolved the siege, with the Romans agreeing to persuade the emperor to accept him for peace. And when an embassy occurred, those who were of the opposite opinion [index: entries preserved]
to Alaric because of former hostility stood in the A way of peace, having with them about three hundred men well-disposed to them and very much… B C D
But Innocent having served as an ambassador, Alaric was persuaded by the letters of the emperor, and came to the city of Ariminum, which is two hundred and ten stadia distant from Ravenna. There, Jovius, the prefect of Italy, speaking with him from the walls, indicated the emperor’s intent: that he ought to honor him by letters as general of both armies. The emperor granted other things, but he never consented to grant that dignity. Jovius, however, without consulting the emperor, ordered the decree to be read to Alaric. But Alaric, angered at the refusal of the dignity as if he had been insulted, suddenly ordered the battle trumpet to sound and marched toward Rome. Jovius, struck with fear lest he fall under suspicion with the emperor of favoring the barbarian, more imprudently than before compelled his men by the oath of a sworn covenant never to make peace with the barbarian. Furthermore, Alaric, having spurned the dignity, sought nothing more of what the Romans possessed. And when, after the embassy of the bishops had been sent twice, he did not obtain what he asked for, he again surrounded Rome with a siege; and having captured the port, he compelled the Romans by force to create as emperor Attalus, who was at that time prefect of the city. And they did so. He, having promoted many of the Romans to offices, named Alaric general of both armies, and established Adaulphus, the brother of his own wife, as commander of the cavalry. Attalus, having convened the multitude, delivered a very brilliant speech, promising that he would preserve the ancestral laws inviolate for the senate, and that he would make the entire East and Egypt subject to the Italians. And he, being thus elated, did not rule for even a year, because he did not obey Alaric to dismiss the generals of Honorius. For Honorius had sent speakers to Attalus, and invited him to a partnership in the empire if he would lay down his arms. He rejected this and ordered Honorius to inhabit an island, to choose a private life if he wished to live, and to purchase his own safety through the amputation of the outermost members of his body. Alaric, when he observed that Attalus would not easily obey him or his other necessary allies, fearing Honorius, secretly made a pact with him, having accepted terms regarding reconciliation. And when all were gathered at the city of Ravenna, Alaric persuaded Attalus that he should lay down the imperial insignia, and that the generals should each lay down their girdles. Honorius granted pardon to all, so that each might have the honor and rank which he had enjoyed before. Attalus, having been brought to the feet of the tribunal set up for Honorius, was deprived of only two of his fingers, and was exiled to the island of Lipara. Adaulphus was killed by the sword of one of his own men. Alaric, having arrived not very far from the Alps (this is a place about sixty stadia distant from Ravenna), came to peaceful terms with the emperor. And indeed, one Sarus by name, who after Stilicho had been given the military command by Honorius, being highly trained in warfare, was suspicious
of Alaric because of their previous enmity, judging that the covenants between the Romans and the Goths would not at all be to his advantage; having taken about three hundred of his own most dedicated and valiant men, he suddenly attacked Alaric, killed many of his soldiers, and having gained the victory in the battle, drove them from Ravenna. A Alaric, having become exceedingly wrathful, besieged Rome and succeeded in taking it by treachery. He ordered those under his command to plunder the wealth of the Romans as much as they were able and to pillage their houses, but commanded that the temple surrounding the sacred tomb of the apostle Peter be held inviolate—a place that is vast and encompasses much ground. This very fact became the reason why Rome was not completely destroyed. For those who had gathered there out of fear (and they were many), being preserved by reverence for the apostle, inhabited the city once more. B He, however, while ravaging the regions of Campania, perished of a disease. And when peace had been made with the barbarians, Honorius resettled Rome, which had endured many evils; having become emperor there, he sufficiently restored its resettlement both by word and by deed.
In this war, a certain woman presented a most excellent proof of self-control. For since she was fair and quite beautiful in appearance, a certain young man among Alaric’s soldiers, seeing her, was overcome by her beauty and gently tried to lead her to physical intimacy. C But she, turning away from such a disgrace, drew his sword and threatened to slay him. Yet, as if struggling with love, he would strike her neck with a kind of feigned hesitation. She, however, streaming with blood, submitted her throat to the sword, reasoning that it was better for her to die in chaste resolve than to consort with another man. And when the barbarian, coming on more fiercely, accomplished nothing at all despite his many struggles, he was struck with awe at the woman’s self-control; he brought her to the apostolic church of divine Peter, handed her over to the sextons, and giving them six gold pieces, charged them to safeguard the girl for her husband. Such were the terrible things that happened back then, morning and evening, by the wrath of God, as I believe. D Even the mother would not spare her nursing infant, but took back the fruit of the womb she had brought forth a little earlier.
Who could explain the slaughter of that night, who could match with tears the grief? The ancient city, having ruled for so many years, falls. (Jerome, To Principia.) A.D. 412.
Chapter XXXVI. Concerning the various evils which befell the city, and the wondrous prodigies that occurred in heaven, on earth, and in the sea; and how all those who had opposed Chrysostom perished miserably.
A For such a slaughter of men occurred at that time as no age since the foundation of the world had ever known; B and that sword-shaped star alluded to this. For it was not only the military that was consumed, nor did these evils stop in any one part, but all races of men were cut down, and nearly all of Europe perished. No small part of Asia also was destroyed, and for the most part, Libya, especially that which had been tributary and subject to the Romans. For the hostile sword of the barbarians mowed down the multitude of the slain, and famine and pestilence, along with packs of wild beasts, finished off the rest. Furthermore, huge earthquakes, uprooting cities and houses from their foundations, cast many into inescapable destruction. In many places, the earth, splitting open with chasms, became an extemporaneous and spontaneous grave for the inhabitants. In addition, floods of rainwater, and in other places, fiery droughts, and with some, lightning strikes, produced a varied and intolerable calamity. Moreover, in many places hail larger than a man’s fist, and weighing about eight pounds, was seen to have fallen. Finally, the violence of the snows and the immensity of the cold exterminated those whom other plagues had not snatched away. All these things sufficiently and clearly proclaimed Divine indignation. To recount these things in detail would be beyond human strength.
C Then, too, there was such an eclipse of the sun that the stars shone in the middle of the day; which was followed by such a drought that, in an unusual manner, many mortals and other animals, too, perished. When the sun grew dark, a certain brightness appeared simultaneously in the sky, wearing the form of a cone or a top: which some, out of ignorance, supposed to be a comet or a hairy star. For it in no way resembled a comet in any of the things that were seen in it. Nor did the brightness spread out into hair, nor did it resemble a star at all; but it appeared as the flame of a great lamp existing by itself, with no star acting as a wick for it to suggest a shape. Furthermore, it also differed in its movement; for it began to move from the part where the sun rises at the equinoxes, and then, moving gradually past the last star situated in the tail of the Bear, it held its course toward the West. D When it had measured the heavens, its movement having been completed over a period of more than four months, it disappeared. Its apex sometimes extended into a great and sharp length, so as to exceed the proportion of a cone, and sometimes it contracted to the measure of that cone. It provided other monstrous spectacles, by which it departed from the nature of customary apparitions. It began to be seen from the middle of summer almost until the end of autumn. This very omen was an unspeakable sign of immense wars and the destruction of men. Thereafter, earthquakes began, not comparing in severity to those that preceded them. And with the earthquakes...
and fire falling from heaven cut off all hope of safety. Yet it did not bring about the destruction of men, but divine benevolence let down a violent wind, and driving the fire from every side, cast it into the sea. And it was a strange spectacle to see, the waves for a great distance, just like A certain sea-regions, burning with the fire, until the flame was completely extinguished in the deep. Now, such earthquakes occurring in many parts of the earth, the roofs of houses were seen to be separated from one another with great crashes and rifts, so that those who happened to be inside could clearly see the sky with their own eyes. And after such a separation, they were so fitted and joined back together again that they provided no perception to anyone of the novelty that had occurred. This same phenomenon also happened in many places regarding ships and the floors of houses; for some of them stifled those dwelling in the lower parts of the granaries, as the grain was suddenly poured upon them in large quantities through the opening cracks; and then they rendered the floor so fitted together that everyone was at a loss as to whence that grain, which had caused such slaughter, had flowed. And other such calamities were then set in motion, showing that these did not proceed by any natural sequence, as the sons of the Greeks foolishly prattle, but were sent as scourges of divine indignation. And these things at that time seemed to the many to have happened because God was angry on account of the manifest injustice brought upon that greatest luminary of the Church, John. For it also came to pass that the emperor’s consort, Eudoxia, departed this life at that time, having become food for worms. And the casket upon which she was placed could be seen moving, B God clearly showing the disturbance that had been aroused through her in the Church. And a little later, Theophilus, seized by a disease of the pleura, perished. And Arsacius, as I have previously stated, departed this life no long time after. Cyrinus the bishop of Chalcedon, from the misfortune which befell his foot, with both legs severed, C miserably departed this life; and others died in other ways. Antiochus and Severianus, and those around them, also ended their lives wretchedly, God exacting punishment from them for the things sacred (alas!) that were iniquitously betrayed. And the emperor Arcadius also ceased to be among men shortly thereafter. But I shall first set forth the death of John, and then that of Arcadius, and with the end of both, I shall, with God’s help, put an end to this thirteenth book of my history.
CHAPTER XXXVII. Concerning the further exile of Chrysostom, and his writings; and how, having left this life, he migrated to God.
When John had arrived in Cucusus, he was kindly received and treated by the bishop Adelphius; where D
A he fed many with bread, but very many more with the divine word, which truly strengthens the heart and illuminates the mind; and he composed many useful and necessary books. For no troubles that befell him could check his tongue, which flowed like a river. He also wrote not a few things concerning patience, and about the fact that we ought not only to not give way to sloth, but also not to be scandalized by the afflictions that come upon us. Most of his letters to the holy Olympias were written at this time. There are fifteen of them in all, containing a marvelous grace of patience, in which he says that sin alone is what we ought to shudder at. In these he also recounts the grievous things that happened to him on his journey; and how, encouraging her when she was despondent, he does not present a future encounter as hopeless; and how, traveling at the height of summer, he struggled with a most violent fever. Furthermore, he reports the ailments of his own stomach; B and the wicked Galates, who dragged the just man into exile; and likewise the inconvenience of the lodgings and inns, the lack of attendants, the scarcity of necessary things, the fact that he had no physician, and the terror of the Isaurians. He also mentions how the monks, raging against him, desired to burn his house; and how, having forbidden him on the way, they not only did not pity him themselves, but also prevented others from showing compassion by threatening them with the worst of everything. Finally, he complains about the road, as being steep, stony, difficult, and annoying; for which reason he asks that blessed woman to take care that his journey not be made longer, saying that to him the labor of the journey was more grievous than six hundred exiles. All these things and others similar to them these letters contain, as well as those addressed to the bishop Cyriacus. Now, since his adversaries envied him the fact that he was staying C in Cucusus, he was led off to Arabissus. For it was the intention of his conductors to wear him out with constant transitions so that he would miserably end his life. But the more he was subjected to troubles, the more—by reason of his holier philosophy—was he superior to all the calamities that befell him, and he shone more brightly, just as a flame in a fire does if it has more fuel cast upon it. Thence, in truth, he was led to Pityus (for so it had been commanded). This is a town of deep solitude, situated at the edge of the Pontic Sea, bordering on the most savage barbarians. As he was being led there, and was already about to migrate to God, while he was praying at night, his guides in life, Peter and John, appeared to him; having greeted him in a friendly manner, and spoken of his victory over the demons, they finally heralded his migration to God and the enjoyment of the good things awaiting him. Then they fed him with heavenly and ineffable food, and from that time on he remained without taking any other sustenance. These things were told by those whom he trusted in his company. But he, from that point on, towards greater struggles D...
A he progressed. Furthermore, those to whom the great man had been entrusted as a guide were traveling by long journeys, sometimes being deluged by rains, and sometimes being scorched by the most intense rays of the sun; for the reward offered for their cruelty in exercising it upon him was the promise of greater ranks of dignity. However, Pityus he could not see, just as the prediction of Epiphanius had foretold. But when he had arrived at the Comaneni in Armenia, he was led to the oratory of the martyr Basiliscus, who is said to have been a bishop and to have undergone the contest of martyrdom at Nicomedia under Maximian. There, therefore, the martyr appeared to him in a dream, saying, "Be of good courage, brother John; tomorrow shall unite us both." And he also commanded the temple-warden to prepare a place for John. Departing from that place, they had covered thirty stades when, having unexpectedly gone astray in their path, they returned again to the martyr’s shrine. B Having therefore arranged his affairs properly, and having moved his tongue to teaching, and having adorned himself a bit more cheerfully even to the putting on of his shoes, and having partaken of the divine mysteries, and having said, "Glory to thee, O Lord, for all things," and having signed himself with the sign of the cross with which he had lived, he departed on that blessed journey, living and reigning with Christ, for whom he had endured long labors; for himself, indeed, through such a departure he was blessed, but to those who had known him, he was much lamented, those whom he had even moderately tasted of his own honeyed doctrine. The day of his death, however, occurred on the day which we observe for the exaltation of the life-giving cross, the fourteenth of the month of September. For it was fitting that he who had lived his whole life under the cross, and who had laid his boast in nothing else but in the cross of Christ, C should on that very day of His feast lay aside the dust of the earth which he had carried about from this substance, and be raised up to God. Then, indeed, an infinite multitude of men and women living piously, having flocked together from Syria, Cilicia, Pontus, and Armenia, having deposited him with their hands near the martyr Basiliscus, departed.
CHAPTER XXXVIII. De obitu imperatoris Arcadii.
In the third year after the death of John, Arcadius also died, leaving as successor to the empire his son Theodosius, who—just as his mother before—had only recently been weaned from milk, and daughters, Pulcheria, Arcadia, and Marina, still quite young, who also remained in virginity. Not long D after, Honorius also died at Rome of dropsy, leaving behind him in that city the son of his sister Galla Placidia and Constantius, Valentinian the third, and his daughter Honoria.
living. Arcadius, before the end of his life, obtained A the reputation of being a man dear to God, for the following reason. There is a certain building in Constantinople that is very large and most beautiful, which the local inhabitants call "The Nut," because a walnut tree, a spectacle not to be despised, stood in its midst; it is said that the martyr Acacius was suspended from this tree when he fulfilled his martyrdom. Beside this building, another oratory was built, to which Arcadius came to look; and having finished his prayers there, he departed. An innumerable multitude ran together to that place to see the emperor, so that all the spaces inside and outside were full of people. But as soon as the emperor had proceeded a little way, that great building B immediately collapsed, having been torn up from its foundations, in such a way that it caused harm to no one. Thus, a cry immediately went up that all had been saved from imminent destruction by the emperor’s prayers. This is how that came to pass. Arcadius died, leaving behind his eight-year-old son, Theodosius; he had reigned for thirteen years with his father, and for another fourteen years he held the empire alone. These years are also contained in this thirteenth book: at that time the year from the creation of the world was 5923, and from the divine birth of the Lord, the four hundred and eighteenth year was passing.
NICEPHORUS CALLISTUS XANTHOPULUS: ECCLESIASTICAL HISTORY, VOLUME XIV
CHAPTER I.
On the empire of Theodosius the Younger; how it was administered by his guardian Isdigerdes, King of the Persians; and how most of the affairs were managed by Anthemius, who was familiar with Troilus the sophist.John, therefore, that man of the golden tongue, was about to depart for the struggle of the contests endured for Christ, like gold refined—
A tested to the highest degree through exploration, thus he departed this life. After him, the Emperor Arcadius also died, leaving behind his son Theodosius, a mere child who had just entered his eighth year. When he was only three years old, his mother also left him and passed on to the punishments beyond. Fearing lest any harm should befall the boy, Arcadius, before his death, appointed in his will Isdigerdes, the King of the Persians, as his guardian and, as it were, the protector of the empire until the boy should reach manhood. When Isdigerdes learned of this, he did not neglect the matter, but displayed a new and wonderful specimen of virtue. For, having established a lasting peace with the Romans, confirmed by a hundred-year truce, he preserved the empire for Theodosius so that it might not be imperiled. He selected a certain Antiochus, a wonderful and most learned man, as a sort of tutor B and pedagogue, and sent him to the boy, having expressed these words to the Roman Senate: "Since Arcadius, your emperor, has appointed me as the guardian of his son, I have sent a man to act on my behalf in this office. Let no one, therefore, dare to lay traps for the boy, lest I myself stir up an implacable war against the Romans." When Antiochus arrived in Constantinople, he raised the boy as befitted an emperor, taking care both of his decorum in public processions and that he should be excellent in military matters; he remained with him for four years and then departed. The administration of all affairs was then entrusted to the prefect Anthemius, who was the grandson of that Philip who, having ejected Paul the bishop of Constantinople, had introduced the mad Macedonian into the Church in his place, as we have related in the tenth book of our histories. This Anthemius, having torn down the existing walls of Constantinople, and having widened them, surrounded the city with the great land walls that are now to be seen, C finishing the work in the span of two months with great and almost incredible speed. Excelling many in prudence, he deemed that nothing should be done without counsel. He consulted with many others regarding the conduct of affairs, but he was most intimate with the sophist Troilus, in whom, along with other virtues, there was a political prudence that was no less than that of Anthemius. It should be known, however, that it was by the emperor's command, together with Cyrus the prefect who was administering the affairs of the city, that he built the city walls a long time later. But let this suffice to have been said concerning Antiochus and Anthemius, the emperor's pedagogues.
CAPUT II. Concerning the life, training, and administration of public affairs; and also concerning the godliness and virtue of the Empress Pulcheria, sister of the Emperor Theodosius.
God’s providence, foreseeing that the Emperor Theodosius would be most pious, and wanting to appoint for him a more genuine guardian of his empire, established his sister Pulcheria, who in her very early youth D was so wise that she lacked nothing in virtue and political prudence, and was a match for those who were preeminent in these matters.
A Whence we may sufficiently gather that for princes, piety alone is sufficiently true for salvation: just as, conversely, without it, armies, horses, guards, the power of swords, the innumerable hosts of men, gold and silver, many acres of land, and whatever other equipment there may be, are of no avail. For she, not yet having reached her fifteenth year, attained a mind wiser and more divine than her age would allow. She first vowed to God that she would preserve her virginity B throughout her whole life; then she persuaded her sisters to do the same, that she might not introduce emulation and contention into the imperial court. By this means, she cut off every occasion of intrigue. But since she thought that her counsel and decree should be established by some pledge to God Himself, to the sacred order of priests, and to the subject citizens, she provided a sure testimony of her purpose. For having fashioned a wonderful object of incredible beauty, made of gold and precious stones in the shape of a sacred table, C she dedicated it on behalf of her own virginity and her brother’s empire to the catholic church of Constantinople, having inscribed upon the crown of its square base the purpose of this dedication in novel characters. And indeed, having taken upon herself the care of the government with a masculine spirit, she administered the Roman state most excellently and as was fitting, with great decorum; she consulted with the utmost speed on matters that had to be done, and at the same time recorded them in writing. For she was highly trained in both writing and speaking in both languages, namely Latin and Greek. And the things which she herself did, she attributed to her brother, as if they had been decreed by him. She took the greatest care D that he should be educated in imperial arts and instructed in the disciplines suitable for his age. Thus, he learned military and equestrian affairs from those who were accurately skilled in such matters. And in order that he might be magnificent and splendid in public processions at any time, as befits an emperor, he was instructed by her: namely, how he should clothe himself, how he should sit, walk, and moderate his laughter; so that he might show himself in every matter, according to the requirements of the time, either gentle or formidable, and might afford a ready ear to the prayers of suppliants. But most of all, she taught him to cultivate justice and true piety as was fitting, to pray continuously, to attend the churches frequently, and to enrich the sacred houses built for God with vessels, votive offerings, and ornaments; and to hold in the highest esteem the order of priests, and at the same time, good men who lived best according to the laws of the Christians. These were her instructions. Moreover, when some attempted to burden religion with adulterous dogmas and new things, and were bringing it into great danger, she herself ensured that it remained firmly in its state. And that by this means...
A she established monastic settlements, providing perpetual funds for these purposes, and ordering the entire needs of those who occupied themselves there. It would take a long time to recount even a few of the many fruits of her labor, for the divine temple of the Theotokos at the Blachernae is her work, judged a habitation worthy of that very Mother of the Word, just as the one called that of Sophia is for her Son. She discovered its divine casket and burial linens and deposited them there with the greatest reverence. It is also her work, the temple which is glorious by the name of the Hodegetria, B in which she preserved the divine image of the same, which Luke the Apostle left behind painted on a board; and she also enshrined her divine milk, and the holy spindle, and the swaddling clothes of the Savior, which Eudocia Augusta sent when she had traveled to Jerusalem; and again the sacred precinct of the Chalcoprateia, to which the name of the Holy Casket is given—both of them are renowned, and were elaborately constructed for beauty and scale. God, having the woman well-pleasing for her manner of life, was seen heeding her when she asked, and in practical matters often manifesting himself to her. And it seems to me that it would never be possible for the friendship of God to be born in men, if they do not themselves prove worthy of it by their works. C The sisters, being led likewise, showed the same generosity toward the priests and the temples, and toward those in need, the poor and the strangers. Their daily life, conduct, and progress were the same for them all, chanting and honoring God night and day, and having no leisure for anything but the weaving of sacred cloths and suchlike work. For they judged idleness and sloth—on account of which they had embraced virginity—to be unworthy. Whence they also expelled from their life such passions and the rest of the imperial custom. Hence it was that, God being propitious, their household was well-administered; and the emperor’s age increased well; and every plot and war that arose was automatically dissolved, with God assisting; and that man, growing daily in good things through the excellent suggestions of his sister, truly became, as it were, a likeness and statue of imperial rule, polished to perfection.
CHAPTER III.
D Of the virtue which Theodosius imbibed from boyhood: and of his character, beneficence, placability, and his renowned religion and piety.But to pass over his affairs, too, in silence, without loss and damage, is not possible, as they are not known to everyone at all. For in the first place, being brought up and educated as befits an emperor, he displayed no token of sloth and effeminacy; but he was so experienced in both our earthly affairs and those higher than us that those who conversed with him [would consider him to be beyond human nature in these matters]. Thus he was very noble and
A patient, so that he easily endured the vicissitudes and mutations of the seasons, and strove against both heat and cold; and he chose to fast frequently, most especially on the Wednesday and the fourth day, which has obtained the name of Preparation [Friday], desiring to practice Christianity to the highest degree. He saw to it most sedulously that his imperial court should differ in nothing from a monastery. Rising early in the morning, he sang antiphonal hymns to God with his sisters, and he always had the words of the Spirit in his mouth. Meeting with bishops and priests, he explained the obscure passages and knots of the Scriptures no differently than if he himself had been initiated into the sacred mysteries. He was so eager to collect sacred books and their interpreters that he was not inferior to that famous Ptolemy in such praise. He busied himself with reading them at night, having prepared an automatic lamp, moved by a certain mechanism, which poured oil into itself, so that none of his servants would be forced to undergo labor or trouble of that kind, nor would anyone be compelled to do violence to nature by struggling with sleep. He wrote most beautifully with his own hand; and many of his writings have been preserved even to this time, being superior to the power of time: namely, Gospels and certain other works, adorned throughout with golden letters, the pages of which refer to the form of the cross. It is said that by such labor he supported the expenses of his life. B Having left behind all others—especially those who were famous among the Greeks for that pursuit—in the endurance of evils, he surpassed them in many ways. For they, while they promised that they would exhibit philosophy in words, were unable to demonstrate it in the thing itself; but he, having said farewell to the perplexing involutions of Aristotle, practiced philosophy through deeds, by moderating anger, grief, and pleasure. He had his anger so much under his control that he never took vengeance on anyone by whom he had been harmed, nor would anyone ever see him enraged. And when once one of his intimates said that no one had been punished by him with death who had been injurious to him, he replied saying: “Would that I were able to bring back to life those who have long since died.” And when another recounted almost the same thing, he said: “There is nothing new if a man, since he is human, departs from this life. But it belongs to God alone to call back to life by repentance one who has once died.” C And he cultivated this virtue to such an extent that if any person had committed a capital crime, and the sentence of condemnation had not yet brought him as far as the city gates, he would immediately pursue him with mercy. And when once he was providing the spectacle of a hunt in the amphitheater of Constantinople, and the people were shouting that a certain noble combatant, who was fighting against a fearsome beast, should be sent to his death, he said: “Do you not know that we are accustomed to be delighted by more humane spectacles?” And thereafter he taught the people to use more humane spectacles. He exercised religion with such sincere piety D that he honored all the priests of God, but especially those whom he learned were outstanding in the dignity of their life. And it is said that when one of the bishops died, who was said to be very pleasing to God, he asked for the man’s coarse cloak, which was covered in much filth, and wore it underneath his imperial robes, being full of hope that he might capture some of the purity inherent in the man. And when the season had once become very wintry, he himself...
held the customary games in the Hippodrome for the people. But when the winter broke out more fiercely, he revealed his own mind regarding his relationship to the Divine, having proclaimed to the people through the heralds: "It is better that we put aside the spectacle and propitiate God, so that He may deliver us from the dire straits now pressing upon us." And this he immediately put into action; and they went forth B in procession, sending up hymns to God, and the whole city became one harmonious church. He himself went in the midst, leading the hymns, walking in the guise of a private citizen; and he was not in the least disappointed in his expectation. For the air was immediately changed to a more serene state, and a great abundance and prosperity prevailed for all, following upon a very severe famine. He was, as one might say, adorned with all virtues; but in no small degree did humanity, gentleness, and a serenity of soul that admitted no storm adorn him, along with a sincere and proven faith, joined with an unfeigned piety, as may be inferred from this. For a certain man who was pursuing the harsh and arduous life of virtue approached him with a stubborn mind, seeking something of him. And when, having made the attempt many times, he did not obtain his request, he subjected the emperor to ecclesiastical bonds, excluding him from communion. But when the emperor had gone to the palace and the feast was set forth, and all those who were to dine were already present, he judged that he should not partake of food before the bonds laid upon him were loosed. And he sent a certain servant to the prelate of Constantinople, asking that he command the one who had bound him to loosen those bonds again. But when the bishop refused, and signified that what had been bound by anyone should not be held as a bond, and said that it was already loosed, he did not yet think that he should be satisfied with his judgment. But with much labor he sought out the one who had bound him, and absolved him. C And so at last the emperor took food. So religious was Theodosius, and he ordered his life most accurately according to the divine laws. For this reason, whatever remained of the idol temples was so thoroughly razed from their foundations, that it was not given to his posterity even to discern a trace of the former deceit and seduction. For he incorporated his judgment concerning them into a constitution.
CHAPTER IV
D How God, defending the pious emperor, quickly ended wars by things paradoxical and admirable.If at any time a war was stirred up, he also gave this over to God, emulating the divine singer David, knowing him to be the steward of the battle. And having him as one who precisely provided for him, he plucked fruits worthy of his good hopes. But I, in truth,
while manifesting the truth from many things, shall tell a few, although I may seem to be carried beyond the proposed subject. A For Roilas, having gathered a very great army of Scythian nomads and crossed the Ister, devastated Thrace and came even to the Queen of Cities, thinking that with the first shout and attack, as he himself supposed, he would plunder and utterly destroy it. But God, defending the emperor from above, letting down violent thunder and lightning, not only burned him to ashes, but also destroyed his countless forces. He did the same also against the Persians. For when their predatory band, having rejected peace, suddenly attacked the neighboring peoples, and there was no help to bring aid to those oppressed, because the leaders and military forces were occupied with other wars, God, pursuing them with a most violent rain and very large hail, did not allow them to proceed further; B and he restrained their horses with bonds so that for twenty days they could not complete as many stades in their course, until the army was assembled and withstood the enemies more bravely. And before this, too, when the Persians, under the leadership of Gorannes, were besieging the city bearing the name of the emperor and were attacking with all sorts of machines, and were erecting towers outside the walls against it, and accomplished nothing, they rendered themselves ridiculous, since Eunomius, who was bishop of the city, was breaking all the machines of the enemies. For when our men, on account of the multitude of the besiegers, were losing heart in desperation, he himself, fighting with prayers against them, kept the city safe. C Of the satraps then who were there under Gorannes, one, having turned to blasphemies, in the same manner as Rabsaces and Sennacherim, threatened with a furious mind that he would consume the holy temple of that city with fire. Divine Eunomius, not enduring that insult, ordered the engine of war that casts stones to be placed at the rampart, which had the name of the apostle Thomas, and commanded that a huge stone be discharged into the mouth of that blasphemer. And immediately the stone, cast by that ballista, struck the detestable mouth of that accursed satrap and shattered his whole face, completely grinding his head and scattering all his brain on the ground. D When Gorannes beheld this, despairing of capturing the city, he departed fleeing, proclaiming by the very deed that he was defeated. Seized with fear, he henceforth embraced peace through covenants entered into with the Romans. So great was the care God took of His faithful minister, the emperor, who for this reason gave thanks to Him and honored Him with due religion. Furthermore, as to how God resolved the wars stirred up in the West against him and his uncle who was still living, what need is there to speak?
CAPUT V. Concerning the tyrants who arose in the West against the emperor Honorius; and concerning his brother-in-law Constantius.
For since in the Western regions very many tyrants had arisen, some fighting against others and being destroyed by one another, or even [being destroyed] by divine power—
they testified abundantly to God's love for them. For we have already discussed A the events concerning Stilicho and the Goth Alaric, omitting only this, that when, owing to some incident in Italy and in the city of Rome itself, some seditious men rebelled against the Emperor Honorius, he betook himself to Ravenna. But Alaric—whom he still thought favorable to himself, having established him as the commander of Gaul—he sent with a very large army to exact punishment for the insults offered to the Emperor. And he, when he had arrived there, having deceived the citizens by a ruse, entered Rome; and having seized much of the public money, at last he also snatched away Galla, the sister of Honorius, who is also called Placidia, a young girl and as yet unmarried, and departed as a rebel; and he handed her over to Constantius, who held the rank of count, B to keep guard over her, as one who had been proven to be very faithful to him. He, having received her and the money, came to the Emperor Honorius; and having returned with him to the enemy, he joined battle with those around Alaric and won the victory. And so, to reward him for that benevolence and fidelity toward him, Honorius gave him Placidia in marriage; and, honoring his sister, the Emperor adorned him with the crown and purple and raised him to a share in the empire. And he indeed left him at Rome; but he himself set out for Constantinople to arrange the affairs of his nephew Theodosius, the father Arcadius having not long passed away. Therefore, in C Britain, the soldiers having mutinied, proclaimed Marcus as tyrant. Not much later, after he was killed, they promoted Gratian to power; and when he too, having endured four months, was slain by them, they set Constantine over the government, imagining that by his very name the empire would be certain and secure. For it seemed that it was for such reasons that they chose the others also. From Britain, Constantine crossed over to the city of Bononia in Gaul (a city on the sea), and he brought over to himself all the military forces and the subjects of Gaul and Aquitania, and those as far as that which the Romans call the Cottian Alps, D situated between Gaul and Italy; and his eldest son, Constans, whom he later proclaimed emperor, he then appointed Caesar and sent into Spain. He, having arrived there, captured those whom he found governing there, who were related to Honorius by birth—Didymus and Veronianus, who had joined battle with him in Lusitania—and together with their wives he put them to death; and he appointed his own governors for that province. But Theodosiolus and Lagodius, who were brothers of those whom we have just said were killed, providing for themselves by flight, remained safe; the one [fled] into Italy to Honorius, but Lagodius to the East to Theodosius. Having done this, Constantius came to his father Constantine, fearing that the garrison...
A which he had placed at the entrance to Spain might turn out to be the cause of the greatest destruction to the regions there. For when Constantine’s forces had fallen, the Vandals, Suebi, and Alani—savage tribes—having mastered the passage, captured many cities and fortresses of the Gauls and Spaniards, and some of the tyrant's officers. Constantine, while affairs still proceeded according to his view and expectation, declared his son Constans Augustus and wished to cross into Italy. Having crossed the Cottian Alps, he arrived at Liberum, a city of Liguria. But as he was about to cross the Eridanus, having learned of the death of Alavichus, he turned back. This Alavichus was indeed a general of Honorius, but he was suspected of treachery, as though he were preparing the rule of Italy for Constantine. When Honorius learned of this, turning back from his march, as soon as he dismounted from his horse, he immediately offered thanks and praises to God, as though delivered from an open traitor. But the tyrant Constantine and his son Constans, fleeing, were shut up in the city of Arelas. For their army having been dispersed, the aforementioned barbarian tribes seized the regions around the Pyrenean mountain, which were full of wealth and riches; and having passed through, as the garrisons had been disposed carelessly at the crossing itself, they went over into Spain. B
CHAPTER VI. On the tyrant Maximus, and Gerontius, and Constantine, and others slain by Constantius: and how Constantius administered affairs, having left Valentinian the Third as emperor in Rome after Honorius.
At that time Gerontius, the most excellent of Constantine’s generals, having conceived enmities against him, raised a certain Maximus, a very close associate of his—whom he judged to be suitable for rule—to the imperial dignity, bestowing upon him the purple robe. And he allowed him indeed to reside in Taraco; but he himself, having taken his forces, marched against Constantine. And departing from his journey to Vienna, he contrived the death of his son Constans. When this matter regarding Gerontius was reported to Constantine, he sent his own general Edovichus across the Rhine to collect auxiliary forces from the Franks and Alamani. He left the affairs around Vienna to his son Constans, who had not yet been slain by the intrigues of Gerontius, to be guarded. Gerontius led his forces to Arelas and besieged the city, where the fugitive Constantine was inside. But Honorius sent a massive army against the tyrant Constantine, under the command of Constantius—who, as we said before, was the husband of his sister Galla Placidia, and who later begot Valentinian the Third and a daughter, Honoria. Terrified by this, Gerontius fled swiftly with a few men. His remaining soldiers passed over to Constantius. The Spaniards, judging that Gerontius was to be despised on account of his sudden flight, C D
A decided to kill him. Approaching his lodging by night, they attacked him, though they were sufficiently armed and prepared. But Gerontius and an Alan—one of his companions—ascended the roof of the house and killed no fewer than three hundred of the soldiers who were attacking them. When their missiles ran out, the servants let themselves down from the house secretly and took to flight. Gerontius himself, though he could likewise have escaped safely, refused to do so, constrained by his love for his wife, Nunychia. At dawn, when the conspirators set fire to the house from below and no hope of safety remained for him, he first cut off the head of the Alan who was with him—not unwillingly—and then that of his wife. She, lamenting and weeping, held herself toward the sword, begging that she might receive this last gift from her husband and perish by his sword rather than fall into the power of others. She, therefore, acting in a manner worthy of her religion (for she was a Christian), and with a virile strength of mind, ended her life B in such a way that she left behind for posterity a memory more celebrated than it could be suppressed by oblivion. Finally, Gerontius, having thrust the sword into himself a third time—yet not having inflicted a fatal wound—drew the dagger hanging at his thigh and plunged it into his heart. And thus Gerontius also perished.
Meanwhile, the army of Honorius, which we have indicated was led by Constantius, besieged Constantine. The latter endured the siege, expecting Edovicus, whom he had sent beyond the Rhine to bring back Franks and Alamanni as auxiliaries. Constantius, fearing this, wished to retreat toward Italy and there do battle with Edovicus. He decided upon this because he had heard that Edovicus kept his camp nearby. Therefore, he crossed the Rhone with his troops. And he himself, with all the infantry, plotted the destruction of the enemies, while Ulphilas, the commander of the cavalry, lay in ambush not far away in another location, C hidden from view. After the enemies had unknowingly passed by Ulphilas and were already intending to join battle with the troops around Constantius, at a given signal, Ulphilas suddenly appeared and attacked the enemies from the rear. Their ranks were thrown into confusion; some fled, others were slaughtered, D while some threw down their weapons, begged for mercy, and were accepted into favor as quickly as possible.
Edovicus, however, having mounted his horse, arrived at the estate of a certain Ecdicius, an old friend who had received many benefits from him. He indeed received him as a friend; but at night, having cut off his head, he brought it to Constantius, hoping to receive great rewards for the deed. Constantius thanked the man for the crime and took the head. But when he attempted to remain with them, he was ordered to depart; for he did not think the company of an unfaithful host would be good for himself or his army. Thus, Ecdicius, having committed such an impious crime against a friend and guest who was oppressed by adverse circumstances, was seen to be—according to the proverb—a "wolf gaping in vain." After this victory, the army crossed over again to the city, and Constantine, having learned what had befallen Edovicus,
A willingly laid aside the symbols of imperial power; and having approached the church, he received the dignity of a presbyter. The citizens of the town, after first receiving an oath, opened the gates to Constantius, and all were spared. From that time on, all who were subject in that region were restored to their former state and were faithful to Honorius. The tyrant, however, being led to Italy with his son Julian, was slain before he could reach the appointed place. Shortly after, Jovianus B and Maximus—mentioned above—Sarus, and others who had plotted against the rule of Honorius, were likewise killed. This Honorius, indeed, as has been said, through his sister Galla Placidia, took into affinity Constantius, who had suppressed the tyranny of Constantine, and because of his many illustrious deeds in war, received him into a partnership of the empire. He also granted the dignity of the most noble to his son Valentinian, whom Placidia had borne him. The images of Constantius were sent to the East, as was the custom for those who had recently been elevated to the imperial heights. Because the younger Theodosius did not admit these, and Constantius was preparing for war on account of this insult, death suddenly arrived and delivered him from both his life and his cares, though he had reigned for no longer than six months. C
Chapter VII. Regarding the tyranny of John the Goth; and regarding the generals Aspar and Ardaburius.
In the meantime, John, one of those who write the records for the emperor, being dissatisfied with the present state of affairs, seized the empire and stood forth as another tyrant. He drove out Placidia and Valentinian, who thereupon sailed to Byzantium to Theodosius. When Honorius learned of this, he was overcome with immense grief and subsequently died of dropsy. But John, occupying the tyranny, sent an embassy to Theodosius, requesting that he himself be received as emperor. The envoys accomplished nothing, but were first cast into custody and then sent into exile on the Propontis. Furthermore, Theodosius took care to have Placidia and Valentinian conveyed to Thessalonica, and there he bestowed the dignity of Caesar upon his nephew. He entrusted the conduct of the war against the tyrant to the general Ardaburius and his son Aspar. These, taking Placidia and Valentinian with them, after they had passed through the Paeonians and Illyrians, captured Salonae, a city of Dalmatia, by force. From that location, Aspar set out against the tyrant with a naval fleet. At first, he enjoyed good fortune, but later his voyage did not end well...
A for suddenly a violent and contrary wind arose, which cast him into the hands of the tyrant. The latter, looking toward peace, treated Ardaburius humanely. Ardaburius, being in great security, when he saw that those who had been removed and dismissed from the rank of commanders by the tyrant were full of sorrow, plotted all the more against him, and secretly signaled to his son Aspar to arrive as quickly as possible, given the opportunity for a successful outcome.
The tyrant, elated by the hope that came from capturing Ardaburius, thought that the emperor had fallen into such necessity that he would approve his petition by common vote and accept him as emperor, if indeed he wished for his commander to be safe. And in truth, the emperor was in the greatest danger, lest any harm might come to Ardaburius from the tyrant.
Aspar, having taken his cavalry and, by the speed of his arrival, stealing the senses B of his enemies, became master of the large city of Aquileia, having occupied it without labor, with Placidia and Valentinian accompanying him. But fear entered into him about moving forward, as he had heard that the barbarian had gathered many tens of thousands of soldiers. But the emperor’s prayer shone forth then most especially. For an angel of God, having assumed the guise of a shepherd, led those with Aspar and guided them through the lake adjacent to Ravenna (for there the tyrant was staying, holding Ardaburius), C a place from which no one is recorded to have ever crossed before. But God, even as He once divided the water in the Red Sea, showed the pathless depth to be passable to all. For crossing over the water of the lake as if on dry land, they arrived with the entire cavalry, and having seized the city gates on the first assault, they became masters of the city.
A brief battle having been joined, the tyrant was captured by the treachery of those around him and was sent to Aquileia to Placidia and Valentinian. There, his hand being first cut off, his head was also severed, after he had exercised tyranny for a year and a half. The emperor, as was his custom, once again displayed the piety he had toward the Divine. D For when the victory over the tyrant was announced in the Hippodrome during the Circensian games, he called out to the people: "Come," he said, "if it seems good, let us leave aside this entertainment and go to this house of prayer, and lift up songs of thanksgiving to God, the author of the victory." When he had said these things, the spectacle was neglected; and all, going through the middle of the Hippodrome, proceeded in harmonious hymns and songs of thanksgiving to the house of God nearby; and the whole city suddenly became one church, with all the people spending the day in the place of prayer. Afterward, the ruler was in thought concerning whom he ought to establish as emperor for the western regions, as he deliberated.
A Therefore, he judged Valentinian, the son of his sister, to be suitable for the empire, because he had a mother who could bear the care of administration of affairs there. He himself also hastened to set out for Italy, so that he might establish the empire for his nephew and teach the provincials there not to surrender themselves easily to tyrants. And for that reason, he progressed to Thessalonica. But as he could not proceed further, he was hindered by illness. Therefore, through the patrician Helion, the imperial insignia having been sent to him, he himself returned again to Byzantium. Aëtius, however, who had held the second place in leading the military forces under the tyrant, came three days after his slaughter, leading sixty thousand Barbarians B. When Aspar had a conflict with him, and great slaughter occurred on both sides, afterward, through a peace treaty intervening between him and Placidia and Valentinian, he obtained the dignity of Count. But the Barbarians who had been hired with him, being corrupted by gold, both laid aside their anger and their arms, and, hostages having been given and pledges of faith received once more, they returned to their own lands.
CAPUT VIII. How God, being delighted by the virtue of emperors, brought to light many bodies of renowned saints of old that were hidden under the earth: and concerning the finding of the prophet Zechariah.
But concerning the tyrants who existed at that time, and who vanished by the providence of God, I think that enough has been said. Nor do we make mention of them in passing and as if by digression, but so that we might declare with certainty that for a ruler, especially for the protection and custody of the empire, it suffices that he have a diligent care for divine matters and worship in a very upright manner; such, indeed, as Theodosius and his sister Pulcheria were. For God seemed to be delighted with their administration: not only in that he arranged the wars in such a way that their subjects were liberated from enemies, and that they themselves, contrary to everyone's expectation, were governed with great magnificence, but also because, honoring their times of empire, He brought forth from the bosom of the earth, by means of certain visions, many holy bodies of those who had once excelled in true piety, and brought them out into the open for the public. This happened at that time regarding the elder prophet Zechariah, Stephen the first among deacons and martyrs, and the forty martyrs who were frozen by the cold under Licinius in Sebaste. Since the discovery of all these was extraordinary, how God exhibited them, it seems necessary to tell. And first I will recount regarding the prophet, who appeared first. Around Eleutheropolis of Palestine, there is a certain village called Chophar, from which the prophet Zechariah originated. A certain farmer named Calemerus was in charge of this village, D extremely well-disposed indeed toward the possessor of the field, but very harsh and difficult toward the neighboring farmers; while he was indeed such a person,
A the prophet nevertheless stood by him and revealed himself clearly, and leading him to a certain small garden, said, "Dig here to the depth of two cubits, measuring from the fence into the garden itself, along the path that leads to the town of Bithrerēbin." And indeed, having dug, you will find a double casket, of which the inner part is made of wood, and the other is of lead. And you will also find a vessel full of water near the casket, around the sides of which two moderate, harmless, and gentle snakes—you might call them tame—are coiled. B Such were the things the one who appeared said. But Calemerus, having obeyed the vision shown to him, performed the commanded task. And when that sacred vessel was revealed according to the signs foretold, beneath the feet and a little outside the casket, there lay also a very young boy; and it seemed, moreover, that he was of noble birth and that his lineage pertained to royalty. For a golden crown, studded with jewels and pearls, bound his head. His shoes were also gilded; likewise, his garment was of very great value and adorned with gold. And when the sages and priests of that time were in doubt concerning who this boy might be who appeared in such attire, it is said that that Zechariah, who at that time presided over the monastic community in Gerara, remarked that he had encountered an ancient Hebrew writing—not one of those handed down and received into the Church, but another—which writing contained, among other things, this also: that when Joas, king of Judea, had killed the prophet Zechariah, he received a grievous calamity in his own house on the seventh day thereafter, and by death lost the child who had been most dear to him. And realizing that it was because of the wrath of God that he had fallen into such a plight, he had buried the child at the feet of the prophet, C as if pleading for those things for which he had sinned against him. And this matter was decided in this way. As for the prophet himself, having already lain under the earth for many generations, he appeared with no part of his body missing; he was shaven to the skin, had a straight nose, a moderately receding chin, and his head was small; his eyes were set slightly deep, covered by his brows. In this way, then, the divine prophet was revealed.
CHAPTER IX. Concerning the relics of Stephen the Protomartyr; and how magnificently the Empress Pulcheria honored them, and erected a temple to him within the palace.
The city of Capargamala is the place in which, after the martyrdom had been completed, Gamaliel, who had acted as tutor to Paul the Apostle, together with his son Abibos, buried the body of Stephen the Protomartyr beneath the earth; and having themselves died later in time, they were placed in the immediate vicinity of the relics. But it is sufficiently well-known how those relics, once found, were transported to Constantinople; namely, as a certain man of the senatorial rank, nourishing great love for him, built an oratory...
A in Palestine, and ordered that he himself, after his death, should be buried next to the holy Stephen: and so he was placed in a similar urn. Later, however, when his wife had to transport her husband to Byzantium, in her haste she imprudently took up the coffin of Stephen instead of that of her husband, and hastened to Constantinople as quickly as she could. But that which she was carrying with her on the journey could not remain hidden, for a certain wondrous fragrance and innumerable miracles betrayed it. When she reached Constantinople, the city poured out and received such a treasure with open arms. He was led with great attendance and escort into the imperial palace. But the martyr disdained to remain in that place. For when the mules that were carrying him reached the Constantinian baths, they could proceed no further. Though they were driven with many lashes and goads, they used a human tongue and commanded that the martyr be deposited in that very place. And so he was buried there, and the place was adorned with a most beautiful shrine. This is what is reported to have happened under Constantius.
However, a certain portion of those relics had been hidden by some of the faithful for some reason or another, which also appeared in the open in Palestine at the time when Pulcheria the empress first looked upon this light, while John was performing the duties of the episcopate in Jerusalem. B It appeared, however, because the martyr stood by in a nocturnal vision in an unspeakable manner to a certain God-loving presbyter, whose name was Lucian; as Pulcheria nourished an unspeakable longing for the first of the deacons, and because she learned that at the very birth of this woman, he too was brought forth from the womb of the earth. And since she was wasting away with love for him, she applied herself with the greatest zeal to encounter a part of his holy bones. For the place where they had been deposited in the Constantinian buildings was unknown. She therefore suggested to her brother Theodosius that he should send money to Prayllius, the bishop of Jerusalem, so that he might dispense it as he saw fit to those in need there. C And he, being persuaded, did indeed send it; and he also sent a cross, heavy with stones and pearls and much gold, so that it might be fastened at the site of the Skull. Prayllius the bishop, having received these things, in order to return some favor to the emperor and his sister, sent back the relics of the right hand of the first of those appointed by the apostles to the diaconate, and also the first martyr, using the holy deacon Passarion as his minister. But when Passarion had completed the journey, after he had arrived at the harbor of Chalcedon, opposite Byzantium, the prince of martyrs, anticipating him, revealed himself by night to the empress, addressing her with such words: "Thy prayer has reached the ears of the Lord Sabaoth of hosts, and thy petition has attained its desired outcome; D and I am near to thee now, having encamped at Chalcedon." And when she had shared this vision with her brother, the whole city immediately proceeded to the sea, and they used the sea as if it were dry land.
And Pulcheria herself, having received the relics along with her brother, brought them forth into the palace with the greatest reverence and decorum, rejoicing exceedingly. And having deposited these, she erected a temple shining with much beauty, with gold, and with the radiance of precious stones, honoring the protomartyr in a distinguished manner. But the things which I have discovered concerning these matters are these.
CHAPTER X.
Concerning the discovery of the relics of the forty holy martyrs who suffered martyrdom in the lake at Sebaste.
But since the manifest proof of the piety of the empress is something that does not lack a place in ecclesiastical history, I shall now add to my account—even though it happened some time later—the discovery of the relics of the forty martyrs, which contains a story of a wondrous nature. A certain woman named Eusebia, who held the doctrines of Macedonius and served the office of deaconess in their church, possessed a house and a small garden outside the walls of the city of Constantinople. Therein she kept the relics of the forty soldiers who struggled for Christ in the lake at Sebaste during the times of Licinius. When she was about to die, she bequeathed that place to certain monks of the same religion, and bound them with oaths to bury her there, and to carve out for her a private sarcophagus, and to place the relics of the martyrs above her head; and that they should reveal what had been done to no one. They did indeed do so; but they, wishing to show favor to the martyrs and to render them the honor due, and at the same time desiring to keep their promises without any innovation—so that no one from the outside might know—constructed an underground oratory around the tomb of Eusebia, covering the top part of it level with the ground with burnt bricks, and they fashioned a secret staircase leading down to the martyrs. A Long afterward, a certain man named Caesarius, who had attained to great power, so as to be honored with the rank of consul and prefect, buried his own deceased wife beside the tomb of Eusebia; for this had been agreed upon by them while they were still living, for they were very devoted to one another and agreed in the belief of their religion. This also became a pretext for Caesarius to purchase that place, intending also himself to share the burial there with his wife. B The monks, however, having revealed nothing concerning the martyrs, departed from Constantinople according to their agreement and moved elsewhere. But after the building previously constructed openly over the tomb had collapsed, ruined by the power of time, and the place had been piled up with rubble, the whole region was leveled; at which time this same Caesarius, wishing to show favor to the martyr Thyrsus, raised a magnificent temple there to God. C But it seemed good to God that the place should be obscured on purpose, and that so long a time should pass, so that the discovery and the piety of the one who found them towards Him might appear the more illustrious. D
amorem redderet. Erat ea Pulcheria princeps, cui A third-night appearing, the martyr Thyrsus, revealed the martyrs covered by the earth, and commanded that they be taken up from the bosom of the earth and adorned with the same place and honor as himself. Not he alone, but also those forty, clad in strange and new chlamydes, manifested themselves. The matter was doubtful and wonderful, and seemed to exceed belief. For neither could any who were advanced in age among the clergy say anything about the martyrs, nor could any of those from outside point out where they were, until, when all were in despair, God brought to the memory of Polychronius, a certain very old man who had once been a presbyter and was akin to some of those connected with Caesarius, those monks who had formerly dwelt in that place. He approached the Macedonian B clerics, who were naturally of the same opinion as the monks, and inquired whether any of them was still alive. When he learned that the rest were dead but that one alone survived (for God seemed to have preserved him among the living to reveal the matter in question), Polychronius asked him to say whether the relics of the martyrs were buried in the designated place. Guarding the secret of silence, he denied that he knew of the matter. Polychronius, on the contrary, related to him the divine apparition and the reason the martyrs were causing these things to happen to the empress, and also the state of doubt and despair into which everyone had fallen. After he understood this, he acknowledged that the empress's vision was true. "For when I was a youth," he said, "and was learning the monastic way of life from the elder monks, I knew well that the martyrs were buried here beside the tomb of Eusebia. C But since the place itself has been reduced and changed into another form than the one you now see, and especially since so much time has passed in the interim, I cannot know with certainty whether they were buried beneath the shrine of Caesarius or elsewhere." "But I," Polychronius replied, "do not suffer the same as you. For when the wife of Caesarius was being consigned to burial, I was present, and drawing a conjecture from the public road that is very near here, I think she is situated beneath the ambo, which is the readers' platform." "Then," said the monk, "the tomb of Eusebia must also be sought, which is not far from the spouse of Caesarius. D Since the women themselves while alive had much fellowship with one another, and a pact existed between them that even after death they should have contiguous monuments." Therefore, when, upon the signs and conjectures of this kind, they began to dig, searching for these holy relics at the command of the empress, first of all the chest of the spouse of Caesarius appeared around the ambo, just as Polychronius had gathered from certain conjectures. Then indeed a pavement appeared, distinguished by baked brick, under which lay a marble slab of the same dimensions. And under it the tomb of Eusebia and that holy subterranean shrine were found, constructed with great skill, and encrusted with both white and porphyry marble. The lid of the chest
A was fashioned as if for a holy table. At the very top of the head—the place where the martyrs lay—a small hole opened in the slab, into which one of those standing by from the imperial retinue inserted a thin rod he was carrying; then, having drawn it back up, he brought it to his nostrils and perceived a fragrance of indescribable sweetness. From this, good hope arose for those who were overseeing the work, and for those who were laboring at it. In no time at all, they uncovered the coffin and found Eusebia lying very decorously. And that which was placed at the head, protruding in the shape of a chest, was excellently well-hewn and covered within by another lid. On each rim of the lid lay iron, joined by molten lead. This also showed the same thing as the previous opening; it was a clear sign that the martyrs were buried there. When these things were reported, the empress and Proclus, the bishop of the city, hastened with all speed to the martyrium. And indeed, once those iron bindings had been skillfully loosened B and the lid easily removed, there was much scented oil beneath it; and in the oil were found two caskets fashioned of silver, in which the holy relics were piously placed. The empress, therefore, having been deemed worthy of such a revelation, immediately offered sacrifices of thanksgiving to God for the discovery of the holy relics; then, placing them in a costly casket, and wishing to honor the martyrs, she deposited them beside the martyr Thyrsus. That day was a most joyous festival, celebrated as was fitting with becoming honor: a procession and a splendid spectacle were held, with auspicious acclamations and the addition of the scent of ointments, with almost every age and the city itself pouring forth out of the city to honor the martyrs. I have learned that these things came to pass in this manner. Fame, indeed, held C that God had foretold future events to this princess in many other matters as well, and had borne witness to her great love for God and to that of her sisters, who lived in that same manner of life. Indeed, having found the relics of the martyr Laurence and Agnes, she brought them to Constantinople; for which reason she also built a shrine most vast in size and most beautiful in its structure. In the time of the succeeding reign, while Gennadius was overseeing the throne of Constantine, the relics of the holy Anastasia Pharmakolytria were also brought from Sirmium and deposited in her martyrium, which is situated very near to what is called the portico of Domninus. D Moreover, during the episcopacy of Atticus, the relics of the prophet Samuel were also brought and deposited in his own prophetic shrine, which I believe I have mentioned was built near the Seventh Mile. But as for these matters, I think we have spoken sufficiently; now it is time to return to the matters that follow in the ecclesiastical history.
CAPUT XI.
Of the succession to the great episcopal sees; and how Theodosius, the bishop of Synada, severely afflicted the Macedonians, and especially Agapetus, their bishop, by persecution. But after Theodosius had gone to Byzantium, Agapetus, having embraced the orthodox religion, took possession of Theodosius's seat, while the latter was ordered by Atticus to keep quiet and live in retirement.A At that time, Innocent ruled the churches in Rome, having succeeded Anastasius, who had succeeded Siricius, and Siricius had succeeded Damasus. In Alexandria, Theophilus still presided over the churches. Among the Antiochenes, the detestable Porphyrius held the bishopric after the divine Flavian. At Jerusalem, after Cyril, John was still administering the sacred office. Atticus, after the illustrious John and Arsacius, had charge of the Constantinopolitan church. What kind of person this Atticus was, in family, life, learning, and doctrine, we explained in the previous book. I will now relate those ecclesiastical events of note that occurred under him.
Synada is a city of Phrygian Pacatiana, where at that time a certain Theodosius had been allotted the pastoral office. He cruelly drove out the followers of the Macedonian religion—and they were very numerous there—not only from the city itself, but also from the surrounding countryside. He did this, however, neither in the manner of the orthodox and right-thinking Church, which has once and for all renounced every persecution, nor from zeal or emulative striving for approved faith; but, seized by the disease of avarice, he made it his greatest priority to scrape together money from everywhere, even from those who thought differently from him. Therefore, he left no stone unturned, as the saying goes, waging war against the Macedonians along with his own clergy, and devising six hundred ways to summon them into court, and he threw them into chains and custody. He was particularly harsh to Agapetus, the leader of their church. B And when the provincial governors seemed insufficient to persecute them, he fled to the Emperor, seeking the prefect’s mandates.
While he was tarrying in Constantinople on this account, and as time was thus being drawn out, Agapetus wove an excellent plan with his clergy. For having gathered the people who were under him, he proposed a clever invention and persuaded them to such an extent that, having abandoned their ancestral heresy, they embraced the faith of the consubstantial. Once this was sufficiently confirmed, he betook himself into the church together with that very multitude; and there, having finished his prayer, and having wished peace to the people as is the custom, he ascended the throne on which Theodosius had been accustomed to sit. C And with the populace united among themselves, henceforth teaching the faith of the consubstantial, he reduced the churches of Synada under his own power.
With the matter thus accomplished, a little later Theodosius came there from Constantinople, bringing with him aid from the prefect. Knowing nothing of what had happened there, he entered the church with the plan and resolve he had held, and being driven from there by everyone, he again D [returned] to Byzantium
Coming to bishop Atticus, he lamented his plight, namely that he had been driven from his throne against the accepted customs and constitutions of the Catholic Church. Atticus, considering internally that this affair had turned out to the benefit of the Church, even if something unreasonable had been mixed into it, consoled him with kind words and exhorted him henceforth to lead a private and quiet life, teaching that public interests are most especially to be preferred over private ones. He wrote to Agapetus, confirming his episcopacy with his own authority, and stating that whatever adversity had fallen upon him from the enmity of Theodosius should be postponed and disregarded. This turned out to be most useful for the Church in the times of Atticus. B
CAPUT XII. Concerning the paralyzed Jew who was baptized and miraculously healed during the priesthood of Atticus, bishop of Constantinople.
The state of affairs in those times was not, however, devoid of distinguished miracles or wonderful healings. For a certain Jew, who had been paralyzed for many years, lay in his bed like a mere burden. When every Jewish prayer and the art of physicians had caused them to despair of his life, finally, having despaired of all things, he formed a divine resolution to undergo Christian baptism, hoping that this alone would henceforth be a suitable remedy for his help and health. When this was announced to Atticus, he instructed him in the sacred matters according to our custom, and duly taught him to have good hope in Christ through the Gospel. Having finished the reading, he ordered him to be carried to the sacred bath. There, having sincerely received the grace of baptism by faith, he immediately left his disease in the baptistery, and returned thence perfectly whole, so that thereafter he carried nothing in his body of that former plague of paralysis C which had been fixed in him for a long time. Such power did the omnipotent Lord then, beyond everyone's expectation, infuse into the grace of baptism, through which many indeed of the Greeks flocked to embrace baptism. But the Jews, who had once and for all decided to seek signs for themselves, were not persuaded even by this most evident miracle to do the same. Such wonders did Christ still show to men at that time. Yet very many, even with these signs being performed, turned back like swine to their own wickedness and malice. For not only did they not believe the miraculous signs, but if there were others who were in the habit of quibbling, they were observed following them and embracing the same opinion and sentiment. D
CAPUT XIII. Concerning the succession of the Novatians and Arians: and what disturbances also agitated the Novatians on account of Sabbatius, who had illegitimately seized the episcopacy.
For that Sabbatius, whom I mentioned before, not content with his rank and honor, but
A wishing to be a bishop, yet having no one from whom he might receive the episcopacy, withdrew from the Novatian church under the pretext of observing the feast of Pascha. And having begun to hold unlawful assemblies near the Forum of Arcadius, which is nicknamed Xerolophos, that is, "dry mound," he spent most of his time there, and dared to set upon a deed worthy of the severest punishment. For when he ought to have read that part of the Gospel lesson in a certain crowded assembly which says: "Now it was the Jews' feast, which is called Pascha," he wove into the divine text other things of his own invention, which neither Scripture nor any human ear had ever heard. And what were these? "Accursed," he said, "is he who celebrates Pascha without unleavened bread." This statement, having been heard by those present and spread to many, snatched away and dragged over—even those who were sincere among the Novatians—to that man himself. Yet this quibbling did not profit the man for long; for this invention turned out to his detriment. For not long after, he was celebrating the feast day according to his preconceived notion, and a great multitude had flocked to him. But when they were performing the sacred ceremonies during the accustomed vigil, as was befitting, a report came through—a demonic one—that Sisinnius the bishop was coming against them with a great multitude. Upon this, a huge tumult was raised, and as it was night and they were constrained by the narrowness of the place, they struggled among themselves, and, being crushed by one another, B more than seventy perished. This incident surely caused many to depart from Sabbatius, although not a few remained with him and followed his rustic opinion.
Now, Sisinnius having died, Chrysanthus was called to the charge of the Novatian church; he was the son of Marcianus, who had held the episcopacy before Sisinnius. He, having served in the imperial court from his youth, and having become consular of Italy under the first Theodosius, and then also vicar of the British Isles, had earned admiration and praise in the administration of public affairs. Advanced in age, he came to Constantinople, and while seeking the prefecture of some city, he was drawn into the episcopacy. For Sisinnius, departing from this life, had made mention of this man, saying he was suitable for undertaking the episcopacy. The people received this word of his as if it were an unalterable law, and by force, against his will, drew him to the presidency of the church. But when he had fled, Sabbatius, deeming the time opportune to accomplish what he was striving for, persuaded certain bishops of little account—whom he had drawn into his friendship—to lay hands upon him, C setting aside the oaths he had previously sworn. Among those who consecrated him was that same Hermogenes, who, on account of certain blasphemous writings he had composed, had been condemned and excommunicated by him. Yet not even in this way did the ambitious quest for the episcopacy succeed for Sabbatius. For he was hateful to the people, and because with a wicked intention he was pulling every string to slip into the episcopacy, he was driven out. But they sought Chrysanthus again, whom they found hiding in Bithynia and led, against his will, to the episcopacy.
A Since he was a very prudent and chaste man, he increased the church of the Novatians with great growth. For he would spend his own money on the poor, and he took nothing from the church except for the two loaves of blessing which he had on the Lord's day. And he became so zealous for the Church that he also persuaded Ablabius, the most noble orator and student of the sophist Troilus, to join him and enlisted him into the order of presbyters; his popular sermons, moreover, were sweet and vehement for a long time. This man later presided over the Novatian church in the city of Nicaea, while continuing to profess sophistry. B In Alexandria, however, the churches of the Novatians were closed, and their treasures were made public property. Their bishop, Theopompus, was left destitute. Nor did they fare better in Rome; for since their churches had been taken away, they held gatherings in obscure places. For although up to this present time they had flourished with many and crowded churches, they were stripped of everything by the bishops of the Catholic Church, not being allowed to assemble freely; and after being deprived of all their belongings, they were brought to account—or so it was claimed—with praise. Yet they did not suffer this in Constantinople; but the authorities allowed them to continue their worship and assemble within the city, provided only that they did not preach the consubstantial, as we have already discussed sufficiently. C And so much for the Novatians. At that time, Dorotheus, who had presided over the Arian religion in Constantinople, having reached the one hundred and twentieth year of his life, departed this life; the Arians had brought him from Antioch to Constantinople because he was zealous for their religion. His successor was a man named Barbas, under whom the Arian religion was favored with two illustrious men, both of whom were presbyters: one was named Georgius, and the other Timotheus. Now Georgius was more practiced in Greek learning, while Timotheus was more devoted to the divine scriptures. The former was always occupied with Aristotle and Plato, while the latter breathed Origen on his tongue; and while teaching the sacred scriptures with boldness, he also labored in the Hebrew language. D Timotheus, for his part, had shared in the Psathyrian heresy, but Georgius had been ordained by Barbas. Timotheus was ready and prepared to respond regarding the sacred scriptures and could easily resolve and explain whatever obscure points might be found in the divine oracles; and for all things, he used Origen as his primary witness. It occurs to me to wonder about both of them, and how it was that they could bring their minds to follow the dogmas of Arius, when the one breathed Plato and the other Origen outright. For neither does Plato say that the second and third—as he is wont to call them—have received a principle of existence; and Origen, in all his writings, declares the Son to be co-eternal with the Father. Nevertheless, even if... [index: entries preserved]
they remained in the Church, they corrected the Arian religion by degrees and in secret, and brought it to a better state. For they rejected many of the blasphemies of Arius in their books. So much for these matters. A
CHAPTER XIV
How Cyril, son of his sister, after Theophilus, obtained his Alexandrian see; and concerning the sedition of the Jews stirred up in Alexandria.
In the fifth year of the reign of Theodosius, Theophilus of Alexandria was seized by a lethargic disease and departed this life on the fifteenth day of the month of October. B And when a contention arose regarding the petition for the episcopate, it pleased some that a certain Timotheus, who was archdeacon of that church, should be chosen as bishop; but others favored Cyril more, who was the son of Theophilus’s brother, and who excelled everyone in many ways by his knowledge of both secular and sacred literature. Moreover, he excelled in every kind of virtue and had attained praise and glory in every respect; many of his writings are still circulated to these times, the best of which he entitled *Treasures*, in which he demonstrates the mystery of the Holy Trinity from all the scriptures of the sacred letters by syllogistic reasonings and proofs. Another, furthermore, whose title is *Glaphyra*—that is, "learned points" or "elegancies"—in which he refers to Christ and our Church those things which were spoken figuratively in the ancient Scriptures. There is also another book which bears the title *On Spiritual Worship*. Another, for Palladium, composed in dialogue form in defense of the Holy Spirit; and also the one he composed against Julian in defense of the holy Gospel. And there are many others besides these, as well as letters. What kind of man he was will clearly appear when we pursue the affairs of Nestorius and the third synod. C When, however, a sedition arose among the people concerning the choice of a bishop, Abundantius, who was then commander of the military ranks, gave no small weight to the party of Timotheus. But on the third day after the death of Theophilus, the other faction, which had designated Cyril, won the day: and Cyril proceeded to the episcopate with greater pomp, in the manner of secular magistrates, than the bishops his predecessors. Whence a beginning was made in the Alexandrian Church of bishops caring even more for secular business. D Furthermore, Cyril from the very beginning allowed no heresy to be openly practiced in Alexandria. He also expelled the nation of the Jews therefrom for a cause of this kind. For the whole populace, to speak in sum, is seditious, and is most easily moved to warlike tumults; but the Alexandrian people especially delights in such things and is prone to riots: and if it seizes even a slight occasion, it is immediately kindled: and it does not desist until it has fallen into intolerable evils: and it is not easily settled and composed without the shedding of blood.
Chapter XIV
A The theater was being gathered for the dancers, especially since the Jews were not using their leisure for the hearing of the Law, but were rather occupied with the theaters. For this reason, this day was becoming an occasion of conflict for the parts of the populace; and on this account, though the prefect of Alexandria had stood in his rank, the Jews B nonetheless pressed on, as if being in opposition to the other side. Now, this race is always hostile to the Christians, and thinking it piety, believing that it would be the cause of the greatest possible evil befalling us; but at that time, even more so because of the aforementioned reason of the dancers, they were extremely at odds with them.
And while Orestes, the prefect of Alexandria, was publishing a certain ordinance for the people (for so they are accustomed to name civic decrees), there were present also those who were of the mind of Bishop Cyril, to see such decrees; among whom was a certain man named Hierax. He was a teacher of elementary letters, but he was so attached to the teachings of Cyril that he preferred nothing else than to hear him, and he was eager to stir up applause for his ideas. C When the multitude of the Jews saw him, they immediately began to shout, claiming he had come to the theater for no other reason than to stir up sedition among the people. The prefect Orestes, even before this, hated the irrational power usurped by the bishops, because they wished to draw to themselves many of the public affairs that belonged to his jurisdiction; and most of all, because at that time Cyril had also decided to examine the prefect’s decrees in detail, and, as one might say, to meddle in them.
Therefore, he immediately had Hierax seized, subjected him to scourging, and tortured him severely. When the most divine Cyril learned of this, he summoned the leaders of the Jews to him and admonished them as was fitting; and finally, he even threatened them with terrible consequences if they did not cease stirring up the people and provoking them against the Christians as much as they could. But they, having heard these threats, were more incited, and devised many schemes for the destruction of the Christians; the most prominent of which, and one that excelled the others in malice—the very cause, as I shall explain as I am able, of the Jews being expelled from Alexandria—I will now recount.
For having gathered in common, they made a pact with one another, so that each would wear a ring made of palm bark, and would attack the Christians by night. And indeed, one night, they sent some men through the quarters of the city shouting that the church of the Christians, which was named after Bishop Alexander, was burning with fire. When this cry suddenly reached the ears of the Christians, others ran about from here and there to assist their own church. But the Jews, having immediately attacked, proceeded to kill; they refrained from harming one another by the sign of the rings, but they slaughtered any Christians they encountered. When day came, the matter was made manifest to those who had done it. D
A And Cyril, being filled with zeal, came with a great multitude to their synagogues; and he took them away, and made their property a spoil for the multitude, and drove them all out of the city together. Thus the Jews, who had inhabited that city from the times of Alexander, departed in need of all things, dispersed where each one’s lot carried him. One of them, however, named Adamantius, skilled in the art of medicine, came to Constantinople and approached the bishop Atticus, embraced the sacred rites of the Christians, and returned to Alexandria a long time afterward, and inhabited that city.
CHAPTER XV.
B *Concerning the dissension of Cyril against the prefect Orestes: and how Orestes was struck on the forehead with a stone, and concerning the zeal of the monks of Nitria.*Orestes, the prefect of Alexandria, taking this grievously and considering it a huge loss that a city so illustrious should be deprived of so many men, reported the matter to the emperor. Cyril himself likewise did not cease; for he also wrote to the prince concerning the absurd audacity of the Jews, and no less did he act to restore friendship with Orestes: for the Alexandrian populace compelled him to do so. But after Orestes did not admit a petition for the reconciliation of favor, Cyril brought forth the volume of the holy Gospels, thinking that by the reverence due to it, he might use it to make Orestes more placable. C But when, even then, he did not remit his anger, and an implacable war was stirred up between them, this happened. Certain monks inhabiting the neighboring mountains, and especially those of Nitria, inflamed with zeal and emulation, fought on behalf of Cyril in the same manner as they had defended his uncle, when Theophilus, beyond all reason, had armed them against Dioscorus and Ammonius. Therefore, leaving the monasteries, being more than five hundred men, they reached Alexandria. Finding him proceeding in his carriage in public, they assailed him with insults, calling him a sacrificer to idols and a Greek, and reviling him with other contumelies of that sort. D He, believing that these things were done at the instigation of Cyril, professed himself to be a Christian, and that he had been initiated into the mysteries of baptism at Constantinople by Atticus. The monks, however, did not deign to answer him even with a word. And one of them, whose name was Ammonius, even cast a stone at the face of the prefect; from which he was all covered with blood. Furthermore, his attendants and soldiers, with few exceptions, fled, one this way and one that, fearing the pelting of stones. When the people heard this, they all flowed together to bring aid to the prefect. The monks, therefore, sought their safety in flight. But they caught Ammonius and brought him to the tribunal;
A there, the judge ordered that he be handled according to law, and he had him tortured until he departed this life. Both Orestes and Cyril reported this matter to the Emperor. Cyril took up the body of Ammonius and buried it in one of the churches, having imposed upon it another name; for instead of Ammonius, he renamed him Thaumasius—that is, "The Admirable"—and deemed him worthy of the honor of a martyr. B Indeed, in the church he praised the boldness and zeal of the man, as one who had purportedly endured the contest for the sake of true piety. Yet, to the multitude of his fellow-believers, such honor did not appear justified. For they said that he had suffered the punishment because of his rashness, and not because he had chosen to die rather than deny Christ. Consequently, Cyril quietly desisted, and allowed the affair of Ammonius to fall into oblivion. However, the discord between Orestes and Cyril did not end its intensity there; but another event, occurring later and no less grave, overshadowed it. What that was, must now be told.
CAPUT XVI. Concerning the philosopher Hypatia, how she was killed by the clergy of Cyril; and concerning the judgment that the Jews suffered for mocking the Christian sacraments.
C There was in Alexandria a certain woman named Hypatia, who had been raised by her father, Theon the philosopher, and had been well instructed. She excelled so much in the branches of learning that she surpassed not only the philosophers of her own time, but also those who had lived long before her, and she succeeded to the leadership of the Platonic school of thought descended from Plotinus. She was readily available to everyone who wished to gain knowledge of the disciplines; hence, those who had an erotic love for philosophy ran to her, not only because of the noble freedom of speech that was in her, but also because she approached those in authority with prudence. D Nor did it seem unseemly for her to be in the midst of men: for all held her in reverence because of her extreme modesty, and she was on everyone's lips and was held in admiration by all. Then, however, envy armed itself even against her. For, since she frequently visited Orestes, she stirred up calumny against herself among the clergy of Cyril, as if she were the one preventing a reconciliation between Cyril and the prefect. Therefore, some of those who nurtured a burning love for Cyril—led by a certain Peter who served in the rank of reader—observed her returning from somewhere, dragged her from her carriage, and hauled her to the church which bears the name of Caesar. There, they stripped her of her garments and killed her with potsherds; then, having torn her limb from limb, they took her to a place called Cinaron and consigned her to the fire. This deed brought no small reproach upon Cyril.
For envy, rivalry, strife, fighting, murders, and all things similar are entirely alien to those who choose to follow Christ. A These things occurred in the fourth year of Cyril’s episcopal administration of Alexandria, and the sixth year of the reign of Theodosius, in the month of March, while the holy fasts were being celebrated.
Not long after, the Jews, having once again committed an abominable crime against the Christians, paid the penalty they deserved at a place called Inmestar, situated between Chalcis and Antioch, which lies by the river Orontes. For the Jews, while engaged in their customary games and having gone beyond the bounds of propriety through the excess of their drunkenness, mocked not only the Christians but even the Savior Christ Himself in their diversions. Mocking the life-giving wood of the Cross and those who place their hope in it, they devised a cruel scheme. Seizing a Christian child, they bound him to a cross and first subjected him to laughter and mockery; then, having lost their senses, they scourged him to such an extent that he finally expired.
What followed? Many from their side and many also from our side joined in a clash, and a fierce battle ensued on both sides, such that a great number were slain. When the emperor learned of what had occurred, he wrote to the provincial magistrates, commanding them to punish the chief authors of such a great evil as was fitting. The arrested Jews paid the just penalty for the crime committed in sport, being punished by fine, the sword, and other chastisements. B
CHAPTER XVII.
Regarding the Hebrew who, having been baptized many times by deceit, came also to Paul, the bishop of the Novatians, and as the baptismal font was made ready, the water suddenly vanished, God exposing his wickedness.
In the meantime, Chrysanthus, the bishop of the Novatians, passed away after having administered his office for seven years, and Paul succeeded him in the episcopate. Paul had first been a teacher of Latin letters, but, bidding these farewell, he turned his life toward the ascetic way of life. Having established a monastery of philosophical men, he lived a life that was better even than those who live in the desert. For he was such as Evagrius says monks who dwell in the wilderness ought to be; and to these men he conformed his own life, fasting continually, speaking very little, partaking of no food that had possessed a soul, and for the most part using neither wine nor oil. He pursued those in need with the greatest love, visiting those confined in prisons as much as any other bishop could; and he brought petitions to the governors on behalf of those who were being wronged. C They, in turn, would quickly grant his requests because of the piety that was in the man. A matter occurred under his tenure that is worthy not to be given over to oblivion and silence, which I have also recorded, having found it in Socrates. A certain Jew, having D passed himself off as a Christian not once but many times...
submitted to baptism, employing a certain art and trafficking, that he might gain some money. And when he had traversed almost all the religions, having sought baptism among the Arians, that is to say, and the Macedonians, and there were no others remaining whom he might thereafter deceive, at last he came to this Paul, the bishop of the Novatians. And having pretended to desire to be baptized by his hands, he begged that he might obtain his request. He, welcoming the warmth of his zeal, yet did not permit the baptism before he had been instructed, according to custom, in the word of faith, and had completed the fast that customarily precedes it. But that man, being hard pressed by the fast, which was imposed upon him contrary to his expectations, insisted more frequently that his desire be met. When Paul, seeing such warmth in him, no longer wished to distress him by delay, he made ready the things pertaining to baptism. And indeed, having prepared B honorable clothing, and having ordered the baptistery to be filled with water as was the custom, he brought the Jew to it, that he might baptize him naked. But by some ineffable power of divine Providence, the water suddenly vanished. When it seemed to those present and to the bishop—who were unaware of what had happened—that the water had flowed away through the underlying drain, by which it was accustomed to be sent out after the rite, they brought in other water, having secured with great care the outlets of the font. But when the Hebrew was again led up, the water again likewise vanished. Paul, realizing it, said, "Either you are committing a wicked act, O man, or you appear to be unaware that you have already received baptism." Many people ran together at the report, one of whom recognized the Jew, that he had earlier received baptism from bishop Atticus. I have recorded this not in passing, but that we might know C that grace often displays its own power even through the unworthy, suffering no harm therefrom. And it is especially worthy of admiration that it thus manifests itself in various ways in new situations, through the worthy at the same time, and sometimes even, if need requires it, through the unworthy.
CHAPTER XVIII.
How Christianity was also spread among the Persians through Maruthas, bishop of Mesopotamia, and Abdas, bishop of Persia. At that same time, it came to pass that Christianity made great progress also in the land of the Persians. For since Isdigerdes had been appointed guardian to Theodosius by his father, and had become a very great friend to the Romans, frequent causes arose, on account of which frequent embassies were sent back and forth between the Romans and the Persians. Therefore, necessity demanding it, Maruthas, the bishop of Mesopotamia—who, as we said a little before, had crushed the foot of Cyrinus, the bishop of Chalcedon—was also sent as an envoy. And when he had come to the Persians, the king openly held Maruthas in great honor, as a man dear to God and endowed with much piety. When the Magi saw such honor being paid to a bishop of the Roman domain, (which was very greatA in their own eyes, for they possessed power under the king), they were consumed within themselves and tossed about by various thoughts, fearing lest, along with the affection he felt for him, he should also embrace his religion. For indeed, a chronic and severely pressing headache, with which Isdigerdes had been afflicted, Maruthas had immediately cured by prayer, beseeching the Divine—something the Magi, having tried everything and done everything, had despaired of being able to accomplish. They therefore resolved to approach the king with deceit. Since the Persians worship fire in general, and call those men "Magi" who assign the elements to the number of the gods, and it was the king’s custom to worship the perpetually burning fire, the Magi hid a certain man underground, at the time when the king was accustomed to arrive, and instructed him to call out these words: "The king must begone, for he is judged by God to be impious, in that he so greatly loves and deems as dear to God the priest of the Christians." B When the Persian heard this, he determined to dismiss Maruthas, honestly and respectfully, yet entirely to turn him away. But Maruthas, being strongly inclined toward prayer out of his love for God, easily learned from whence this trick of the Persians came. Approaching Isdigerdes, he said, "Do not be so easily deceived, O king. But go into the shrine, and when you hear the voice being carried to you, command them to dig up the earth, and the deceit will immediately be revealed. For fire, being inanimate, is in no way able to utter a voice; but this story is fabricated by human craft." Isdigerdes yields to these words. And when he went in again to the small chamber where the perpetual fire was kept, and the same voice was carried to him, he straightway commanded the place to be dug up; and the man who, from beneath the earth, had personated a god, was exposed as a mortal. The Persian, therefore, being stung with anger because of this, decimated the race of the Magi. After this had taken place, Maruthas was given instructions to build C a church in whatever place he wished within the land of the Persians. From that time forth, Christianity spread freely, one might say, even within the borders of the Persians, from day to day. And Maruthas, having at that time successfully completed the embassy for which he had come, returned to Constantinople. But when it was necessary for an orator to be sent again into Persia, he went on that embassy a second time. The Magi, however, were once again contriving the same things, acting in such a way that the king might not treat him as he had before, nor hold him in such great honor. And by a certain art and machination, they stirred up an intolerable stench in the place where the king was wont to walk. And furthermore, they concocted a calumny, that this stench had been contrived by the companions of the Christian bishop. But the prince, judging from what they had done before, and suspecting that this too was their invention, searched with all zeal to track down the authors of that incident. And when they were again found to be the perpetrators of that vile odor, he once again subjected very many of the Magi to punishments; but Maruthas he honored even more greatly. D Consequently, he loved the Romans and wonderfully cherished their friendship. Moreover, led by a great love and yearning, he desired to become a Christian, persevering in intense prayers with Abdas, the bishop of Persia, and...
having openly cast out the demon that was troubling his son. A
Chapter XIX. How Abdas dismantled the temple of the sacred fire, whence both he and others endured the struggle of martyrdom: and concerning the most bitter torments which the Persians devised against those who believed in Christ.
But Isdigerdes departed this life before he could become a complete Christian; the kingdom devolved upon his son Varanes. He did not treat the Christians with the same disposition as his father; for, being persuaded by the Magi, who were hostilely inclined toward them, he both dissolved the treaties concluded with the Romans, and cruelly persecuted the Christians who were there, having devised new Persian punishments. I shall relate, tracing the matter back to its origin, what the cause was for the war that arose there against the Church. The bishop of Persia, whom we have said a little before was called Abdas, shining with many excellent ornaments of virtue, stood out especially in his zeal and emulation for Christ. B And at one time, having used this [cautiously/imprudently—*here meaning zealously*], he dismantled the sacred fire of the Persians: for among them the temple of fire, and the fire itself, is considered God. When Varanes, the king of the Magi and the Persians, learned of this, he summoned Abdas. At first he rebuked him moderately, blaming him for what had been done; afterwards, however, he ordered him to restore the temple of fire to its appearance. But as he resisted and asserted that he would not do this in the least, he threatened to dismantle all the churches of the Christians, and he carried out his threats in deed. Thus, the churches were utterly destroyed, while that divine man, having been killed, had previously earned the crown of martyrdom.
To me, however, the dismantling of the sacred fire seems to have been done not quite rightly; C seeing that when the divine Paul had come to Athens, which was addicted to idols, no altar that was worshipped there was destroyed by him. But, refuting the madness of falsehood with words, he introduced the truth, and by the altar itself he rather led men to true piety. But that he was unwilling to restore the temple of the fire that had been destroyed, when he could have done so very easily, but rather offered himself to be slaughtered than to commit that act—this I admire above all, and deem worthy of many crowns. For it is the same thing to worship the fire itself and to build its shrine. D From that point, therefore, the storm arose, and it stirred up wild and very grievous waves against the fosterlings of the Church; and this tempest lasted for thirty years, with the Magi increasing it, as it were, like certain turbulent winds. We have already said that those who worship the elements as gods are called Magi among the Persians. The magnitude of the punishments, and the inventions and forms of the bitter tortures, which they brought upon the pious, a tongue could not easily express clearly.
A For some had both hands cut off with an axe, while from others the skin of their backs was flayed. Some they left with their heads stripped of skin, starting from the forehead down to the beard. Others they covered by splitting reeds and fitting these into their entire bodies, with sharp splinters attached to them piercing into the flesh; then, binding them with stronger cords in a circle from head to foot, they drew each reed with great force, so that they sank deep into the flesh, and by such traction they tore away the part of the body near the skin, causing more bitter pains. But they also carefully fenced in pits and let huge swarms of mice into them; then they provided to them the foster-children of piety as food, after binding their hands and feet with a tighter bond, so that they could not attempt to drive them away. The mice, pressed by severe hunger, devoured the flesh of the saints, inflicting upon them a very intense and heavy pain. B Many other and worse miseries did they devise—the devil, the enemy of truth, acting as instructor in such matters—but they did not blunt the noble courage of those men. For they of their own will offered themselves to the struggle, yearning for the immortal one and the dispenser of eternal life.
CAPUT XX.
Concerning Achaemenides, and Saanes, and Benjamin the deacon, and how, after being most cruelly tortured by the Persians, they obtained the crown of martyrdom.
There was a certain man among the Persians by the name of Achaemenides, also called Hormisdes, the son of a prefect, a man highly illustrious and wealthy. When the king heard that he was a Christian, he brought him into the midst and ordered him to deny the Savior. But he replied that the king's commands were not only unjust, but also disadvantageous to the king himself. C "For to whom such a necessity is imposed, easily and readily to deny the God of the universe, to him it would be far easier also to despise the king and pass over to another. For the king, since he is a man, has been allotted by nature to be subject to fate. But if," he said, "it seems to you that he should be punished who denies your rule and counts your scepter as nothing, much more rightly, I think, does punishment hang over him who denies the Lord of all things." When the king, instead of being amazed at such freedom of speech in a man, ought to have been struck with wonder, he ordered his wealth to be taken away and him to be stripped of his dignity, and, naked, covered only by a loincloth, to lead the camels of the royal retinue. A few days passed, when the king, looking out from an upper portico, saw that glorious man burned by the heat of the sun and covered in dust; and, calling to mind the glory of his father, he brought him back and clothed him in a tunic made of linen. And thinking that, consumed by toil and misery, and brought [to a lower state] by the D acts of kindness and mercy shown to him, he would now be easier and more inclined to accept his favor, he said, "Even now at last, put aside your former error..."
and cast the son of the carpenter out of your soul." A But he, being inflamed, tore his tunic in two and cast it away, crying out with a loud voice: "If you think that for the sake of this [tunic] I should change my most excellent religion, take your gift back to yourself, together with your impiety." B When the king saw him standing with such courage, he drove him naked out of the royal palace. There was another man named Saenes, who resisted the king and would by no means choose to deny the Lord of all. The king chose the most wretched of his servants, and having taken the authority over his companions—who were a thousand in number—away from Saenes, he bestowed it upon that servant, and ordered Saenes to serve him, and even joined his consort and mistress to that servant. For in this way he thought he would persuade that lover of truth to change his mind and opinion. But his scheme had no success at all; for his house was not founded upon the sand, but upon the rock of his soul. C He also arrested a certain deacon named Benjamin and delivered him to prison. When he had spent two years in confinement, a Roman ambassador came to the Persian [king] on some official business and intervened as an intermediary, requesting the release of the deacon. The king promised this to the envoy, provided only that Benjamin would pledge himself that he would not persuade any of the Magi to accept the Christian religion. The envoy then shared this matter with Benjamin, and what the Persian sought. But he said it was impossible not to put to use the light of which he had so abundantly partaken. For the book of the divine Gospels very clearly sets forth how great a punishment befalls the man who hid his talent. Being ignorant of this matter, the king ordered him to be released from his bonds. And he returned to his usual duty, catching those who were held in the darkness of error and leading them to the divine and intellectual light. As a year passed, the deeds of Benjamin were reported to the king; and so, having brought him in, he ordered him to deny the Lord whom he sincerely preached. And he said to the king: "What would he deserve, who, denying his own kingdom, should choose another?" D And he said, "Death and the ultimate punishment." Then Benjamin added: "What punishment, therefore, is indeed worthy enough for a man to suffer who denies the Lord of all, and Savior, and Guardian, and offers the worship due to Him to one of his fellow servants, and does not pay the debt owed to Him?" The king, angered by these words, ordered an equal number of reeds to be sharpened as there were fingers on his hands and feet, and to be driven under his nails. But when he saw the crown-bound athlete receiving such torment as if it were a game or a joke, he sharpened another reed and thrust it into his virile member; by repeatedly thrusting it in and pulling it out, he caused him unspeakable and unbearable pain. When he had generously endured this most bitter torture as well, he brought on another, which showed the former ones to be secondary. For he ordered a thick rod to be brought, protruding with dense knots of branches on every side; and he ordered this to be forced into the athlete's seat, and then to be drawn through it time and again, and to be driven against him most violently. Upon which, not being able to endure any more
and at his command was drawn back. When he could no longer endure this torture, the brave champion and athlete of the truth rendered up his spirit. But ten thousand other things also were dared by those impious men, such as what, indeed, happened to Jacob the Persian. For he, having previously been a Christian, had abandoned his ancestral religion on account of his friendship with Isdigerdes, the king of the Persians; but since, through his mother and wife, he fled back to the faith in Christ, the king, who held sway over him, being embittered by this very thing, subjected him to a certain cruel and novel death after many torments. For having been severed at every single joint of his body—from his hands, arms, feet, and shins—so that only his head remained along with his stomach, since not even then did he abandon his faith in Christ, this too was finally severed by the sword. We should by no means wonder if the Lord of all things endured their savagery. For the emperors who preceded Constantine’s reign vomited forth their rage against the champions of true piety. In particular, Diocletian, the most terrible of all, even on the day of the venerable Passion, overthrew all the churches everywhere under Roman rule. But nine years having elapsed, they returned again to their former state, having blossomed forth; or rather, they received beauty and magnitude far more excellent than before, while he perished completely and was extinguished with his impiety. Regarding these wars and persecutions, the Lord himself has prophesied; but not only that, He has also predicted the invincible and insuperable state of His Church. The matter itself bears witness to this. For in a certain way, war brings us greater utility than peace itself, inasmuch as these temptations effect that the Church shines forth even more. For peace makes us soft, idle, and timid; but war both sharpens the spirit and persuades us not to be attached to present things but to despise them, and to esteem these fleeting and perishable things as nothing.
CAPUT XXI. That because of the persecution of the Christians the peace with the Persians was broken, a great struggle occurred between the Persians and Romans; and when the Romans had conquered by their valor, simultaneously both the war and the persecution of the Christians had an end, and peace was again established between the Romans and the Persians.
Christians among the Persians, pressed by unbearable miseries which were being brought upon them one after another, fled to the Romans, seeking their aid and requesting that they not be so afflicted and despised. Bishop Atticus kindly received the suppliants and was inclined to help them as much as he could; he brought the matter before the Emperor Theodosius and stirred him up to defend them. At that time other events also occurred, such that the Romans were no little annoyed at the Persians, because the Persians did not allow the Romans, who were subjects of Rome and were working there for hire in the gold mines, to return home; and also because the wares of the Roman merchants were being plundered.
A This injury brought refuge for the Christians to the city of Constantinople, and the affair spiraled into war. For the Persian, having sent ambassadors, sought that the fugitives be given back by the Romans. But the Romans were in no wise willing to do so, not only because they chose to save them as suppliants and petitioners, but also because they were prepared to see and suffer anything for the sake of their own religion, rather than to despise those with whom they shared a common faith. Consequently, the peace having been broken, a grave war arose between the Romans and the Persians, which it has seemed more convenient to cover briefly. For Ardaburius, that general sent from the B imperial court with not very many troops, invaded Persis through Armenia and ravaged one of its provinces (it is called Azazene). Opposing him, another general was sent out by the Persian commander, Narses, bringing with him a massive force. Having joined battle with Ardaburius, and having been defeated with a great slaughter of his own men, he took to flight. Having turned back from this, through Mesopotamia, he decided to invade the Roman territory, which was void of any garrison, and thus to wipe away the ignominy of the defeat he had suffered. But the plan which Narses had conceived could not remain hidden from Ardaburius, who, with as much speed as he C could muster, having utterly ravaged the region of Azazene, himself also sought Mesopotamia. Narses, although he had gathered troops of various kinds, did not dare to enter the Roman borders. However, from the city of Nisibis, which is situated on the borders of the Persians and the Romans, but is subject to the Persians, having sent certain men to Ardaburius, he informed him of the conditions for joining battle, having appointed a place and day on which it was necessary for the fight to take place. But he ordered it to be reported to Narses by the ambassadors: that the Romans would not engage in battle when he wished, but at whatever time it seemed convenient to them. And since he supposed that the D Persian would invade with great forces, having placed all his hope of war strictly in God, he himself gathered the greatest possible forces. But that he was aided by divine assistance, in which he most trusted, is sufficiently evident from what follows. In the city of Constantinople, when the citizens were in anxious solicitude, and were doubting to which side victory would smile, divine angels appeared to certain people in Bithynia, who were traveling to Constantinople for some business, and ordered them to announce there that they should apply themselves closely to prayer, and keep a stout heart, and trust in God that the victory would be for the Romans; adding, moreover, that they themselves were sent by God from there as indices and messengers of the victory, who were bringing the greatest immediate help to the Romans. When this matter reached the ears of the people, it not only gave courage to the citizens themselves, but also confirmed the bravery of the soldiers. Therefore, when the war, as has been said, was transferred from Armenia into Mesopotamia, the Romans, having made those who were in the city of Nisibis shut in and surrounded, began to press them with a siege, having constructed wooden towers, which, moving on certain wheels by means of engines, were brought up to the walls; and in the long wall-fighting, they destroyed many of those who were defending from above. But the king of the Persians, Vararanes, although he had been ravaged
A having learned that the Azazene region was desolated and that his own men were being shut in and B constrained at Nisibis by the violence of the siege engines, prepared to make an attempt with all the force he had at hand. But fearing the might of the Romans, he employed Saracen allies, whom Alamundarus led, a man brave and warlike; he, having brought many tens of thousands of Saracens with him, urged the king of the Persians to take heart, saying that he would very soon defeat the Romans in the first clash, and would subject to him even the great city of the Syrians, Antioch. This, indeed, he boasted, but his words did not reach completion. For those in whom the king trusted, the Saracens, having been seized by an unreasonable terror, and by the fantasy that they were being surrounded and driven by the greatest of the Roman forces, and having fallen into great disorder, not knowing what they should do, cast themselves along with their weapons into the Euphrates river. It is commonly held that a hundred thousand men perished there. And so this is what happened in that matter.
But the Romans who were mounting siege engines against Nisibis, having heard that the Persian was bringing forward a great multitude of elephants, and having been panic-stricken by fear, burned all their siege machines and returned to their own lands. However, I think it best to pass over how many battles were fought later, and how another Roman general, Areobindus, in single combat slew the one who was considered the bravest among the Persians, and how Ardaburius, by means of an ambush, caught and slew seven of the Persian commanders, and in addition to these, how Vitianus, another general of Theodosius, most effectively destroyed the remnants of the Saracens, lest I wander too far from my subject. C Yet, as for all that was happening in the war, the Emperor quickly learned of it, using a certain Palladius as a swift courier—a man robust in body and adamant in soul. He, riding his horse, was borne with such speed that in three days he would rapidly reach the borders that lie between the Persians and the Romans, and then in as many days again would return to Constantinople. By this speed, he flew rapidly not only to the borders of the Persians, but to the other parts of the world wherever the sovereign sent him; so that at one time, a certain one of the notable men who greatly admired his speed D said about him, that this man had made the great Roman empire small by his speed. The king of the Persians was also astonished at this, that one performing a mission could complete a journey of many days so quickly. Such are the things regarding Palladius.
The Emperor Theodosius, dwelling in Constantinople, and knowing of the victory granted to the Romans by God, was so good and noble that even though the Romans had acted fortunately, he was nevertheless of peaceful mind and wished to make a treaty. And so, having sent the commander Hellion, whom he held in high honor, he ordered him to make peace with the Persians.
While the Romans were digging a deep ditch where they were making their own camp, he sent Maximinus, a notable man, to negotiate peace. He shared the same rank with Ardaburius. Having come to the Persian king, he said that he had been sent by the generals, but not by the emperor himself; for he said the emperor was unaware of this war, and even if he were aware, he held it in no account. While Vararanes was receiving this embassy—for his army was being severely pressed by famine—those who were called the "Immortals" by him (a number of ten thousand chosen and very brave men) came forward and told the king not to accept peace before they had fallen upon the Romans, who were caught off guard. Persuaded by these men, the king kept the envoy shut away in a secret place, but he ordered those B "Immortals" to lay an ambush for the Romans. They divided themselves into two bands and attempted to enclose a not insignificant part of the Roman army in the middle. The Romans turned toward the troop of the enemy that they had spotted and were rushing toward it; for they did not yet see the other band, which had suddenly rushed forward. And now the battle lines were about to clash with each other when, by a certain providence of God, another Roman army appeared from a hill, led by the general Procopius. Seeing his countrymen caught in danger, he attacked the Persians and moved in against their rear. Thus, those who a little before had wished to intercept the Romans were themselves surrounded by them. Having killed all of those men, our troops turned to those who were emerging from the ambush, and they likewise destroyed C them also with javelins. In this way, therefore, those who were the "Immortals" among the Persians were suddenly shown to be all mortal, with Christ Himself exacting the penalty from the Persians because they had bitterly put to death not a few of those who, through their piety, stood out among His servants. The king of the Persians, having thus suffered misfortune, pretended to know nothing of what had happened; and having released the envoy, he accepted the embassy, saying: "It is not out of favor to the Romans that I embrace peace, but because I know that you, beyond all others, possess the wisdom to show this grace." The Persian war, which had begun on account of the D Christian persecutions moved against them there, thus reached its end, and with the war, the persecution also ceased.
CHAPTER XXII. Of Acacius, Bishop of Amida, how he broke up the sacred vessels of the Church into coin, redeemed the Persian captives, and sent them home, which act was a subject of great admiration to the Persians.
A There was in the city of Amida a bishop named Acacius, whom a noble deed at that time rendered more illustrious and famous to all. For when the Roman army had ravaged the region of Azazene and had captured more than seven thousand Persians, and the Persians were in no way willing to redeem them, and they were gradually perishing from hunger—a fact which caused no small distress to the King of the Persians—Acacius, having learned of these things, felt that they ought not to be ignored. Having gathered the clergy who were under him, he said, "Our God, my children, has no need of plates, nor does He care for cups. Since He is not subject to want, He neither eats nor drinks. Since, then there are many offerings in His Church—most of them of gold, and many also of silver, which have been prepared by the kindness and generosity of those who have resorted to it—I think we should use them to redeem the Persian captives and to feed the hungry." Having said these things and others like them, he immediately melted down those divine vessels; and from them he paid the soldiers the price that had seemed just to them, and received the captives. Then, after refreshing them abundantly with food and providing B them with supplies for the journey, he sent them to their own king. This act of the bishop so greatly astonished the King of the Persians that he realized the Romans strove to conquer entirely both by war and by benefits. It is even said that the Persian conceived a desire to see this man, so that he might enjoy the sight of him and be deemed worthy of his conversation. It is reported that this came to pass by the command of the Emperor Theodosius.
After God had granted this great victory, all those who were distinguished at that time for their learning publicly wrote books in praise of the Emperor and presented them to him; some indeed to demonstrate the power of eloquence which they had collected over a long period, others to insinuate themselves into his notice, and others similarly for other reasons. Furthermore, they all attributed to the Emperor those same ornaments of virtue as testimonies which we have also commemorated above regarding him, briefly touching upon a few things out of many. C Not only did those who had applied themselves to the study of rhetoric do this, but the Augusta herself, the wife of the sovereign, composed poems in heroic verse for her husband and prince. For she was highly distinguished and learned. But since I have mentioned her, I think it is an opportune place for me to explain who she was, whence she came, and how she was chosen above others to enter into the communion of marriage with the Emperor Theodosius. The matter stands thus.
Chapter XXIII. On Eudocia Augusta, who was called Athenais, what she was like and whence she came, and how she was joined in marriage to Emperor Theodosius: and how she knew she would travel to Jerusalem for the sake of religion: and on the evil of wondrous magnitude, and other things that happened to her.
A Pulcheria Augusta, being a lover of nobility, was already considering, as the Emperor had reached a mature age, how she might unite him to a suitable wife. She scrutinized the daughters of every family, and especially those from the nations who were famous for their beauty, wealth, and other endowments. While matters stood thus, it happened very opportunely that a certain woman named Athenais, who was still a virgin, came from the city of Athens to the Augusta. She was the daughter of Leontius the philosopher, and was indeed of most ingenious mind, having been educated by her father in every sort of B learning, not only Greek but also Latin. She progressed in both practical and contemplative philosophy, and in everything related to the art of rhetoric, as well as in proofs and refutations, more than any other person. In astronomy, geometry, and the proportions of numbers, she also attained more than anyone else of her age. When her father had thus educated and trained her, on the point of death, he left his sons, Valerius and Aetius, heirs of his estate, but disinherited his daughter, saying that her fortune and the grace she had acquired from her learning were sufficient for her. When her circumstances became very C straitened, she went to Pulcheria Augusta, complaining of the injustice of her brothers. The Augusta, having perceived the intelligence, beauty, and that admirable dexterity in all things—if I may so speak—of the girl, conceived the plan of uniting her in marriage to her brother. And once she had persuaded her to embrace the Christian faith, she summoned Atticus the bishop, and in the aforementioned temple of the protomartyr Stephen deemed her worthy of divine baptism. Having claimed her as a daughter to herself through divine baptism and in many other ways, she gave her as a wife to her brother, renaming her Eudocia instead of Athenais. D She bore a daughter to Theodosius named Eudoxia, who was joined in marriage to Valentinian, the son of Placidia, who was then holding the supreme power at Rome and, on account of the affinity of the nuptials, was staying at Thessalonica, having come thither from the West. She bore to him in turn two daughters, by name Placidia and Eudocia. Empress Eudocia, however, being possessed by a desire to see the marriage of her daughter Eudoxia, bound herself by a vow that when the daughter's wedding was concluded, she would go to Jerusalem, so that she might both venerate the holy places and render due thanks to the Savior for the infinite gifts she had received from Him. There was added to these causes the occasion of that famous apple, which, inasmuch as it was huge and wonderful, having been brought by a certain Phrygiscus on the feast of Lights, the Emperor had gifted to the Empress Eudocia after paying the bringer one hundred coins. She, in a simple state of mind (for she was of a very liberal nature), sent it to the Magister Paulinus, who was held in high regard by the Emperor, as he was at his country estate suffering from gout.
A But he, being ignorant of the matter concerning himself, presented it to the Emperor as a miracle. The Emperor, having read it and seeing what kind of apple it was, made a trial of the matter with his wife, putting his own safety on the line. As she did not know of the test and, being deceived by her ignorance, said that she had eaten it with great pleasure, he was stirred to a strange suspicion concerning his sovereign. And immediately Paulinus was sent into exile in Cappadocia and suffered capital punishment. She, having been seized by immense grief on this account, fulfilled the vows she had promised to God, and immediately set out for Jerusalem. It was surely the providence of God that she went there so that she might accomplish whatever was good and useful. For what need is there to speak of the works worthy of admiration that she performed there in holy temples, in monasteries, B for priests and for the poor, of which I shall speak a little later? I shall recount only this one thing concerning her and Pulcheria, which is worthy of memory in history. Because Theodosius was by nature open and simple, and desired to do kindly by everyone, he often signed letters, even those he ought not to have, without inspecting their contents. But Pulcheria Augusta, who had been given to him by God as a more divine and faithful guardian, she being magnificent, moderate, and wise in all things, corrected this same absurd habit. For she drew up a document between him and herself for the sale of his own wife, and presented it to the Emperor; and he, not knowing the force of what was written, immediately signed it. The next day the Emperor called for his wife, but Pulcheria C adamantly refused to give her up, setting forth the deed of sale as an unassailable witness. So wise and clever was she; and by this means, she artfully exposed his casual nature and moderately corrected the thoughtlessness of such a signature. And so much for these matters.
Chapter XXIV. On the episcopal administration of Patriarch Atticus. And that he was very urbane and witty, and also sharp in assigning names to things.
D Atticus, the bishop of Constantinople, labored wonderfully so that the Church might increase. Administering it with the greatest prudence, he stirred the people to the pursuit of virtue by his continuous teaching. And he was so inclined to mercy and giving that he deemed it necessary to provide not only for the poor who were in his own parishes, but would also send much money to churches neighboring Constantinople for the consolation of those in need there. Furthermore, from one of his letters which he sent to the presbyter Calliopius in Nicaea, having sent three hundred gold pieces along with it, the sort of man he was regarding these matters will be sufficiently evident. It is as follows: “To the presbyter Calliopius, Atticus, greeting in the Lord. I have learned that there are ten thousand in your city who are in need of the compassion of the pious. While I say ten thousand, I mean the multitude itself, not
A a specific number of poor persons. Since I myself bring a certain sum of money, acceptable to him who distributes it with a liberal hand to those who dispense it properly,—and some are in need, for the sake of searching out those who indeed have means but do not give to them—having received from me, O dear head to me, these three hundred gold pieces, spend them as you wish. You will wish, in any case, to give them especially to those who are ashamed to beg, not to those who put their belly up for trade during their life. When, therefore, you distribute the money, do not take into account religion in this part, looking to this one thing only: that the needy may be fed, and do not prefer those who follow our own way of life." B Thus Atticus took thought for the needy, even for those at a distance. Furthermore, he took great care to restrain the superstition of certain people. And having heard that Sabbatius—that man who, on account of celebrating the Pasch according to the Jewish custom, had broken away from the church of the Novatians and had gathered a flock for himself—had ended his life in Rhodes, where he had been ordered to live in exile, and that those of his faction, having transported his body from there, were offering prayers around his tomb and rendering to him, as though he were a holy man, reverence and worship, he sent certain men by night and had the body of Sabbatius buried in another place. Those who came to him, having found the tomb dug up, ceased thereafter from worshipping and being superstitious around the tomb. He was also exceedingly fond of propriety regarding the positioning of names, choosing them incisively. For there was a port, not far from the entrance C around the strait of the Euxine Sea, which the ancients called "Pharmakea" (the place of sorcery). Being that he held his assemblies there, in order that the place might not be called by an ill-omened name, he changed the title to "Therapeia" (Healing). And another suburb across from Constantinople he renamed "Argyropolis," having considered the following cause. Chrysopolis is an ancient port. It lies at the beginning of the Bosphorus, and is opposite to Byzantium. Many of the ancient historians make mention of it, such as Strabo the geographer, Nicolaus of Damascus, and he who wrote the history of Cyrus best, great in the power of words and admirable in historical style, Xenophon, in the sixth book of the *Expedition of Cyrus*; but also in the first book of the *Hellenica* or D *Greek History*, where he also records these things concerning it: that that famous Alcibiades, having walled up Chrysopolis, established there a seat for collecting tithes. For as many merchants as sailed from Pontus had to pay tithes on their cargoes in that place. Atticus, therefore, seeing the place opposite Chrysopolis lying in an advantageous position and providing no small pleasure, said that this place ought to be named Argyropolis; which term, once spoken, immediately gave the name to the place. To some who said that it was inconvenient that the Novatians should hold assemblies within the city of Constantinople, he said: "You are unaware, as it seems, of what we suffered under Constantius and Valens. Moreover, they are also true witnesses of the faith to us. For since long ago they separated from the universal Church
they have introduced no innovation concerning the faith. A And once, when he was in Nicaea for the sake of ordaining a bishop there, he saw Asclepiades, the leader of the Novatian church in that place, a man who was clearly very advanced in age, and he asked him how many years he had governed his bishopric. When he said fifty, Atticus took up the conversation and said: "You are happy, father, in that for so long a time you have performed a good work." Atticus also brought this matter before the same Asclepiades: "I," he said, "greatly praise Novatus; but those who have come from him, I judge to be in no way worthy of being received." When Asclepiades heard that word as strange and unusual, he said: "How do you say this, bishop?" "For this reason," Atticus said, "I approve of the former, because he did not admit to communion those who sacrificed to the gods; for I myself, had I been there, would have done the same. But I turn away from the Novatians because they exclude people from communion for the sake of trivial matters." To which Asclepiades replied: "But it is not only the sacrificing to gods, but there are also many other sins unto death, for which you reject those in the clergy; whereas we reject even laymen, committing all things to God alone, who knows all." They also say that he foresaw his own death, and that upon departing from him, he said these words to Calliopius, a presbyter of Nicaea: "If you wish to see me alive again, you must come to Constantinople quickly before the autumn is finished. For if you should come after that time, you will not find me still among the living." And so it came to pass. For in the twenty-first year of his ministry, on the tenth day of the month of October, in the eleventh consulship of Theodosius, he died.
CHAPTER XXV
Concerning Alexander, Bishop of Antioch: how he was the first to insert the memory and name of the divine Chrysostom into the sacred diptychs, and caused Atticus and others to do the same, and brought peace to those who were devoted to John: a thing which Cyril refused to do.
C I shall now relate a strange and admirable thing which he accomplished before he died, whereby he cast off the reproach with which he had been assailed, because he had treated the followers of John badly, and covered it with other good deeds. At Antioch, Porphyrius, of whom we made mention above, passed away; and Alexander obtained the see of the Church, leading a life consistent with the bishopric. For, having previously been trained in monastic studies, he proved a very brave combatant, showing deeds consistent with his life, and abounding marvelously in the meditation of piety and holy philosophy, in the contempt of riches, in eloquence, and in many other gifts D and graces. This Alexander, therefore, brought those who were gathering separately for the sake of Eustathius—whom Paulinus, and after him Evagrius, had blocked—to the rest of the body of the Church by exhortation and persuasion, and with difficulty he united the assembly of the churches through his influence.
such as no one had ever beheld. For having taken those who were of the same mind as himself, and those who were numbered among the clergy and the great multitude, he came to their assembly; and having taken them from there, he led them, singing in harmony one hymn together with psalms and songs of praise, from the gate facing the West to the great temple, filling the entire market-place in between with a multitude of people, as if forming a sort of spiritual river, in no way differing in its likeness from the river that flows past the city. A Seeing this, the Jews, and as many as remained, few in number, of the followers of the Greek superstition, and the Arians themselves, and those who saw rivers flowing from every direction and pouring into the ocean of the Catholic Church, groaned and lamented mightily. Alexander, therefore, a man excellent in both life and doctrine, fostering great zeal for the cause of John, was the first to record his name in the ecclesiastical register; and he wrote to the emperor and to the bishops everywhere, [urging them] to do the same, and thereby securely arrange peace for the Church. B This the bishop Atticus also perceived; because of the Joannites the Church of God was rent asunder, and he himself ordered that his name be included in the prayers by the decision of those in power, just as was the custom to be done for other bishops who had departed this life. And from that time on peace was kindled, until later his remains were also brought into the imperial city. Atticus, therefore, in this way magnificently wiped away the hatred he had incurred on account of the divine John. And he did not do this only himself, but also persuaded others who refused to include the memory of John in their prayers, and especially Cyril, the prelate of Alexandria, who hated John in a hostile manner because he had dissented from his uncle Theophilus, C to do so. But it will not be untimely to append their letters to this history for the sake of more certain credibility; which, word for word, are as follows:
CHAPTER XXVI
Letter of Atticus, Patriarch of the Imperial City, to the Holy Cyril of Alexandria, in which he exhorts him to insert the name of the blessed John into the sacred register.
Atticus to Cyril, greeting. We have fallen into that which we had not intended; and we acquiesce out of necessity in that which has not resulted according to our own judgment, preferring the utility of justice; and being inclined in our thoughts toward the harmony of the people, we bring no injury to the canons of the Fathers, but to the exact observation of words we prefer the peace of the whole world. I am not unaware that the blessed Paul, D when he was issuing ecclesiastical constitutions, wisely utilized opportunities with a provident dispensation. I know also that he who is numbered among the saints, your apostolic father, Theophilus, on the occasion of the Greek confusion, [treated] the peace of [the]
A church as preferable to the exacting nature of the [strict] procedure. For great cities, being like the sea tossed by waves, are by the opinions of their inhabitants not so much accustomed to be persuaded by laws and decrees as by nimble judgments that look toward peace and unity. But learn the reason why I am putting these letters into writing. Your Holiness surely knows, or rather sees with those same eyes with which our Father among the saints, Theophilus, saw, what kind and how great a disturbance seized the Great City; and how the pious faith was in danger of being shaken from its very foundations; so that the people themselves were split into the greater part and gathered outside the walls, and the priests and fellow-bishops were rent asunder from their mutual communion, and the good plantation of the Lord Christ—I mean the blessing of peace—was near to being plucked up, the convenience of peace being slightly B distracted. But although by much labor, by much sweat, and by many dangers full of despair, most and the greatest of evils were lulled to sleep through the prayers and unity of our common Fathers, and moreover by your own godliness, yet concord and serene tranquility now possess the churches throughout the inhabited world.
Since, however, some wished that only the name of the blessed John should be written in the sacred tablets, the blessed bishop Alexander—I mean him of Antioch—came to the Great City and spoke many C bold words; and he sought to stir up the people greatly, so that even against our will, the name of whom we spoke might of necessity be inscribed. This matter, the most religious deacons, servants of God, Peter and Aedesius, have fully and accurately explained to your godliness. A long time having passed, and we being pressed by that necessity which arises from popular administration, but taking no heed of the remnants of schism and dissent, the most God-beloved bishop Acacius sent us letters from the East, [stating that] the most religious prelate of Antioch, Theodotus, had been forced by the people to write the name of John in the sacred tablets; and he requested us to grant pardon for the act which he, impelled by necessity, had done. And then that good presbyter who brought the letters to us, explaining the cause of his arrival, made this matter known to the common people of the Great City, and published the content of the letter sent to us to the populace; so that it lacked little but that the city was filled with the D tumult of the entire public.
Then, indeed, being then perturbed, and fearing the deepest peril concerning the greatest matters, I approached the most pious emperor and spoke with him concerning peace and the tranquil state of affairs. And he replied that there was no danger or inconvenience if the name of the deceased man were inscribed for the sake of tranquility, peace, and the concord of the people. Therefore, having been persuaded by these things—for how could I not, being preempted by necessity?—lest the affairs of our religion [...]
A should come to depend on the whim of the multitude, or lest we accustom the city itself to popular administration, I ordered that his name be inscribed in the scroll. Wherefore, as I think, I have neither violated the sacred canons nor defrauded the judgment of the Fathers. For mention is made of him along with the departed—not only bishops, but also presbyters, deacons, and the laity themselves, even women—with all of whom we have no communion in the priesthood, nor participation in those things which are mystically celebrated upon the holy table. For there is a great difference between the departed and the living, so that even the books are kept distinct on account of the different state of those whose memory is preserved. For the honorable burial of Saul did no harm to David, nor did Eudoxius, the follower of the impiety of Arius, placed under the same altar of the sacrifice, harm the apostles; nor did Paulinus and Evagrius, who were the leaders of the schism and dissension B in the Church of Antioch, harm it, because after their death—for it is now many years since—they were inscribed in the mystical diptychs for the sake of the peace and concord of the people. For which reason, do you yourself also command the churches in Egypt to inscribe the name of the departed, for the sake of the peace of the universal Church, neither violating the canons of the Fathers, nor failing to value highly the concord of all the churches together. That you will also write to us what is fitting, I am persuaded, looking toward the unanimity and the common brotherhood. I, and those with me, greet all the brotherhood that is with you. »
These things he wrote to Cyril. But still inciting him, he sent another letter to Peter and Aedesius, his deacons, C stating the following: « The appropriate things have been sent to the God-beloved bishop, our brother Cyril, concerning what occurred regarding the inclusion of the name of John, which was written in the ecclesiastical diptychs. Nevertheless, I write also to your piety, who knows the affairs here better than others, that the matter has been concluded peacefully, as this seemed best, primarily to the most pious emperors, and then to all the Eastern bishops. And not only to them, but also to those of the West; not as though he were being written in as a bishop, but because, having been one in the past, he is worthy of being remembered for the sake of the universal peace. I write D so that, when the concord of [the churches] has, so to speak, been divided in its entirety, you alone might not seem at odds with the most pious emperors and with our most necessary affairs, whereby, should some opposition arise, the churches of Christ might be harmed. So much for these things. But your departure has brought us into a great longing, because we do not derive the same joy from those who are now with us as we do from your company, so much so that we are almost disturbed by the strangeness of their manner, which differs greatly from your habit. Wherefore, putting all things aside, endeavor to hasten to us hereafter, finding through the comparison a stronger love for us than before. »
Cyril, having received such letters, stood aside from the action to such a degree that, as the letters declare...
he wrote in return the following: A
Chapter XXVII. The opposing epistle of Saint Cyril to Atticus, refusing to admit the name of John.
Having read the letters sent to me by your piety, I understood that the name of John was inscribed in the sacred registers. But when I questioned those who came to us from there, I learned that it was enrolled not in the catalogue of the laity, but in that of the bishops. And while I was examining this and considering in my own mind whether those who did this were following the decrees of the Nicene Fathers, and as I turned the eyes of my mind a little toward that great synod, I saw the whole assembly of those holy Fathers appearing, as it were, before my eyes, resisting with all their might so that I should not rush to give my consent to this matter. For how shall he be counted among the priests of God, or how shall he share their lot, B if the priestly dignity has been abrogated for him? And how will he be in the catalogue of sacred ministers, if he has been cast out from the ecclesiastical precincts? For it is unworthy of us to say that the name of the priesthood is nothing, and that the thing itself is common to all, which is kept only for those who are called to it; or, if it is a great thing that separates the priestly function from the multitude of the people, things that cannot be mixed must not be mixed, but each of those things we have mentioned must be kept in its own order and adorned with the honor due to it. How, therefore, shall a layman stand among bishops, or he who is not legitimate stand among the genuine? Honor, I urge you, those who have borne witness to great and splendid deeds, lest you offer insult to the holy choir of the Fathers. Consider those who are still alive, how they have received this matter. Do they C not rightly say that they are filled with every grief if he, whose dignity has been taken away, is referred to the same order as them? But I believe that this is also fully persuaded in your piety. Therefore, remove the cause of grief both from them and from us. Take away the occasion for everyone’s sadness. For I would say it is the mark of a good and wise man to arrange and manage easily and expeditiously those things that happen unexpectedly, but only when it brings no harm. For even if we are eager to propagate the flock of Christ and make it more numerous, we do not receive the swarms of heretics if they do not repudiate their error. And therefore, we ought not to embrace a cheap peace with them by means of a prompt dispensation, against whom it is better to fight. A dispensation would indeed be a praiseworthy work if, whenever we seem to depart from the due path in such a way that in useful and advantageous matters... D
A of those who seem to be good, so much time has already passed while your God-fearing self has occupied the throne; and there is no one who refuses to gather together. But if indeed some at the beginning, acting more contentiously, separated themselves, even these have been called back through the strength and grace of our Savior. Among those in charge, who is there who does not listen to your reverence? And who is it who, for this reason, has remained outside? There is no one. May God not grant it! For whom then are you saving, or calling to gather, if by casting B out all — Egypt, the Augustal region, Arcadia, Thebaid, Libya, Pentapolis, and so many churches — you cause them pain? Not in order to gain anyone; for the grace of the Savior has already gained everyone. And I entrust the labor concerning this to the teachings of your God-fearing self. Do not, therefore, accuse yourself of those who, out of a contentious mind, have separated themselves and do not ever accept the righteous judgment made concerning him. Or has your God-fearing self supposed us to be so drowsy that we do not try to learn studiously both your commendations and how the Savior’s flocks are guided? For the concern of the priests is one, even if we are divided by place. But so that I may not seem C to insist on this too much, or to think contrary to your reverence, let there be some, very few indeed, who are still seditious and risking themselves for the sake of his wickedness. Yet there are so many churches among us that contend that the decrees made concerning him must be kept. To whom, then, is it right to grant the vote? And whom does it please God to see rejoice more? Those who plead for him who has done such things, or those who have known him for the honor, for whom causing pain is counted as nothing? If, therefore, preserving the concord of the churches does not appear to be something to be despised, cut the thing that divides it, I beseech you; put the sword into its sheath. Order the name of John D to be removed from the list of bishops. For if we consider this to be nothing, let not the traitor being ranked with the choir of the apostles cause pain to them. For if the name of Judas is brought in, where, then, will Matthias lie for us? If, therefore, no one, having cast out Matthias, would write Judas into the choir of the apostles, let the rank of the most praised Arsaces remain and be preserved, I beseech you, second after Nectarius of blessed memory; so that nothing introduced by force and wrongly may not explode the memory of the blessed one. But perhaps a few are distressed at this. Give me leave to speak with frankness. We pray that all may be saved; but if anyone, by his own ignorance, separates himself, and opposes the laws of the Church, what is his loss? For did not even the Savior himself, when teaching us such things and setting a pattern in all cases, speak indeed to those approaching Him of what is beneficial; but the disobedient and those who turned away He allowed to depart? And He was so far from making an account of any of such people that He even said to the disciples themselves, "Do you also wish to go away?" To those who are obedient, He distributes a righteous portion.
B Indeed, it is right for us to devote much care to those who comply. But let the adversary and the disobedient blame their own malevolence, hating the medicine. Such a one will hear the righteous Judge saying, "Since I spoke, and you did not obey; and I stretched forth my words, and you did not heed," and what follows. For it behooves us who teach to instruct with the greatest diligence in those matters by which one may find favor before God, and to say to those who resist, with Paul, "We beseech you on Christ's behalf, be reconciled to God," but to commit the disobedient to the power of God, using the phrase: "We have treated Babylon, and she is not healed: let us leave her, for her judgment has reached unto heaven." It is not consistent, therefore, because of the contradictions of some—if indeed there are any at all—that ecclesiastical sanctions should be torn up from the foundations, so that a layman is ranked with those shining in priestly dignity, and obtains the same honor. Nor should some call this the common peace of the whole world, but rather a mutilation. For I say that the name and the reality of peace are then confirmed when we do not set ourselves against the opinions of the saints, nor do we act against their decrees. C For if the blessed Alexander, a man of truly confident speech, according to the words of your piety, has deceived some of our most religious brothers and fellow-bishops in the East with an empty show of words, and has forcibly dragged them into an agreement on this matter, it does not therefore follow that this disease must prevail and feed upon the souls of all; but rather, like a certain rheum affecting the eye of the Church, it ought to be purged by you, so that, looking straight again at the decrees of the Fathers, it may deservedly hear from Christ, "Your eyes are doves." I have also received a letter from the most aged and God-beloved Acacius, in which he asserts that the most religious prelate of Antioch was compelled by certain persons to celebrate the memory of John. He further openly mentions that the man was very deeply affected by grief in this matter, and that he sought a way by which he might be delivered from such stubborn audacity, and wished for this reason to obtain letters from us and your piety, so that he might not be led into the same error together with certain others, and might not yield to those who were urging such councils. But we, who have been called to provide care and medicine D (for grant me this, as I have labored in my soul), let us not be an addition to his wounds, so that we may also avoid being an accessory to the rashness of others. Furthermore, I marvel at this: if the aforementioned Alexander was so wordy, and spent no small time there, and yet does not appear to have succeeded in persuading anyone to this, how was a single letter-carrier able to accomplish so much, as is rumored, so as to inflame such a multitude, and to stir up again a matter that had been put to rest by a long passage of time, which is something entirely impossible? But let this be as it is, and let it be believed to have happened. Yet I know your piety excels in words. You will teach
A those who have been stirred to tumult, as is necessary. You possess a sufficient grace of the sacred proclamations. I know you will persuade the most pious emperors to habitually love what is conformable to the canons. For being pious and Christ-loving, they will permit the churches to be governed by their own laws, and, being zealous imitators of ancestral virtue, they will emulate the examples of those who came before. Let not, therefore, the rejected Jechonias be reckoned together with David and Samuel the prophets; nor, if it has seemed right to some, unjustly, that the relics of Eudoxius should be restored to those places, ought we for that reason to record the profane as if it were sacred. For it was incumbent upon us to correct his affairs, not for him to prescribe to us, and to establish the things that were done after him. And we say these things not because we insult him who lies dead—for may God not allow this—nor because we rejoice in the misfortunes of others, as it is written: for this is not the counsel and institution of Christians; but B because, while we grieve for the man, we contribute to the utility of the Church, judging nothing more excellent than its canons. For if it were permitted to preserve those canons intact, and yet to consider an exauctorated person among the bishops, then those who prevented this from happening might rightly be called wild and cruel. Since, however, it is necessary that where one prevails, the other cannot stand, let the sanctions of the Church prevail; and let him who is not a minister of the sacred things be removed from the sacred catalogue. For this binds the churches to peace; this would work in us a complete unanimity. Grant, therefore, that we may assemble purely with your God-beloved self, that one being dead, you may make your love for those who are still alive better, or rather, your love for the canons of the Church. C
CHAPTER XXVIII. How the divine Cyril received the name of John through a divine vision, and how he dissolved the enmity that had existed between them through the Mother of God.
Cyril for his part wrote and thought such things against the holy Chrysostom, serving a prejudice which he had held for a long time by following his uncle Theophilus. But since what was being done was a matter of zeal, even if not for a time according to knowledge, [and was] not [born of] envy or diabolical contention, it was judged by God that a man so excelling in word and virtue should not in this one thing limp, and so fail to reach the pinnacle of perfection; for they were men, and subject to human affections. For this reason, some time later, with many others also urging D him, that great
man A Cyril was reconciled even after the death of John, and especially upon Isidore of Pelusium, who exhorted him now with rebuke, now with admonition, and finally upon the occurrence of a divine and more mystical revelation, he corrected his error. For he seemed to see himself expelled from the sacred temples by John, who was supported by a divine escort and a retinue around him; and he saw the Mother of the Lord interceding with John on his behalf, and, among many other things she mentioned—above all the fact that he had struggled greatly for her glory, as shall be told—beseeching him that Cyril be received back into the holy temples. When the divine Cyril pondered this vision within his mind, he condemned himself for the attacks he had made upon the holy man. And thereafter, having fully understood the matter, he became devoted to the Church of Chrysostom and admired the man, B and he felt deep repentance for having been foolishly provoked against him in his ignorance. Seeing therefore how things balanced out, he assembled a provincial synod and, acting together with the rest of the prelates of the great sees, he inscribed the name of John into the sacred diptychs. But those who say that Cyril caused other books of the great Father to be destroyed do not seem to me to speak the truth. For if any of his writings at all were to be destroyed, it would have been necessary to destroy these which still exist, in which his counsel and institution are most clearly expressed—unless God, caring for the benefit of men, preserved them. Since I have found this in the secret history of Nicetas the Philosopher, who is also called David, and in others, I have decided that it should be inserted into this present history of mine, so that it might not enter anyone’s mind to doubt how such great luminaries, while exercising mutual enmity, C both reached the summit of holiness and proved to be pillars of the Church, with enmities of this kind bringing no detriment to their glory. But enough on these matters.
CHAPTER XXIX
How, after Atticus, Sisinius was raised to the episcopal throne; Philip the Sidite was passed over, and what kind of man he was. Furthermore, how Proclus, having been ordained bishop of Cyzicus and yet not received, lived a private and leisurely life in Constantinople.When Atticus had finished his life, as we have said, a great dispute arose concerning the election and ordination of a bishop; for each person desired that the throne be given to the one whom he favored. To some it seemed that Philip the presbyter should be raised to the sacred seat, while others D preferred Proclus, who had been a disciple of Chrysostom. He also happened to be a presbyter. But all were in common agreement that Sisinius was the most suitable. He too was distinguished by the dignity of the priesthood, not indeed in Constantinople, but in one of its suburbs which had the name Elaea, which is situated opposite the city; at which place the city, along with all its citizens, celebrated a feast day to Christ the Savior, at the time when, having been assumed into heaven, he returned to the Fa-
A Sisinius was exceedingly pleasing to the multitude, especially since he was both renowned for his virtue and provided for the poor with great care, even beyond his own means. Thus it was that the people exerted force and prevailed, and Sisinius ascended the throne. At this, the presbyter Philip, piqued that he had been preferred over himself, assailed his ordination at great length in the *Christian History* which he himself composed. He did not merely slander Sisinius, but also those who had ordained him and the common people as well; he ran them down in such a way that no one would deem his words worthy of history, nor would anyone grant pardon to such rash audacity in one who could bring himself to write such things. B Since I have mentioned him, it is right to set down a little about him as well. This Philip originated from Side in Pamphylia, the place where the sophist Troilus also came from, whom Philip claimed as a kinsman. While he was a deacon, he spent much time with the great John, who governed the see of Constantinople. Diligent in his studies, he collected many and varied books. Affecting an Asian style of eloquence, he wrote much. He left behind a magnificent work in which he refutes the book Julian wrote against the Holy Scriptures. He also composed another volume, which he named *Christian History*; he divided it into thirty-six books, and each of these contained many tomes, so that they reached nearly a thousand in number, and C each tome had its own subject matter. He introduced much material into his work, wishing to show himself to be well-versed in Hellenic studies; for he frequently makes mention of geometric, musical, and astronomical theories. He describes the locations of islands, mountains, trees, and other things that have nothing to do with the subject at hand. Consequently, his work is flaccid and loose, written for the sake of ostentation, and for that reason it seems useless both to the unlearned and to the educated. The unlearned do not perceive the elegance of the style, while the educated reprove it for repeating the same things in different words and for writing much that is ill-timed. But as to his writings, let each judge as he pleases. He confuses the chronology of history; for, while making mention of the reign of Theodosius, he goes back and narrates events concerning the great Athanasius from so long before, and he maintains this habit not only in that instance, D but in many others as well. So much, then, for Philip. Now, when the bishop of the Cyzicenes died, the divine Proclus ordained that the bishop of Cyzicus should be the priest [Sisinius? — *the text here refers to the previous subject, but the flow suggests Sisinius as Patriarch ordaining*]... And since Proclus was in readiness to set out for that place, those people there anticipated him and ordained a certain Dalmatius, a man venerable and exercised in ascetic labors. They did this in contempt of that law which decreed that no ordination should take place without the opinion of the bishop of Constantinople. Proclus, therefore, when this happened, withdrew to himself, presiding over no church, but for the churches of Constantinople—
A church forbids such an ordination. When this had taken place, Proclus did not oppose it; and although he presided over no church, he flourished by teaching in the Church at Constantinople. Of whom I shall speak later in his proper place.
CAPUT XXX. Of those who presided over the highest episcopal sees, and of other divine men who were distinguished for their virtue and doctrine.
Sisinius, after he had spent not two full years in the episcopate, departed this life, famous, as we have said, for the chastity of his life and his care for the poor. He was affable and simple in his manners, and averse to business and worldly affairs; for which reason he was quite harsh toward those who busily concerned themselves with such matters, and among them, in turn, he acquired a reputation that was not very becoming. To Innocent, that most excellent bishop of the city of Rome, Boniface succeeded; and to him, Zosimus; and to Zosimus, in turn, the marvelous Celestine. B At Alexandria, Cyril was still flourishing. At Antioch, after the divine Alexander, Theodotus was substituted in the episcopate, a pearl of temperance, characterized by meekness—if any man was—and furthermore greatly adorned by an exact manner of living. He, by interposing prayers to God, mingled the schismatic fellowship of Apollinaris with the rest of the flock of the orthodox and right-thinking, making it one Church. Yet even so, many remained in their previous institution, retaining their ancient stain as if it were something glorious. C In Jerusalem, the divine John had succeeded Cyril. Then, after Nepos, Prayllius had governed the reins of the Church entrusted to him there, responding in deed to his name; upon whose death, Juvenal obtained his place by succession. At the same time, the great Theodoret, notable in wisdom and in discourse, presided over the church of Cyrus, a man distinguished in both branches of learning, both that of the Greeks and of the Christians, and who left to the Church many books containing much that is useful.
Also flourishing at that time was that famous Theodore, who presided over the church of Mopsuestia, who was not only a doctor of all the churches, but also fought bravely against the phalanxes of heretics, as becomes a preeminent man; who, having lived familiarly with the great Diodore, D used him as his teacher; and as a companion and fellow-disciple of the divine John, he likewise sat under Diodore with him. For thirty-six years he remained arrayed against the Arian faction, and fought steadily against the snares of the followers of Apollinaris, set like those of brigands, while he nurtured the hereditary people of Christ with the best doctrines and precepts. There was also a brother to this man, Polychronius by name, who lived excellently and taught likewise excellently, his life corresponding equally to his doctrine. He obtained the pastoral office of the church of the Apameans. Over the church of Edessa presided that divine Nonnus, the man of God, who, having persuaded the leading woman of those in Antioch, who was lost to luxury, by the power of his words, and having dedicated her to God beyond all expectation, presented her to Him as a most pure bride and spouse, calling her Pelagia instead of Margarita; through whom one might admire the ocean of God's divine judgments. In those days, Euthymius was also flourishing, having proved himself especially in the wrestling-ground of asceticism and in a radiant life.
A the great man who transformed the desert into a city; Symeon, who first demonstrated the dwelling on a pillar; Nilus, the inspired ascetic; Isidore of Pelusium, and the celebrated ascetic Mark, who were taught by the great John; and the admirable Proclus, who lived as a Scholasticus; and very many others, of whom I shall speak later.
CHAPTER XXXI.
How Nestorius the heretic, after being ordained bishop following Sisinnius, set out to fill the Church with disturbances and tumults through his arrogance.
B When Patriarch Sisinnius, as has been said, departed this life, it seemed best to those in positions of authority not to appoint any one from the clergy of the Church to the episcopacy on account of the favor of those who were rashly demanding such an honor for those they favored. For again, some were striving for Philip, others for Proclus; but it was decided to appoint someone from elsewhere. There was at that time, living in Antioch, a man of Germanician origin, vocally gifted and eloquent, by the name of Nestorius. Because he was skilled in teaching, they decided to summon him from Antioch. He was also widely reputed to be a man of great temperance. Three months having passed, he was brought and immediately appointed to the bishopric of Constantinople.
What kind of man he was was indicated by his very first sermon. C For immediately after his consecration, he uttered that famous declaration publicly before the people, directing his words to the Emperor: "Give me, O Emperor," said he, "the earth purged of heretics, and I will give you heaven in return. Help me to destroy the heretics, and I will join you in destroying the Persians." Many indeed approved of these words of his. But those who surely knew that the mind is to be judged by its words perceived his levity of mind, his arrogant spirit, and his desire for vain glory, for the reason that, not yet having tasted anything of his new position, he was led to such words. D Breathing zeal and emulation for the Church, he then tore down the oratory of the Arians. But they, seeing their temple being torn down, set fire to it and consumed not only that, but also a large part of the buildings adjacent to the place. Furthermore, he sought to harass the Novatians. And not only them, but also all those who were Quartodecimans throughout Asia, Libya, and Caria, and also those around Miletus and Sardis, many of whom perished in the sedition and tumult stirred up on his account. Having seized upon a pretext—because the followers of Macedonius had murdered Anthony, the bishop of Germia, who was severely oppressing them by the order of Nestorius, by sending assassins to him who preferred violence to what is right—he used it as an excuse and cause to take away their churches in Constantinople, and in Cyzicus, and in the fields of the Hellespont; some of whom, forced by his violence, were compelled to the consubstantialis,
the faith of the fathers. It so happened that he who had thus driven others from the churches was himself driven out, having stirred up a fierce war against the Church. This war took its beginning from exactly there.
CHAPTER XXXII
A How Nestorius was detected through his pupil Anastasius, calling the Lord a mere man, and refusing to call the holy Mother of Christ the Mother of God (Theotokos). And what Socrates the ecclesiastical historian related about him: and about a prodigy which occurred in the church.Anastasius, a certain presbyter, was in the highest honor with Nestorius; he was his companion when he set out to assume the episcopate. At which time he also turned aside to Theodore of Mopsuestia, and having heard his doctrines, Nestorius himself was led astray from true piety, as Theodulus writes in a letter. This Anastasius, therefore, being a keen proponent of the Judaizing doctrines and teachings of Nestorius, B while delivering a discourse one day in the church of Constantinople to the Christ-loving people, dared to say this openly and clearly: "Let no one call Mary Theotokos (Mother of God); for Mary was a human being. And it is impossible for God to be born of a human being." When Eusebius the rhetorician—and then the clergy and all those most eminent among the people for their piety—had first detected this deceit, and considered such a statement to be blasphemy, C no small tumult was aroused. For they had long since been instructed in theology and the divinity of Christ, namely, that He, for the sake of the economy or administration, as if a pure man, did not in any way depart from His divinity, being persuaded by the word of the Apostle Paul, who says: *Though we have known Christ according to the flesh, yet now henceforth we know him no more*, and again: *Wherefore leaving the doctrine of the beginning of Christ, let us go on to perfection*. D As such a disturbance increased, as is wont to happen, Nestorius, the leader of the impiety, not only did not check or restrain Anastasius, but even zealously praised him and gave his entire assent to his words, unwilling to rebuke him whom he held in such esteem as a blasphemer. And because he was held by a spirit of contentiousness, he taught more frequently in the church and everywhere banished the term Mother of God from his own mouth, composing and devising many things illegitimately; and, openly spewing out the poison of his own soul, he gave himself over to blasphemy. Consequently, the inquiry into this matter being spread among all, and others taking it in different ways, a dissension arose in the Church: and men like those in a night battle clashed with one another, now affirming these things, now denying them. But Nestorius was thought by many to hold the opinion that the Lord was a mere man, and to be renewing the long-dead dogma of Paul of Samosata and Photinus, and quietly introducing it into the Church. And the inquiry concerning this was stirred up to such an extent that it even required an ecumenical synod. Socrates is the…
individual who wrote the Ecclesiastical History, and he relates the following regarding the opinion of Nestorius: A "I," he says, "upon reading the discourses published by Nestorius, found the man to be ignorant, and I shall speak the truth. For I have not mentioned the defects which he had out of any enmity towards him, nor shall I set forth those things in which he excelled others out of any desire to curry favor. It does not seem to me that Nestorius, in imitating either Paul of Samosata or Photinus, calls the Lord a mere man; but he fears the term itself just as if it were a, specter. And he has suffered this from great ignorance; for since he was naturally eloquent, he was thought to be educated, but in truth he was uncultivated, and when interpreting the books of the ancients, he disdained to learn. For being puffed up by his eloquence, he did not pay accurate attention to the ancients, but thought himself superior to all. Immediately, therefore, he was ignorant of the fact that it is written in the Catholic Epistle of John in the ancient manuscripts that, 'Every spirit that divides Jesus is not of God.' For those who wished to separate the divinity from the man of the dispensation removed this meaning from the ancient manuscripts. B Therefore, even the ancient interpreters noted this very thing, that there were some who had corrupted the Epistle, wishing to divide the man from God. But humanity has been assumed by the divinity, and they are no longer two, but one; encouraged by this, the ancients did not hesitate to call Mary Theotokos. For thus also Eusebius of Pamphilus, in the third book of the Life of Constantine, says these things word for word: 'For God, who is with us, endured even birth for our sake; and the place of his birth in the flesh was explicitly called Bethlehem among the Hebrews.' For this reason, also, Queen Helena, who is most beloved of God, adorned the conception of the Theotokos with marvelous monuments, beautifying in every way the holy cave there. And Origen himself, in the third volume of his commentaries on the Epistle to the Romans, explained at length how she is called Theotokos. C It is apparent, therefore, that Nestorius was ignorant of the treatises of the ancients; wherefore, as I said, he shrinks back only from the word. And he shrunk back not only from the word, but he even altogether denied that the one born was God. For the one born of the holy Virgin is the one who was crucified, who is the Lord of glory, as the Apostle says: 'For if they had known, they would not have crucified the Lord of glory.' Yet Nestorius says: 'Do not boast, O Jew; you did not crucify God,'—as if the Lord of glory were not crucified. D Since the fact that he does not call Christ a mere man, as Photinus or Paul of Samosata did, is also taught by his published homilies; as nowhere does he destroy the hypostasis of God the Word, but everywhere confesses Him to be subsistent and having essence. Yet he does not, as Photinus and the Samosatene did, remove His existence; for this is what the Manichaeans and those from Montanus also dared to teach.
Thus I find Nestorius to believe, and I have observed this both from his books which I have read and from the words of his followers. Indeed, the foolish ideas of Nestorius caused no small turmoil in the whole world. This is what Socrates says. And while he was babbling and talking nonsense in such a way that something detestable occurred in the Church, it happened that the slaves of a certain primary magistrate, having been treated cruelly by their master, fled to the church; and having swords in their hands, they rushed to the holier altar of the sacrifice: and when they were commanded and compelled to go out from there, they did not obey at all, hindering the divine ceremonies: and for many days, bearing naked and flashing swords before them, they were prepared to strike everyone who approached. And indeed, having killed a certain cleric, and having wounded another, they finally slaughtered themselves. Furthermore, one of those present declared that this was an omen of an evil sign, the profanation and defilement of the temple, citing the iambics of a certain poet to this effect:
It is accustomed to bring a sad omen, If ever a foul crime defiles the temple.
And he did not at all fail to speak the truth. For when he seemed to predict both the division and dissension of the people, and the removal of him who was the author of such seditious separation. Indeed, Nestorius was at odds, not only with others, but also with Proclus through dissension. For while he [Proclus] was teaching in the church, with Nestorius presiding, he delivered a discourse conceived in these words: "Today, brethren, a virginal assembly is celebrated; let nature exult, let the condition of men lead the dances; for the holy Theotokos has gathered and called us, the undefiled treasure of virginity." For that reason, Nestorius, having been disposed contentiously towards him, fell into the greatest disagreement.
CHAPTER XXXIII. On the letters of the holy Cyril to Nestorius: likewise on the twelve chapters, in which he censures his perverse opinion. Furthermore, what Celestine wrote regarding Nestorius.
But also the divine Cyril, when he heard the blasphemies of Nestorius, dispatched one and then a second letter to him, in which he proclaimed anathema in explicit terms against those who did not openly profess Christ to be God, but with blasphemous words said that He was a man carrying God and an organ or instrument of divinity. Nestorius, however, countered him again with letters, acting at once with insults and uttering blasphemies. Having received these letters of Nestorius, which were belching forth the huge waves of the heresy, Cyril, having gathered a provincial synod in Alexandria with four others, displayed the letters given by both sides to each other, the copies of which and the decrees of the synod itself he sent to the Bishop of the elder Rome.
A He also sent a third letter to Nestorius, to which he appended those much-celebrated twelve chapters with their anathemas: which I have thought it right to set forth here, as follows:
• If anyone does not confess that Emmanuel is in truth God, and therefore that the holy Virgin is the Mother of God (for she has carnally given birth to the Word of God made flesh), let him be anathema. If anyone does not confess that the Word from God the Father has been united to flesh according to subsistence, and that Christ is one with his own flesh, the same, clearly, being both God and man, let him be anathema. If anyone divides the subsistences in the one Christ after the union, joining them only by a connection that is according to dignity, or authority, or power, and not rather by a natural union, let him be anathema. If anyone distributes between two persons, or subsistences, the words in the evangelical and apostolic writings, whether spoken on Christ by the holy men or by himself about himself; and assigns some as to a man, B specially understood apart from the Word from God the Father, and others as befitting God solely to the Word from God the Father, let him be anathema. If anyone dares to say that Christ is a God-bearing man, and not rather that he is God in truth, as being one and by nature the Son, insofar as the Word has been made flesh, and has shared blood and flesh in a like manner with us, let him be anathema. If anyone says that the Word from God the Father is the God or Lord of Christ, and does not rather confess the same to be God and man, as the Word was made flesh according to the Scriptures, let him be anathema. If anyone says that as a man Jesus was activated by the God Word, and that the glory of the Only-begotten accrued to him as to one who existed apart from him, let him be anathema. If anyone dares to say that the man who was assumed must be worshipped and glorified together with the God Word, and called God as one with another (for the prefix "con-" always compels one to think and understand this), and not rather that Emmanuel is to be honored with one adoration, and that one glorification is to be attributed to him, insofar as the Word was made flesh, let him be anathema. If anyone says that the one Lord Jesus Christ is glorified by the Spirit as though C using an alien power, and as though he received from him the ability to act against impure spirits and to perform divine miracles among men, and does not rather say that the Spirit is his own, through whom he has also wrought the divine miracles, let him be anathema. If anyone says that Christ has become the high priest and apostle of our confession, as the divine Scripture says (for he offered himself for us as an odor of fragrance to God and the Father): if anyone, therefore, says that our high priest and apostle has become, not the Word of God himself, when he was made flesh and man as we are, but as another man, distinct from him, from a woman; if anyone says that he also offered the oblation for himself, and not rather for us alone (for he
A needed no oblation, he who knew no sin), let him be anathema. If anyone does not confess that the flesh of the Lord is life-giving and proper to the Word who is from God the Father, but [considers it] as belonging to some other person besides Him, conjoined with Him only in dignity, or as having possessed only a divine indwelling, and not rather [as] life-giving, as we have said, because it has become [the flesh] of the Word who is powerful to make all things alive, let him be anathema. If anyone does not confess that the Word of God suffered in the flesh, and was crucified in the flesh, and tasted death in the flesh, and became the first-born from the dead, inasmuch as He is life and life-giver as God, let him be anathema.
Celestinus, the Bishop of Rome, having received the letters of the divine Cyril, and having also heard the unfavorable report concerning Nestorius, wrote to him saying that if after the passage of ten days he should still persist in the same impiety, he was no longer to be considered in communion [with the Church], nor [to be] at all in the catalogue of the priests of Christ; but that those who, because they stood for the true faith, had been excommunicated by him, should rather be received into communion. Not only did Cyril and Celestinus write to Nestorius, but they also wrote to John of Antioch, who had succeeded Theodotus, and to Juvenal of Jerusalem, explaining the heresy of Nestorius.
John himself also sent a letter to Nestorius, admonishing the man not to depart from the confession of faith of his fathers, but to confess correctly that the Son of God was born of the holy Theotokos Mary, and [that He is] not divided into two, nor that He was deified according to progress or advancement, adding also the apostolic saying, which is: *God sent forth His Son, made of a woman* (Gal. iv, 4). And at the same time he persuaded him not to stubbornly hold his own opinion as if it were sound and certain, but rather to follow what was for the common good and advantage. Moreover, he sent to him the letters which Celestinus and Cyril had written.
Nestorius followed his own counsel. And because he knew that the prelates of the churches would by no means remain silent while the Church was thus in turmoil, he moved Theodosius to send a sacred [letter] to Cyril, in which he accused him of many things and threatened many things, unless he would acquiesce in the decrees of Nestorius. And thinking that he would thereby ruin him, he only stirred him up and excited him the more. For Cyril, having received the divine Spirit, sent to the Emperor himself and the Augustas highly learned documents, D in which he demonstrated both the accuracy of the true faith and the erroneous judgment of Nestorius's madness; at the same time he requested that an ecumenical council be convoked, so that the affair of Nestorius might be safely examined.
CHAPTER XXXIV
*Of the third holy and ecumenical council at Ephesus, and how Nestorius was deposed.*And indeed, Theodosius ordered by his imperial letters that the bishops from all places should assemble in the metropolis of Ephesus, and appointed the day of holy Pentecost, on which they should convene,
A declaring also that the day of holy Pentecost was the day when the life-giving Spirit descended upon the holy Apostles. And adding these things to the letters: “For no one shall have any excuse before God or before us, who is not present there immediately on that very day of holy Pentecost.” For he says, “Whoever is called to a priestly synod and does not run to it with readiness is shown to be of a conscience that is not upright.” Nestorius, therefore, as one not far distant from Ephesus, arrived at Ephesus immediately after the feast of Easter with a great throng, finding many of the bishops already assembled there. And Cyril, too, arrived with his company before the announced day. Juvenal arrived on the fifth day after Pentecost with the bishops of Palestine. As they were assembling, the celebrated and great Euthymius charged Peter, the bishop of the Saracens, as he was departing, that he should altogether follow the opinion of Cyril of Alexandria and Acacius of Melitine, testifying that they were the pillars and roofs of the true faith. Caelestinus, however, the bishop of Rome, declined to be present at the synod in person on account of the dangers of sea travel; yet he wrote to Cyril, urging him to occupy his place there. It is said that from this time he received the mitre, and the designation of Pope, and the title of Judge of the whole inhabited world; and that then all these things, by succession, came also to the holy bishops who rightfully obtained the throne of the Church of Alexandria. B John, the bishop of Antioch, remained alone with his Oriental bishops, and arrived much later than the appointed time—not lingering by design, as he excused himself in many words, but because he was unable to gather the bishops under him with speed. For the cities under his jurisdiction are separated by a great distance from what was once called Antioch, but is now called Theopolis; being at a distance of twelve days' journey, and a little more, for a man unencumbered and traveling light. Moreover, Antioch itself is at a distance of about thirty days' journey from the metropolis of Ephesus. And he strongly insisted that he would never have reached the appointed day if his colleagues had remained in their own sees until the day called New Sunday. But when fifteen days had passed after the appointed time, and the bishop of Antioch had not arrived, and many bishops were weighed down by diseases and other afflictions, on the twentieth day of the month of June, about one hundred and thirty bishops gathered by common vote, in the five thousand nine hundred and fifteenth year from the creation of the world, C and the forty-first year after the second synod, with Juvenal and the divine Cyril present, who held the place of Caelestinus, the bishop of the elder Rome (as we have said) who presided. On the first day, Nestorius was also present. And when the question concerning him began to be moved, Cyril of Alexandria, throwing his javelins powerfully in the first skirmish, wounded Nestorius severely. For with a hostile...
A mind had he long regarded him. And since many, who gave theological discourse concerning Christ, B asserted that there is one and the same Son, begotten of the Father before the ages, but in the last times made man from the ever-virgin, and that he is not one person and then another, but one and the same; and that the Virgin Mary is properly and truly to be called Theotokos, the Mother of God, Nestorius arose and said: “I would not call him God who is two or three months old. Therefore, I am clean from your blood, and I will come to you no more.” Having said these words, he departed with six bishops, and thereafter was accustomed to meet with them, having taken to himself others who followed his perverse faith. Thus, the synod was thereafter divided into two parts. Cyril and those who were with him, having convened the council on the following day as is the custom, sent three bishops to summon Nestorius to come to the assembly. He despised this and did not appear at all, putting off the synod under the pretext of the arrival of the bishop of Antioch. And when he was called a second and a third time, he gave no answer in his own defense, but sent back those who had been sent to him with insults and contumely. The holy synod brought forth into the midst the symbol of those three hundred and eighteen God-bearing Fathers, and the letters of Cyril and Nestorius which they had sent back and forth to each other concerning the dogma, and also that sacred letter of Celestine written to Nestorius himself. And when Theodotus of Ancyra and Acacius of Melitine had indicated the blasphemous words which he had openly used at Ephesus in the presence of many, and many voices of distinguished and holy men had been heard, and furthermore other impiously spoken words of Nestorius had been amassed, the divine synod deposed that impious man, having passed C sentence against him in these words: “Since, among other things, the most reverend Nestorius has neither been willing to listen to our summons, nor has received the most holy and pious bishops sent by us, we have of necessity descended to inquire into his impiety. And because we have discovered from his letters and writings, which were also read, and likewise from the words which he used in this metropolis, as well as from the testimony of witnesses, that he both thinks and teaches impiously; being compelled by the necessity of the canons and the letter D of our most holy Father and colleague, the bishop of the Roman Church, and weeping much and long, we have reached this sad decision. Therefore, our Lord Jesus Christ, who has been blasphemed by him, has decreed through the present holy synod that this same Nestorius is to be alien from the episcopal dignity and from every priestly assembly.”
CHAPTER XXXV.
A That three days later, John of Antioch and Theodoret arrived and deposed Cyril and Memnon of Ephesus; but the synod in turn deposed those who had deposed them; and how Theodoret spoke against the twelve chapters of Cyril, and how Cyril in turn replied to these; and how Nestorius goes into exile to the Oasis; and how John and Cyril resolved to be of one mind, both having ratified the deposition of Nestorius by the emperor’s command; and the letter of Cyril which he wrote through Paul of Emesa to the church of Antioch.After this lawful judgment had been passed, John of Antioch arrived three days after the deposition of Nestorius, along with the priests who were with him, who were twenty-two in number. And when he learned what had taken place, he was very angry with Cyril, who had so hastily hurried to the deposition of Nestorius. And having separated himself from the synod, and having convened a council together with Nestorius, he deposed Cyril, as he thought, and Memnon of Ephesus. But once petitions had been given by Cyril and Memnon to the synod that had gathered with them B (although Socrates, through ignorance, has written otherwise), John was summoned together with those with him, that he might render an account of the deposition he had unlawfully carried out. But when he did not appear after the third summons, as is the custom, Cyril and Memnon were absolved by the holy and ecumenical synod from the sentence of deposition that had been passed against them without reason; and those who had deposed them were, for the most part, bound—for they were cut off from divine communion and cast far from all priestly authority; John, that is to say, and the priests with him, among whom was also the wise Theodoret, bishop of Cyrus, until such time as, having condemned their own actions, they should confess their own error. Theodoret, indeed, bearing ill the case of John, C inveighed against Cyril, refuting those twelve chapters which Cyril had written in his third letter to Nestorius, by interpreting them incorrectly. Because he did not do this rightly, he was judged to be defending Nestorius as much as possible. Against this writing of Theodoret, Cyril defended with learning those chapters of which we have spoken, interpreting them as was proper for him and declaring the meaning hidden within them. When all these things had been reported to the emperor by both sides, bishops were present who reported the actions of both factions. The emperor, at first, did not accept the deposition of Nestorius; for the archbishops of the East had taken Nestorius with them and kept him in the episcopate by force for a third year. But in the fourth year from his deposition, John of Antioch, D fearing the judgment of God and seeing that many besides had been corrupted by his perverse opinion, signified to Theodosius the emperor that he should cast him out of the Eastern domain as quickly as possible. And the emperor, after he certainly knew of his blasphemy, immediately ordered that Nestorius be deported to the Oasis. To Cyril and John, however, he sent piously written letters, that they might agree with one another, and both ratify the deposition of Nestorius, and free the churches of God from all discord. Nestorius
however, when he learned that the communion which he had with John of Antioch had turned into contention and discord, led by repentance, called Mary A the Theotokos: "Let it be said," he remarked, "that Mary is Theotokos as well, and let these grievous contentions cease." Yet no one at all believed that he said this out of repentance. John, bishop of Antioch, yielding to the imperial command, sent Paul, bishop of Emesa, to Alexandria to Cyril, bearing a document in which the genuine and sincere profession of faith was inscribed, as well as words of friendship and the removal of scandals. The venerable Cyril, having received the document and approved the confession of faith inserted in it, confirmed that both the ancient holy Fathers and he himself had thought the same. Having greatly praised the letter, he himself also wrote similarly to John, word for word, as follows:
"Let the heavens rejoice and the earth exult, for the barrier of the partition has been broken down, and that which caused sorrow has ceased, and the cause of all discord has been removed, since our common Savior Christ has granted peace to His own churches; and the most pious and God-loving Emperors have called us to it, who, having become excellent emulators of the piety of their ancestors, both preserve the right faith safe and unshaken in their own fortunes, and make it their special concern for the holy churches, so that they may have glorious fame for ages to come, and demonstrate their empire to be most illustrious. To them also the Lord of hosts distributes goods with a generous hand; He grants them both to rule over their adversaries and to carry away victory from them. For he who says, 'As I live, says the Lord, I will glorify those who glorify me,' B cannot lie. When therefore my lord, the most pious brother and colleague Paul, arrived at Alexandria, we were filled with gladness and joy; and with good reason, that such a man should intervene as a mediator, and take upon himself a labor beyond his strength, so that he might overcome the envy of the devil, and unite the things that were divided, and by removing the scandals and stumbling blocks from the midst, crown both our churches and yours with harmony and peace." And after other things: "That the discord in the Church was indeed entirely superfluous and inopportune, and undertaken without cause, we are now more fully convinced, since my lord, the most pious bishop Paul, has brought a document beyond the risk of calumny, containing a profession of faith; and he has confirmed that this was composed by your holiness and the most pious bishops there. This writing is thus composed, and is inserted in these very words in this letter. Concerning the Theotokos and what follows: C 'Having read these sacred expressions of yours, and finding that we ourselves also think the same—for there is one Lord, one faith, one baptism—we have glorified God, the Savior of all, rejoicing with one another that both our churches and yours have a faith that agrees with the divinely inspired Scriptures and the tradition of our holy Fathers.' D
' Verily, he who wishes to inquire into these matters more studiously will find them in the acts of that synod.
CHAPTER XXXVI
AQualia se passum esse Nestorius ipse de se scribat; et ut ad Oasim innumerabilibus toleratis ærumnis, postremo corrosa et consumpta a vermibus lingua, interierit.After Nestorius was cast out, what subsequently befell him, how he ended this present life, and the reward he deservedly received for his blasphemies, historians have not recorded. And indeed, the force of time would have buried these things in the deep of oblivion, had I not stumbled upon his book from which I have excerpted his history. And so, the father of blasphemy himself—he who had laid the foundation of his faith not upon the rock but upon the sand—wrote a defense of his own blasphemy to certain persons who had objected that he had acted wrongly in introducing innovations, and that it was not for the public good that he should have B requested the synod at Ephesus. He alleged that he had been driven to this necessity because the holy Church had been split into two parts, claiming that while some said Mary must be called *Anthropotokos* (that is, Mother of Man), and others *Theotokos* (that is, Mother of God), he had devised a middle term, *Christotokos* (that is, Mother of Christ). In that defense, he relates that Theodosius, out of commiseration, did not at first confirm his rejection by his own authority; but when certain bishops came to Constantinople, he was permitted to return to his own monastery, which was situated outside Theopolis—the name of which he did not mention, though I have read that it received its name from Euprepius—which is C two stadia distant from the city, where he says he spent four years in great honor. Then he recounts that by a decree of Theodosius he was sent into exile at the Oasis. But he concealed the most important fact: that even in such a state of affairs he did not cease from his blasphemy. He also wrote another, more argumentative letter to a certain Egyptian, in which he treats of his exile to the Oasis at greater length. It is also possible to gather from other writings what evils he endured on account of his blasphemies, for he could not deceive the all-seeing eye of God. These letters he sent to the one who was then the governor of the Thebaid, indicating that since he had not received from men the punishment he deserved, he had been sought out by God with a just vengeance, and had fallen into the greatest D misery and most piteous captivity. But when it was required that he experience still greater calamities, he was released from the power of the Blemmyes (for he had been their captive); yet by the orders of Theodosius, who had learned of his return, he was moved from place to place in the furthest reaches of the Thebaid. There, buried and crushed by the earth, he ended this life in a manner...
A that corresponded to his blasphemy. Arius was considered the other in the final act of his life, which indeed declared clearly what rewards await those who cast blasphemies against God. Both were equally blasphemous against Christ: for Arius said He was a creature, while he said He was a mere man. To him who reproaches the acts of the Ephesian Synod as if they were instituted through the craftiness of Cyril and the nefarious innovation of affairs, I would gladly say: Why, in the end, were you expelled by Theodosius, who greatly pitied your plight, with no room left for pardon, and why did you end your life shamefully, punished by so many ostracisms and exiles, if it was not by the sentence and divine judgment of Cyril and the bishops who were with him? For both of you have now departed from this life: at which time, as one of the pagan philosophers said, nothing prevents every man from being treated with free benevolence, with no adversary intervening. You, indeed, as a blasphemer and enemy of God, have been condemned in the extreme by all; but he is celebrated by all as a kind of trumpet of the Church, resounding to the ends of the earth, and B is spoken of and sung by the lips of all as the most unshakable defender of the Church. Therefore, so that we may not be brought under a charge of falsehood by some, come, let us bring him forth himself into the midst and recount matters concerning him. And lend your ear to reading your own letter—to those words which were composed by you to the aforementioned leader of the Thebans, concerning the recent acts of the most holy religion at Ephesus. "We inhabit the Oasis, which is also called Ibis, by imperial sanction." And after some words, he adds: "Since the aforementioned place has been destroyed and laid waste from its very foundations by the incursion of the barbarians, the abduction of captives, and by fire and slaughter, and we, through the mercy of the barbarians—how it happened I know not—were suddenly set free, though they terrified us with threats added to their attestation, ordering us to depart the region as quickly as possible, as the Mazices were about to occupy it immediately after them, we came into the territory of the Thebans with the remnants of the captives whom the barbarians, moved by mercy (what they intended by this, I cannot say), brought to us. C And they, for their part, retreated to the places they each desired and found agreeable. We, however, turned aside to the city of Panos, signifying this openly. For we fear that someone, saying our captivity was a deliberate plot and fraud, might accuse us of having fled calumniously and concoct a scheme of some other crime. For malice is productive of every kind of calumny. Wherefore we ask your Magnificence that our captivity may be a concern to you, according to what is established by law; and that you do not abandon a captive to the injuries and insults of men's malevolence and fraud, lest he be made a tragedy to all generations as a result, for it is better to be a captive of barbarians than a refugee from the Roman Empire." And adding oaths, he requested "that our migration here from the Oasis, having come about through a release from the barbarians, be reported in such a way that the decree concerning us, which seems good to God, may now be brought forth." And in another letter he also signifies these things to the same person, saying: "Whether as a letter of friendship from us D to your Magnificence, or as...
a word of admonition from a father to a son, do not reject, I beseech you, this brief account of many complex matters, as far as I have been able to set them down in writing, A seeing that Oasis, which is also called Ibis, was some time ago devastated by a multitude of Nomads who raided it." And after other things: "When these things were happening thus, I do not know for what reason, or what occasion your Magnificence seized upon, that we should be sent by Barbarian soldiers from the city of Panos to a certain Elephantina, which is the border of the Thebaid province. And while we were being dragged there by the military aid provided, and were broken by the greater part of the journey, we again received an unwritten command from your Excellency to return to Panos. But having been crushed by the accidents of your journey with a body ailing and aged, and having both my hand and side broken, we arrived back at Panos, in a way dying from our ordeals, still being scourged by pains. And again, another written, flying command of your Excellency moved us from Panos to its own district. B Reckoning that these things would stop against us, and waiting for what seemed good to the victorious Emperors concerning us, suddenly another command was composed, without any grace, for a fourth exile against us from elsewhere. And after a little: "But be content with what has been done, I beseech you, and cease to order so many exiles against one body, and be content with the many calamities which we have endured through your Magnificence. And permit us, I pray, to explore humanely through men who are appropriate, the sentence of our victorious emperors; which is to say, allow us, as a father to a son, to direct these counsels to you as before. But if you are indignant, even now as before, do what seems best; C for no argument is stronger than the will of him who decides." Thus Nestorius even in his letters kicks against the pricks and advances; and as you see, he blasphemes the imperial power itself, not yet having become sober, and this having suffered so many things. We have come upon a document by someone which describes his end, and we shall commit this to our history; for it stated that his tongue was eaten away by worms, and that he departed groaning and lamenting, to pay the debts for his crimes in greater and immortal punishments. D Afterward, Theodosius also, moved by God, condemned the impious man with unanimous votes, enveloping him in anathema, and declaring thus verbatim in a decree, which lies in the book of Justinian; for the book is called the Code, being the third in number of the first title: "Further," he says, "we decree that those who zealously pursue the impious faith of Nestorius, or follow his unlawful teaching, if they be bishops or clerics, are to be cast out of the churches; if they be laity, they are to be anathematized." And he also inserts many other laws for the sake of our religion concerning the fervent [defense of faith] in Christ.
[the English translation begins:]
to depart to pay the debts of his punishment. Then Theodosius too, moved by divine A inspiration, with all their judgments and calculations condemned that impious man, struck down by anathema, using these words in a constitution, which has been inserted into the volume of Justinian that is called the Code, in the first title of the first book: "Furthermore," he says, "we decree that those who emulate the impious faith of Nestorius, or follow his nefarious doctrine, if they be bishops or clerics, shall be cast out of the churches; but if they be laymen and commoners, they shall be smitten with anathema." But he also issued many other constitutions for the sake of our religion, which declare his burning ardor and zeal for Christ. Such was the end of life that the impious Nestorius met, and thus things were done in that third universal synod at Ephesus, as we have said.
Furthermore, with the pernicious Nestorius deposed, a grave contention arose again in the churches of the city of Constantinople. For the people, debating the opinions of Nestorius, split into two parties. The clerics, however, all with a common vote rejected him, having subjected him to anathema; for this is the custom of Christians: to pass sentence against a blasphemer, when they desire to propose it to all in public, as if it were engraved upon a column.
CHAPTER XXXVII.
How, after Nestorius, Maximinus, and then Proclus, were appointed patriarch of the church of Constantinople.
When he B was removed and out of the way, no small question arose concerning the election of a bishop. For many were looking toward the aforementioned Philip of Side; but almost all judged that Proclus was most worthy of the see. And their counsel would have reached its end, had not those who at that time had great influence with the Emperor been an impediment, improperly citing an ecclesiastical canon, which forbids that a bishop designated for one city should be transferred again to another. It is of this kind: "If any bishop, having been ordained for a parish, shall not have gone to the one for which he was ordained, not through his own fault, but because of the rejection of the people, or for another cause not originating from him who was ordained, he should perform his ministry with dignity (provided he bring no disturbance to the affairs of the church where he holds his assembly) and should acquiesce in what the provincial synod, judging the controversy brought before it, shall have decreed." This canon, when published, compelled the populace, which was designating Proclus as bishop, to be quiet, even against their will.
Four months had passed since the deposition of Nestorius, and the care of the church was committed to Maximinus, who was in the order of presbyters and had lived a monastic life. He C had gained the greatest praise for religion, in that he constructed monuments at his own expense and therein piously deposited the relics of the departed. And because he had little learning, he had chosen a life removed from worldly affairs. On account of which the church under him was free from the external waves of affairs and rejoiced in great peace. And after he had pacified the church for two years and five months, during the seventh week of the fast, on that which is called the Great Thursday, he ended his life. D
A Then Emperor Theodosius, and especially Pulcheria Augusta, took thought for the matter. For in order that they might not again have business concerning the election of a bishop, from which things in the church were likely to be confused and thrown into turmoil, without any delay—while the body of Maximian was still unburied—he gathered the bishops who were present and urged them to enthrone Proclus. For since the deliberation concerning him had taken place before, Caelestinus, the bishop of Rome, had also joined in the vote by letters, writing to the great Cyril, and John of Antioch, and Rufus of Thessalonica, and instructing them in every way that there was nothing to prevent a man who already was—or had even only been designated as—the bishop of one city from being transferred to another. Proclus, therefore, having been enthroned, then performed the removal and funeral of Maximian's body, arrayed in all the insignia of the patriarchate. I deem it worthy also to add a few things to the history concerning this man. B
CHAPTER XXXVIII. Concerning Proclus, what manner of doctrine and life was his; and how the emperor held him dear and welcome; and that, by speaking in a fitting and suitable manner of the things which at that time had occurred by God beyond human expectation, he was held in admiration by all.
Proclus, from his earliest youth frequenting teachers, practiced rhetoric most industriously. Having been admitted to the rank of reader at a very young age, and having already passed beyond his boyhood, he first followed divine John Chrysostom, who was administering the church of Constantine, becoming his minister and co-worker in his discourses, and attending to whatever need of his body there was. It was this same Proclus who, looking through the cracks of a door, saw Paul whispering into the ear of the great John and revealing to him the more mystical sense of his epistles. When that man was in exile, Proclus, not falling away from his affection for him, remained with his successor, Bishop Atticus, becoming a scribe of his sermons. Him, as he was advancing in the life according to God, Atticus raised to the rank of deacon. C Thereafter, while he was praising the Lord in the seat of the presbyters, he was designated by Sisinnius as bishop of the church in Cyzicus. But a long time afterward, as we have said, the episcopate of the church of Constantinople was entrusted to him. Being a man most excellent in character and conduct, he drew to himself all the virtues that were in John and Atticus. He was superior even to them in his endurance of the wicked. For Atticus had often seemed very terrible even to those who did not dissent from him in the faith. But this man, both toward them and toward all others, was exceedingly mild and gentle, having in mind to draw them to himself by benevolence rather than by force. For, becoming a cause of disturbance to no one, he preserved the dignity of the Church—I mean its humanity and gentleness—untouched, in this detail imitating Emperor Theodosius; for he, too, by no means D used imperial severity against those who...
A had deserved torment; but he cared less if anyone did not feel about God as he himself felt. By applying himself constantly to teaching, he drew the multitudes to himself gently and not by force; for which reason the emperor also deemed the man worthy of great esteem. For the emperor himself possessed a priestly spirit, so to speak, and by no means welcomed those who urged that men should be persecuted. One might even say that he clearly surpassed all the bishops of that time in other things, but especially in gentleness; and if one said of Theodosius what the Book of Numbers says of Moses—that he was “very meek, above all men that were upon the face of the earth”—I do not think he would be wrong. From this, one might also infer that God was very well pleased with him, and even outside the struggles of war destroyed the enemies threatening him. B He demonstrated this in the case of the tyrant John and the Barbarians who had rushed in with him. For those things which we hear to have happened to just men in ancient times, God brought about in his case as well, beyond all expectation. For when many, and indeed innumerable, Barbarians had made an incursion and had set out to cause trouble for the emperor and the Romans, the emperor, as he was accustomed to do, committed their affairs to God, and by devoting himself more frequently to prayers, he straightway accomplished what he asked. For their leader, Roilas by name (as we have also reported previously), having been struck by a lightning bolt, was taken from the ranks of men. And after a savage plague invaded his army, it devoured it cruelly. Whatever remained of it, moreover, was consumed by heavenly fire. And so the Barbarians fell into great fear, C not so much because they had dared to come to blows against the noble and brave nation of the Romans, but because they understood that, with God assisting, they raised up trophies and won the victory. Then indeed the admirable Proclus, on the occasion of such a victory granted by God, speaking to the people in the church, and ingeniously and suitably adapting the prophecy of Ezekiel to his words, was held in great admiration. The prophecy is conceived in these words: “And thou, son of man, prophesy against Gog, and the prince of Ros, Mosoch, and Thobel. For I will judge him with death and blood, and with an overflowing torrent, and with hailstones; and I will rain fire and brimstone upon him, and upon all them that are with him, and upon many nations with him. And I will be magnified, and I will be glorified, and I will be known in the sight of many nations: and they shall know that I am the Lord.” D Such was Proclus, opportune and apt in all things, but especially distinguished in gentleness and humanity.
Chapter XXXIX.
Concerning translations of bishops from one see to another, and that this custom has obtained in the churches from antiquity; and that such a translation brings no detriment to the well-instituted ecclesiastical order, provided it be done duly and in order.
ASince, however, some, led by envy, find fault with the ecclesiastical canon—casting aspersions upon this divine man as if he had violated it, because, having been ordained bishop of Cyzicus, he was translated to the throne of Constantinople—I have deemed it just to discuss here a few points concerning such translations, so that both Proclus may be absolved of the charge, and the Church may have this classic example, divinely provided for its certainty, lest it be easy for anyone so wishing to rashly disparage by criticism those things which are done in the Church duly and in order.
For those who at that time attempted to censure this matter seem to me to be either carried by envy, or to be ignorant of the mind and intent of the canons, and of those things which have been variously observed and acted upon in the churches by dispensation and for the sake of utility. For the divine canons, and the ancient leaders of the Church, held it as a matter of indifference, as often as a reasonable necessity might call for it, to transfer a bishop from city to city, provided that the translation had to do with piety, B or perhaps with peace and ecclesiastical order. For the canon forbids "encroachment" (transition), but not "translation." The former indeed signifies that which is done against the will and without purpose; for the word is used, as it were, of inanimate things. The latter, however, refers to animate beings, and is used, in a certain sense, of those who, perhaps through arrogance or for the sake of causing confusion, leap onto thrones. This, indeed, the canon rightly inhibits, as I shall explain more fully a little later, but a legitimate translation it does not inhibit at all.
For the first among the apostles, the prince Peter, governed the Church of the city of the Romans; then, first among them, he crossed over to Alexandria. In which churches, after he had ordained Linus and Mark as bishops, he proceeded again to other cities. Eusebius Pamphili, in the sixth book of his Ecclesiastical Histories, records that a certain Alexander, bishop of one of the churches in Cappadocia, having arrived in Jerusalem for the sake of viewing the holy places and performing prayer there, was detained by the people of Jerusalem and installed upon the throne of the holy Narcissus, who was still alive, and presided over the Church of Jerusalem for his whole life; of whom we also made mention in the fifth book of this work, in the tenth chapter.
C That many others also, when a necessary utility called, crossed over to other churches, is sufficiently clear. I myself, even if I do not mention all, will nevertheless recount some in this history. That great Eustathius was translated from Berrhoea—which is Aleppo—to Antioch, while Constantine, the first of the Christian emperors, was directing the Roman empire. In his time also, Maximus was translated from Diospolis to Jerusalem, having succeeded the great and noble Macarius. But also Eudoxius that evildoer—perverse in his understanding, quite contrary to his name—was first translated from Germanicia to Antioch, and from there to Constantinople. The divine Meletius, however, formerly of Sebasteia in the
A province of Cilicia, was proclaimed bishop; and after this he was gloriously translated to Antioch, which is by the Orontes. The divine Gregory first obtained the bishopric of Sasima—that city of Cappadocia—and then of Nazianzus, his own fatherland; afterwards, by the second synod and by Meletius of Antioch, he was translated, as was fitting, to the glorious see of Constantinople. In Patras in Achaia, Perigenes had been ordained bishop. But when the inhabitants of the city would not receive him, the Roman bishop ordered him to be enthroned in the metropolitan city of Corinth, where the high priest of the sacred rites had just recently departed this life; and thus translated, he presided over the church there peacefully for his whole life. Dositheus, the bishop of Seleucia, was transferred by Alexander of Antioch to Tarsus in Cilicia. Another, named Reverentius, was chosen to be bishop of Arca in B Phoenicia; thence he departed to lead the church of the Tyrians in a priestly manner. From Gordus, which is situated in Lycia, John was translated to Proconnesus, and he steered the helm of the bishopric there brilliantly for life. Another, Palladius, was translated from Helenopolis in Bithynia to Aspuna. And another from the same church, Alexander, was promoted to Adrianopolis. Philip was led from Apamea in Asia to Eudoxiopolis, which had the ancient name Salambria. Polycarpus moved from Sexantaprista in Mysia to Nicopolis in Thrace. And Hierophilus came from the city of Trapezopolis in Phrygia to Plotinopolis in Thrace. Optimus was transferred from Agdamea in Phrygia to Antioch in Pisidia; and from Philippopolis in Thrace, Sylvanus moved to Troas. Concerning him, I shall relate something wonderful. Having first learned the art of rhetoric C with the sophist Troilus, he afterwards turned all his zeal toward the Christian life, and while pursuing an ascetic way of life, he refused to wear the pallium. The bishop Atticus, having seized him, declared him bishop of Philippopolis; having spent three years in that city, and not being able to endure the severe winter of the place (for his body was delicate and altogether weak), he offered a petition to Atticus, that he might appoint another bishop in his place, pretending no other cause for his petition than the cold. Moreover, another bishop having been substituted for him, Sylvanus, living in Constantinople, cultivated the monastic life with the greatest care, so zealous for humility and poverty that, walking about in a highly populous city, he used sandals made of rushes. Not much time having passed, the bishop of Troas died. Wherefore, the Troadians D came to Constantinople seeking a bishop. But while Atticus was deliberating whom he should appoint as their prelate, Sylvanus came to visit him. When he saw him, he immediately entrusted to him the bishopric of Troy. And turning to him, he said: "From now on, the excuse for you to flee all ecclesiastical function is cut off. For there is much heat in Troas, opportune and fitting for you, prepared by God."
And so, do not delay, but go to Troy with all possible speed." Sylvanus therefore moved thither, and an extraordinary miracle was wrought by his hands, which I consider worthy to be recounted. On the shore of the Troad, a huge merchant vessel, which was to carry great columns, had recently been constructed; the sailors call it a "plata" from its breadth. But when it was necessary to launch it into the sea, many gathered together, pulling it with ropes into the wet. And as it remained unmoved for many days, they thought the immobility of the ship was due to the activity of demons. Having therefore come to bishop Sylvanus, they asked him to make a prayer over it, believing that his prayer alone would be sufficient to move the ship. Out of his own humility, he said that the deed was not his, as he was a sinner, but [the work] of someone else in whom the divine power rested. When, however, they importuned him greatly and persisted, he with difficulty yielded; and having come to the shore and offered up a prayer, he touched one of the ropes and ordered the others to apply themselves to the work. When they had pushed it but a little, the ship—as if endowed with life A and sliding with great speed past those who were laying hold of it—went into the sea. This event became known throughout the whole province and bore witness to the great piety of Sylvanus. Being a man of the utmost goodness, and seeing that the clergy under him were making a sort of trading business out of the disputes of litigants which arose from wherever they might come, he ordained that no one from the clergy should ever judge a lawsuit anymore. But receiving the petitions of the suppliants B, he gave them quickly to one of the faithful laity, a man he knew to be especially diligent and zealous for justice and equity, and by entrusting the judgment of the cases to him, he warded off the disputes of the litigants. Now these things concerning Sylvanus, even if they be somewhat of a digression, are yet, as I believe, relevant to the present history. Afterwards, many others were moved from throne to throne, such as the most wise Proclus, who was translated from Cyzicus to Constantinople, with the Roman Pope Celestine approving the matter C and writing, through three letters to Cyril of Alexandria, John of Antioch, and Rufus of Thessalonica, [in which] he asserts that the legitimate translation of bishops from city to city does not in any way contravene the canons. I, however, am compelled to digress from my established path and to append to this work those who were translated thereafter, as I think I shall gratify those who are studious of such matters. Besides those whom we have mentioned, during the reign of Zeno, Peter Mongus, at the suggestion of Acacius, the bishop of Constantinople, was transferred from Euchaita to Alexandria; as shall be told later concerning this and the others, if it be God's will. Anthimus of Trapezunt D was translated to the see of Constantinople under the Emperor Justin. Even that admirable man confirms this matter, being frantic for the hearing of forensic [cases].
reign of the Emperor Anastasius. Likewise, Thomas was translated from Thessalonica to Alexandria by the decision/vote of the seventh synod, while Constantine and Irene were governing the great authority; but with Basil of the Macedonians beginning to rule, the most divine patriarch Ignatius translated Basil of Crete to Thessalonica. During his time, also John, bishop of Maiuma, was translated to Alexandria; Amphilochius of Cyzicus moved to Nicaea; and the blessed Theodore moved from there to Laodicea. B When Leo the Wise adorned the empire and Photius held the sacred reins, Gregory of Syracuse was translated to the metropolis of Nicaea, and Nicon, bishop of the same city, went up to Hierapolis. Moreover, Daniel, bishop of Nicopolis which is in Greece, was promoted to Ancyra of Galatia; and Symeones of New Patrae likewise received his translation to Laodicea. John of Larissa was removed/translated to Synada. In addition to these, Stephen, a eunuch from the city of Amasea, was ordained patriarch of Constantinople while Romanus the Elder held the scepter. The shepherd-chief of Antioch, that is, the primary pastor, was also translated to the first office of the Great Church. C From the bishopric of Flaviades, which is under the metropolis of Anazarbus, Nicephorus Phocas, having translated its bishop Eustratius from there, made him patriarch of Antioch, having also detached the aforementioned bishopric from Anazarbus and united it to the patriarchate of Antioch. Agapius, prelate of Seleucia in Pieria, was himself also translated to Antioch while Basil Porphyrogenitus was conspicuous with the Roman scepter. Under his same reign, Theophylactus was moved from Sebasteia to Russia, and Alexander, bishop of Antioch, was promoted to Jerusalem. John, whose name was Codonatus, that new and famous [man], was brought down from great Antioch to the metropolis of Tyre. D And again, the bishop of Tyre, being a eunuch, when his church was captured by the Persians, became a fugitive to Jerusalem. It happening that the throne there was vacant, deprived of its own bishop, the Jerusalemites, having supplicated the Persian ruler that they might entrust the Church of Jerusalem to him, [did so]. He, also arriving at Constantinople in the six thousand six hundred and fifteenth year from the creation of the world, during the reign of Alexius Comnenus, was received by the sacred synod, while Nicolaus the Theoprobletos was acting as patriarch. While the same Nicolaus was governing the Church of Constantinople, that Pentaclas, from the Russians, was appointed archbishop of Lemnos; the church of Maron was also added to him. Nicephorus, metropolitan of Gangra, being as it were without a see, obtained the metropolis of Amastris.
A Leontopolis also received Arcadiopolis. To the idle bishop of Alexiopolis, Abydos was given; and later, Apri as well. Many churches were also joined together, such as Paros and Naxia, Sougda and Phoula, and also Alania and Soteropolis. When Isaac Angelos was guiding the throne of the empire, Dositheus of Jerusalem was translated to the throne of Constantine; and Mark, who was under Florus, was promoted there. Then Dositheus, again leaving the throne of Constantine, returned to the throne of Aelia, when the one under Florus had been driven from there against all justice. Later, Dositheus resigned both the thrones of Aelia and Constantine, and having lived by himself, he died. These things occurred in earlier times; but in my own time, I know that the four prelates of the high thrones have also attained their positions through translations. For after that great Arsenius, Nicephorus of Ephesus and Germanus of Hadrianople were translated to the throne of Constantine. B Much later, we also saw Niphon brought from Cyzicus in the Hellespont to the same throne. Athanasius of Alexandria, who had succeeded Nicholas, was succeeded by Gregory, bishop of Egypt. At Antioch, I know that four bishops succeeded by such translation. After Euthymius, Arsenius was translated from Tripoli and obtained the throne there. Cyril of Tyre succeeded him, and Dionysius of Pompeiopolis succeeded this man; then another Cyril succeeded Dionysius, and he had as his successor that famous Dionysius of Mopsuestia, and he in turn was succeeded by Sophronius of Tyre. Likewise, I have also seen two in Jerusalem by translation. For after the death of Sophronius, Athanasius, bishop of Caesarea Philippi, became successor. A certain Gabriel, also newly proclaimed bishop of Caesarea Philippi, seized the throne of Jerusalem by deceit, and having lived only a short time, he yielded and left the throne, even against his will, to the previous Athanasius. These things regarding translations, which I learned of both formerly and later, I have set down in this work. Someone who diligently studies histories might perhaps find many others. C For the canon, as I have stated, calls such an act a "translation" (*metathesis*), and not a "change of place" (*metastasis*) or "passing over" (*metabasis*). For these latter terms, as one might say, are applied to animate beings that move by their own free will; while "to be translated" and "translation" are said of inanimate things, and those which are moved, as it were, by others. Thus, *metastasis* and *metabasis* would belong to those who fly of themselves from their own see to higher thrones; but "translation" belongs to those who are brought elsewhere by others, even against their own will. This is what Celestine, the bishop of Rome, shows in what he calls his *Secretis*, in the second chapter, using these words: "If a bishop is translated for the sake of utility, he should not do this by his own act, but D by the urging of the brethren. And he should carry out the matter by the authority of this holy see, not for the sake of empty glory, but for common utility or necessity." Anterius, his colleague, reports the same, speaking word for word as follows: "Know that the translation of bishops is allowed to take place for the sake of common utility or necessity, but not out of desire for gain or love of dominion. Since indeed Peter, our teacher and leader, for the sake of ecclesiastical utility was translated from Antioch to Rome, and thence later to Alexandria."
The most excellent Arsenius among the archpriests, the illustrious prelate of Ephesus, Nicephorus, and Germanus, bishop of the city of Hadrian.
A Let no bishop who is transferred for the sake of utility do so by his own initiative; rather, he must complete the act when the brethren compel him, and by the authority of this sacred see, not for the sake of vainglory, but for the sake of utility or necessity. Auterius, the co-bishop, declares the same thing to him, thus detailing it word for word: "Know that the transfer of bishops may take place for the sake of common utility or due to necessity, but not out of desire for a position or by force. For Peter, our sacred teacher and the exarch of the apostles, was transferred from Antioch to Rome for the sake of utility, and then from there he departed to Alexandria, as he was able to be more useful there. Eusebius was transferred from a certain small city to Alexandria by apostolic authority. Likewise, Felix was transferred from the city to which he had been assigned by the election of the citizens, by reason of the teaching and the good life he possessed, by the common consent of the bishops and the rest of the priests, and by the advice of the apostles, to Ephesus. For he does not move from city to city who does not do this out of his own desire or vainglory, but is transferred from a lesser city to a greater one for the sake of some utility or necessity, through the exhortation of others and the counsel of those who are more powerful; and he does this not out of vainglory, nor by his own will, but either pushed by force from his own see, or moved by the utility of the place or the people; not arrogantly, but more humbly, at the instance of others." Regarding these transfers, what has been said is, I think, sufficiently prolix. Let us therefore return to the remaining context of our history.
CHAPTER XL.
B C *Of the Jews who wandered in Crete, and how they afterwards embraced the Christian religion. Also, how at that time the race of the Burgundians beyond the river Rhine accepted the Christian religion.*The divine Proclus sat at the sacred helm of the Church, and composed ecclesiastical affairs. At that time, many of the Jews in Crete embraced the rites of the Christians, for a reason of this kind. There was a certain man of their race who, having lived his life in fraud and deceit, finally feigned himself to be that Moses, and fabricated that he had been sent from heaven to Crete by God in order that he might lead the Jews of that place through the sea, just as of old he had led the Israelites through the Red Sea. And he went about the whole island everywhere, persuading them to believe that he was indeed that one. He exhorted them to count as of no concern all the money and possessions D and property they possessed, promising that he would lead them through the sea as if on dry land to the land of promise. They, deceived by his vain promises, neglected their affairs and labors everywhere, and rashly permitted their belongings to be plundered by anyone. When the appointed day arrived on which they were to depart, he himself, full of confidence and pride, went before them; but they followed the man, together with their wives and those of weaker age. And so he led them to a certain high cliff extending into the sea, and commanded them to cast themselves into the water, as if they were swimming or diving. And some of them, immediately as it had been commanded them, did so, and were never seen thereafter; but others also to the...
A waters and precipices, and all of them would have reached the point of perishing in the waters and on the cliffs, had not the providence of God, with difficulty, brought forth Christian men who were fishermen and others living by trade, who by all means drew them out and saved them, at that point perhaps having their senses awakened to the madness they had embraced. They restrained the others from throwing themselves into the waves, pointing out to them the destruction of those who had previously thrown themselves in. And having with difficulty returned to their senses, and having detected the deception of their ill-considered faith, they desisted, miserably struggling to swim away; and they attempted to seize that false Moses. But they could not bring to effect what they were striving to do; for he suddenly disappeared, and provided much suspicion that some avenging demon, having put on human form, was leading the nation to destruction. From this, therefore, many, having renounced the superstition of the Jews, firmly embraced the religion of the Christians in Crete, being numbered as an infinite multitude.
A similar thing also happened at this same time, which I shall also recount. A certain barbarian nation dwells beyond the river Rhine. Burgundians is the name of the nation; and this nation is very peaceable: for they are all, almost, woodworkers, and from this they procure their living. Now, the nation of the Huns, which was adjacent to them, made frequent incursions against them, and kept plundering their country; and many were slain being caught in battle. Being at a loss in the midst of these terrible circumstances, they resolved to entrust their affairs to some god. And reflecting in their minds that the God of the Romans and of the Christians most greatly assists those who are devoted to Him, becoming a most swift helper, they all agreed by common consent to approach that faith. And having arrived at one of the cities of Gaul, they were suppliants to the bishop, that he would instruct them in the Christian faith and deem them worthy of divine baptism. He, having imposed upon them a seven-day fast, B and having taught them what they needed concerning sacred matters, baptized them on the eighth day, and ordered them to return home, having assigned a bishop to them. Having therefore taken courage from that point, they marched against the tyrant enemies; and they did not at all miss the mark of their expectation: for since Uptaro, the leader of the Huns, had burst from excessive gluttony—for this man was the chieftain of the Huns—they attacked them unexpectedly and pierced many with arrows; for, being only three thousand in number, C they slaughtered ten thousand. And from that time this nation burned with an ardent love to strictly maintain their Christianity. Thus does God most wisely dispense one thing through another, ruling over all things by the mysterious depths of His providence. So much for these matters; but I shall also provide another account to my narrative, so that it may be possible for all to know that God very often is accustomed to show forth His usual miracles even through the unworthy. D
A
Chapter XLI: Of Paul, the Bishop of the Novatians, and the things worthy of admiration and memory which he accomplished.
At that time the Novatian bishop Paul, who succeeded Chrysanthus, performed a certain miracle, and thereby gained for himself among his own people a great reputation for piety and divine love. A serious fire broke out in the city, such as it had never before experienced; it spread through the greater part of the city, so that the largest storehouses and granaries were consumed, and among them a public building which bore the name of Achilles. Furthermore, the fire, after ravaging the buildings all around, moved toward the Novatian church, which was near the place called Pelargus. When the church was thus in danger, Paul entered the most holy sanctuary and prayed as a suppliant that God would preserve the church, not ceasing to pray there both for the city itself and for the temple. And God, by some means or other, having hearkened to his prayers, kept that house of worship unharmed. For although the fire had already swept through all the doors and windows, it did not harm it; but when it had consumed many of the buildings round about, it passed by the temple, leaving it untouched and inviolate from such a great scourge. And what is most significant, although the fire raged everywhere for two whole days, not even a trace of smoke appeared on the walls or timbers of his church. From that time on, the Novatians, celebrating sacred rites on that day of the month of August in honor of the preserved temple, made that place famous; and because of that deed, they drew many of the followers of the pagan superstition to themselves as they worshipped in that shrine.
Paul, who has been mentioned, also did another thing worthy of memory when he was about to depart this life, which also would not be untimely to insert into this history. For the purpose of this work is to gather from all things what is convenient and useful, and sometimes even to fashion an Andromache out of serpents. For when, as has been said, Paul was about to die, he called together all the order of priests who were under him and said, "Let it be your concern, while I still breathe, to designate a bishop, lest when I am gone, some confusion should arise in your church." When they replied that they did not have a sound and correct judgment in this matter, because they were favoring one another out of affection, and were leaving the election to him instead, he took up the matter and said, "Then give me your agreement in writing, to the effect that you will be satisfied with whomever I may choose, and I am prepared to do this." They immediately did what was commanded, and Paul, sitting in bed, took a paper and secretly wrote upon it the name of a certain Marcian, who was a priest, but who had led an ascetic life under him, and was at that time away. Having stamped the paper with his own seal, and then having prepared the others of the presby- [their] seal to affix, he [left] the book to Mark, the bishop of Scythia...
who was at that time staying in the city, having said these things to him: "If God wills that I should remain longer in this life, you will return to me this paper, kept just as a deposit; but if it seems good to Him to call me to Himself, then having opened the book, you will find him whom I, by the common vote of you all, have judged worthy to lead the episcopacy." When he had died, and after three days the book was opened in the presence of a great multitude, the choice of Paul was judged by them also to be legitimate. And without any delay, they sent out those who would bring him back. They, having used a righteous guile, found him at Tiberiopolis in Phrygia, and led him [back] even against his will, and enthroned him in their Church. And let so much have been said concerning Paul. B Tiberiopolis in Phrygia having been found, they used a good guile, or [led him] even unwilling, and placed him on the throne of the Church. These things have been said about Paul.
CHAPTER XLII.
How Bishop Proclus, having seized Thalassius the prefect, who was about to cross into Illyricum, ordained him bishop of Caesarea immediately after Firmus.
At this time—the seventeenth consulship of Theodosius—the patriarch Proclus performed a deed which was something new, apart from ecclesiastical custom. For since Firmus, the bishop of Caesarea in Cappadocia, had died, the Caesareans were present, requesting that a bishop be ordained for them. While Proclus was deliberating with himself as to whom he should entrust the bishopric of Caesarea, it being the Sabbath day, it happened by good fortune that all the senators came to the bishop for the sake of visiting him; among whom was also Thalassius, who held the prefecture of the cities which are in Illyricum. C And he was now about to depart from there to the East, intending to administer the duty entrusted to him by the emperor, when Proclus, suddenly laying [his] hands upon him, instead of the office of prefect, ordained him bishop of the Caesareans. And he, even against his own intent, ascended the rank in the Church and administered it duly; and although the emperor was initially vexed at the suddenness of the act, he soon, however, approved this deed by his own sanction. This act of Proclus is very unusual and quite strange to hear.
CHAPTER XLIII.
Concerning the return of the sacred relics of the most wise John Chrysostom.
He did, moreover, another thing that was quite illustrious and worthy of his own glory. For knowing that the Church had long been split on account of the degradation of Chrysostom, he sought a plan by which he might preserve the Church from dissension and sedition, and console the grief of the people. D And indeed, he set about this matter in a miraculous way, being led by God. For in the fifth year of his patriarchate, the populace, which had been piously stirred up on behalf of John, having gathered, [petitioned] Proclus to go as an envoy to the emperor,
A that the saintly man might be recalled from his unjust exile, and that the people and the Church might be freed from their bereavement. Proclus immediately and readily did so. And those who were sent to bring his body were dispatched; yet the coffin remained completely immovable. Even when the hands of many people were gathered in force to move it, it could not be budged from its place. When the emperor learned of this, he immediately perceived the cause of the matter. Therefore, he wrote a letter in red ink, entreating the holy man to allow himself to be brought. These letters were placed upon his breast, and a vigil was kept, with prayers poured out to God. Thus, the coffin made itself easy for those taking it away, and the saint himself, as if lightening the coffin and sharing in the weight of the burden, seemed to be carrying it together with the bearers. I shall also insert those very letters of Theodosius into the narrative, containing these things: B "To the teacher of the entire world, and spiritual Father, to the holy John with the golden mouth, patriarch, Theodosius the emperor. Thinking your body to be dead just like those of others, honorable Father, we, as children who love their parent, desired to transfer it and bring it to us. But since we did not bestow upon this undertaking the honor that was strictly due, nor the submission and moderation that was necessary—having perhaps followed the laws of imperial pride in matters where we ought to have been more honorable than by the empire itself—we have not undeservedly failed in our prayer. But do you, Father of fathers, truly most honorable (for now we address you as if you were alive), looking rather to our desire than to your own resolve, grant pardon to those who repent—you who have taught repentance more than any other, and have overcome us—and grant an example of chastisement to a soul burning with desire and acknowledging its own error, C for having thus far refused your return to us; restore yourself to us, we beseech you, restore yourself. For it is not worthy of your bowels of compassion, nor of our love and expectation, that you continue to afflict us with longer delay and procrastination: we who desire to behold not only your body and ashes, but even your shadow alone." Such were the letters. Now, when they had finished the entire journey and arrived on the coast opposite Constantinople, before Chalcedon, the emperor and the senate around him crossed over; the patriarch also crossed over, and all those around the sanctuary; D then all sorts of people, of every age, moving across the sea as if it were dry land, and covering the mouth of the Bosporus at the Propontis with burning torches. And indeed, the imperial trireme received the divine coffin. Then truly did God perform a miracle, more wondrous than any prodigies ever seen. For when there was a steady and constant calm upon the sea, a storm suddenly arose upon the deep, and the ships and that countless fleet were scattered, each in a different direction, consulting for their own safety; but the imperial trireme, carrying that holy burden and that precious treasure, its cables suddenly snapped, as if guided by a divine hand, was brought to the field of the widow—that widow for whose sake the bride of Christ, the Church, was bereaved of such a pastor. And again it judges
A justly even after death, passing a legitimate sentence in that widow’s field, by assigning and confirming the field by its authority: God was surely glorifying that great man, and openly proclaiming his unjust exile. And as far as it was possible for it to do, the ship split the rock—a miracle that is seen even to this day, and that bears witness more clearly than any herald to the extraordinary zeal of that preeminent man.
When this had been done, serenity returned again, and the ships were gathered from here and there, and with the greatest pomp and escort, and with fitting hymns, they accompanied the holy man and brought him into the imperial city. And first, the temple of the great Thomas, somewhere near Amantius, received him; from there he was carried to the temple of holy Peace; and afterwards, having been brought up in an imperial chariot, B the coffin was taken to the temple of the holy Apostles. There the emperor, having covered the divine coffin with his chlamys and having placed his forehead and eyes upon the urn, offered a common petition on behalf of those who had brought him into the world. For they had long since died, having left him, while still very young, amidst the trials of orphanhood. He also prayed separately for his mother, that the shaking of the urn might cease; for it was now in its thirty-fifth year of movement, during which time it had also been shaking the Church. And he did not fail to obtain his request; for it stood still immediately.
And when the holy Proclus had seated the saint upon his own throne, the multitude that flowed around cried out with one voice: “Receive your throne, C Father,” they said. And it is said that he, too, opening his lips that had long been sealed, said to the people, “Peace be with you,” just as the bystanders and the patriarch Proclus testified that they had heard. And when the holy mysteries had been celebrated, they went to the deposition of his relics. And with the hands of the priests, the great high priest was deposited at the base of the holy and divine table, like a sacred and inviolable treasure—bishop to bishops, a martyr—even if without blood—to the martyrs, the great and golden trumpet of the Church of Christ to the prophets and apostles of Christ, ringing in the ears of all, and singing (as it were) the pious dogmas and teachings clearly and musically to all, on the twenty-seventh day of the month of January.
By this great act, those who were separated because of him were persuaded, and all were united to the Church. D “It occurs to me to wonder,” says Socrates the Church historian, “(while the Novatian, I think, was quietly mocking the holy man), how envy assailed Origen after he was dead, but spared John.” For the former, nearly two hundred years after his death, was excommunicated by Theophilus, whereas John was received into communion by Proclus thirty-five years after his death. To such a degree did Proclus differ in character from Theophilus. But how these things happened, and how they always happen, does not escape prudent men. Thus far concerning the return of divine Chrysostom.
CHAPTER LXIV.
That the divine Ignatius was also brought from Rome to Antioch.
At the same time, the divine Ignatius was also brought from Rome to Constantinople. For since, according to his own wish, he had been buried in the bellies of wild beasts in the amphitheater of Rome, whatever bones were left that were firmer and more solid were buried there. But Theodosius, by a most excellent suggestion of God the best and greatest, desired with great and illustrious honor to return them to his own flock. Therefore, having received these relics from there, after a long time he brought them back to Antioch with magnificent pomp, and placed them with great veneration in the place called a cemetery. And a huge temple, once dedicated to demons, which the inhabitants used to call as it were the temple of Fortune, was transformed into a sanctified shrine and consecrated to the divine martyr; in which the casket of the relics was also deposited, having been brought through the city in an imperial chariot with sacred display and a retinue. There, too, a public festival was celebrated annually with magnificence, God glorifying the memory of those who loved Him even from the tomb, just as had happened before with Babylas. For because the God-hating Julian, B because the Daphnaean Apollo had given no response to him when he consulted the oracle (for the martyr, who was buried in the nearby place, was stopping his mouth by divine power, as the demon himself unwillingly confessed), honored the martyr with a new kind of translation, so that the demons might conduct their affairs more conveniently and easily, just as they had obscurely promised Julian. But this, as it seems, was of divine providence, so that at once the power of the martyrs might be made manifest, and their sacred relics might be far removed from the stench of idols, and being placed in a sacred spot, might be honored with the debt due to them, as was fitting; just as it also happened. For a temple, both large in size and beautiful in form, was built for him before the city, into which his urn was also brought.
Chapter XLV.
On the seven holy youths who rose at Ephesus, to establish the faith of the general resurrection.
About the same time, a great dispute arose in the imperial city concerning the resurrection of the dead, D and a very great contention took hold of the people. For some, together with the Sadducees, opined that there is no resurrection at all: others, however, though with difficulty, yet believed that the dead would be raised, moved by the open and irrefragable testimonies of the sacred Scriptures, but in a totally different and changed body. For they thought that it could not happen that that first body, which had been dissolved and destroyed in various ways, should be resurrected; but that another, with no preceding matter, restored again by the divine will which perfects all things, would be resurrected together with the soul. To such a great ignorance of the men of that time
and to the question proposed, God, who knows all things before they come to pass, like an excellent physician, prepared suitable remedies, so that by providing care in the proper time, He might heal the infirmity of souls. By some three hundred and seventy-two years A prior, indeed, He wrought a thing which, in nothing falling short of the wonders of old, surpassed nature in what He accomplished; and this, just as it occurred, I shall attempt to deliver to writing. In Ephesus of Ionia there were seven youths, brothers no less in body than in soul, who had received our religion from their parents. So great, however, was the love toward Christ which had melted in them, that they made light of the persecution which Decius, the Roman emperor at that time, was exercising most cruelly. And when they had openly confessed Christ, they withdrew to a place not very far from that city, and for B fear of the impending danger, hid themselves in a neighboring cave. The persecutors then came and securely walled off the cave’s entrance from the outside. But they, being in deep distress of mind, seemed to fall into a certain profound sleep; and thus they remained sleeping for three hundred and seventy-two years, as if overshadowed by divine providence and the Holy Spirit. For just as if they were without sensation, they were held in a sweet and soft sleep during the times mentioned, neither their bodies nor their garments decaying. But when, in the time of the present reign of which we are now speaking, the door was broken open, they awoke from that sleep. And they sent one of their number into the city for the sake C of procuring necessities. But when he presented the coin of Decius to those in the city, they, being struck by the new and unusual form of the currency, supposed that he had stumbled upon a treasure; they led the young man to the city governor, and applied not light tortures to him to force him to disclose the gold he had found. And after he had been scourged severely with whips, barely coming to himself, he cried out: "Tell me, I pray, who is currently holding the empire?" And they, smiling in a sweet and humorous way, answered, "Are you ignorant that Theodosius now happily administers the empire?" But he, as if struck dumb, said: "Speak auspiciously! Does not Decius rule the Romans, but [rather] Theodosius—he who, having shaken me and the six with me with great fear D through the city prefect, forced us to enter this cave where we were hiding? And [I], constrained by hunger, was sent out by them to buy bread." When they heard these words, they were stunned; they ran with great speed, followed by the whole populace, to the cave. Having widened the entrance even more and cast down the stones from here and there, they came upon a tablet on which the name of Decius, and the liberty of these [youths] in professing the religion of Christ, and their flight and concealment, and also the time of their burial, were most fittingly inscribed. And so, with the due reverence, they brought them out from there and quickly made the matter fully known to the emperor. The most faithful emperor, when he learned of these things—always doing what is pleasing and acceptable to God—deemed it unworthy of his piety either to summon them to himself, or...
pious duty, he deemed it unworthy of his piety either to arrange for them to be brought to him or to send others to see them, while he himself stayed at home; for he judged the one to be a sign of arrogance, and the other of sloth. Having therefore held all other matters in contempt in comparison with his desire to go to them, he hurried as quickly as possible to Ephesus. Having thus sated himself with the sight of them, and having conversed with them and enjoyed their most delightful company to his heart's content, and having partaken of a common meal with them as was appropriate, he spent seven full days with them, providing them with every kind of care and service. But when they had once again fallen asleep in the long sleep and had piously passed away in the Lord, he honored them with the proper honors; and having held a glorious triumph for that reason, and having magnificently placed them back in the cave, he returned again to Constantinople. From that time on, the dispute concerning the dogma was laid to rest. For it was clearly evident; indeed, he who had enabled the youths to pass through so many years as if it were a single night without any harm to their bodies, and who had raised them up with their souls reunited, clearly showed that he would also, in the fullness of his power, raise up all mankind with their own, and not strange, bodies in a single moment, just as if from sleep, at the appointed time. And so much for these matters.
CHAPTER XLVI
B Regarding the extraordinary earthquakes that occurred; and how, when a supplication was held in the Field because of them, with the Emperor and Proclus present, a young boy was suddenly snatched up into the air and heard the Thrice-Holy hymn, and upon descending, related it to the people, and immediately falling down, expired. And how Theodosius restored the city and built many structures in Antioch.While Theodosius was still reigning, a great and extraordinary earthquake occurred, which easily surpassed all those that had preceded it in magnitude, speed, and duration of time. For the earthquake lasted for six whole months, and it did not occur at intervals, but shaken everything continuously; and this happened over almost the entire world, so that not only did the towers in the imperial city fall headlong and the wall split in various places, but also the structure around the Chersonese, which they call the Long Wall, collapsed entirely; and countless structures of great works and temples fell to ruin everywhere. C This earthquake reached even to Alexandria. In Antioch, however, it fell with greater violence and crushed most of the extraordinary sights there. And countless misfortunes occurred, not only on land, but also at sea; for in some places the earth, splitting open, swallowed up populous villages; in other places, not insignificant springs suddenly dried up, while in other spots water gushed forth in abundance where it had not been accustomed to be before. Many trees were torn up by the roots along with their trunks. Very many mounds suddenly rising,
A becoming like huge mountains. The sea, too, passing beyond its own bounds, cast up dead fish of immense size as if from a sling. Many islands, together with their inhabitants, were submerged and to this day do not appear. Ships also were seen standing motionless on dry land in the midst of the sea, the waters having suddenly withdrawn.
Bithynia and the Hellespont, both Phrygias, and the greatest part of the East, as has been said, suffered most from the disasters of this earthquake. It also invaded many regions of the West. And although it lasted for a long time, it did not continue to rage with the same vehemence with which it had begun, but gradually remitted in its intensity until it ceased altogether. Such was that disaster.
The inhabitants of Byzantium, cast into the greatest fear and dreading the collapse of buildings, left the walls and stayed outside the city in the place called the Campus, together with the Emperor Theodosius and the Patriarch Proclus, B applying themselves to continuous prayers, beseeching God to be propitious to them and to deliver the world from the impending calamity. And when at one time, while the motion was still raging, the earth was shaking as if it were heaving like waves, and men, fearing that it would be torn up from its very foundations, were all given over to litanies and supplications, weeping and imploring the divine mercy from the depths of their innermost hearts, then a miracle occurred, beyond all expectation, which exceeds all sense and understanding. For suddenly, in the midst of the sight of all, by a certain divine power, a boy was lifted up into the air and raised even to the heavenly expanse, so that he was no longer visible; and he heard a divine voice, by which it is the custom for the angels to praise God. Having perceived that voice, he again returned and descended by the same path through the air; and he reported to Bishop Proclus, to the Emperor himself, and to the whole multitude who were praying and singing hymns to God, that he had heard these words from the angels as they were singing: "Holy God, Holy Mighty, Holy Immortal, have mercy on us." C When Proclus heard this, he immediately ordered the people to chant in this manner: and the earthquake immediately stopped and ceased altogether.
The Emperor Theodosius and the admirable Pulcheria, who is worthy of the admiration of all, having been struck with wonder at this miracle, immediately decreed by imperial edict that this divine hymn should be sung throughout the whole world. From that time on, the Church of Christ, having received this, uses it not only every day, but also, to speak simply, places it before all else at the beginning of every hymn and praise of God, with full voice.
The boy, having performed the ministry of those words, immediately departed this life and was buried in the Great Church, which bears the name of Peace. The place in which he was raised on high was afterwards called the "Divine Exaltation," looking toward the south wind of the city of Constantine. When the Emperor was freed from the fear of the earthquakes, he immediately set about rebuilding the walls of the city of Constantinople; and the part of the older walls which are on dry land, for sixty days, D
A he restored it to its current visible form, expanding the city with a great breadth of territory. The city prefect Cyrus also renovated the remainder of the wall that had fallen down and had aged with time, raising it to a great height, thus, as it were, restoring the city to a new form. And once, when the emperor was standing in the Hippodrome and watching the equestrian contest, the Byzantines, delighted by the work of Cyrus, raised a thunderous cry: “Constantine founded, Cyrus restored.” B By this the ruler was provoked to anger, and using the pretext that he was a follower of pagan superstition, he stripped him of the dignity of prefect and immediately confiscated all his property. Despondent, he fled to the Church, and being enrolled in the holy order of the priesthood, he led the city of the Smyrneans. But the Smyrneans, having heard that he had once participated in pagan rites, avoided his communion. Cyrus, however, spoke these words to them in the church: “My friends, let us honor the birth of our God and Savior Jesus Christ in silence, because the Word of God was conceived in the holy Virgin by hearing alone. To Him be glory unto the ages. Amen.” And thereafter he became acceptable to them and governed the affairs of the Church piously.
The temple dedicated to the Theotokos, which is called “of Cyrus,” is also his work; in which there is a story that that wonderful cantor Romanus received, on account of the hymns he sang, an honor and reward for his virtue from the Theotokos. The temple was erected there on the following occasion. There was an immense and tall cypress tree in that place, in which, in earlier times, someone had hidden—I know not how—an image of the Theotokos. C When much time had passed and the image was hidden, it revealed itself. For the cypress appeared as a single lamp, shining with an infinite light. And a great outpouring of miracles flowed from its obscure and hidden presence. Through the good curiosity of one who climbed the tree, the image became visible, from which also a fountain of miracles flowed. Honoring the site, Cyrus founded a very beautiful and great temple to the Theotokos. Thus much concerning these things.
The emperor, showing great generosity, restored not only the royal city but also other cities that had been severely ruined. He restored others in different ways; but to Antioch he sent Memnonius, Zoilus, and Callistus, men highly distinguished in our religion, as governors. D Memnonius, then, very decently and magnificently restored what was called the Psephium from the very foundations, in the middle of which he left an open-air and sky-lit courtyard. Zoilus erected a royal stoa sloping towards the south, along the side of Rufinus, leaving that name to the space. My namesake, Callistus, has also left behind a building for the city that is not small, but rather very illustrious.
It is called the Porticus of Callistus, set before the court of justice, A straight across from the forum where those most beautiful structures were erected, in which the military commanders reside. In addition to these, Anatolius, the general and prefect of the military ranks in the East, having been sent there, also famously erected a portico bearing his own name, adorning it with materials of every kind and with superb craftsmanship. Even if these things seem to be incidental to the history, they are not unrefined to the studious, but rather are quite worthy of careful investigation.
CHAPTER XLVII
How Flavian succeeded Proclus, and Dioscorus succeeded Cyril in the administration of the Church. Concerning the discord between Pulcheria and Eudocia on account of Chrysaphius; and concerning the second, "brigand" synod at Ephesus.
After this event, the most divine Proclus having shone for eleven years in the see of Constantinople, and the admirable Cyril of Alexandria for thirty-two years, both at the same time passed on to the life that knows no aging. But John of Antioch also B departed this life, leaving the throne to Domnus. Furthermore, Leo the Great, after the divine Celestine had departed this life, was brought to the throne of Ancient Rome. Juvenal, still surviving, presided over the churches in Palestine. Flavian, the guardian of the sacred treasures of the Great Church, succeeded Proclus, a man invested with the dignity of a presbyter and known for his heavenly life. After Cyril, Dioscorus established a workshop of impiety in the see of Alexandria; being the worst of men in all other respects, he was especially hostile to the divine Cyril and to Flavian, and did not accept the decrees of the third synod. C Being most friendly with the unhappy archimandrite of Constantinople, Eutyches, and furthermore with Chrysaphius, the chief of the imperial chamberlains—a eunuch—he caused the second synod to be convened at Ephesus, which on that account was dubbed the "brigand" synod.
The beginning of its being celebrated was as follows: This Chrysaphius possessed great authority with the emperor and, being displeased with the ordination of Flavian due to a previous prejudice, suggested to the emperor that he signify to the patriarch to send the customary gifts of blessing for his ordination. The divine Flavian sent pure loaves of bread; but Chrysaphius declared D that gold blessings ought to be sent. The patriarch replied that he did not have an abundance of such things, unless perhaps he were to use the sacred treasures of the church for this purpose; he added that Chrysaphius himself knew well that the sacred vessels of the Church were consecrated to God and to the poor. From this, the resentment took root, while Pulcheria the Augusta knew nothing of it. Consequently, Chrysaphius, stung by envy, moved every lever to depose the patriarch from his throne. But when he saw that this was altogether impossible while Pulcheria was managing the heights of affairs, he sought to influence Eudocia the Augusta, who, because most things were being done erroneously according to their judgment,
A had not yet gone to Palestine, and was quietly inciting her against her mother Pulcheria. He urged her to take the Praepositus away from her and claim him for herself; for he stood under her authority, as she was overseeing affairs. Eudocia brought no small pressure to bear upon the emperor to detach the Praepositus from Pulcheria. But the ruler was not at all persuaded, dissuading her by recalling the circumstances of his own birth and upbringing, and how fitting it was that his sister should administer the affairs of the state. When Chrysaphius failed in this first attempt, he tried another, and again began to trouble Eudocia to incite the emperor to intimate secretly to the patriarch that he should ordain Pulcheria as a deaconess. While Eudocia was doing this, through frequent suggestion she finally bent the emperor's very gentle soul. For even a drop of water, by falling frequently, is accustomed to hollow out a stone; having summoned the patriarch, he indicated the secret matter. He, thrown into sorrow, appeared to the emperor as though he would do what was pleasing to him; but by a secret letter he informed Pulcheria, telling her by no means to come into his presence, so that, he said, he would not be forced to do what was disagreeable both to himself and to her. B Pulcheria, immediately understanding what was being planned, ordered the Praepositus to go over to Eudocia; and she herself, having left the city and reached the Seventh [milestone], lived in quiet and in private. The emperor and Eudocia, however, were thereafter exceedingly angry with Flavian for having revealed that secret design. With Pulcheria removed, the affairs of the state were managed through the hands of Eudocia; at which time also the occasion for that suspicion had its place, concerning that celebrated evil on account of Paulinus the magister, as has been said above.
When these things were taking place in this manner, Eusebius, of whom we spoke before in the third synod (for he was the first to detect and refute the madness of Nestorius—if anyone else was, and he himself was skilled in the art of rhetoric; at that time, however, he was bishop of Dorylaeum), being an acquaintance of Eutyches, was one day discussing matters of faith with him. And when he noticed that he was not thinking correctly, he wrote a petition and presented it to the patriarch Flavian concerning this matter. C Flavian, having assembled a provincial synod at Constantinople, to which forty bishops had come, cited Eutyches. He, furthermore, at first refused to appear. But when he was compelled and came, he was detected to be suffering from a most shameful malady. For he said in the middle of the assembly: "I confess that our Lord Jesus Christ was begotten from two natures, before the union; but after the union, I preach that He is of one nature; and that His divine body is neither consubstantial with us nor subject to the same sufferings as us." The synod, having heard these words, immediately, because he was not led to repentance, lawfully and according to the certain judgment of the canons, stripped the man of his dignity and rejected him. D He, however, approaching the emperor, begged to be examined again, as if the minutes against him had been forged by Flavian. And indeed, the ecumenical and universal councils, without the will of the emperor, can in no way be gathered.
A Another synod was therefore convoked through the order of the ruling emperor before the time of Constantine, at which there were present both others from the clergy and some from the senate. And in order that the minutes might be validated as true, the eunuch Chrysaphius, who was of the same mind as him and stood in the greatest favour, being unable to bear the insult, increased his wrath further against Flavian. And he revealed to the impious Dioscorus of Alexandria that all his heart’s desires would be granted to him in everything, if he would but act as champion for Eutyches in his peril and stir up his tongue against Flavian and Eusebius of Dorylaeum. He also incited the Augusta Eudocia, saying many other things to her, but especially the stinging matters that had happened to her through Pulcheria, because Flavian had not kept the secret entrusted to him concealed and silent. Having become both of one mind, they moved Theodosius to convoke a second synod again at Ephesus, which might deliberate on the matters concerning Eutyches and Flavian, and to entrust the judgment of the voting to the impious Dioscorus, and that he should preside over the synod; he was also to send a sufficient military force to assist those who were to cast the votes.
B When the emperor had ordered this, and the synod called "robber" had been gathered at Ephesus, Dioscorus took the chair as president, and pushing aside the other notaries, he brought forward only his own, so that the proceedings might be drafted in the scrolls according to his own judgment. Present at the council were those prelates of the churches mentioned above, along with the priests about them, except for Leo, the shepherd of elder Rome. For the bishop Julius, having been sent, filled the place of this man, along with others, and in addition to other things, the emperor Theodosius had decreed to the letter as follows: "Let those who previously acted as judges of the most reverend archimandrite Eutyches be present and silent, but let them not hold the office of judges; rather, let them await the common vote of all the most holy Fathers, since it is precisely the matters judged by them that are now being examined."
When the inquiry took place, Eutyches was asked to make clear to the synod what he held concerning God. And when he openly declared what he had said also before—that before the union (the Saviour) had been begotten of two natures, but after this there is but one nature in Him—Dioscorus, taking him up, said: "And we all are of the same opinion." But the representatives of Pope Leo requested that his letters, both that to Flavian and that to the synod, be read. C But when Dioscorus also dismissed those, they, perceiving the rashness of Dioscorus's impulse, fled the synod and returned to Rome. Dioscorus and those about him restored the priesthood to Eutyches; but they stripped Flavian and Eusebius of Dorylaeum of their own, using for their support the canon which those men had perhaps transgressed, which orders that no other creed be set forth than that which was (issued) at Nicaea. And the most holy Flavian, after that illegal deposition, being driven from the synod with pushings and kickings by those about Dioscorus and Chrysaphius, after the third D day departed this life in blessedness, and that very Dioscorus himself, leaping upon...
the belly of the defender of the truth even after he was dead. A On the following day, the bishops were compelled by the force of the soldiers who had surrounded them with their weapons drawn to subscribe to the acts issued against that holy man. Among whom Domnus, who had succeeded John in the Church of Antioch, also added his signature at that time. But the same man, having returned to his own power, retracted what he had yielded to them, resisting Dioscorus and the men from the imperial court, and crying out against what had been done as being contrary to the ecclesiastical rule, calling the synod impious, and finally demanding that his own subscription be returned to him. But the synod, for this reason, deprived him also of his priestly dignity: in which also Ibas, that bishop of the Edessenes, and the wise and learned Theodoret, pastor of the Church of Cyrrhus, and besides these, Daniel, bishop of Carrhae, as well as Irenæus of Tyre, and Aquilinus, bishop of Byblus, were deposed. This synod also decreed certain things regarding Sophronius, who had at that time come to Constantinople for the sake of visiting it, and other things in addition which are contained in the acts. The brigandage of the council at Ephesus was dissolved in this manner. B
CHAPTER XLVIII. Refutation of those who malignly attack the sacred things of Christians, and an exposure of Greek and pagan trifles.
Lest, however, anyone of those who think otherwise and are addicted to idols should mock us, as though we were always bringing forth new things to the faith, and as though among us the later ones were detracting from the former, we should note this: for we, searching into the ineffable and incomprehensible kindness and mercy of God towards us, and striving to honor and magnify it in the highest degree, and being unable to attain to the subject matter, turn ourselves here and there. No one C indeed of those who have slipped into heresies has intended this very thing, to blaspheme the divine Numen with a curse or insult; but rather, each thought that he would bring forth something more excellent than what those who preceded him in time had done, if he promulgated this or that. Indeed, we all confess with the common concord of all, the chief points of our religion, and those which contain the cause of divine worship. D For the Trinity in the unity of the divine nature is proclaimed by us, and God the Word, begotten of the supersubstantial Father before the morning star, who by a second birth, in an incorruptible manner, on account of His immense mercy toward His own creation, assumed flesh. But if, on account of the obscure knowledge of the Divine, men bring forth something new, it is not new in the sense that God, as I indeed believe, has therefore granted a place to free will, so that His Catholic Church might thence...
A reach a higher level, and, leaning B towards various opinions here and there, might take all that is said and refer it, as is fitting, to a truer piety, and lead it to one straight and level path, namely the discovery of truth. To this sentiment, that dictum brought forth by the Apostle is well in harmony: *But there must be also heresies among you, that they which are approved may be made manifest.* In this matter, one is also pleased to admire the ineffable wisdom of God, which long ago foretold through His Apostle: *For my strength is made perfect in weakness.* For from the fact that, on account of the feebleness of true knowledge, certain parts have been cut off from the structure of the Church, right and plain dogmas have been established through edification, and with greater increases, the universal and apostolic Church runs toward heavenly sublimity. But those who have been educated in the seduction and error of Greek superstition, because they neither wish to find God—what He is—nor His ineffable and incomprehensible care and providence, refute one another's opinions, and sometimes even their own. And inventing many and various gods, they follow after them with names that suit their own desires. And when they designate and choose some beside others for themselves, they are, as someone might say, hunting for an excuse for their own impure lusts. Thus, he who is among them the supreme C ...Father of men and of gods, having changed his nature into a bird, for the sake of foul lust snatched away the Phrygian youth, and in return for the wage of an impure crime gave him a cup, with that power granted, so that he might offer him benevolence and love, and both at once might drink the shame and disgrace of defilement with the nectar. Moreover, he, having transformed himself into various species of irrational animals for many other nefarious crimes, which are not permitted even to men of no account, basely resolved to spend his life: and he becomes an androgynous god, of ambiguous sex between male and female, bearing the womb not indeed in the belly, but in his thigh, and brought forth an imperfect fetus, so that this thing also might occur in a way contrary to nature. Whence came the dithyramb or twice-born infant, who might brand both natures with the mark of ignominy, a half-man god dancing with womanly movements: the author of drunkenness, gluttony, wine-bibbing, heavy-headedness, and other evils flowing from thence. To this god, the loud-thundering and aegis-bearing one, they gave yet another admirable name; for they called him a parricide, to whom among men the extreme and first punishment is appointed: as one who, acting as it behooved him toward Saturn his own father—because he felt such a one had brought him into life—shamefully stripped him of his kingdom. But what indeed shall I say of the meretricious filthiness among them that has been related into the number of the gods? To whom they set up as tutelary goddess Venus herself, the Cyprian D
and A in honor of whom they offer up even to the sea-shell those born of her. But modesty, having been rejected as if it were some sort of guilt, she delights in almost all absurd and shameful crimes, and desires even to be worshiped and propitiated by these very things: with whom Mars, shamefully giving himself over, by the art and deceit of Vulcan, is exhibited to the other gods as a spectacle to be mocked and laughed at. But what of the phalli, and the ithyphalli, and the dwellings of all obscenity among them—whom do they not merit to draw laughter? What of Pan himself, and Priapus, who, besides nature, is worshiped with great favor for his deformed member? What of the mysteries and secret rites of the Eleusinian goddess? Which things, although I hate them most of all, I have praised by one name alone, in that they themselves judged such things to be matters that the sun should not look upon; and, while they in fact performed deeds worthy of such things, they condemned them to the darkness and obscurity of the shades. But leaving these things to their shameful worshippers, let us turn back our discourse to the established goal, intending to commit to memory the remaining affairs of the reign of Theodosius.
Chapter XLIX
BHow after the predatory synod Theodosius, having learned the things that were done there, puts Chrysaphius to death, but is heavily disaffected toward his wife Eudocia. He also recalls his sister Pulcheria, who brings Flavian with her and buries him, and she also builds a magnificent temple to the Theotokos in the Chalkoprateia.After that predatory synod, the legates of Pope Leo, having with difficulty reached Rome, reported everything to Leo, how his letters had been rejected, and how iniquitous sentences had been passed, and furthermore [they reported] the arrogant confidence of Dioscorus and Chrysaphius, and how the divine man Flavian had been murdered. Disturbed by these things, Leo, full of tears, approached Valentinian, the son of Placidia, who was still reigning in Rome, and at the same time the daughter of the younger Theodosius and Eudocia (who had also been called Athenais), [named] Eudoxia, and begged them to send letters to Theodosius, by which he might be moved to gather another ecumenical synod: in which synod those things which had been wrongly done at Ephesus contrary to ecclesiastical constitutions might be corrected in a secure manner. They, being persuaded, wrote at once to Theodosius, C inserting the request of the pope into their letters. But Theodosius, writing back to his daughter Eudoxia, added these words: "This indeed I wish your sweetness to know, that Flavian was removed from human affairs by divine judgment, so that all controversy and contention of the holy churches might rest." Then indeed Theodosius, when he had thought the matter over with himself and perceived that he had been deceived by the cunning of Chrysaphius, bore with the utmost gravity both the impiety committed against Flavian and the unbridled abuse and condemnation brought upon the other bishops. And since he could not heal his grief, he poured out his legitimate and just anger upon Chrysaphius. And so, having first stripped him of his office, and soon also of all his possessions, he relegated him to a certain island. The judgment of which, because the heavenly account also approved it, overtook him as he was sailing on the sea. Afterward, he also received his wife Eudocia with very harsh reproach, inasmuch as she had been the cause of the evils that had grown strong. In addition to these things, he also touched upon the injury to his own sister Pulcheria, who had been ejected from the imperial palace through her machinations, and furthermore, he vehemently reproached and rebuked her concerning that suspicion of Paulinus and that apple of discord. D She, having despaired and being filled with great fear, requested to be sent to Jerusalem; having already previously promised this to God, if she only remembered...
that she had seen her daughter settled in marriage. The Emperor immediately sent to the Septimum and recalled his sister Pulcheria, who had already been living there for seven years; and she returned to the imperial palace with great pomp and a large retinue. Having sent certain men from there to Ephesus, she brought back the holy body of Flavian to the imperial city, and having carried it through the middle of the city with great reverence and brilliant ceremony, she laid it solemnly and piously within the holy places of the disciples of Christ A. Afterwards, having transformed the synagogue of the Jews in the Chalcopratia into the form of a temple, and having adorned it with both beauty and size, she built a conspicuous, divine house for the Theotokos. There, having built other smaller additions, she deposited the venerable and holy girdle of the Theotokos in the very chest of the holy table; and from that time on, this house of the Theotokos was named for the holy chest. And these things were done in this way.
CHAPTER L.
*How the empress Eudocia went to Jerusalem; and concerning the buildings she constructed there. Concerning the life and conduct of the monks in Palestine; and how the empress Eudocia departed from this life.*Empress Eudocia, hastening toward the holy city of Christ, at length arrived there. And when the people there had flocked together to see her, she finally added this verse, very cleverly, to other remarks: B "I declare that I am of your lineage and blood," dimly signifying that colonies from Greece had been led there in ancient times. Whoever wishes to know of these matters should read the geographer Strabo, and Phlegon, and Diodorus Siculus, and also Arrian and the poet Pisander, and besides them, the outstanding sophists Ulpian, Libanius, and Julian. At which time, she also set out for Antioch, and the citizens there honored her with a statue made of bronze in an excellent manner, which survived even to later times. Theodosius, stirred by this matter, added a very large part to the walls, having extended them in width as far as the gate that leads to Daphne. And any man who wishes may see this suburban region; for even to this time the traces of the old wall are discovered, with its remains offering themselves to the eyes of those who behold them with admiration. But to others it seems that the walls were enlarged by Theodosius the Great. And it is said that by him, for the restoration of the baths of Valens, which had been destroyed in some parts by fire, two hundred pounds of gold in weight were given. The story is, moreover, that Eudocia went to Jerusalem twice, where she accomplished many things for the honor of Christ. For she raised up many holy monasteries; and she founded what are called lauras—that is, narrow cells for monks—and divine schools; of which the discipline is indeed varied, and their manner of life leads to one God-loving goal. Those who C D
A For they live together, not drawn aside by any of the things that incline toward the earth; among whom there is neither gold, nor any other metal, nor even property in clothing, nor anything else that knows how to flatter the belly. For he who wears a cheap tunic or a cloak today, you may see another wearing it tomorrow; so that you might consider the garment of one to be the garment of all, and again that of all to be that of one. A common table is set before all, not tickling the lower parts of the body with seasoned and various exquisite dishes, but receiving the guests with a few herbs and some legumes, as much as is sufficient, at least, to sustain life. Common to them likewise are the supplications and prayers to God, which they perform by day and throughout the whole night, with fear and a humble posture and state of body. B By their labors they so weary themselves that you would say they are living dead upon the earth. These often extend their fasts to two or three days; and there are some who continue for five days and longer without touching food, and only then take it when necessity demands, and even then with great sparing. Others, on the contrary, withdrawing from those who live together in crowds, separate themselves from the many and live solitary lives, enclosing themselves in tiny huts, which are of such breadth and height that they can neither stand erect nor easily lie down, dwelling, as the Apostle says, in certain caves and chasms C of the earth. Some live under the open sky among wild beasts, while others use hidden underground lodgings, where they converse with God alone. But indeed another kind of divine conversation has been devised by them, which far exceeds every example of manly constancy and fortitude. For, hiding themselves in some desert parched by the sun, and covering only that part of the body which the necessity of nature requires to be concealed—not only men, but even women competing in the same manner of life—they take no care for the rest of the body, exposing themselves to intense cold and heat, and the various changes of the air; they endure cold and heat alike, and stand and sleep in any place as luck has it. D Having completely rejected all human food, they live on certain herbs and roots which the earth brings forth of its own accord; because of this manner of sustenance they have been called *Boskoi*, that is, pabulatores—pasturers. They are also changed in appearance with time, becoming assimilated to wild beasts, and they possess a mind alien to the rest of men; for if they should chance to be seen by them, they flee. And if they perceive anyone following them, they take to their feet more swiftly, being ethereal in their agility, flying as it were through the air. Sometimes, too, they enter inaccessible places beneath the earth and suddenly disappear; for they value living unnoticed above all things. I shall also relate another kind of asceticism, which nearly escaped me, although it deserves to take precedence over all others; for it is in the smallest number that such a thing occurs. For there are indeed some who, when through many labors they have attained the state of being free from passion [index: entries preserved]
A that is, being insensitive and free from all affections and sufferings, return into the world. And by feigning madness through certain disorderly behaviors, they thus despise vainglory, which the philosopher Plato says is the final tunic that the soul is accustomed to cast off. Thus they practice philosophy in impassibility, eating without passion, even when it is necessary to do this in a tavern or a brothel, neither regarding the face of any person out of shame. They also rush together into baths, washing with women, often even as nature ordains, and dwelling with them. Yet they are so superior to affections and sufferings that they overcome the power of nature and tyrannize over it; so that neither by sight, nor by touch, nor even by kisses artfully sought, nor by feminine embraces, are they moved toward that concupiscence which is natural. When associating with men, they are men; and when with women, they are women. And although they seem to obtain the power of both sexes, they obtain but one. To express it at once, in this kind of life, which surpasses the grasp of nature, virtue fixes laws contrary to nature, so that in none of those things which are necessary does satiety itself find a place. For they always hunger and thirst, and the law they have set for themselves mandates that they maintain temperance and continence in all things. B Indeed, they order themselves to constrain the body to such a degree that even necessity is repressed by force. And their life is so weighed on an exact scale, swaying in balance, that as they move along the diameter, no movement is felt between them. So greatly do things contrary to one another exist and mix within them—divine grace joining those things which cannot be joined, and again separating them at the proper time—that, which is wondrous to hear, life and mortification dwell in the same body, though by nature, reason, and fact they are most thoroughly at variance. For where any affection or suffering creeps in, you would see a body dead and doing nothing, just as if it were laid in a tomb. But when an excellent work of virtue is to be accomplished, and prayers are to be poured forth to God, then you would see new strength and a body miraculously vibrant, even if it be already worn out and quite aged. C Each life, the present and the future, they so entwine and join, that having entirely mortified and cast off the flesh at their departure, they truly live forever; and they dwell as it were with the living, tending their bodies in diverse ways and referring the prayers of supplicants to God, living just as they did in their former life, except that they are not in need of the necessities of life.
A Since they require only the most trifling amount of food to be self-sufficient, they live on very little; they stand as enemies to their own selves and to their own wills, surrendering themselves to the ancient commandments of nature, so that the pleasure of the flesh might be completely cast away from them in everything, and the soul might carry out the most excellent deeds, chosen and preserved as it is by the intelligence for the sake of pleasing God. Blessed, then, are they in their way of life and conduct here, but much more blessed in their departure from here, towards which they always gasp, hastening to behold their desire. And so, the Empress Eudocia, having encountered many such men and, as has been said, having built many dwellings and lodgings for monks, and having widened and renovated the walls of Jerusalem, and having arranged them with greater dignity, also built the episcopal residence from its very foundations, bestowing upon it an annual income of one thousand coins. In Phordisia she erected a poorhouse, in which four hundred people afflicted with the sacred disease had their dwelling. She also erected other poorhouses, hospices, and homes for the aged, and dedicated the remainder of her wealth to these—to churches, hospitals, and holy sanctuaries, and to the dwellings of monks and nuns, to whom she devoted twenty-four thousand and eighty pounds of gold coin, not including other sacred revenues which she diverted elsewhere, and various sacred heirlooms which she gave to certain holy places. And once, on the day of the feast of Pascha, entering the holy Resurrection of Christ, she donated ten thousand sextarii of oil for the purpose of the lamps; and to the choirs of those who study the liturgy of the holy Resurrection of our Christ, she provided an annual income of four hundred coins. B Finally, she raised a temple, great in size and marvelous in form and beauty, from its very foundations, to the first among the deacons and martyrs, the wonderful Stephen, at a distance of one stadion from Jerusalem; where it is said that he, having been struck by stones by those who killed the Lord, carried off the unfading crown. In which temple she herself was also laid to rest long after, having passed over to an ageless life, in the fourth year of the reign of the great Leo, having lived piously and in a manner pleasing to God. She ended her life at the age of sixty-seven, for she joined herself to the Emperor Theodosius when she was in her twentieth year; she lived in the palace under her mother and Augusta Pulcheria for twenty-nine years, and she directed the empire alone, without Pulcheria, for seven years; and she spent eleven years in Jerusalem. Of these, she passed four years while not at all accepting the ecumenical council held at Chalcedon, as we shall declare before long. But after she accepted the council, she outlived it by another four years; then she passed away. Concerning whom they say the prophet David also spoke: "Do good, O Lord, unto Zion in thy good pleasure; and let the walls of Jerusalem be built" (Ps. LI, 20). And thus, matters concerning the Empress Eudocia came to pass in this way. C
CAPUT LI.
On Saint Simeon, who first discovered the life and station on a pillar.
A At this very time, the great Symeon, of holy and celebrated memory, who was the first to conceive of life and stationing himself upon a pillar, was flourishing and becoming known, having his dwelling upon a pillar with a total circumference of two cubits, at the time when Domnus held the holy reins of the city of Antioch. Now the latter, having heard of the man’s labor, came to him, and was entirely struck with awe, and desired to meet with him in secret and deep mystery. When, therefore, they had both met, and had celebrated the bloodless and undefiled sacrifice, they gave to one another the life-giving communion.
B This great man, therefore, even with his body ever tending toward the earth, imitated the life of the angels, and renounced all affairs and business. Compelling himself by force of nature to reach the heights, he fixed his dwelling between heaven and earth, so that, being free from every crowd and tumult, he might glorify God and weave unceasing hymnody with the angels. From the earth, he acted as a mediator, so to speak, carrying up the prayers of supplicant men to God, and from thence, he poured out upon them the abundant grace and infinite bounty of the divine kindness.
His wonderful works were handed down to memory by many who saw them with their own eyes. C Theodoret, bishop of Cyrus, has described these things aptly and beautifully in the history he entitled *Philotheus* (the Lover of God). When this earthly angel, Symeon—still being in the flesh, a citizen and inhabitant of that higher Jerusalem—began to tread this exact and strange path, the Fathers who occupied the mountain peaks, being kindly disposed toward him, chose out certain men from their number and sent them to him, commanding them to say these things: "What is the meaning of this strange and foreign dwelling? Why have you left the beaten path that has been trodden by almost all the saints, and chosen instead to travel a path that is distinct and utterly unknown?" They were further instructed to order him to descend from there and to choose to follow the footsteps of the elect Fathers. D Yet they commanded that if he should show himself ready to descend from the pillar, they were to permit him to follow whatever mode of life he wished, for they judged that his obedience would demonstrate whether God was the guide of such a resolve as his.
A When they came to him and announced the decree of the Fathers, he immediately extended one of his feet, ready to descend from the pillar, and was prepared to carry out the instruction of the Fathers without hesitation; he even confessed his gratitude to them for being so concerned for him, as if he had been doing anything contrary to the will and judgment of God. But they, seeing him to be in such a state, allowed him rather to continue the course he had determined upon, saying, "Be strong and act manfully; for it seems you have been guided by God toward this path, which was unknown before." Then, being emboldened, he applied himself even more to his task. B Indeed, divine grace shone forth so abundantly in that man that when Theodosius, by a certain decree, had ordered that the synagogues in the city of Antioch which had been taken from the Jews by the Christians be restored to them, Symeon, using great liberty of speech in reproof, sent letters to the emperor. That prince, having rescinded his commands, did those things that were pleasing to the holy man and the Christians, and he even stripped of his dignity the prefect by whose persuasion that affair had been initiated; and he sent very great intercessors to the pillar-dwelling martyr, asking him to pray to God for him and to share his own prayers with him. Who could recount in detail what wonderful deeds he performed, and how aptly he conversed with everyone? If anyone wishes to know these, we refer them to the history of his life, which, after the great Theodoret, his namesake Symeon Metaphrastes wrote, setting before all a new and marvelous banquet of every type of nourishment. In this manner of life he struggled for fifty-six years. For he spent nine years in the first monastery where he was initiated into the principles of sacred religion; and forty-seven years in the place called the Mandra—or, as others report, he spent ten years there in certain hardships; seven, however, on smaller columns; and finally, he spent thirty years upon the forty-cubit column. C After so many struggles and his death itself, his holy corpse was later, under the rule of Leo the Great over the Romans, brought into Antioch, while Martyrius was then presiding as bishop there, and Ardaburius, commander of the Eastern forces, was present with his soldiers and many other magistrates. D All of them together, accompanied by a very great army, came to that divine little hut and guarded his venerable corpse with reverence and a great escort (for many, even of the monastic philosophers, had come together from all the neighboring places for the solemn bringing forth and procession of his holy body), lest the neighboring cities, flocking together, might plunder the life-giving corpse, competing as to which of them should be allotted it. Having with difficulty escaped those who would have seized it, amidst wonders that occurred during the journey, it was set down in Antioch. Leo, who was later emperor, sought to take it for the Antiochians. They, however, having sent a petition, wrote among other things in that request: "Because there is no wall for the city (for it has fallen by the wrath of a great earthquake that has come to pass…
we have brought the most holy body of Symeon, so that it might become a wall and bulwark for us.” With these words being A hardly persuaded, he yielded to their entreaties, and left the holy body of Symeon for them. Now, we know that it has been preserved there up to this present time. Concerning this, those who have seen it recount a certain miraculous thing. For they say that the hairs of his head and beard have not fallen out, nor even after such a very long time have they perished; but, having conquered time, they still appear, maintaining the character of the holy man, just as if he were living and conversing among men. Furthermore, his whole skin was preserved, although it had become wrinkled and hardened by long labor and time. The teeth in his mouth also, except for those which the hands of the faithful have plucked out B out of love for him—all these things proclaim through their form what kind of man, and how great a man, Symeon the man of God was. The iron collar he made is also placed beside his body; and it too, having struggled together with that enduring and much-suffering body of his, has shared in the gifts from God. For not even when Symeon had died did his lover—shall I say, even his beloved—iron leave him, as if leaping away from that beautiful fellowship; but it lies beside him, doing as much as his own body did. Thus, it would have been a source of benefit for me to recount the details of his life to those who encounter it, C had not all things been already worked out for those holy men mentioned, in a manner worthy, very brilliantly, and at length. Besides, since other things of my promise lie before me, I shall for the present recount what has been omitted by those men.
The Monastery of Symeon, the Temple, and the Column
The locals call the place of his asceticism a "Mandra," the holy man himself having bestowed that name upon it. It is distant from Theoupolis by about three hundred stadia, situated at the steep summit of the mountain. The difficult ascent is twenty stadia, where a temple was built for the holy man, fashioned into the shape of a cross and adorned on four sides with porticoes. Columns made of polished stone were arranged along the porticoes for the sake of D elegance, lifting the roof to a great height with much care. In the middle is an open-air courtyard, crafted with much skill in the highest degree; where, in the center, stood that column of forty cubits, using which as a ladder, the holy man, that man of flesh and angel, ascended to the heavenly realm. At the aforementioned porticoes, near the summit, are set certain small enclosures, which some are accustomed to call "windows." Beside these very porticoes and the said open courtyard, there is a space that allows those who have been chosen to see from outside to inside, and from inside again to those outside. There, one who leans forward can see a certain star of great size running across the entire small window and shining clearly, and as if pa
appearing, and suddenly vanishing; this A only in the memory of the saint. There are those who have recorded that the very face of the holy man himself could be seen flying hither and thither about the pillar, with his beard hanging down as it was in form, and his head covered with a tiara, as was his custom. All behold the wonder, even the women standing outside by the doorposts; for one of the windows is opposite the sparkling star. There is, in truth, much watch kept in the place, so that no woman might secretly enter inside the sacred enclosures. The men, and even the peasants, enter inside with their beasts of burden, making the rounds of the pillar repeatedly. So much regarding Symeon.
Chapter 52. On Saint and Great Euthymius, and others who lived holy and pious lives.
Under the same empire, that great and renowned Euthymius also excelled in Palestine. Born under Valens, in accordance with a promise, he was duly taught and raised by the great Otreius and Acacius, bishops of the Church of Melitene; then, having been admitted into the order of presbyters, he took charge of sacred matters only. Afterwards, in Palestine, together with the admirable Theoctistus, he established the workshop of virtue in a certain cave: and for the sake of accumulating the honey of a holier philosophy, he built a huge monastery with many and various cells. He shone forth in virtue to such an extent that he obtained a renowned name, both as a canon and as a model of monastic institution, and also by performing miracles. For he restored the son of a certain Persian tribune, who had been freed from disease, to health, and opened the doors of heaven, and by his prayers brought fertility to the barren earth. He also caused a multitude of loaves to spring forth from a very few, by which four hundred men were fed; he rendered sterile women fertile. As he was performing the sacred mystic rites, a light from heaven, like a shining pillar, surrounded him: as if issuing a voice, it indicated how great in purity of life the man C was; and he would perceive through a secret revelation what the frame of mind was of each of those who approached to receive Holy Communion, which was the most manifest proof of his extreme sanctity. The blessed man departed to the Lord when he had completed ninety-seven years, in the reign of Leo the Great. He was moderate in his life and very simple in his manners: white in complexion, and having a beard that grew thick and hung down to his thighs. Concerning him, historians relate this: when a certain monk was dying, who had obtained an excellent reputation for virtue and chastity, D
A but was in fact not such a man, but on the contrary rather a profligate, he saw a certain holy angel of fearful appearance, with a terrible trident, cruelly dragging out his soul from his body; and at the same time he heard a voice from above, openly revealing his hidden deeds of shame. He also saw another poor man, lying naked on the ground, entirely torn and covered in vile rags; whose soul he saw many angels who were present there reverently summoning; and David was also there, using his harmoniously sounding harp, as if to soothe that soul with songs and accompany its departure. At that same time, many others also flourished; such as that Theoctistus and Gerasimus, who were presidents of great monasteries, B and who adopted a strange rule for their lives, for which I have no time to record in detail here. During this same time, the Empress Eudocia, too, having formerly swerved from the right belief, later recognized the truth and separated herself from the faction of the Eutychians. To him [Euthymius], the man who had great virtue, Sabbas, while still a young man, came; for when he saw him, he clearly foretold what sort of man he would be. And at that time also Titus of Bostra flourished; likewise Bassa and Tatiana and the admirable Melana. Furthermore, there was that famous Xena, whose perfection of virtue is declared by that crown woven with illustrious stars. There was also the renowned Xenophon, who had previously been of the senatorial order, and who was no less adorned by the internal gifts of the soul C than by his external wealth. He had sent his own sons, Arcadius and John, to Berytus, which is a city of Phoenicia, for the sake of education and the study of the law. But when he learned that they had suffered shipwreck at sea, he set out together with his wife in search of them. But when he found them in Jerusalem practicing the monastic life, he himself and his wife with him put on the garment of silent retreat. And it happened that all of them so advanced in virtue that they received from God the honor and reward of performing miracles. And as they had been pleasing to God throughout their lives, so when they were finished, they migrated to Him. At that time, that most renowned monk Auxentius also advanced far in the growth of virtue, on the mountain of Bithynia D which is situated opposite to Constantinople, surpassing all the surrounding hills in height.
CHAPTER LIII. On Saint Isidore of Pelusium. And what Cyril, and likewise others, wrote about Saint Chrysostom.
Not only in virtue did men shine at that time, but logic also flourished, agreeing with the deeds themselves. For a double philosophy, having come together, more quickly raises the mind and unites it to the desired good. For just as with two wings, whoever is provided with both is enabled to use them; and flying toward heaven, he arrives as quickly as possible in a full progression. Such men the age at that time brought forth, having obtained renown by virtue and learning; such was that Isidorus, who presided over the region of Pelusium,
A along with Nilus and Marcus, those celebrated ascetics. And there was also the learned Theodoret, who served the Church of the Cyrrhestae; whose glory, as the poets say, is great in both his teaching and his philosophy, having shared both with the great Chrysostom. Now the divine Isidorus, while yet a youth, so sweated in monastic labors and chastened his flesh, while saturating his soul with sublime and mystical doctrines, that he lived a radically evangelical life, becoming a living and breathing pillar of the monastic institute and of divine contemplation, and, as it were, a primary archetype of burning zeal and spiritual instruction. Indeed, many works were written by him, full of every sort of utility, but especially nearly ten thousand letters, replete with every kind of grace, both divine and human, through which he clarifies all of Scripture and instructs the entirety of character, employing a mode of discourse well-suited for teaching. He also reveals the zeal he possessed for the good, for the Church, and for those who were otherwise being unjustly treated. There is also much invective in his writings against those who happened to serve in the episcopal and priestly office unworthily. Strictly defending Chrysostom, he vehemently criticizes Arcadius and Cyril, and the uncle of the latter, Theophilus, rebuking their wicked machinations against that man—which facts testify that he flourished at the same time as them. Rebuking Cyril as being, in his opinion, a turbulent man, he writes as follows: «Partiality does not see sharply, while the hatred of a hostile mind sees nothing at all. If, therefore, you wish to purge and free yourself from both these vices, do not extort violent sentences, but commit the causes to a just judgment. For it pleased God, who knows all things before they come to pass, to descend and see the cry of Sodom with humanity and kindness, proposing to us an example of certain and exact inquiry. For many who were gathered with you at Ephesus publicly proclaim that you have pursued your own enmities, and have not sought the things of Jesus Christ rightly and in order, according to the opinion of the true faith. You are, they say, the nephew of Theophilus, and you imitate his mind and opinion. For just as he poured out manifest madness against the saintly and God-beloved John, so this man also affects glory in the same manner, although the very causes and the matters about which there is controversy differ greatly between them.» And again, in another letter he writes this: «I am terrified by the examples set forth in the divine Scriptures, and I am compelled to write what is necessary. For whether I am a father, as you yourself say, I fear the condemnation... D of Eli, because he did not correct his sons who had sinned; or whether I am your son, as I am better acquainted with [the elder] Marcus who shaped me, I agonize over the punishment of Jonathan: because he did not stop him who sought out the necromancer; and before the sinner died, the one who was able to stop him had fallen in the war. Therefore, so that I might not be condemned myself, and that you yourself might not be judged by God, cease the strifes...
and do not, for the sake of vengeance for a personal wrong which comes from men, deceive the living Church through cunning actions, nor bring upon her a perpetual dissension under the pretext of piety. A And again concerning Chrysostom: You ask about the tragedy of the divine John; I cannot explain it, because of the insolence and degradation of the matter itself. Yet know a few things, which neighboring Egypt has designed in its custom. It set itself against Moses, and turned to being a slave to Pharaoh; it scourged the humble, afflicted those who were working, built cities, and did not pay the wages of the work; and even until now it practices these things. For it put forward Theophilus, a man mad for stones and a worshiper of gold, and entrenched him with four accomplices, or rather, it is better to say, fellow-apostates, and through them it waged war against a man who was beloved of God and a theologian, B finding in the hostility toward my namesake a stronghold for its own impiety. But the house of David is strengthened, while that of Saul is weakened, as you see, even if that man has departed from the storm of this life and has been translated to the peace above. How he esteems this great man worthy of supernatural praise, he discusses even with Ophelius the grammarian: “I say that he stunned others (for perhaps this is a small thing to many), but also Libanius himself, who is renowned among all for eloquence, was stunned by the tongue of the celebrated John, and by the beauty of the words, and the density of the thoughts, as evidenced by a letter written while he was still young, addressed to the king’s oration. For he not only calls him blessed himself for being able to speak in such a way, but also those who were praised, and these being kings, because they had happened upon such an orator. C It is as follows: ‘Libanius to John. Having received your long and beautiful speech, I read it to men who are themselves authors, none of whom was there who did not leap and cry out, and do all things that those who are stunned by wonder are accustomed to do. I was pleased that [you] preferred to apply the art of speaking, which you could have exhibited in the causes of the forum, to orations of this demonstrative kind. And I deem you blessed, who were able to adorn sovereigns with praises to such a degree, and I think those who were praised, and the father [of the kingdom] who gave it, and the sons who received the kingdom, are no less fortunate.’ And Libanius wrote these things. But to Plutarch, the clear and smooth style seems to be the genuine Attic style; ‘For thus,’ he says, ‘spoke the orators. Gorgias of Leontini D was the first to introduce this disease into political orations, embracing the lofty and the figurative, and injuring clarity. This disease, he says, also touched the wonderful Plato.’ If, therefore, it is necessary to be persuaded by Plutarch in this matter, the celebrated John surpasses all the others, having used the Attic style in his speech, and with a clarity such as I do not know if anyone else has used.” But these are the words of the divine Isidore.
[Footnote 1 text:] Ventriloquists were wont to summon the souls of the dead; Saul made use of one of these, who summoned the soul of the prophet Samuel. Ventriloquist, a *python*.
who gave, and the sons who received the empire, that they have obtained such a praiser. » Thus Libanius. Plutarch, however, holds that [his] oration is clear and easy, and truly and genuinely Attic. ‹ For thus, he says, did the orators speak. Gorgias of Leontini, however, first introduced this vice into civil orations, by affecting a sublime and figurative style of discourse, and obscuring it with the lights of perspicuity. This vice also befell the admirable Plato. But if one is to believe Plutarch in this matter, as one certainly must, in many ways the illustrious John surpasses all others, who in his orations brings back Atticism, and retains perspicuity in such a way that I know not if any other preserves it more. Thus the divine Isidorus.
CAPUT LIV. Of Saint Nilus, of Marcus the monk, and of Theodoret, bishop of Cyrus.
A Wonderful Nilus had Constantinople for his fatherland, of which, on account of the outstanding nobility of his lineage, he was even Prefect. Yet, flowing with power and wealth, he preferred the ascetic life to these; inasmuch as he chose, after the example of the divine David, to be cast away at the house of God rather than to dwell in the tabernacles of sinners. And since he was strong in the power of eloquence and invigorated by divine grace, he left behind various writings which instruct in the exercise of the monastic life, composed with such words and sentiments that they refresh the reader’s soul with an incredible grace. B He also wrote the martyrdom of the divine Fathers' death on Mount Sinai, with such eloquence and feeling that it is enough to gather from it how outstanding in both doctrine and virtue this man was: wherein he also records the affairs of himself and his children in few words, miserably setting forth their captivity as if in a tragedy, when the Barbarian Blemmyes made a great slaughter in their incursion: which little work he left to students as a kind of spiritual delight. He also published other excellent books, not devoid of spiritual grace: among which I think those take first place which he wrote against the Gentiles, and again those which were composed by him to Eulogius. He also collected C Chapters, some indeed treated more expansively, but many more concisely, in which he set forth spiritual fruit, just like nectar or some ambrosia, subjected to the eyes, so that it might be easily perceived. When he had departed this life, Justin the Younger had him brought thence, and placed him in the foundation of a most sacred table, in the temple which had been built by him to Peter and Paul, the princes of the apostles, at the orphanage. Marcus also, having first been well-versed in the monastic life, left many writings behind him. Of those that have reached us, there are eight books, equaling the number of the universal passions: and another thirty-two, in which he pursues all the ways of the entire ascetic life, to which places one ought to withdraw, and how steps ought to be directed to the will of God: and how also a man may overcome the temptations of the demons, D and purge his mind, and advance to his ancient dignity, and live following a heavenly institution with God. Theodoret, however, was a Syrian by nation, but a follower of the great John Chrysostom, and he had him set before himself as a primary model for forming his style. For he is very fluent and copious, easy in elocution, and redolent of Attic grace. The studies from him
are these: Enarrationes in Vetus Testamentum, of which he collected the expositions of obscure passages into a separate book. Another work on the sixteen prophets, and likewise he leaves behind another composition on the Psalter. He also composed another book on Providence, and one on the Apostle, and another regarding all heresies, which he entitled *A Distinction of Falsehood and Truth*. He contradicts Cyril in another treatise composed against the twelve chapters. Other works were also labored upon by him: one of which he calls Ecclesiastical History, and the other Philotheos, or the History of the Lovers of God, in which he recounts the lives of those who at that time lived in holiness. Likewise also A three discourses concerning divine dogmas, which were composed by him in the form of a dialogue. I have also encountered more than five hundred of his letters, composed in the Greek tongue in an excellent manner. These works, and those which I shall bring forward hereafter, history will manifest. B
CAPUT LV. Concerning Synesius, Bishop of Cyrene, and how, holding such an opinion, he was brought to the sacerdotal dignity.
Along with these [men] also flourished Synesius, whose glory travels throughout the entire world; for he was, if any other man of that time, truly learned. And he had so applied himself to Platonic philosophy, and had reached its highest pinnacle, that he was admired C not only by the Greeks, but also by the Christians, so far as they were not prevented by prejudice from judging matters clearly. Being such a man, and otherwise gentle in his character and moderate, Theophilus of Alexandria persuaded him to receive the salutary regeneration; and afterwards he also urged him to accept the anointing of the priesthood. As for other things that Christians profess, he showed himself prompt and compliant; but, being led astray by Platonic sentiments, he at first did not at all accept the doctrine of the resurrection, D judging such a dogma to be unspeakable and abominable. And yet, though he held this opinion, the Church allowed him to perform the office of the priesthood, having accurately conjectured that due to his other virtues, he would eventually be brought to approve the profession of the resurrection, and that divine grace would not allow one who was distinguished by so many great and preeminent gifts to be lacking in such a matter. Nor was the Church deceived in that hope; for a little later he both believed and professed that this doctrine was indeed certain and most fitting for the Church. How great and of what kind he was, the letters which he wrote with such elegance after assuming the sacerdotal dignity testify, as well as other books, which in their incomparable composition, diction, and density of thought leave all other writings far behind. The works edited by him are these: a volume of one hundred and sixty letters; the book dedicated to Theodosius the Younger concerning the administration of the empire, being a direct instruction and pattern of royal governance; the one bearing the inscription *On Dreams*; the one to Paeonius *Concerning the Gif-
Gift*; two books *On Providence*, which he calls *Egyptians*; likewise the *Praise of Baldness*. And certain hymns to God composed by him very skillfully. But I, who strive to present the truth, will here append his own letter, which he wrote to his brother Evopius, from which it is possible to understand for what reasons he, being in doubt, was permitted by a convenient dispensation to accept the dignity of the priesthood. It is of this sort: A “I would be truly inconsiderate, if I did not have much gratitude toward the citizens of Ptolemais, in that they deem me worthy of such great honor, as much as even I myself do not. But the point to consider is not whether they are bestowing great things, but whether these things ought to be received by me. For if a man enjoys an honor almost divine, provided he is righteous, he gathers a most sweet fruit; but if he is far unworthy of that dignity, he sustains a bitter expectation of what is to come. For this fear is not new, but very ancient: that I should not, by committing some offense against God, bear an honor entrusted by men. I, indeed, who know myself, find myself entirely too inadequate to be suitable for holding priestly dignity. Therefore, I will discuss with you the movements and thoughts of my soul. For I have no one else with whom I might do this more rightly than with you, who are a head very dear to me and raised up with me. For it is fitting that you should be a participant in my cares, and that you should watch with me at night and consider by day, so that some good might come to me, and that I might escape some evil. Hear, therefore, how my affairs stand; you would know the greater part of them anyway. Having removed small burdens, I seem to myself to have carried philosophy itself, for the most part, quite well up to this point. But since I am considered by men not to have lived in it altogether wrongly, and have been praised by some, they wish me now to be adorned with a greater honor, those who cannot judge of the suitable powers of my soul. I fear, however, that if, through foolish ambition, I receive the honor offered, I shall attain neither: namely, neither praise from the honor contemplated, nor glory from the dignity less than rightly managed. Consider the matter itself with me thus. I always assign all my time to two things: studies and play. C When I am free for letters, and especially divine ones, I am alone. When I give attention to play, I admit as many as possible. For you know that when I rise from my books, I am entirely in play, but from civil cares I am averse both by nature and by the determination of my mind. A priest, however, ought to be a divine man, and regarding all play, just as regarding God, to be difficult and strict, for he who holds to his own purpose and institution has countless eyes turned upon him. To these, surely, no small benefit reaches, unless someone be well-instructed and wise, and a stranger to all sweetness of spirit. But in those things that pertain to God, he cannot be privately alone, but is occupied in a common assembly among many, being a teacher of the law and speaking the things that are ordained. He must also do the things that everyone does at once. For he must either do what everyone does, or be held accountable for all charges. How, therefore, could a soul of such great size and of the most exalted kind bear such a weight of cares, and not overwhelm the mind, and not, seeing the divine [element] extinguished in the soul, look around, with so many and diverse pursuits leading him away? I know well that this is possible for some, and I bless those natures; and I truly consider them to be the divine men, whom the talking to human affairs does not cut off from the Divine. But I also know myself both descending into the city, and on the
B way up from the city, to be involved in matters which draw one toward earthly cares, and to be filled with defilements, the magnitude of which it is not easy for anyone to describe. For the stains that come from elsewhere, in addition to those that are native and my own, are added to the account. I lack bodily strength, and my inner self is not in a healthy state; I am also destitute, in some part, of things from without; but above all I cannot endure the anguish of conscience. And how often anyone might ask me, I do not shrink from saying clearly, A that it is fitting for a priest to be, by a great margin, far removed from all shame, since he must also cleanse the filth of others. And in all things let him be, and let him sound, as nothing other than what is lawful. When it is necessary to conduct business that touches everyone, for those things which are the common property of all are for one person to manage, unless he wishes to be liable for every sort of crime. How then is it not the mark of a most great and courageous soul to bear such a burden of cares so that the mind is not overwhelmed, and the divine particle extinguished within the soul is not neglected, if one is distracted by so many various studies and actions?
I do not ignore that there are some who can perform this, and I consider their nature to be happy and blessed, and that they are truly divine men, who, although they are occupied in many human affairs, yet do not fall away from the care of the divine Power. But I know that I, who am accustomed to descend into the city and to ascend from the city, am involved in matters which draw one toward earthly cares, and am filled with defilements, the magnitude of which no one could easily state. For the stains that come from elsewhere in addition to those that are native and my own are added to the account. I have no bodily strength, my inner self is not in a good state. I am also in some part destitute of external things: furthermore, I cannot endure the anguish of conscience. And as often as anyone asks me, I say in clear words immediately, that a priest must in all matters be most alien to reproach, largely in order that there may be something left over for him, since he must also purge the defilements of others. But indeed it is appropriate to insert this also into the letter sent to the brother. For very many will read this letter, and for that reason I have dictated it most significantly, so that when the matter itself becomes known to all, however it may proceed, I may be free of blame both before God and before men, and no less before father Theophilus himself. For when I have brought my affairs into the midst, and have given over to his power whatever he wishes to decide concerning me, how could I be liable for any crime? To me both God Himself, and the laws, and the very sacred hand of Theophilus have given a wife. Wherefore I proclaim to all, and I wish it to be testified, that I will not abandon her entirely, nor will I have with her a clandestine association as if I were an adulterer. For one is by no means pious, the other by no means lawful. But rather I wish and I pray that many good children may be born to me. The author and head of the ordination ought not to be ignorant of this very thing. Let our friends also know this, Paul and Dionysius, whom I hear have been chosen by the people as envoys for this cause. C But it is not necessary that that matter be signified to Theophilus, but only that it be recalled to his memory. But I will speak more about this, concerning which indeed one might judge all other things compared to it to be small. It is difficult, and indeed entirely impossible, for the soul to allow the doctrines, which have escaped through learning and knowledge into a certain and necessary persuasion, to fluctuate and be called into doubt. You know, moreover, that philosophy is quite opposed to these widely disseminated opinions of the Christians. And so I shall never be brought to [believe] that the soul is generated later than the body.
A And if necessity arises, I am neither inclined to refute them nor to be convinced. Being called to the priesthood, I do not deem it right to feign dogmas. I call God and men to witness this. Truth is proper to God, and I desire to be blameless before Him in all things. There is one thing alone that I do not feign; for since I have been fond of play—to such an extent that from my boyhood I was blamed for being overly obsessed with arms and horses—I shall indeed be saddened. For what else could I feel when I see my beloved dogs not hunting, and my arrows eaten by woodworm? B Yet I will endure it, if God should command it; and though I am averse to such things, I will suffer and submit to this ministry of petty legal disputes and affairs, though it be burdensome, offering it to God. But I will not cloak my dogmas; nor shall my mind disagree with my tongue. Thinking thus and speaking thus, I believe I am pleasing to God. I do not wish for a report to be left behind about me, that I have snatched at ordination having been unknown. But may the most God-beloved father Theophilus know—and since he knows it, may he clearly inform me—and let him deliberate concerning me accordingly. For either he will allow me to remain in my place, C philosophizing on my own, or if he decides to judge and remove me from the choir of priests, he will leave no room for his own justification. To these points, any other opinion is nonsense; for I well know that the truth is most dear to God. And I swear by your sacred head, and even before that, by God, the guardian of truth, I am distressed—for how could I not be, when I must as it were pass from one life into another? But if, even when these things are made clear—which I do not wish to remain hidden—he should still admit us to the priesthood to which God has granted this, I will submit to the necessity and accept it as a divine token. For I reason that if even an emperor—and D a wretched Augustan, hateful to God—were to command it, I would have paid the penalty for not obeying. But to God, one must be persuaded willingly. If, therefore, God allows me to minister, from the outset one must love the most divine truth, and not steal into His service through the most contrary things, which is what lying is. Be so good as to let the scholars know these things, and to announce them to him." He, therefore, speaking such things and openly refusing, did not even so escape being ordained; yet I have set these things forth so that we might know how many different things the Church has accomplished through the reasonings of economy, not setting these things as laws, but doing what is appropriate for the times. Such also were the matters concerning Synesius, that man great in philosophy. Many others also in those days were philosophizing, excelling in word and virtue; of whom I would have made brief mention, had I not judged that I was going too far beyond my proposed task.
Chapter LVI.
AConcerning Valentinian, who ruled in Rome. Concerning the Gothic race: into which nations it is divided, and what places they held. Furthermore, concerning the commanders Boniface, Aetius, and Aspar; and how the western Libya came to be subject to the Vandals.Valentinian, the son of Placidia and son-in-law of Theodosius (for he had in marriage his daughter Eudoxia, whom Eudocia had borne him), having obtained the reins of the Western empire, did not in the least depart from the sound dogmas of the Church, being a keen follower of true piety and religion. However, because in his customs and daily life he observed no fixed standard, and made use of many impostors, and took delight in incantations, and was lead astray by other vices of this kind, he was unable to recover not only Britain, Spain, and the Gauls, which had been taken from his empire, B but he even lost all of Libya and Africa in the fifteenth year of his reign, for the following reason. There were two commanders at Constantinople, Boniface and Aetius, whom the Emperor Theodosius had sent to Valentinian at his request. But when the province of Western Libya had fallen to the lot of Boniface, Aetius could not bear this with a calm mind; but, goaded by the stings of envy, he concocted a calumny against him, accusing him of contemplating rebellion and of being unfaithful to the emperors. He did this in secret before the emperor’s mother, Placidia, C urging that the province be taken away from him. And meanwhile, he also wrote to him regarding matters very different, namely, that he should not depart from the province if the princes were to recall him. For he affirmed that he had been denounced to them, and that there lay upon him a necessity to perish by their treachery. Having received such letters, Boniface believed Aetius, whom he thought to be a true and faithful friend; and although he was recalled by the emperor very often, he did not in the least obey his commands to leave the province. Wherefore the princes favored Aetius as a faithful and benevolent man who had long since indicated the other's hostile intent, and together with him they wove a plot against Boniface. D At that time, very many and very large Gothic nations were scattered everywhere in the northern part, beyond the Danube. Among them, four that were celebrated by their own judgment were the most prominent: namely, the Goths, the Visigoths,
A the Gepids, and the Vandals; they differed from one another in name only and in nothing else. For all of them, using one language and one manner of living, were led into the detestable dogmas of Arius, as we recounted in the history of Valens. These people, when Honorius and Arcadius held the Roman scepters, crossed the Danube or the Ister and reached the borders of the Romans in our parts. Indeed, the Gepids, from whom two tribes were divided—the Lombards and the Avars—settled the regions around Singidunum and Sirmium. The Visigoths, led by the aforementioned Alaric, ravaged Rome and Italy, and from there they departed into Gaul, where they took control of everything and put to death the tyrant of Britain, Constantine, who was there. B Furthermore, the Goths, who had previously occupied Pannonia and all the surrounding regions, dwelt in the neighboring territory of Thrace by the permission of Theodosius the Younger, in the nineteenth year of his reign. And after they had spent fifty-eight years in Thrace, with Zeno administering the Roman empire and giving the order, they migrated from there under the leadership of their prince Theoderic and occupied the Western Empire. But the Vandals, having joined to themselves the Alans and the Germans, who are now called Franks, crossed the river Rhine—being led at that time by Gongidisclus—and made their homes in Spain. This is the first region of Europe from the Western Ocean. Boniface, therefore, the aforementioned (ruler), who held the command of Western Libya, having learned of the plots being constructed against him, departed from there, crossed the strait, and came to the Vandals in Spain. And because Gongidisclus had passed from this life, his sons were administering the paternal kingdom—Gontaris and Genserich were their names—and he urged them to be his allies in war; he promised to give them Western C Libya, dividing it into three parts so that one portion might fall to each of them by lot. And if, whether for this reason or any other, a war should happen to arise, both were to stand together with him against it. Upon these agreements, the Vandals crossed the strait and moved from Spain to Libya, and they took control from the Ocean as far as Tripoli. When they had departed, the Visigoths moved from Gaul into Spain and took it, and later they occupied the Gauls again. Now, certain friends of Boniface who were in the Senate indicated the treachery of Aetius, which he had plotted against him, to the empress Placidia and Valentinian, and they produced that letter which had been written by him to Boniface. D They, being appalled at such deception and wickedness on the part of Aetius, indeed feigned to him that they knew nothing of this matter; but they sent to Boniface a sworn oath in writing, by which they brought about an oblivion of all past injuries. Meanwhile, Gontaris having died, the kingdom of the Vandals came to Genserich alone. Boniface, having received the emperor's oath, war
A was waged against the Vandals: a great army from both Rome and Byzantium having been sent to assist Boniface, led by Aspar. A great battle having been joined, the victory favored the Vandals; the Romans were defeated, and sought their safety in flight. Boniface, however, having escaped with Aspar and others who had fled the battle, arrived safely in Rome and there cleared himself of the suspicion conceived against him. Libya, which is also called Africa, came entirely under the power of the Vandals, Genserich alone, as has been said, holding their rule. And in this way it came about that Africa was occupied by the Vandals.
CAPUT LVII. On Attila, Alaric, and Genserich the Goths; and how both old and new Rome were liberated from their military expeditions; and on other wars which various writers have recorded.
Genserich, having grown strong B by the Vandal multitude, and having encompassed much land and sea from thence, was the first to declare himself king; and he troubled not only the older Rome, but also the new one itself, and Theodosius who ruled it. Theodosius, unable to bear the insolent audacity of the Barbarians, prepared a fleet, worthy of battle, filled with one thousand one hundred and seventy ships. And he ordered Areobindus and Germanus, the finest of his generals, to lead this. When they reached Sicily, Genserich, fearing for himself, sent envoys to Theodosius to negotiate peace. As the fleet was sailing past that place, awaiting the emperor’s orders on what was to be done, another necessity having arisen, Theodosius accepted peace and ordered the fleet to return. For Attila the Goth, descending from the nation of the Gepidae—he was the son of Mundiuch, who held the empire of the Huns—moved with a multitude of tens of thousands of soldiers and marched against both empires, C intending with measureless pride to bring both the old and new Rome under his own power. Being very brave and valiant, he invaded Thrace and ravaged it; he brought all the cities, both those on the mainland and those by the sea, under his subjection, pillaging everything as far as the river Athyras. Theodosius resisted him with an army worthy of battle, [led by] Aspar and Areobindus. But since he daily became stronger, Theodosius promised to give him six thousand pounds of gold if he would withdraw from the borders of his domain. He further agreed to give an annual stipend of a thousand minae, if he would choose to remain thereafter for his own part and keep the peace. Attila, having received the things mentioned, left Thrace; but when with great force into the borders of older Rome
A irrupted, Aetius, whom we mentioned earlier, holding the first rank of dignity in Rome, and unable to endure the insolence of the barbarian, betook himself to Alaric, who was administering Gaul—though he was, as we have mentioned above, an enemy to the Romans. Yet with great and various promises he persuaded the barbarian to unite his own mighty forces with his own troops. And so, attacking Attila, who had his camp beyond the Danube, by surprise, he made a great slaughter and destroyed many thousands of men. There it was that Attila himself also perished, pierced by a spear, just as Alaric himself fell, struck by an arrow. And thus by divine decree at that time both old and new Rome were delivered from the onset of the Goths, Gizerich having become the sole monarch of those nations. But very many other insurrections also occurred under Theodosius in both the East and the West, which he suppressed with infantry and naval forces. He also gained that great victory over the Persians which we have reported; for when they sent an embassy to him, he granted them peace. In that war, the Persian Ardazanes and the Goth Arcobindus B met in single combat and brought the battle to an end; for the Goth conquered the Persian, who was sitting on horseback on the plain and armored, and killed him. That peace endured for a long time, namely until the twelfth year of the reign of Anastasius. Concerning these matters, while many others have written, Eustathius of Epiphany, the Syrian, reduced them very elegantly into a summary, who also described the taking of Amida; in whose time the poets Claudian and Cyrus flourished. It is reported of Cyrus that he even attained the highest honor of the prefecture, for he had previously been called prefect of the court and had been commander of the Western forces when Carthage was taken by the Vandals, C while Gizerich ruled over those barbarians. Moreover, this emperor erected very many and magnificent buildings in the imperial city and elsewhere, and he raised a very large temple in Alexandria.
CHAPTER LVIII. On the death of Theodosius the younger, as he was buried in the monument of his father, in the most celebrated temple of the holy Apostles.
And when his death was drawing near, he went to Ephesus to honor the divine John, that virgin and evangelist; and entering his temple, he devoted himself to prayer, in which he also asked of God to learn who was to succeed him in the Roman empire. And when God showed him this through a vision, he returned to Constantinople. And not long after the army had returned from the war waged against Attila,
Theodosius went out from the city in order to refresh himself with horseback riding and hunting. A And while he was riding, he was thrown from his horse and dislocated a vertebra of his spine. Wherefore he was carried into the city in a litter. And when he perceived that he was about to die, he secretly summoned his sister Pulcheria to him and spoke to her concerning Marcian, one of the tribunes, saying that it was grateful and pleasing to God that he should administer the Roman rule after him. And after he had said these things, he died. While the death of the emperor was not yet known to those in authority, Pulcheria summoned Marcian, a man pre-eminent in temperance and the gravity of his morals, and already venerable by his old age, and communicated with him concerning the succession of the empire. "I," she said, "judge you to be worthy of the empire above all others in the senate. Therefore, provided you bind yourself by an oath that you will not plot against my life and authority, and most especially against my virginity, which from early youth I have consecrated to God, take the empire." B After he had accomplished what the Augusta desired, she summoned the patriarch Anatolius (for he had succeeded Flavian) and the whole senate to the Hebdomon, and immediately proclaimed him emperor of the Romans. Theodosius, however, was soon after buried in his ancestral tomb in the right upper chamber of the hall of the Apostles, in a tomb of Proconnesian marble, C in which same upper chamber and same stone his father Arcadius, and his mother Eudoxia, and his grandfather Theodosius had been laid. In the opposite and left upper chamber of the divine sanctuary lie Julian and Jovian. The emperor Theodosius died, having been born fifty-one years; of which he ruled forty-two most piously, having left his life and his rule as a manifest model of empire to posterity. This fourteenth book of my histories covers a period of forty-two years, when from the creation of the world the five thousand nine hundred and sixty-fifth year was being completed, and from the divine birth of the Lord the four hundred and sixtieth year was being passed.