the imperial discourse, in which a *synkrisis* or comparison of the old and the new Rome is contained, pages 107–196, in Greek and Latin, with the version of the same by Lambecius. There follow then, but in Greek only, two letters of the same Emmanuel, already *homogerontos*, to Joannes Chrysoloras and Demetrios Chrysoloras, written from Rome and comforting them for their absence from Greece by lauding Rome. [Cf. D. Boerner, *De doctis hominibus Græcis Litterarum Græcarum in Italia restauratoribus*, Lips. 1750, 8; concerning Emm. Chrysol. page 1 sqq., and specifically regarding his epistles, page 10 sq. and 22 sq. (HARL.)] In the notes to Codinus, page 187, Lambecius published in Greek an oration not previously edited, delivered by Photios, Patriarch of Constantinople, at the dedication of the new church (r) of the Blessed Virgin, by Basil the Macedonian after A.D. 879, the year in which Photios was restored, in the imperial palace of Constantinople on the Kalends of May. The title is: "Description by Photios, Patriarch of Constantinople, of the new church of the Most Holy Theotokos in the palace, built by Basil the Macedonian." It begins: "I see the brightness of the present day..." The same oration was given in Greek and Latin with his own version by Franciscus Combefisius in *Manipulo rerum CPolitanarum*, at the end of Allatius' *de Simeonum scriptis*, Paris, 1661, 4, page 304 seq. Concerning the Bibliotheca of Photios and other writings, [see] below in their proper place.
...history, learned indeed and articulate, the beginning of which Bandini published as a specimen, l. c. page 140, and in note 1 he brought forward more regarding that and other letters of Chrysoloras. Epistles to King Jo. Chrysoloras, Demetrios Chrysoloras, and to Pallantius, written at the death of his brother Manuel, are extant in Latin, translated by Bonav. Vulcanius, in the Leyden Library. See Catalog, p. 345, n. 30. Add concerning the three Chrysolorases below in vol. X, p. 592 sqq. [HARL.]—Of this Emmanuel Chrysoloras, the *Erotamata Grammatica* appeared in Greek at Strasbourg 1516, 4 [m. 8]; Venice 1549, 8; and with a Latin version at Paris, apud Wechel. Moreover, I do not doubt that the book of Chrysoloras *De antiqua et nova Roma*, which Gesner reports exists in the Medici Library, and which Vulcanius wished to bring to light, is that same longer letter which Lambecius edited in Greek and Latin. I wonder that his *De processione Spiritus sancti contra Græcos*, which Allatius praises against Creygthon, has not been edited in his *Græcia orthodoxa*. It begins: "Writing to the Romans."
(r) In the *Life of Basil*, written by Constantine Porphyrogenitus, n. 55, that temple, or the New Basilian Church, is said to have been founded in honor of Christ, Michael the Archangel, and Elijah the Tishbite.
THE BOOK OF GEORGIOS CODINUS CONCERNING THE OFFICES OF THE GREAT CHURCH AND THE IMPERIAL PALACE OF CONSTANTINOPLE
TO THE MOST EMINENT PRINCE OF THE HOLY ROMAN CHURCH, MICHAEL MAZARINO, ARCHBISHOP OF AIX-EN-PROVENCE.
To the extent that Gaul is more of an emulator of Greek letters, most eminent Cardinal, not inferior in ancient piety, and now more powerful in the dignity of empire, so much the more does Greece, mindful of its pristine erudition and religious majesty, seek more ardently the protection of Gaul; and with greater fervor the Gallic nobles court the Athens of wisdom, with so much greater a wealth of joys does Codinus, having attained the name of *sophōtatos* (most wise), desire that this work of his on ecclesiastical and palatine offices be dedicated by the Gauls for eternal consecration. It would seem to have wandered outside its fatherland, though not without fame, had it not received its native ecclesiastical dignitaries into your sanctuary and brought its courtiers into your palace, in which he might prepare for them a seat fitting for ancestral religion and royal majesty at once. Upon perceiving the whiteness of the vestment beneath your purple, he conjectured the innermost whiteness of your soul, nor a nobility unequal to your eminence; and—the patriarch along with the dignitaries of the Great Church—now, when it neither mourns nor fasts, shining with a white color, and now, if it should ordain a period of mourning or fasting, with purple.
coruscating, to worship you in your sacred halls; and the emperor, surrounded by his courtly retinue, although golden and purple on every side—if he presents his majesty unclouded by any sorrow, or clad in white garments if he betokens mourning—desires to venerate you and to prostrate himself at your feet in the more secret inner sanctum of your study, and now, with the empire lost, he asks, as an omen of restored happiness, to appear in your name before he presents himself again. This is truly a work of Codinus that no one would rightly believe should be dedicated to as many men as it recounts Offices, but rather to him alone to whom most offices look, and whose name prefixed at the front is the most significant part of the book. It is indeed so, most eminent Cardinal: through you, Codinus is increased in a wonderful way, namely by one who not only enumerates the offices of the Great Church and the court of Constantinople, but also appears to represent more explicitly the greater dignities of both the Royal palace and the Vatican which you gather within yourself. Therefore, I declare sincerely and without guile that I have consigned this author to your name as the chief of my notes upon him. Thus, this would not be mine, if it were not yours. Would that you had long ago been given to enjoy the sight of Codinus: you alone would have sufficed for him to weave a new and well-lengthened series of offices; what brilliant commentaries I might now edit upon it! What a huge volume they would fill, where I might have curiously annotated, concerning the individual duties you have performed, how much prudence, integrity, and praise you brought to each! But why am I deluded by vanity of mind? As if what is known to all needed notes! This could have escaped no one. How many have easily held you in awe, whom the decorum of virtues had already established as most eminent even before the purple. The luster of the purple found you such as you are; it did not make you so. I add nothing to the truth: thus I am accustomed to weigh the supreme counsel of the eternal Divinity concerning you, not with flighty thought, but with accurate examination of the mind. By a most auspicious omen, it decreed you to be chosen into the family of Preachers, in which, by the suffrage of your merits, you would truly be a candidate for the purple. It willed you, born for the salvation of this empire, to be promoted to the degree of doctorate, which laurel would not obscurely cast a shadow over other laurels; and so that posterity might confirm what antiquity sang as a fable—a precursor and herald of truth—that Pallas, born from the brain of Jove and equipped with laureled arms, had acquired for herself the protection of Athens and all the sciences, and had then turned her mind to planting the olive, the argument of peace, in Athens, and to propagating that peace itself throughout the whole world. The order designated the man whom heaven designated as a provincial viceroy: the Pope appointed him master of the sacred palace before the supreme King appointed him a French minister. It is natural for virtue to ascend gradually by descent; that which then happened as a good to those at Aix, [where] both Gauls and Italians were burning for the whole Order of Preachers in the Genoese assemblies, whose judgment is proven wise even from this fact, that all of Gaul deemed you alone out of many worthy to represent a prince to whom the world knows no equal. Doubtless, Rome prudently offered you the purple then, when you were about to present the king; but as well as she knows you, so modestly she confesses in this very gift of the purple that she has received a new and greater splendor. One of the admiring crowd (for whose mind would not such splendor allure or exhilarate?), with modesty diminished but not lost, I dared to observe you more closely, so that much light might shine upon my labor and work. I offer you a slight gift, but one great in affection; unequal to your merits, yet one in which I place in a good light, as if all dignities were gathered into a heap, how much they rightfully demand for themselves. I would like you, therefore, to receive this monument of my respect for you and look kindly upon it with the eyes with which you have long since held my mind captive. Farewell and live for the usefulness of the Church, for every kind of happiness for Gaul, for an ornament to our Order, and for blessed glory for yourself. So prays the most devoted servant of your Eminence, of submissive mind,
F. JACOBUS GOAR, O.P. From your Parisian convent of St. Mary of the Annunciation.
THE PROEMIUM OF P. JACOBUS GRETSER
Twenty and some years ago, I was reading with pleasure and diligence the little book of Georgius Codinus, *On the Offices and Officials of the Great Church and the Court of Constantinople*. My notes on the second volume concerning the Holy Cross, and my notes on Codinus published with Muretus’ Ethics, and the *Facula* (Little Torch) lit for Codinus, published with the same Muretus’ *Commentaries on Tacitus*, can serve as testimony, having consulted and compared with the Junian edition three manuscripts written by hand, namely two from the Bavarian library and a third from the Lautherian. Learned men have often asked me to translate Codinus in its entirety. I would have complied long ago had other occupations, whether public in the schools or private at home, allowed. Now, when a perpetual illness of my head and entire body has provided me with sufficiently clear leisure, I have taken Codinus in hand so that I might not be entirely idle, I have translated it, I have added commentaries, I have exposed the most serious errors of Junius, which I would either not have done or would have done in—
being destined to act with restraint, although I passed over his countless errors in silence, had he not been a man of most arrogant brow and a most savage enemy of the Catholic faith; he who, while being held and peddled by his followers as "omniscient," clearly showed by his edition of Codinus that an injury was being done to him by this opinion and fame—if indeed it is possible for an injury to be done to one who desires it, since Junius desired and fostered this opinion and fame concerning himself. For he first edited the *Curopalata* in the year of our Redeemer 1588 from the library of Julius Pacius, with his own name suppressed, or rather changed into a Jewish one: for it was "Nadab Agmonius" who dedicated Codinus to the senate of Frankfurt; and lest he not be dedicated enough, Pacius dedicated the same work to Hippolytus a Collibus, his colleague in the Heidelberg praetorium. Afterward, Junius, having obtained more complete exemplars from Marquard Freher, added a few pages to the previous edition by which he filled in some gaps, professed his own name, and inscribed Codinus to Freher, so that the *Curopalata* now came forth into the public eye bolstered by three patrons. Yet Junius is deservedly to be blamed, in that he did not adorn a new edition and did not correct the errors scattered by the full sack—errors which he could have corrected, aided by the codices of the Palatine library and by the exemplar of Raphael Seiler, which was a transcript of the excellent Augsburg codex. For that Codinus was once in the library of the illustrious Republic of Augsburg is testified to by Wolf in his preface to Nicetas, and by Seiler himself, who copied it there in Greek and translated it into Latin, although he never permitted his version to be released to the public. I say "once was," for now it is not; rather, it is lost, as I learned some years ago from the most distinguished lord Marcus Welser, a man of Augsburg; it is unknown through whose negligence or fraud it perished. Furnished with so many aids, therefore, especially the Seilerian translation, Junius ought to have checked Codinus from head to foot, corrected many most serious faults, and presented the book to the reader free from errors. But he did none of these things, except that, as stated before, he stitched a few pages onto his first and most faulty edition, changed the title, added a new patron, and appended his own name. By this very act he deceived his readers, as if he were bringing out a new edition in the year 1596, when it was not new but the first one, namely that very same work which had appeared in the year 1588. A Regarding my own edition and commentaries, I have nothing to say. I wish for impartial readers to be the judges of my labor. Impartial, I say; for I care nothing for the hostile. If anything has been changed, the reason for which is not rendered in the commentaries, know that it was derived either from the two Boian and Lautherian codices or from a clear principle of reason. Fare well, my reader. At Ingolstadt, in the year of salvation 1620.
P. JACOBUS GOAR TO THE READER
That which usually happens to those who, while clearing away the rubble of destroyed buildings, stumble upon and dig up ancient coins—that same thing, I think, no one who has read the interpreters of the Codinian work until now will deny has befallen them. For they, when they strike upon some coin beyond all expectation, deem themselves rich; from which, having made a rush, they fall upon it; and as if it were proof of a hidden treasure, with greater effort they dig up the earth here and there, they rejoice, they marvel, they hope, and each one, according to what occurs to his mind, interprets what type of metal or species of coin it may be. By Hercules, if they are not entirely happy, if they are not rich, then [at least] they are blessed coins that have come into their hands, by whose operation they lose the collected rust, and put aside whatever filth had adhered to them, so that if they do not receive their original value back, they at least receive back some splendor restored in a certain part. But I do not call the diggers richer or happier, if there is no value, or if they do not know what prince’s inscription or image the coin bears. They examine the characters eaten away by rust; and unless they know how to divine or have received from elsewhere what the letters or figures signify, they will not explain them. Yet, as far as Codinus's work is concerned, even if it is not "rotten" from age, it is nonetheless found to be obscure because of its "newness"—which, for the most part, ought to promise greater clarity. For Codinus deals only with the recent Greece, not only with new words, but, what is astonishing, with words already obsolete. Indeed, B usage, which brought in more recent rites, customs, offices, garments, and finally the entire state of Greece, perished utterly upon the toppling of the Eastern Empire; and under the very ruins of Constantinople, the customs which were flourishing there only two hundred years ago lie miserably buried, because they are expressed in a nearly new and unknown type of language. For this reason, it is possible to find a few who are not dismayed at first sight, although few are they who, looking more closely, have either perused or penetrated the letters of the author and his style of writing. How unhappily Junius labored to elucidate the obscurity of the words which Codinus used, Meursius demonstrates in many places, as does the careful correction and the version undertaken by Gretser, and the illustration of the same Codinus in the learned and ample commentaries. But since, in the age in which Gretser translated, those words of the modern Greek had not yet been brought to Western parts, the man is for that reason worthy of pardon, a man surely well-deserving in literary matters, whose writings contain much learning; learning tastes of piety, and piety approaches holiness, even if, having followed the opinion of others, he has tripped and fallen into their mistakes. For he is not the only one who has struck upon the rocks
which Meursius’s Glossary for the most part exposes as *barbarous*—let him strike them as well. For as he has not grasped the genuine meaning of Greek and vulgar terms, he has made a pit for his followers, into which he himself fell first; and unless he is corrected by one well-versed in the more recent Greek language, and is illustrated and enriched with the almost infinite number of words that could be added, he will offer an easy occasion for falling to those who are still to follow. I admit that I have examined the metals extracted by Gretser, have wiped away the dirt and filth from most of them, have played the part of Oedipus in explaining the emblems, and have investigated the hidden meaning of characters that were scarcely recognizable. But since it is altogether impossible either to be ignorant of nothing or to satisfy everyone’s wishes, many, and truly excellent men as well, were expecting something beyond his labor, by which the labor itself might be amplified and grow. These desires moved me to illustrate many things, to explain others, and to contribute some things of my own; would that, with a Frenchman pointing out the way, no one else born elsewhere may in the future wander as a stranger in Greece! I am not so much thrusting my sickle into another’s harvest as I am bringing in fuller crops. I have left Gretser’s own roof sound, and I have venerated his pronouncements as if they were data given from a tripod. It remains that I propose in a few words what is my own and must be made public property: namely, an accurate collation of the Codinian text with one or even both of the copies from the Royal Library. I have amended the text itself—not for the display of an abundance of learning, but looking toward utility—and I have rejected the emendation or the variety of readings into the margin. Where I found that it agreed less with both Royal copies, I marked the places with this index: *utr. Reg.* Where, however, one of them differs from the reading of the text, the first Arabic numeral 1 points to it, and 2 to the other. And if at any time you labor through a lack of any note, reader, look back to the preceding one, which will supply its place. And lest anyone think that I am deliberately acting as a critic of Gretser, let us set as judge between him and me anyone at all, who might decide on the happier exposition of the text. And although the judgment might be carried in favor of Gretser, I ought not to have omitted the new meaning I perceived, which he who has read the amended Codinian text will not seek longer, since it lies before his eyes in the margin of the translation. Surely it would have been little, even if I had contributed some splendor to Codinus, if I had spent my time only in restoring the text or its translation; I ought—because it was worth the effort and the utility and pleasure of the work will be such—to elucidate the unknown customs of the more recent Greeks, just as I have clarified the abstruse and hidden senses of Codinian diction, to bring forward catalogs of the Officials of the church or palace, others and altogether different from those found in the manuscripts of the Royal or illustrious Mazarine libraries, to confirm these rites as rules by facts and examples, to record few or almost no things of my own, and to attribute all that I have related either to Greek writers or to those who taught by word of mouth. But if the Greece that is presumed to labor under the charge of faith does not grant me trust, if my testimony comes under suspicion, how can it be that so many authors cited in a throng in the notes added to individual chapters should be devoid of faith, or who would want to call their suffrages into doubt? One thing remains of which I should warn you: the first chapter concerning the Officials of the Great Church does not seem to me to be Codinus’s. I add the reason for this opinion: the catalog in which the names of the officials are listed is found more often to be distinct from the remaining chapters of Codinus in the Royal manuscripts. And the entire work, without the catalog, can be seen to be distributed into chapters in its correct order; which the very codices that Gretser used also confirm. Yet, since most people attribute it to the writer Codinus, I do not begrudge him the recognition of the parent. I add others among the notes who are more substantial than he. I also wished the notes themselves to be connected both to both versions and to the whole of Codinus’s work, so that with the author’s text appearing favorable, his exposition leaves no doubt in your mind. Therefore, regard Codinus as more fully and more completely explained, and be whole and sound.
Here begins the Book on Offices
OF THE MOST WISE CUROPALATES ON THE OFFICES OF THE PALACE OF CONSTANTINOPLE AND THE OFFICES OF THE GREAT CHURCH. AND FIRST, OF THE OFFICES OF THE GREAT CHURCH
OF THE MOST WISE CUROPALATES ON THE OFFICES OF THE PALACE OF CONSTANTINOPLE AND ON THE OFFICES OF THE GREAT CHURCH, AND FIRST OF THE OFFICES OF THE GREAT CHURCH. Jacob Gretser, translator.
INDEX OF THE CHAPTERS OF THIS BOOK
CAPUT 1. Catalog of the offices of the Great Church. 2. Names of the offices of the palace. 3. On the head coverings or caps and clothing of the officials, and first on the cap of the despotes. 4. On the insignia of the grand domestic and the rest of the princes. 5. The ministries of each of the officials. 6. Holidays which are accustomed to be kept in the palace; and first on the feast of the Nativity of the Lord. 7. On the table of the emperor. 8. Feast of the Epiphany. 9. Feast of the adoration of the Holy Cross. 10. Feast of Palms. 11. On the manner of acting if the emperor is in mourning. 12. Office of the holy week. 13. Hours of Good Friday and the office of Great Saturday. 14. Matins of the Great Lord’s day of Pascha. 15. On other diverse feasts on which the emperor is accustomed to go in procession, if he be in Constantinople. 16. On the offices of the grand domestic, the grand drungary of the watch, the prefect of the army, and the grand adnamiastes in the camp. 17. On the coronation of the emperor. 18. On the creation of a despotes. 19. On the creation of a sebastocrator and a Caesar. 20. On the election and inauguration of the patriarch. 21. On the garments of mourning of the emperor. 22. On the future spouse and empress.
A CHAPTER I.
The ecclesiastical offices are as follows. The first quinarius. The Great Oeconomus, who holds in his power all the resources of the Church and all the revenues from them, and is the steward in this matter both for the patriarch and for the Church. The Great Sacellarius, who has in his power the monasteries of men and women, and uses for this ministry or assistant the prefect of the monasteries. The Great Sceuophylax, keeping the vessels of the Church. The Chartophylax, holding the ecclesiastical written charters, a judge of all ecclesiastical matters, having under him matrimonial causes, but also being the defender in other matters of the clerics, as the right hand of the high priest. The Sacellion, holding the catholic churches and the sacellion. The Protecdicos B to attend to those captives, and judge of criminal cases. These sit in the divine—
[Translation starts from the beginning of the text provided]
prisoners, and is judge of criminal matters. These sit in the holy and sacred synod with the patriarch.
A The second quinarius. The protonotary is the door and access to the exocatacoeli, and is in charge of the drafting of the pittakia. The logothete is in charge of reviewing and writing down the accounts which are rendered both by those in the laity and those in the principal ecclesiastical order. The canstrisius is in charge of the canistrum and serves the patriarch while he is being vested in his sacred garments. The referendary’s duty is to be sent to the emperor and to the great prince. The one in charge of the commentarii is occupied with writing the commentarii or memorials.
The third quinarius. The duty of the hieromnemon is to inspect the prayers behind the patriarch, and he has in his power the enthronement and the contacium or book of ordination. The one in charge of the knees has in his power the patriarch's epigonation. The prefect of supplications approaches the emperor on behalf of those who are suffering injustice. The duty of the one who is in charge of the secretum is to keep the people in order while judgments are being held. The prefect of the sacred station (who is in charge of regulating behavior) ensures that order is observed within the B sacred tribunal, or within the altar.
The fourth quinarius. The monitor or suggestor is appointed for this: to suggest to the patriarch silently and recall to his memory. The doctor of the Gospel, who interprets it. The doctor of the apostle, who is his interpreter. The doctor of the psalter, set apart for explaining the psalter. The duty of the rhetor is to interpret the Scriptures.
The fifth quinarius. The prefect of monasteries, with the great sacellarius, has charge of the monasteries. The prefect of churches has charge of the churches with the curator of the sacellum. The prefect of the Gospel holds it at processions and litanies. The prefect of the lights has charge of those who have been newly illumined, that is, baptized. The prefect of the antimensia introduces those who wish to receive holy communion.
The sixth quinarius. The first ostiarius guards the doors while ordinations are being performed. The second ostiarius holds the monampulum. The protopapas is a defender and is first in the place of the altar, and holds the second rank from the patriarch. The second of the priests introduces the priests (to the altar or to the holy table) and holds the second rank from the protopapas. The second of the deacons is the first among the common deacons, and introduces the deacons (to the altar).
The seventh quinarius. The protopsaltes. The two domestics, of the first and second choir. The one who calls the people together. The primicerius of the tabularii. The prefect of the contacia.
The eighth quinarius. The primicerius of the readers. The nomicus. The protocanonarcha. The exarch. The ecclesiarcha.
Chapter II. The names of the officials of the Constantinopolitan palace.
Despota. B Observe here that the sons of the emperor, if they are despotes, take precedence over the brothers and sons-in-law of the emperor, even if they too are despotes.
Sebastocrator. It must be known that the dignity of sebastocrator did not exist until the reign of Alexios Komnenos, but that after the emperor, the Caesar held the first rank. He honored Nikephoros Melissenos with the dignity of Caesar. But he had a brother older than himself, Isaac Komnenos. It was necessary to raise this man to a higher dignity; yet there was no dignity higher than that of Caesar, as we have already said. He therefore devised a new dignity, composing the word from *sebastos* and *autokrator*, and gave his brother the title of sebastocrator, having constituted him a sort of second emperor, and placed the Caesar after him, with this decree: that he be named in the auspicious acclamations after the emperor.
Caesar. C Magnus Domesticus.
Panhypersebastos. This dignity also did not exist; that same Emperor Alexios the First invented it. For, wishing likewise to honor his sister’s husband, Michael Taronites, he made him equal in rank and in throne to the Caesar, neither placing him after nor before. This remained the case for some time, indeed until the reign of Andronikos the Second Palaiologos. For this emperor and his grandfather, having honored John Kantakouzenos—who later also became emperor—with the honors of the megas domesticus, first made him equal to the panhypersebastos; then, after the death of the grandfather, he placed the dignity of panhypersebastos below him, and ordained that he should be under the megas domesticus, having raised the dignity of the megas domesticus. D It should also be known that Alexios Komnenos abused the title of *sebastos* in the composition of these names. For *sebastos* was an epithet used from ancient times for the emperors, and the name of *sebastos* was specifically attributed to the emperor; but he was the first to lower such a dignity to a more common usage. It is permitted to emperors to innovate in matters and names without hindrance, and to promote or demote whom they wish.
Protovestiarius. Note also this: Emperor Michael, the first of the Palaiologoi, having taken away from the protosebastos—which is the thirteenth dignity—the green garments, transferred these to his nephew, Michael Tarchaniotes, whom he created protovestiarius; him he also placed above everyone, even above the megas domesticus and the panhypersebastos, with the exception, however, of the Caesar, whom he again subjected...
to this position on the part of the Emperor Andronikos Palaiologos the Second, A when, as was said above, he honored John Kantakouzenos by creating him megas domesticus. He raised him above the nephews of the grandfather and Emperor, above his own uncles, and above all others, not even excepting the panhypersebastos and the protovestiarius. Hence, therefore, this order of offices prevailed, such that the megas domesticus was first after the Caesar, then the panhypersebastos, and thereafter the rest in sequence.
Megas doux. Protostrator. Megas stratopedarches. Megas primikerios. Megas kontostaulos. Megas logothetes. Protosebastos. Pinkernes. Kuropalates. Parakoimomenos of the fundon. Parakoimomenos of the koiton. Logothetes of the genikon. Now, as for Theodore Metochites, who was logothetes of the genikon, the Emperor B Andronikos Palaiologos the First, deciding to honor him, made him megas logothetes; he was superior to the megas stratopedarches, but was under the protostrator, and after the parakoimomenos of the koiton. Protovestiarietes. Domestikos of the table (tes trapezis). Epi tes trapezis. Megas pappias. Eparchos. Megas droungarios of the vigla. Megas hetaireiarches. Megas chartoularios. Logothetes of the dromos. Protasekretis. Epi tou stratou. Mystikos. Domestikos of the scholai. Megas droungarios of the fleet. Primikerios of the court (aules). Protospatharios. Megas archon. Tatas of the court (aules). C Megas tzaousios. Praitor of the people (demou). Logothetes of the oikeiaka. Megas logariastes. Protokynegos. Skouterios. Amiralios (Admiral). Epi ton deeseon. Quaestor. Megas adnoumiastes. Logothetes of the stratiotikon. Protokeirakarios. Logothetes of the agelai. D
A The Great Interpreter. The Acoluthus. The Judge of the Camp. The Prefect of the Allagion. The Protottallagator. The Great Administrator. The Orphanotrophus, that is, the curator of orphans. The Protonotarius. The A memoria. The Domestic of the Walls. The Prefect of the Bedchamber. The Prefect of the Vestiarium. The Vestiarius. The Hetairiarches. The Logariastes of the Court. The Stratopedarches of the Murtator. The Stratopedarches of the Tzakones. The Stratopedarches of the Monocaballoi. The Stratopedarches of the Tzangratores. The Prefect of the Great Palaces. The Prefect of the Palaces in Blachernae. The Domestic of the Oriental Themes. The Domestic of the Occidental Themes. The Great Myrtaites. The Protocomes. The Pappias. The Drungarius. The Sebastus. The Myrtaites. There are also prefects of cities according to the dignity of each one.
At the dignity of the canicleion was Chumnus, the consort of the emperor’s daughter; he never appeared in the retinue, nor did he come to the greeting of the emperor. Wherefore his place is unknown. His staff of office was nothing other than a smooth piece of wood. Similarly, the place of the Great Bajulus is unknown. C
CAPUT III. Concerning the vestments of each of the dignities and offices, and first, concerning the pileus of the Despota.
D The head covering which the Despota uses, commonly called the skiadion, consists entirely of pearls. The lower circle displays the names of the one who wears it, embroidered in Phrygian work with ductile gold. The strings, with pearls woven into them, hang down just as those of the imperial pileus, except for the gemmed apex and the similarly gemmed fly-whisk. His scarlet tunic, or *ruchon*, is like that of the emperor, with figures and branches embroidered in gold, but without the eagles, which are military insignia. His *tamparium*, or *penula*, is scarlet with pearl trimming. His *caligae* are scarlet. His greaves, or cothurni, are of two colors, namely violet and white, and they have at the sides and on each heel, or *calceus*, eagles made of pearls; or they are as if painted in mosaic upon the shoes themselves. The iron of his spurs is like that of the emperor. The reins of the spurs are of double color. The saddle of his horse is likewise of two colors, with pearls in front and behind and on the four parts of the stirrups, having also
A a front and back border, just as the emperor's. Yet the covering lacks pearls. Their stirrups are such as the emperor's. In front, on the leather of the bridle, which is also of double color, he has a tassel with a lower fly-flap, such as the emperor's horse has on the bridle; yet it lacks the upper fly-flap. The upper covering of the saddle is of white field, with small scarlet eagles. Likewise his tent is white, full of small red eagles.
The Despotes dismounts from his horse wherever the emperor commands. When the Despotes is still a boy, he wears no covering on his head while he is in the palace; but remains bareheaded. But when he rides, he wears the B hat we described earlier. When he reaches the age of a youth, he wears the said hat even in the palace. On feast days he wears an *ouranikon* covered in gold, studded with small stones and pearls, which they call "hail-scattered." His *kabbadion* is either red or sea-green, pearl-embroidered, such as he prefers and selects. The *skaranikon* of the Sebastokrator and that of the Caesar are asked for on feast days. The hats of the sons-in-law of the emperor, if they are Despotes, are of gold and scarlet color, woven with gold wire, and have crosses of pearls and circles.
The hat of the Sebastokrator is of gold and scarlet color and woven with gold threads. The lower circle and the pendants are woven with pearls, like those of the Despotes. His scarlet garment is such as that of the Despotes, but without the borders and golden branch-work. C His *chlamys*, such as it was of old, is sought after. The rest of his hose are of a sea-green color. Yet the Emperor John Kantakouzenos, having created his wife's brothers John and Manuel Asanes as Sebastokrators, gave them the power to wear *tampari* and hose like the Despotes. His shoes are of sea-green color, having eagles woven with gold wire on a scarlet field, in those places which we indicated when we were treating of the Despotes. Similarly, the saddle and the covering are sea-green; the stirrups are such as those of the Despotes. The upper covering of the saddle is also sea-green, with four scarlet eagles. His tent is white, having quadrangular patches sewn along the seams. He also dismounts in the courtyard of the palace at the tetrastylon; I mean this by reason of the sign of the place. D If the emperor is found in another place, he dismounts there in correspondence to the tetrastylon of that place.
The hat of the Caesar is woven with gold threads and red, of gold and scarlet color, such as that of the Sebastokrator. The circle and the pendants are like those of the same. His tunic is likewise like that of the other. The *tampari* is also sought after. His hose and shoes are sea-green. Similarly the saddle, and those things of the covering and the upper covering, and his tent are the same as those of the Sebastokrator, with quadrangular patches inserted, but without eagles. He also dismounts
A from his horse and enters the palace in those places where the Sebastokrator dismounts.
The Despota, however, is addressed before the Emperor simply as follows: “My Despota, and Your Majesty.” And the Sebastokrator: “My Despota Sebastokrator, and Your Majesty.” And the Caesar, likewise: “My Despota Caesar, and Your Majesty,” just as with the Sebastokrator.
It should be known that if any of the nobles needs to report something to the Emperor that also requires mentioning the name of the Despota, he uses this formula: “My lord’s son, your son, the Despota.” If the nobles are speaking among themselves about the Despota, then they say, “Our lord’s son, the Despota.” If a noble is speaking with someone from the household of the Despota, he may, if he wishes, say: “My lord’s son, the Despota.” And if he wants to show greater respect and says, “Our lord, the Despota,” he is not forbidden. Furthermore, if it happens that someone from the household of the Despota must report something to the Emperor such that he needs to mention his lord and master, he does not say “my master” or “my lord, your son,” but rather: “My lord, your son, the Despota.” Although “Kyrios” (meaning lord) and “Authentes” (meaning master) mean the same thing, usage has prevailed in order to distinguish them. For no one says to the Despota, when necessary, “My Kyrie,” even though this also, as has been said, is equivalent, but rather “My Despota”; but to a noble one says “My Kyrie.” B
CAPUT IV. Concerning the pileoi and garments of the Magnus Domesticus and the other high-ranking officials.
The pileolus of the Magnus Domesticus is golden and crimson in color, embroidered, with a golden and crimson covering and [outer] cloth. The hanging ribbons, like the circlet of the pileolus, are woven with gold and crimson; the staff consists of engraved knots. The shaft that is seen above is golden and smooth. The one following it is also golden, but wrapped in silver like twisted rope-work. The third is golden and smooth, like the first, and the fourth is like the second, wrapped in silver in the manner of twisted rope; and so on, similarly to what has been said. His scaranicum is golden and crimson, embroidered, having in front C an image of the Emperor standing, crowned, and to his right one angel, and another to his left, surrounded by pearls, and furthermore the image of the Emperor. The scaranicum also has, around the upper rim, a chain made of pearls. His cabbadion is of double color, with embroidered gold filigree. These very things, namely the pileolus and the other garments, were worn by the nephews of the first Emperor Andronikos, the Panhypersebastos, the Protovestiarios, and the others; which were also granted to John Cantacuzenus by the two Emperors when he was made Magnus Domesticus. D
The footwear of the Panhypersebastos is yellow, and likewise the saddle, having in front and
A behind embroidered pearls, and his housing is yellow with pearls.
The staff of the Protovestiarius is of gold and leek-green color; it consists of cast gold and shining metal, refined for pigment. His footwear is green. Besides this, there is the saddle, which is also marked with pearls, like the saddle of the Panhypersebastos. His housing is green with pearls.
The hat of the Magnus Dux is of gold and scarlet color, woven with golden threads, but without a circlet. His *scaranicon* is gold and scarlet, woven with ductile gold, and it contains on the front side the Emperor standing in representation, and on the back, him sitting on a throne. His *cabbadion* is of red silk, or such as he might wish from the customary kinds. His staff has engraved golden studs, and similarly golden rods, but intertwined with silver as if with braided work, like that which the Magnus Domesticus uses.
The hat, *scaranicon*, and *cabbadion* of the Protostrator are similar to those of the Magnus Dux. But the studs of his scepter, the top one is indeed gold, the following ones silver. The rods, however, are gold.
The vestments of the Magnus Logothete, that is, the hat, *cabbadion*, and *scaranicon*, do not differ from those of the Protostrator. He carries no staff.
The hat and *scaranicon* B of the Magnus Stratopedarches are such as those of the Protostrator and the Magnus Logothete. As for his staff, however, all the rods are silver, except for the first one, and the studs are gold and engraved.
The hat of the Magnus Primicerius is woven with ductile gold. The *cabbadion* is like the preceding ones. The surface of his *scaranicon* bears the color of a Damascene plum, mixed with ductile gold; just as, therefore, gray is a middle color between white and black, so this one is a middle color between scarlet and white. This *scaranicon* also contains the image of the Emperor, standing in front under a transparent covering called a *dialgeston*, and on the back side sitting on a throne. His staff is of gilded wood, such as that of the Emperor.
All the insignia of the Magnus Contostaulus are as those of the Magnus Primicerius. He carries no staff.
The ornaments of the Protosebastos are such as those of the Magnus Contostaulus; but his hat shines with gold and leek-green color; yet it is of ductile gold, and the cloth is not simply woven with gold. His *scaranicon* is like that of the Magnus Primicerius; and he is without a staff.
All the ornaments of the Pincerna are as those of the Magnus Primicerius, but without a staff. And the insignia of the C Curopalates are similar to those of the Pincerna, and he also is without a staff.
The vestments of the Parakoimomenos of the Bedchamber correspond to those of the Curopalates. His staff is wooden. The top rod is gilded, the second is twisted with gold and white color. The one that follows this is again gilded, and the one after this is twisted again, and so on in order.
A All the insignia of the accubitor of the bedchamber correspond to those of the accubitor of the seal—save that the first rod of the staff is gilded, just as that of the others, but the rest, down to the end, are twisted with gold and white color.
The hat of the logothete of the general treasury is of white silk fabric with margellae. The cabbadion is of those silk fabrics that are customarily worn. The scaranikon is of gold and white silk, woven with flat gold wire, having on both the front and the back a representation of the emperor, after the manner of a miniature, just like that of the primicerius; he does not carry a staff.
The hat of the protovestiarius is woven of gold. His cabbadion and scaranikon are like those of the logothete of the general treasury. As for his staff, the first rod is gilded, and those that follow are twisted in red and gold colors.
The vestments of the domestic of the table are like those of the protovestiarius, but he does not carry a staff.
The vestments of the one in charge of the table are like those of the aforementioned—the protovestiarius and the domestic of the table. As for his staff, the first rod is gilded, the second is black, then a gilded one, then black again, and so on in order.
The vestments of the great pappias are like those of the domestic of the table. His staff, just like that of the accubitor of the seal, has a rod of gold and a rod of gold and white; thus, this one has a rod of gold and a rod of gold and red.
The insignia of the eparch are like those of the great pappias, but he does not carry a staff.
The vestments of the great drungary of the watch—namely, the hat and the cabbadion—correspond to those of the eparch. The fabric of his scaranikon shines with a golden-yellow color, is decorated with gold wire, and woven with flat gold; it has on the front the emperor depicted sitting on a gilded, elevated throne, and on the back, him on horseback. His staff, after the top gilded rod, as is the case for all of them, is red and gold in color, decorated down to the bottom.
B Note that from the great domestic up to and including the great drungary of the watch, all the dignitaries, when they wish, wear cabbadia, and when they wish, epilourika (that is, outer garments); but from this point downwards, it is not so.
The vestments of the great hetairiarch are like those of the great drungary. His staff, just as that of the great drungary is red and gold, is here twisted with gold and sky-blue.
The vestments of the great chartulary are like those of the great hetairiarch, but he does not carry a staff.
The hat of the logothete of the dromos is like that of the great chartulary; he wears a phakeolion and an epilourikon, but not a scaranikon.
The hat of the protoasecretis is of silk fabric, provided with lions, of a bright deep color and white, having margellae. D
A It is made of hammered gold plates, not in the shape of a cross, but in a circle around the crown of the hat and the circumference of the dome, which has above it the figure of a trefoil, in the work of margellae, similar to what we have described. He wears a phakeolion and an epilourikon of the same type as the logothete; he also lacks a scaranikon. The hat of the prefect of the army is woven with gold. His cabbadion and scaranikon are like those of the great chartoularios. To the mystikos pertains a phakeolion and an epilourikon, but not a scaranikon. The vestments of the domestic of the schools are similar to those of the prefect of the army. His staff is silver, without gold; it has a boss at the top and nothing more. The vestments of the great drungarios of the fleet are all similar to those of the domestic of the schools, and without a staff. The items of the primicerius of the court—that is, the hat, the cabbadion, and the scaranikon—are as those of the great drungarios. His staff is of gold-embroidered silver-thread, just like that of the protovestiarios, gold and scarlet. The hat, cabbadion, and scaranikon of the protospatharios are similar to those of the primicerius of the court. He holds no staff. Those of the great archon are like those of the aforementioned protospatharios. And he also does not hold a staff. And those of the tatēs of the court [are] as those of the great archon. His staff is of smooth wood. The hat, cabbadion, and scaranikon of the great tzaousios B are like those of the tatēs of the court. He carries on the left side of his belt a siromastēs, which they commonly call a saliban. All the vestments of the praetor of the people are similar to the vestments of the great tzaousios. His staff is of smooth wood. To the logothete of familiar affairs pertains a phakeolion and an epilourikon, but not a scaranikon. Those of the great logariastēs are like those of the logothete of familiar affairs. The hat, cabbadion, and scaranikon of the primary hunter are as those of the praetor of the people. And those of the scutarius are likewise. The vestments of the amiralios do not differ. To the prefect of petitions pertains a phakeolion and an epilourikon, but not a scaranikon. The hat, cabbadion, and scaranikon of the quaestor are similar to those of the great tzaousios. Those of the great adnumiastēs are like those of the quaestor; his staff is silver, devoid of gold, having one single knob at the top, upon which sits a dove. The vestments of the logothete of the army are a phakeolion and an epilourikon, but not a scaranikon. The hat, cabbadion, and scaranikon of the primary falconer are similar to those of the great adnou-
- A -tator, and he wears a glove on his left hand, which has a border sewn around its upper opening, featuring woven sharp-eyed eagles. The attire of the logothete of the flocks consists of a phakeolion and an epilourikon, like those of the logothete of the army, but he does not use a scaranikon. The hat, cabbadion, and scaranikon of the grand interpreter are like those of the primary falconer. His scaranikon is covered with silk, and it has a small red tuft on top. One side of his dikanikion is red, and the other side is silver, decorated with painted leaf-work. The hat, cabbadion, and scaranikon of the acolouth are similar to those of the grand interpreter, but he is without a dikanikion. The vestments of the grand administrator are like those of the acolouth. He carries a dikanikion, which is a smooth wooden rod without a knob. The attire of the judge of the army is like that of the grand administrator, but he holds no dikanikion. The attire of the prefect of the allagion is in every way like that of the judge of the army, but he carries a dikanikion which is a smooth rod. B The hat, cabbadion, and scaranikon of the protallagator are similar to those of the prefect of the allagion. Instead of a dikanikion, he carries what the common people call a matzouka (a club), made of silver and gilded; its shaft is covered in red cloth, and it has a gilded knob at the end, and a band in the middle that is likewise gilded. The attire of the orphanotrophos is similar, though without a dikanikion. All the ornaments are the same for the protonotary. The insignia of the one in charge of rememoranda are such as you would recognize for those who precede him, that is, the protonotary and the others. The upper part of his dikanikion is gilded, while the rest is woven in a basket-weave pattern with white and red, without any gold plating. The attire of the domestic of the walls is like that of the one in charge of rememoranda, but his dikanikion is a smooth wooden rod. The hat, cabbadion, and red scaranikon of the overseer of the bedchamber are similar to those of the domestic of the walls. His dikanikion is a smooth wooden rod. All the ornaments, and the dikanikion, of the overseer of the vestiary are like those of the overseer of the bedchamber. The ornaments of the vestiary are the same, except for the dikanikion. The vestments of the hetairiarch are similar to these; his dikanikion, just like that of the grand hetairiarch, is twisted in gold and sky-blue, but this one is twisted in citron-yellow and sky-blue. C The attire of the logariastes of the court corresponds to these; his dikanikion is a smooth wooden rod. The attire of the stratopedarch of the monocaballoi is the same. The attire of the stratopedarch of the tzangratores is similar to those preceding him. The attire of the stratopedarch of the murtatoi is like that of the stratopedarch of the tzangratores. D
A Everything belonging to the head of the great palaces is entirely similar to those of his predecessors. Likewise, his staff is a plain piece of wood. The attire of the official presiding over the Blachernae palaces is identical. All things pertaining to the domestic of the themes are likewise the same. All the insignia of the domestic of the Eastern themes, and all those of the domestic of the Western themes, and in addition his staff, correspond with those of their predecessors. The kabbadion and red skaranikon of the great myrtaites are similar to those already mentioned. His staff is of silver, washed with gold, representing the shape of the letter gamma at the top. B The attire of the protokomes is likewise identical. He holds no staff. The drungarios holds a staff, but it is only a plain, bare piece of wood. The sebastos holds none, just as the myrtaites does not. The heads of the distinguished cities hold staffs of white wood. The pappias holds a staff of a single piece of wood, without any knots.
CHAPTER V. Concerning the ministries of each of the offices.
The Despot, the sebastokrator, and the Caesar exercise no ministry unless they are appointed to an administrative command. C The ministries of the great domestic and the protovestiarios shall be passed over here; they will be set forth in their proper place. The panhypersebastos exercises no ministry.Just as the great domestic is the head of the entire army, so the great doux is the head at sea. And while the commanders on the other triremes, as heads, set up and raise the customary imperial flammulum, that is, the cross with four steel strike-a-lights, this great doux sets up and raises a flammulum adorned with the imperial equestrian image. He has under him the great drungarios of the fleet, the amiralios, the drungarios, and the D komites.
The protostrator, in the absence of the great domestic, carries the emperor's sword. When, therefore, the emperor is about to mount his horse, after the count of the imperial horses has brought the horse and holds it, and after the emperor has mounted, the protostrator takes hold of the bridle and leads the horse as far as the fourth or fifth section of the palace courtyard. Then, the great chartoularios, taking his place, leads it by the bridle as far as the gate. He does the same when the emperor prepares to dismount from his horse: for he leads the horse from the gate as far as the designated place; in whose stead the protostrator again takes over, having led the horse to that place where the emperor is accustomed to descend. If, perchance, the protostrator is absent or has gone abroad, this duty is performed from the beginning to the
end by the grand chartulary. If even he is absent, the most honorable of the nobles who are present leads the horse.
A It must be observed that it is the custom for seven horses to be ready every day, which are called *strata*, awaiting the emperor so that he may ride whichever of them he chooses. The other horses follow, which are called *surta* (dragged/led). The aforementioned count, however, has permission to ride whichever of the imperial horses he chooses within the imperial stables, and also to train and break them in the courtyard, or to dismount from the horse in the *caladromos*; provided, however, that it is, as has been said, only within the courtyard; for neither he nor anyone else is permitted to depart or enter the courtyard while mounted. If it should be necessary for any of the nobles to ride in the courtyard, they enter on foot, and then they ride. Again, when it is time to leave, they dismount and depart on foot. The count has the authority, when the emperor is present, to ride any of the imperial horses he chooses, should he wish to do so; but when the emperor is absent, this is not the case. Rather, with the horse’s housing (saddle-cloth) placed upon its shoulders and covering half the saddle, he may ride, but he does not go elsewhere, going only as far as the *stratorikion*.
B It is also a custom that every year around the time of the great Easter, all the imperial saddles and bridles and everything else, all coverings, are renewed, and the count receives all the old ones—that is, the saddles along with the pommel-ornaments and the bridles along with the trappings and tassels.
The following of the so-called *surta* imperial horses, when the emperor is riding, is said to have originated for the following reason. They say that the Emperor Theophilus was a lover of justice. Therefore, it is said that once, while he was riding, a woman met him, crying out that the horse upon which the emperor was riding was hers. Upon investigation, it was found that the woman was telling the truth: that the horse was indeed hers, but that the *eparch* had taken it by force as a gift, as if it were his own, and had presented it to the emperor. When this became clear to the emperor, he immediately, as he was, dismounted from the horse and gave it to the woman who owned it. But since there were no led imperial horses C at that time, and the emperor was in need of a horse and had ridden a horse he happened to find, the following of the *surta* was ordained, so that, if any accident were to happen, imperial horses would be ready so that the emperor could change horses.
The *spatha* or sword of the emperor is always kept in the *roucharion*, but his footwear in the *vestiarion*. There is also another kind of footwear, which is called *tzangia*, having eagles made of precious stones and pearls on the sides along the shins and on the heels, which the emperor also wears for processions and public displays. And the one who makes these shoes is not called a *tzangarios* or shoemaker, like the others, but a *tzangas*. Whenever, therefore,
it is necessary for the emperor to ride on horseback, a boy from the wardrobe, A commonly called an *allaximarios*, brings the footwear. Once the emperor is ready and mounted, the cymbalists strike their cymbals, and the trumpeters and horn-blowers similarly sound their silver instruments. These trumpets, however, destined for this use, do not have the form of other trumpets, but are endowed with a different shape. The very sound of such instruments indicates this; it is so that if anyone from the people requests something or is wronged, hearing this sound, they may run up and freely report it to the emperor. B This is done, however, if the emperor rides in the morning. But if he is to ride after lunch, this is not observed at all. The reason is unknown. I venture to conjecture, however, that since the common people are sober in the morning, but after lunch are for the most part drunk and more reckless, they rightly sound the trumpets in the morning in the manner we have mentioned, but not at all after lunch, lest some drunkard approach the emperor in a disorderly and reckless fashion.
Furthermore, the protostrator is the defender of those who conduct skirmishes and raids. For since these men have neither a fixed order nor their own *flammulon*, but are dispersed in a confused and disorderly manner, the protostrator, positioned behind them, defends them if a battle should break out. For this reason, he is called *protostrator* [first-layer], as he leads the whole C army. It is the custom for the protostrator to take from the animals stolen as booty whatever ones are of varied color, which are called *phytilia*.
The Grand Logothete arranges the mandates and chrysobulls, or golden letters, sent by the emperor to kings, sultans, and toparchs. This is the proper duty of the Grand Logothete.
The duty of the Domestic is to execute whatever the emperor commands.
The Grand Stratopedarch is the provider of all that the army needs, such as food, drink, and all things necessary for life.
The Grand Primicerius, when a servant from the wardrobe brings the imperial scepter into the palace, D while the assembly of courtiers stands around, up to the second part of the triclinium, takes it from him and hands it to the emperor; and when he receives it back from the emperor, he often has the authority to retain it for the sake of honor. He hands his own staff to the aforementioned servant of the wardrobe, who carries it out with the same ceremony as the emperor’s. It is also the custom that one *hyperpyron*—a type of currency—be given to the Grand Primicerius every Sunday on account of the staff. If, perhaps, he is away, then whoever among the more honorable nobles is present hands the staff to the emperor. He is also the head of the imperial retinue in the army. He also has his own *flammulon* in such a company.
A The Grand Contostaulos is the head of the Frankish mercenaries.
The Protosebastos has no official duty.
The office of the Pincerna will be explained when we speak of the office of the Grand Domestic.
The Curopalata formerly indeed had an office, which is now unknown; at present he performs no duty.
The Parakoimōmenos of the Seal takes the emperor’s seal and stamps it with wax when necessary. The emperor never uses this wax seal anywhere else except to the Lady his mother, the Lady his wife, and the emperor his son; to despots, patriarchs, and the other more honorable princes and nobles, he uses a leaden bull. This official also carries the emperor’s sword when the Protostrator is away.
The Parakoimōmenos of the Chamber is the head of those who serve in the chamber and of the cubicularii; he also has under him the head of the chamber. He remains in the palace. When the Parakoimōmenos of the Seal is away, this official carries the emperor’s sword.
The office of the Logothete of the Drome is unknown.
The Protovestiarios is the minister of the *circumstatio*. For before the emperor comes out of his chamber, he is already in the triclinium with the Grand Hetaireiarches and the Primikerios of the palace. B And after the emperor comes out and takes his place, the Protovestiarios goes out and summons the more honorable of the nobles to the *circumstatio*. Then the Grand Hetaireiarches summons some, and indeed more than the former ones. After him, the Primikerios of the palace goes out and he likewise summons the rest of the nobles. Then they bring the emperor’s staff; when this has been given to the emperor by the Grand Primikerios, as has been said, the hetaireiarches immediately summon the others, namely those who wear the red *skaranika*, and all those of lower rank. And this is done always in this way, both at the hour of the morning liturgy and at the vesper service. After the dismissal, if the emperor wishes to speak or to bestow an official position on someone, the *circumstatio* continues. If not, the Protovestiarios strikes the ground gently with his staff, C and the hetaireiarches and those who carry the wooden staves signal to those who had entered after the emperor’s staff was brought in, and they disperse. If anything needs to be submitted to the emperor during the *circumstatio*, whether through an apocrisiarios or any other of the necessary persons, none of the nobles has permission to do so, unless perhaps the emperor has ordered it, except for the Protovestiarios alone; if he is away, the Grand Hetaireiarches; and if he too is absent, the Primikerios of the palace.
The office of the Domestic of the Table D and the Prefect of the Table, and if he also is absent, that of the Primikerios of the palace...
A will be explained when the duty of the Grand Domestic is discussed.
The Grand Pappias formerly had an office unknown to us; now, however, he has none. The Eparch is the same; now, however, he does not have this either.
The office of the Grand Drungarios of the Watch will be explained when we discuss the office of the Grand Domestic in the army.
The duty of the Grand Hetaireiarches was explained previously when we spoke concerning the standing. He receives those exiles and refugees arriving from everywhere; hence he is called *hetaireiarches* [companion-leader], as one who receives companions, that is to say, friends.
The Logothete of the Course formerly had an office unknown to us; now, however, he has none.
The duty of the First Secretary is known from the very word itself; for he is called first among the secretaries. There are times, however, when others more honorable than he sit in judgment with him by the emperor’s decree.
The duty of the Prefect of the Army will be explained, when [the time] comes for the discussion concerning the office of the Grand Domestic in the army.
The function of the Mystikos is evident from the name itself.
The Domestic of the Schools formerly held almost the same office that the Grand Domestic holds at present; now, however, he performs no duty.
The Grand Drungarios of the Fleet has the same relationship to the Grand Duke as the Grand Drungarios of the Watch does to the Grand Domestic.
The Primikerius of the palace has B in the standing the function of which we spoke before. It is also his duty to establish a seemly order among all those who move about in the palace. For just as each of the dignitaries holds a designated and proper place in the standing, in the same way each class of courtiers possesses its own place in the palace.
For the Varangians are found serving at the doors of the emperor's chamber and the triclinium. In the courtyard of the palace are soldiers called *paramonai* [guards], having horses, for whom a *logator* [superintendent of pay/supplies] is in charge. After these are other *paramonai*, but these lack horses, though they do have a *logator*; they all hold their swords in their own hands. Then are found those who are called Tzakones, and they also carry *pilaticia* [short spears or staffs]. After these are others, also foot soldiers, called Murtatoi, each carrying bows. The *paramonai*, however, [are equipped] with *skiadia* [sun hats], while the Tzakones [are equipped] with *kapasia* [caps], and they also wear over their clothing light-colored *klivania* armor, having white lions standing upon the chest, facing one another. Likewise on the back.
There are also the Cortinarii, who also have a prefect whom they call a Count; although their class is considered lower, they nonetheless take their station C below the place of the imperial throne. The Bardariotai are assigned to the guard of the palace gate. Therefore, all these, and those mentioned, when the morning hymns, the liturgies, and the vespers are chanted, take their places each in his own order,
[... the official of the liturgy, and the official of the vespers, A stand in order, being marshaled by the primicerius of the palace, as has been said.
The Cortinarii minister to the emperor's tent, which is called the *cortis*. Their count, and they themselves, wear scarlet cloths from the old cloths of the *cortis*, and from these also they wear, upon their heads, red caps—within the palace, that is, but not hats. Furthermore, they wear leggings of the same sort with black shoes. Outside the palace, however, they wear such caps with hats or hoods.
Similar red garments are also worn by the Bardariotæ, which are made from cloths not taken from the *cortis*, but from their own. On their heads they wear a Persian garment, called an *angouron*, which has a yellow cloth in place of tassels. From the belt of each of these hang thongs, which they call *manuklavia*, that is, staves or rods, so that they may whip those worthy of being whipped. They always carry staves. When the emperor rides, they go before him, and carrying them erect, they set the people in order. These also have a primicerius. The emperor brought these people, who were Persians by nationality, B from there and settled them by the river Bardarios, from which they are also called Bardariotæ.
The Protospatharios is said to have been in ancient times the first of the stationary spatharioi. At present, he holds no office.
The Grand Archon holds no official position, and likewise the *tatas* of the palace.
The Great Tzausioi are responsible for keeping the order of the emperor's retinue, being subject to the grand primicerius.
The Praetor of the people likewise has no official duty.
The Logothete of the household likewise.
And the Logariastes of the palace also has no official duty at present.
The Protokynegos possesses this duty: when the emperor is mounting his horse, no other person holds the stirrup except for him alone, if he is present; he also leads the hunters who are called *skyllomangones*. If at any time during the emperor's hunting any of his garments happens to be bloodied, the protokynegos receives it as his perquisite.
The Scutifer carries the banner and the emperor's shield, not only in places where he sits exalted on his throne, but wherever the emperor goes. All the Varangians, moreover, C are assigned to defend this banner. Therefore, whether the emperor is in the army or elsewhere, the banner is always carried before him.
The Ameralios is subordinate to the Grand Duke, and commands the entire fleet.
The Master of Petitions receives the supplications of those who are petitioning and of those who have been treated unjustly, while the emperor is riding.] D
The Quaestor formerly held an office, but now none. A
The function of the Great Adnumiastes will be explained when the office of the Domestic in the army is treated.
The Logothete of the Military has no service.
The First Falconer is in command of those hunters who carry birds, and he also wears a glove on his belt, as was said before.
The Logothete of the Flocks formerly had an office, but now none.
The Great Interpreter is the first of the interpreters, whom they commonly call dragomans.
The Acolouthos is the commander of the Varangians. He follows the Emperor before them, and for this reason he is called Acolouthos, that is, "follower." B
The Judge of the Army, if the Emperor is present in the army, hears and settles the controversies that arise among the soldiers, whether concerning horses or arms or booty or any other such matter.
The Prefect of the Allagion holds a place in the imperial retinue and is subject to the Great Primikerios.
The Protallagator is similarly subject to the Great Primikerios, but he follows behind the formation, so that if anyone should drop out of it, he may bring him back and restore him to the formation, and keep order. If the Great Primikerios has need of any of the soldiers of this formation, he signifies it to the Protallagator, who summons him. C
The Great Administrator has no function.
The Orphanotrophos formerly had the care of orphans, but now he possesses no service.
The Protonotary is known by his very name, for he is the first of the notaries or scribes.
The function of the official *a memoria* was formerly to record the names of those who had distinguished themselves in expeditions and elsewhere, and to remind the Emperor of them, so that they might receive fitting honors and rewards. At present, he has no function.
The Domestic of the Walls has this function: that if any cities stand in need of repair, he is to see to it that they are repaired. D
The Prefect of the Imperial Bedchamber indeed commands the bedchamber attendants, but is subject to the Protovestiarios of the bedchamber.
The Prefect of the Vestiarium is subject to the Protovestiarios. He employs his labor in noting the accounts of receipts and expenditures.
The office of the Vestiarios is exercised at sea. For when the Emperor undertakes a maritime expedition, he is in command of the galley which carries the (Emperor's) vestiarium. He follows behind the imperial galley.
The Hetaireiarch, indeed, as has been said before, at the cir-
- A cumstationem ministrat. Simulates also, with the Great Hetaireiarch, he cares for those who seek refuge.
The Logariastes of the court counts and computes all the soldiers who receive stipends at the court, and checks whether anything is missing from anyone’s stipend, or if they have been fully satisfied for the stipend they received.
The Stratopedarch of the monokaballoi held such an office. There were in the districts of the themes bodies of the army: some called megaloalogitai, others trikaballoi, others dikaballoi, and others monokaballoi. This Stratopedarch, therefore, was the overseer and caretaker of the monokaballoi alone. The Stratopedarch of the tzangratores likewise cares for and oversees them, and the Stratopedarch of the murtatoi likewise. The Stratopedarch of the Tzakones has care of the guards found in the fortresses, who are called Tzakones.
The Prefect of the Great Palaces has those same palaces under his care, as does the Prefect of the palaces which are in Blachernai.
The Domestic of the themes formerly held care of and oversaw public affairs. And the Domestics of the eastern and western themes were likewise overseers and caretakers of the public affairs that arose in those places.
The office of the Great Myrtaitēs is unknown.
The function of the Protocomes pertains to the sea: he is, in fact, the first of all the comites in the imperial fleet. The office of the Drungary similarly pertains to the sea. A *drunga* is a certain number of soldiers, whom such a drungary commands.
The prefects of cities and the guardians of fortresses are ministers according to the dignity of each city.
Up to this point, all the administrations.
CHAPTER VI
B Concerning the order of the feasts of Christ the Lord, and the customs performed during them, in which is also discussed the ministry of the Great Domestic, and of the Pincerna, and of the Domestic of the table and the one set over the table.On the 24th of the month of December, which is the Vigil of the Nativity of Christ, the Emperor not exiting to the matins according to the custom he is used to, but remaining in his own chamber, after the dismissal of the office, the canonarchs bring [things] and set up an icon-stand, from which hang the holy icons of the Nativity of Christ and three or four others. In front of this is a lectern, upon which the holy Gospel lies. And the priests indeed stand near the holy icons with their priestly vestments; but the readers stand in the middle of the triclinium facing the Emperor with their tunics and head-coverings, wearing also chemises over their garments; the protopsaltes, however, and the domestic wear white [ones], while the lampadarius C holds the golden staff, on which a candle is placed, D
whose top ends are dyed with cinnabar, and the middle part is gilded by a plaque which displays scarlet crosses in a circle inside. The master and all the cantors [wear] purple; A but the kanonarchai [wear] only tunics, and are bareheaded. After these, the protovestiarites, the great hetaireiarches, the primicerius of the court, the hetaireiarches, and all those who carry staves and perform service, lead the nobles into the presence of the emperor, until the house is filled.
After this, the emperor comes out of his chamber, with the great domestic standing at the door and holding the emperor’s sword. As soon as the emperor appears, the cantors immediately chant the "Long life [to your imperial majesty]." While they are chanting, the emperor goes and kisses the holy icons. B Then, having returned, he stands near his throne, with the great domestic standing at the emperor's left side with the sword, as has been said, and the lampadarius below the great domestic holding the dipamboulon with a burning lamp, of which lamp the ends are dyed with cinnabar, and the middle is gilded by a plaque having scarlet crosses inside in a circle.
When the beginning of the hours has thus taken place, a page of the vestiarion immediately brings the emperor’s dikanikion, which the great primicerius takes and, bringing it, gives to the emperor. C It is to be known that in the daily appearances the emperor says, "Let my dikanikion be brought," and the page of the vestiarion brings it, as has been said. But on feast days, when an appearance is held, after the emperor has taken his place on his throne—and without his saying, "Let my dikanikion be brought"—the great primicerius says [to the] page, and he brings it. The reason for this is that in the daily appearances of the matins and the vespers, after the more honorable of the nobles have entered the presence, the emperor says, "Let my dikanikion be brought," this being a signal for the people who are below to also enter. But on the great feast days, all the nobles and the rest [of the people] enter, and there is no need for the emperor to ask for his dikanikion; for the great primicerius, knowing this, says [the word for it] without being asked, and they bring it to him.
The hours are then chanted, as is the custom: the first, the third, the sixth, and the ninth, with their troparia. D At the last troparium of the ninth hour, the protopsaltes says, "Glory to the Father and to the Son and to the Holy Spirit," and it is chanted. Then also, "And now and always." And the troparium is not chanted a second time, but is read by the kanonarchos, who, after the reading, says thus: "May God make your powerful and holy empire long-lived for many years." And again for a third time: "May God make your God-chosen, God-crowned, and God-guarded, powerful and holy empire long-lived for many years." And the troparium is chanted again, since the "Now and always" had been said beforehand. The psalms of the hours are read by the archdeacon, the prophecy
and the apostle by the protopostolarius; of the Gospels, the first is read by the protopappas, the others by other priests.
A After the dismissal of the hours, the emperor again departs and kisses the holy icons, and after this, having entered his chamber, the formation is dissolved until the proper hour for the liturgy arrives, and then the evening hymn is chanted. This happens in this way, if the feast happens to fall on another day of the week; but if it is on a Saturday or Sunday, while the hours and the troparia are being chanted, the emperor is present, but not at the liturgy, which is performed privately. The reason why the emperor is not present at the liturgy is that on the other five days the evening hymn is chanted first, and after it the liturgy is performed; but if a feast happens on a Saturday or a Sunday, the liturgy is celebrated at the third hour of the day. Therefore, it is impossible for the whole service of the hours and troparia to be chanted, because it is very long; hence, the liturgy is necessarily chanted beforehand separately, as at the appointed time, and without the emperor's presence. But around the hour of vespers the emperor proceeds to the church.
While the troparia are being chanted, the emperor wears the *sciadion* and his daily garment, and the officials likewise; but at vespers and the liturgy he changes his *rouchon*, that is, his outer garment, which is embroidered with pearls. He wears on his head whatever headgear he pleases, such as a *krinonian*, or a *tetraphyllon*, or something else similar; and the officials wear *scaranika*, *phakeolia*, *cabbadia*, and *epilorica*, each according to his rank.
B When the liturgy is being chanted, or only vespers, if it happens to be on a Saturday or Sunday, as has been said, the aforementioned officials, who are also the ministers of the formation, carrying the imperial *flamoula* of the *prokypsis*, stand opposite. And these are what they are: one is the *archistrategos*; another, having many divine icons of holy hierarchs in eight rows, is what is called the *octapodion*; a third is a cross having the icons of the four holy great martyrs, Demetrius, Procopius, and the two Theodores; another showing Saint George on horseback; another with a dragon; and another having the emperor’s own figure on horseback. Each of these is in pairs, that is, twelve in total. C In front of such *flamoula* stands the *scouterios* carrying the *divellion*, which is only one, and the imperial *scoutarion*. Formerly, there was a custom, when the emperor's troop was six thousand, that for each single *flamoulon* there were five hundred men. But now they carry such *flamoula* and stand them opposite, as has been said, the *prokypsis*; except whenever the emperor goes on a campaign, he has one or two *flamoula*, according to the proportion of the number of his troops. Behind such imperial *flamoula* stand those of the despots and of the
A rulers, though not in any fixed order. Behind them again are seen the people, or the tribunes.
Now, after the aforesaid hymns have finished, all the chanters and readers wish the emperor many years as he enters the church for the purpose of adoration and to receive the blessed bread. Then the emperor returns to the elevated throne, and immediately the whole imperial clergy is present with their aforementioned vestments, and they stand before the *flamoula*. Between these, I mean between the clergy and the *flamoula*, stand all those who are called *paigniotai*—that is, trumpeters, horn-blowers, cymbalists, and pipe-players—and these alone: for of the smaller instruments not one is present. Then the nobles also arrive in the same way with their insignia, and they stand each according to their rank and dignity, as is the custom in the triclinium. Similarly, the Varangians also stand in the same hall near the columns of the throne, B carrying their axes in their palms. But when the emperor reveals himself from above from the elevated throne, they all raise them onto their shoulders, as is the custom.
When the emperor ascends to the throne, as has been explained, the despots ascend as well, and in addition the lampadarios with the pole, the torch, and the lamp, and the protovestiarios. And when they have hung the veils or curtains around the emperor’s throne, the protovestiarios, holding the *pilatikia*—or honorary maces—suspended in his right hand (of which more shortly) and thrusting them through the curtain, shows them to the people, by which sign he indicates that the emperor has now ascended the throne. When, therefore, the emperor is about to wear his *stemma* or some other of his garments in the throne, the protovestiarios, having received it from the C wardrobe officials, offers it to the emperor as his duty. And he does this not only on the occasion of these feasts, but always.
He also has this unique and exceptional privilege: if he sees any small insect or mud or anything else similar on the emperor’s garment or cap, he removes the covering of his own head or cap, reaches out his hand, and removes or cleans it without being asked, no other of all the rulers having the permission to do this, except him alone.
One must know that what is now called *stemma* was formerly called *diadema*. This was a broad band of pearls and gems, placed on the emperor’s forehead but tied behind at the back of the head, and thus it obtained the D name of *diadema*, as if one were to say "ligature"; little by little this was changed and became what is seen today and is named *stemma*. But what is now called *diadema* was once called a military belt, a sign of honor. Hence, the tyrants used to first strip the holy martyrs, who confessed Christ, of their belt and torque, and then deliver them to the tormentors. The *strepton* (torque) is beaten gold, fashioned from three, as it were, cords, which they wore on their necks. When, therefore, the emperor wears the *stemma*,
he wears no other garment besides the *sakkos* and the *diadema*. Sometimes he wears these, at other times he wears the *epilorikion* or *superula* and the *phakeolion*, sometimes the *kabbadion* and *phyalin*; upon his head he wears various coverings, sometimes that which is called A *tropaeychia*, sometimes the *Justinianeum*, or in other cases the *hyperteron*, the shapes of which it is not possible to describe in detail in this place.
From such garments, the emperor wears whichever he chooses; yet in his right hand he always carries the cross, and in his left a silken cloth similar to a codex, tied with a handkerchief; this cloth has earth inside it, and is called the *akakia*. By carrying the cross, the emperor manifests his faith in Christ; by the *stemma*, he proclaims his honor; by the belt—which, as we have said, is currently called the *diadema*—he declares himself a soldier; by the *sakkos*, which is dark (specifically violet or purple), he denotes the obscurity B and mystery of the empire; by the dust, which is called the *akakia* as we have said, he shows that the emperor is humble, as a mortal, and that he should not be puffed up or boast insolently on account of the sublimity of his empire; by the handkerchief, the inconstancy of that same empire and its custom of passing from one to another; and by the sword, he indicates power. They carry a lamp before him because of the saying of Christ: "Let your light so shine before men, that they may see your good works and glorify your Father who is in heaven."
After the emperor has changed his clothes, the *protovestiarios* again displays the *pilaticia*, showing that the emperor is already prepared. His sword is carried by a young nobleman, a relative on that side who is closely related to the emperor—for the Grand Domestic himself stands with the other nobles in the hall.
Standing, therefore, at the *prokypsis* (balcony), the emperor is visible C from the knees up, carrying the cross in his right hand and the *akakia* in his left, as has been shown. The emperor’s son wears these same things, if he is crowned; if not, he wears his customary tunic, and over that what is called a head-covering made of pearls and precious stones. He wears a crown upon his head, and he also appears to the people from the knees up. The *despotai* are visible from the chest up: the rest of their bodies are hidden.
After the emperor has been made ready and is standing, the *protovestiarios* displays the *pilaticia* a third time, indicating by this that the emperor has taken his place at the *prokypsis*. And immediately they open the *velothura* (curtains); and neither the *protovestiarios*, nor the D *lampadarios*, nor even he who carries the imperial sword appear at all, but only the sword and the lamp. As soon as these are opened, and the emperor alone is visible, the chanters immediately sing the *polychronion*, while the musical instruments play, which are various, as has been stated. The chanters, however, fall silent after the *polychronion*, but the instruments sound for a considerable time. Then, the emperor quietly
A causes his mantle to move and they cease; and the chanters begin again, chanting verses appropriate to the feast, and a little later: “Christ is born, who crowned thee emperor,” followed by stichoi or verses. And this continues for a fairly long time. Then the names of the empresses and emperors are favored with good prayers. When this is finished, the chanters sing “many years” again. While they are still singing, the emperor’s curtains are drawn and closed; as the instruments sound again for a short time, the *phlamoula*, that is to say, the banners, go out. And the imperial ones are carried to the vestiary, where they are accustomed to be stored; but each lord’s is carried to his own house. The emperor, having descended, betakes himself to the table according to custom, wearing his daily attire, while the lords wear the garments mentioned above.
However, let the discourse about the table be deferred for a little while. Since we previously mentioned the *pilaticia*, let us speak first about them, and then we shall B explain that matter as well.
Cyrus the Great, king of the Persians, son of Cambyses, after the death of Astyages his grandfather, acquired by inheritance his empire, that is to say, the kingdom of the Medes. Since, therefore, the Persian nation was small and lived a pastoral life, Cyrus abandoned the customs of the Persians and adopted the rite and usage of the Medes, being a great and magnificent nation, whose judges wore *epilorikia* (epilorica) and, upon their head, a covering called a *phakeolis*. From each *phakeolis* there hung on the left side a wire-woven *margellion* or fringe, covering one of the ears of the wearer. This signified that the uncovered ear was given to the accusers, while the covered ear was reserved for the accused, provided they were absent. From the necks of the judges hung two objects made of silk thread called *pilaticia*, which are *margellia* with wire, the length of which was less than a span, and the width one palm. These the king of the Medes wore, C and the judges likewise. Just as in ancient times military commanders wore torques, which were signs of honor, so the *pilaticia* manifested the honor of the judges.
Cyrus, therefore, having obtained the kingdom of the Medes, employed their customs as well, as was explained before. But having taken up arms against the Assyrians, he likewise seized their empire, which was greater than that of the Medes, from whom he also borrowed some customs. He termed himself King of the Persians, however, to honor his paternal kingdom, even though it was smaller than the empires of the Medes and Assyrians, as has been said. From the empire of the Medes he took both the *phakeolion* and the *epilorikion*, and from the Assyrians the *skaranikon* and the *kabbadion* and the banner marked with dragons, or the *phlamoulon*. And from D that time the custom prevailed that all kings after Cyrus should be called Kings of the Persians, down to Darius, whose empire Alexander, king of the Macedonians, possessed after he had conquered him. And since the great Constantine was and was called Emperor of the Romans, his successors down to these times are hailed as Emperors of the Romans; and since Alexander was king of the Macedonians, and Macedonia is under the dominion of the Roman emperor,
A eastern nations offer honor to the Emperor as the successor to the paternal house of Alexander, and the western nations as the successor of Constantine the Great. And let this suffice concerning these matters.
CHAPTER VII.
Concerning the Emperor's Table.
We must return again to where we left off. When the Emperor has gone to the table and is seated, the Domestic and the Prefect of the Table wait upon him; for these serve him, if they are present, just as the Pincerna does. B Those who wear red-gold caps offer wishes for many years outside the triclinium, and upon entering, the Emperor commands "for many years," and they depart. Following them, those who wear caps woven with beaten gold offer their wishes for many years. When this is finished, the Protovestiarites standing at the door—or if he happens to be absent, the Grand Hetaireiarches or the Primicerius of the court—speaks to them thus: "The Emperor, our master, commands for you many years." And they enter, do obeisance, and depart as well.
Then the succeeding nobles offer wishes for many years. Those who wear red-gold caps and those with woven caps depart, as has been said, except for the Pincerna, for he remains to serve at the Emperor's table. As for those who wear caps fashioned from solid gold, the aforementioned ministers, knowing the place that befits each of them, C bring them forward, and they too offer wishes for many years; then they say to them: "The Emperor, our master, commands for you many years." And they do not depart, but stand in the formation.
The Potestà of the Genoese in Galata, and he also, at the time of the *proskynesis*, being present with his nobles along with the rest of the nobles, remains until the table. And after the nobles have taken their places in the formation up to the Grand Drungarios of the Fleet, these people also come and offer wishes for many years in Latin. Therefore, when he has entered and shown reverence with his men, the Emperor commands "for many years" and gives the *kollikion* to the Potestà by hand, and he departs.
After them, other nobles offer wishes for many years, and they enter up to the Logothete of the Herds. D Then the Consul of the Pisans comes, and he too offers wishes for many years with those who are with him, according to their order. Therefore, upon their entering and doing obeisance, the Emperor also commands to them through an interpreter, "For many years," and they depart. And after them, the Consul of the Anconitans with those who are with him; and the same happens to them as it does to the Pisans.
The Venetians come to the *prokypsis*, though not
they stay, but depart. The reason for this will be explained in its own place.
A Afterwards, the Varangians come and pray for many years in their native tongue—that is, the English tongue—and by striking their axes against each other, they produce a sound.
When, therefore, all those of the palace have finished this duty in their order, even to the Bardariotai, who use their own vernacular—that is, the Persian tongue—the cantors enter and pray for many years by singing, and afterwards they chant that kontakion: "The Virgin today brings forth the Supersubstantial," and again they repeat the chant for long life.
B When, however, the Grand Domestic has departed with the first class of the nobles, the domestic—or prefect of the table, as has been said—calls each one of the primates by name, from the protovestiarios onwards, and gives him a dish from the table. Having accepted it, he who received it retreats to the place which he is accustomed to hold by the prescription of the order. Imperial servants stand there, who take the dishes from their hands, and thus all depart. This is done in this fashion up to the Logothete of the Herds; for this man stands as it were as a boundary and limit, since he wears neither a golden nor a red *skaranikon*. But those who are lower than him—namely, all who wear crimson *skaranika*—take the dishes and carry them to the doors of the *triklinos*, where they hand them over to their own servants, and all depart, as has been said, with no one remaining.
C If the emperor wishes to drink, the cupbearer serves this [task], not only during festivals, but he always mixes the cup when the emperor is dining, if he happens to be present; for this reason he bears the name of cupbearer (*pincerna*), from the mixing (*mistura*) or blending. And in olden times, when accompanying the emperor outside the city, he used to carry a small cup suspended by a little chain, so that if the emperor were pressed by thirst, he might draw from a fountain or river and proffer it to him. This is not the practice at the present time.
After the emperor’s supper, as he withdraws into his private chamber, the despots, the sebastocrators, and the Caesars follow him with the supplication of many years’ blessing. To them the emperor himself in return prays for many years, [and so] do others. Following these, in the same style of duty, are the noble youths, who are related by blood to the emperor and are accustomed to go with heads uncovered.
D The following day, at the morning hour, the usual station having been established, the emperor and the nobles wear their usual daily attire. For the liturgy or mass, the emperor wears a garment made of pearls, and on his head he wears one of those pieces of attire which we said before he is accustomed to wear while the liturgy is being performed. The nobles are distinguished by their own pieces of attire, as has been explained.
When the liturgy has concluded, and the emperor is present at the table, before he reclines, the protopapas comes
and having performed a prayer over the imperial table, because the Quadragesima has passed and the time for eating meat has now arrived, he takes bread and a dish, and departs. Then the protovestiarites summons the great domestic to the table. When the emperor has therefore sat down, the great domestic serves in this manner: first, this great domestic stands near the emperor; after him, the domestic of the table; and after him, the one in charge of the table. When the domestic of the domesticate brings the dishes that the emperor is to eat, and gives them to the one in charge of the table, and he to the domestic of the table, and he in turn to the great domestic, the great domestic places them before the emperor. And when B he is eating, if there is need for him to drink, the cupbearer serves, as has been stated, if he is in the city; if not, then the most honored of the nobles mixes the cup. The domestics, or stewards of the domesticate, therefore, having brought all the dishes, place them on the floor. Then the aforementioned noble attendants, that is to say the protovestiarites, the great hetaireiarches, and the primikerios of the court, call the nobles to the standing position; and they, having arrived, take their places, each in his own spot. Then the cantors also enter with their caps and tunics, and they sing the idiomelon of the feast, namely that which goes: "The Magi, kings of the Persians." While they are singing, the emperor abstains from eating for a little while, and he sits; and the great domestic, the domestic of the table, and the one in charge of the table withdraw C sideways as far as the wall. And after they have finished the psalmody, and the emperor has begun to eat again, the great domestic, having gone to the table, moves to the end and calls by name the proto-psalt, the domestic, the lampadarios, and the maistor. They approach, and he gives them dishes, which the kanonarchai take from their hands, just as the imperial pages do from the nobles, as has been stated, and carry them outside. After this, the great domestic says again, "Come ye also." All the readers approach, raise the dishes, and carry them away themselves. And after them, the kanonarchai, having turned back, pick up their own dishes and depart.
Then the great domestic comes near the emperor D and after a little while says to the emperor’s nephew, the panhypersebastos, in this manner: "Panhypersebaste," and to the one who approaches he gives a dish, which a page immediately takes from his hands and, walking away, gives to the servant of the same panhypersebastos; and he departs and stands again in his place. Likewise he speaks to the emperor’s nephew who is the protovestiarius, and it happens with him in the same way. The other nephews who have no office he calls in this way: "Nephew of our master the emperor," or "Cousin," or "Uncle." And the one ranking highest of them comes, and then the rest in order, according to the place where each was standing; and it is done also for them by the pages just as for the protovestiarius and the panhypersebastos, as has been explained before.
A Then he calls the nobles by name, up to those who wear red *skaranika*. And although all receive their portions, not one of them leaves, but all remain in their places out of respect for the Grand Domestic. After the protovotarius, the *primikerioi* of the Varangians come, and all the Varangians with them, and they also receive their portions; after them, the palace guards, the *stationarioi*, and many others. All of these, from the greatest to the least, receive their portions from the hand of the Grand Domestic and then depart; for the domestics of the [domestic’s] office place the portions lying on the ground onto the edge of the imperial table with their own hands (they alone have the authority to do this at that time), and the Grand Domestic, as has been said, takes them from the table and distributes them. At the time when he is distributing these portions, if the Emperor happens to be in need of anything, he is served by the Domestic and the one in charge of the table. But after the Grand Domestic has distributed the portions to everyone, and the Domestic and the one in charge of the table have stepped back, the Grand Domestic serves the Emperor again, and while he distributes the portions to all others as has been said, the Emperor himself serves the portion to the Grand Domestic with his own hand. C Whatever vessels for these portions are given to others, whether gold or silver, are carried back into the *vestiarium*; but the vessel which the Grand Domestic receives from the Emperor’s hand, whether it be gold or silver, is not carried back into the *vestiarium*, but the Grand Domestic keeps it as a gift for himself.
After the table-cloth has been removed, when the domestic of the household brings the bread in an *epanagiárion*, the Emperor rises at once. A young man from among those related to the Emperor by blood who attend in the hall bareheaded runs and holds with both hands the footstool which the Emperor tramples with his feet, so that the Emperor may stand firmly. The one in charge of the table takes the *panagiárion* vessel, places it on the table, and lifting the *panagia*, gives it to the domestic, who gives it to the Grand Domestic, who in turn gives it to the Emperor. D And as soon as he places the *panagia* into his mouth, everyone sings out: "To many years!" And at once the cupbearer brings the *skoutelion* for the wine and water vessel, holding also a towel, because the table-cloth had already been removed, as has been said.
After this, when the Emperor sits down, and the Grand Domestic, the domestic, and the one in charge of the table have removed the table, the domestics or attendants of the household office take it. When those three have shown reverence to the Emperor, the Emperor says to the Grand Domestic in a loud voice: "To many years, Grand Domestic." Then he says to him: "Depart, it is permitted," and without delay they all go out with the Grand Domestic.
Moreover, from the empire of the Assyrians there descended down to the present day...
a certain garment called the *granatza*, which the emperor also wears without a belt, from which hanging sleeves descend as far as the ankles; every nobleman is free to wear this garment, but with a belt and with the sleeves tied behind with a girdle. That which the emperor wears is called *granatza*, as previously said, but that of the noblemen is called *lapatza*. The reason for this is uncertain.
Other leading figures conduct themselves in this way; but the Grand Domestic himself also wears this garment, girded like the others; however, one sleeve of such a *lapatza* is fastened by the belt, while the other hangs free for the sake of honor, since both of the emperor’s sleeves hang down, as has been said. And these are the ministries of the Grand Domestic in the palace, as we have explained; what he performs outside the palace will be recounted shortly.
Furthermore, since the emperor takes food in the triclinium five times a year, with all the courtiers present and clothed in their *scaranica* and *cabbadia*—namely, on the feast of the Nativity of Christ, the feast of Lights (Epiphany), and indeed also on Palm Sunday, the great Sunday of Pascha, and the feast of the Holy Spirit—and since we have spoken individually about one of these, namely the Nativity of Christ, it remains that we discuss the others.
CHAPTER VIII. Feast of the Epiphany.
The feast of the divine Epiphany is conducted in the same manner as that of the Nativity of Christ. However, the consecration and sprinkling of water after the liturgy is performed by the Ecumenical Patriarch, if he is present; if not, by one of the other patriarchs—namely, the Alexandrian, the Antiochene, or the Hierosolymitan (Jerusalemite), if by chance he happens to be in Constantinople at that time. If it happens that none of these are present, the consecration is performed by the palace protopapa. A large candle is given to the emperor by the patriarch, and candles are given by the aforementioned ministers to those who are in positions of dignity and to all the noblemen and courtiers present in the circle of attendance, and likewise to the Podestà of the Genoese and those in his retinue.CHAPTER IX. Festum adorationis crucis.
On the Sunday appointed for the adoration of the Holy Cross, with the retinue standing as is the custom for the previously mentioned feasts, near the end of Matins the archdeacon brings the cross from the palace church with the chanters, wearing the tunic customary for a deacon, and wearing also a chasuble over it—not, however, a priestly stole, but a diaconal one, that is, an *orarium*—and they chant: "Save, O Lord, Thy people, and bless Thine inheritance." And the emperor, with the courtly retinue standing thus, goes to meet him as far as the door, and kisses the cross after it has been placed on the lectern. Having completed this, he vestures again and stands once more on his throne. After the dismissal the emperor comes, and again...A venerates and kisses the cross. And immediately they lift it up, with the emperor escorting it as far as the door of the triclinium, and no further.
The reason why the archdeacon wears the priestly casula on this feast is that, from the beginning, the *exocatacoeli* priests had their own churches under them and their own clergy. For this reason, on the great and illustrious festival days, when everyone was occupied at their own church, the patriarch lacked ministers of higher rank. Therefore, one of the patriarchs desired that these men be merely deacons, so that they might serve him on such festival days; and this he achieved. When, therefore, the patriarch ordains such *exocatacoeli*—namely, either a great oeconomus or a great sacellarius or another from their number—he gives him the power of wearing the priestly casula, just as they used to wear it when they were priests, yet not the priestly stole, but only the diaconal one, that is to say, the orarion. When the emperor designates the archdeacon, he selects him from such an order of *exocatacoeli* as being more honorable than the others, and from nowhere else. For this reason the archdeacon wears the casula in the palace on this, and on this alone, the feast of the Adoration of the Cross, and never B at any other time. If there happens to be no archdeacon, then any available deacon carries the cross.
It should be known that throughout the entire holy and great Lent, priests and deacons are to wear purple *sticharia* and *phelonia*, except for the feast of the Annunciation, Palm C Sunday, and Great Saturday.
CHAPTER X. The Feast of Palms.
For the feast of Palms, the processional path is prepared in the middle of the week, extending from the emperor’s chamber as far as the church. On the night of the Saturday of Lazarus, they strew the floor of the processional path with green branches, and they decorate all its columns with branches of myrtle, laurel, or olive; and at the first flickering of Sunday, the processional path suddenly appears constructed and ready. Therefore, while the morning office is being chanted, the emperor assumes his vestments and goes out from his chamber wearing the aforementioned garments. On other festivals, D he wears on his head and body whatever he wishes from his own apparel, as has been explained previously; however, on this feast of Palms he wears nothing else but the *stemma* and the *saccus*, carrying in his right hand the cross, and in his left the *mantile* with the *akakia*, as is the custom, and a large candle. Likewise, the nobles also assume their customary garments, as we have said before.
The lampadarius therefore enters the processional path first, carrying a candle and chanting the entire proper *idiomelon*: "Go forth, O nations, go forth, O peoples, behold today the King of heaven: for carrying the figure of Christ, the Gospel advances." Then the emperor and his son, the emperor, if he happens to be present; he who also, if crowned
A wears a crown like his father, following the emperor and his father; but if not, he carries a crown and a phyale, as we said before. After him, the despots ascend, then the archdeacon with the Gospel, then the patriarch, or rather the patriarchs, if they are present, dressed in their liturgical vestments, and after them five priests or more, carrying holy icons.
When they have thus gone through the ambulatory as far as the church, the dismissal of Matins takes place there. Then the emperor returns in the way described, with the lampadarios preceding him.
And after the emperor, the patriarch, and the emperor’s priests have descended from the ambulatory, a young boy runs up and snatches a branch; which is the sign that, by the emperor's decree, the ambulatory is now given over to plunder, and those who plunder it are free from blame. It is plundered by the Varangians, the stationaries, and the rest of the ranks found in the court. After all these things have taken place, the emperor goes away to the table, since the liturgy is not celebrated, because the time has already passed; and the grand domestic serves.
CHAPTER XI. On the manner of acting if the emperor is in mourning.
It should be known that the feast of the Nativity, the Epiphany, and also Palm Sunday, are celebrated according to the written order with the raised throne and the ambulatory, if the emperor is not in mourning. But if he is in mourning because of the death of his wife, the empress, or of his son if he is emperor, then the flammula, the sound of instruments, and the splendor of robes are omitted because of the emperor’s grief; likewise, the prokypsis is also not held. But the emperor going out according to custom with a white garment and his skiadion—while the other nobles are dressed in black, B even up to the sebastokrators and despots (for they also wear black, except for their shoes and saddles)—stands before the all-holy Theotokos the Victress, where the icon of Saint George is. Therefore, the acclamation of the imperial names for many years and the auspicious acclamations occur only now, on the feast of the Nativity of the Lord and on the feast of the Epiphany, as was said, and the emperor departs.
On Palm Sunday, however, since the ambulatory occurs while Matins is still being chanted, and it is necessary that a supplication be held as is the custom, and that the emperor walk in the supplication, the ambulatory indeed takes place, and the emperor walks wearing a white epilourikon and a phakeolion; and once the dismissal of Matins has occurred, C he returns home before the Victress, where the icon of the Hodegetria is also standing.
CHAPTER XII. The office of Holy Week.
On Great Monday, Great Tuesday, Great Wednesday, and Great Thursday, the four Gospels D are read either by the archdeacon or by another deacon, if he does not happen to be present. Before the liturgy of the same Great Thursday, the washing of the feet is held in this manner. They set up twelve poor men, and clothe them in tuni
Acs or undergarments, short breeches or drawers, and shoes. And when a basin has been placed in the emperor’s chamber, the protopapas, standing outside at the door, precedes it with a blessing and the Trisagion. Then, after the Gospel has been read by him, when he comes to the words: “He poureth water into the basin,” the emperor pours the water into the basin. Afterwards, they bring the previously prepared poor men one by one, each of whom carries a lighted candle in his hand. And while he is seated, and the protopapas—as has been said—is reading the Gospel and saying, “He began to wash the disciples’ feet,” and this many times until clearly all have been washed, the emperor washes the right foot of each, and after wiping it with the linen cloth with which he is girded, he kisses the washed foot. When this is finished, the service of the B washing is concluded. And three gold coins are also given to each of them; and after this the liturgy or Mass begins.
The emperor puts on whichever of his aforementioned garments he wishes; but the nobles wear their customary garments, each one. After the conclusion of the liturgy, the emperor departs to his chamber; but no table is set anywhere.
Then, at the appointed time, the service of the vigil is chanted, in which the twelve Gospels are read. At that time, a large wax candle is handed to the emperor by the protopapas, but candles are given to all the rest of the nobles, both inside and outside the triclinium, just as on the feast of Lights. The emperor carries his candle while the Gospel is being read. When the reading is finished, one of the more honorable nobles C among those present takes the large candle from the emperor and hands it to one of the palace youths—from among those who wear no head covering—and he holds it outside near the vestibule of the emperor’s chamber. But when the time to read another Gospel approaches, the aforementioned noble from the number of the nobles receives it and hands it back to the emperor; and thus it continues in order up to the twelfth Gospel.
It should be known that four vigils take place annually in the palace: of the Great Canon, of the Akathistos, of the Annunciation, and of this Great Thursday in the Lord’s Passion. And during these vigils, the emperor selects for himself at his own discretion a chamber where he may hear the divine office; the D nobles occupy the triclinium.
From the first vigil, the icon of the most holy Theotokos Hodegetria makes a pilgrimage in the palace, and remains there until the Great Sunday of Pascha; the emperor meets this icon as it comes at the gate of the palace courtyard, and on the second day he escorts it as it departs as far as those called the "High" [Hypsela], and after a commemoration of the emperors has been made there, the emperor returns.
CHAPTER XIII. The Hours of Great Friday and the office of Great Saturday. On Great Friday, the hours are chanted with troparia,
[GREEK COLUMN] A of the troparia, in accordance with the manner we described for the feast of the Nativity of Christ. On the following day, that is, for the liturgy of Great Saturday, the emperor again wears whichever of his vestments he chooses, and the officials wear their own insignia, as has been explained. After the reading of the Apostle—that is, at the words "Arise, O God, and judge the earth"—three from among the readers bring out bay leaves from the church and scatter them before the emperor. Then, at the ready, page boys also bring bay leaves from outside, and they too scatter them, filling the triclinium with them. There is no meal after the dismissal.
CHAPTER XIV.
B The Matins of the Great Sunday of Pascha.The Matins of the Great Sunday of Pascha is chanted at the third or fourth hour of the day; it takes place as follows. While the emperor is wearing the aforementioned vestments of his choosing, and the officials are wearing their proper insignia, the protopapas goes out of the church with the archdeacon and certain of the readers, and hands a great taper to the emperor. And the serving officials, whom we have often mentioned, give candles to all the officials, as in the aforementioned feasts. Then, with the doors of the church closed, the protopapas censes, and then he intones first: "Glory to the holy, consubstantial, life-giving, and undivided Trinity, always, now and ever, unto the ages of ages." And after the chanters have replied "Amen," he intones the Resurrection troparion, "Christ is risen from the dead," three times. Thereafter, the chanters take this up and chant it until the protopapas finishes the prescribed verses, that is, "Let God arise" and the rest. And after the archdeacon has recited the litanies for peace, as is the custom, the protopapas, opening the door with his hand, enters, both he and those with him, into the church, chanting with a louder and more exalted voice: "It is the day of Resurrection; let us be radiant, O people." Indeed, he does not employ the custom, as is done in many of the churches, of saying while the doors are still closed, "Lift up your gates, you [officials] your [princes]," and the rest. After the dismissal of Matins, with the protopapas and the archdeacon standing in the vestibule C of the sanctuary, one bearing the Gospel and the other the cross, the emperor enters, and first he kisses the Gospel, then the protopapas, then the cross, and the archdeacon. Now, while this is taking place, with the imperial throne already prepared in the triclinium, as soon as the emperor comes out of the church and the doors are shut, he sits upon the throne, with the grand domestic carrying the sword before him. The liturgy is chanted quietly up to the reading of the Apostle, and all the officials, entering one by one even until the last, kiss first the right foot of the emperor, then his right hand, and after that his right cheek.
If, however, the place where the emperor happens to be at that time is also the residence of the podestà or D of the Genoese in Galata, he enters
fectus, enters and himself also, with his retinue, kisses the emperor, just as the nobles do, as has been set forth—namely, his foot, hand, and cheek; and while the morning service is still being chanted, candles are given to them, just as to the other nobles; after the kiss, they depart. B
The Venetians, however, come neither to the prayer for many years nor to the kiss. The reason is this: Emperor Michael, the first of the Palaiologoi, concluded a perpetual treaty with the Genoese, in which it was also established what honor should be paid to the emperor by them: namely, that when the *podestà* arrives from Genoa, at the beginning and then only, upon entering to pay homage to the emperor, he bends his knees twice—once as soon as he enters the door of the dining hall, and again in the middle of it; this done, he approaches and kisses the foot and hand of the emperor, who is seated on the throne. Similarly, other Genoese dignitaries returning from abroad kiss the emperor's foot and hand with veneration. In their daily paying of respects, having removed their hoods, they bend their knees a second time; and when their triremes arrive, whether many, few, or even just one, they accompany the emperor with auspicious acclamations. And let these things be said regarding the Genoese. As for the Venetians, since the said emperor had decided to take up arms against them shortly afterward, he did not make a perfect peace with them, but a truce for a short time; for this reason, their customs are not recorded as accurately as those of the Genoese. When, therefore, the *bailo* arrives, on the first day that he is to greet and show homage to the emperor, he and his companions only bend their knees, but they do not kiss the foot at all. On other days, when they come to the palace, they only remove their hoods, but do not bend their knees. In the same way, they do not remain for the auspicious prayer for many years, nor do they come for the kiss, as was said before. Nor do their triremes, when they arrive newly, accompany the emperor with auspicious words. And indeed, such is the state of matters concerning the Franks. C
The liturgy, for its part, is chanted quietly, as has been said, so that it is not heard where the emperor sits; when the kiss is finished, he rises, and immediately they open the doors of the church. Then, the Trisagion hymn having been said, the Apostle is read, and thus the divine liturgy is completed. After its end, the emperor goes to the table, which is served by the grand domestic, the domestic, and the prefect of the table, just as was demonstrated at the feast of the Nativity of Christ and the feast of Lights. Toward evening, the emperor goes to Hagia Sophia, and as he listens to the evening hymns, he is censed or honored with the smoke of incense by the patriarch, and so are all the courtiers together, even to the very last. And this happens only at that time, and not on any other occasion. D It was once the custom that during these vespers the emperor would enter into the holy sanctuary and burn incense at the holy table, and that to the clergy from the *vestiarium*
A he would generously give one hundred pounds of gold. But this custom has now ceased to be in use.
On the fifth day of the week, which they call the week of renewal, the patriarch goes to the palace with the bishops and the other members of the Church, and in addition with the archimandrites and the heads of the monasteries. The patriarch dons his sacred vestments and comes to the emperor, whom he finds standing on his throne. The court officials are not present at that time, and do not stand around; but the bishops take their place, as we have said, along with the other members of the Church of whom we have already spoken. The patriarch then incenses the emperor; next, he hands the censer to the archdeacon, and he himself approaching, blesses and kisses the emperor on the mouth, receiving in like manner a kiss from the emperor. After this, the patriarch stands near the emperor. The bishops then, approaching two by two, also kiss the emperor, first the hand, and then the cheek. Afterward, B all the clergy of the Church mentioned, the archimandrites, and the heads of the monasteries do the same. When this is finished, the patriarch adds a sacred prayer and departs, and the emperor enters his private chamber.
On the feast of the Holy Spirit, the emperor again in vespers and the liturgy wears from among his state robes whatever he wishes, and the officials likewise wear their own. A table is prepared, just as on Sunday, with the Grand Domestic and those others we have mentioned serving the emperor at the table. Toward the time of vespers, the emperor betakes himself to Hagia Sophia, if the patriarch is present, and hears from him the prayers of Basil the Great near the *diaconicum*; if not, he hears them from the *protopapas* in the palace.
On the feast of the Exaltation of the Holy Cross, a wooden platform is erected in the *triclinium*, which they also adorn with scarlet silk; upon this the patriarch, if he is present, or another of the patriarchs if one happens to be in Constantinople at that time, performs the exaltation of the cross. If none of these are present, C then the *protopapas* does this.
One must know that at the beginning of every month, the blessing of the water takes place in the palace, except for September and January; for in the former, this blessing takes place on the fourteenth day, and in the latter, on the sixth. The blessing of the water occurs in this manner: While the emperor stands in the place of reception, the rest of the morning service is chanted outside, near the vestibule of the *triclinium*, then immediately follows the service for the blessing of the water. After the conclusion of this service, the *protopapas* comes, and by his side the archdeacon and the *protopsaltes*, if he is present, or someone else who holds an office, the archdeacon carrying the cross, and the other a vessel, commonly called a flagon, containing within a small bowl D full of holy water; the emperor meets them at a distance of two *orgyiai* or even more. The *protopapas*, having taken the cross from the archdeacon, places it on the forehead of the emperor with prayers.
A Then the emperor kisses the cross, and all who stand round cry out: "For many years." Afterward, the *protopapas* hands the cross to the archdeacon; having taken the small vessel (*urceolus*) from the *protopsaltes*, and having touched the holy water with his fingers as is the custom, he anoints the forehead and eyes of the emperor. While the emperor is being anointed from the small vessel, all again intone: "For many years." When this task is finished, they withdraw from the *triclinium*; while the retinue still stands around, if there is at hand an order for the bestowing of an imperial favor upon another, the emperor signs it, with everyone once again chanting: "For many years." Such an order has almost the same force as a chrysobull. For thus it writes at the beginning: "My majesty grants to this one or that one this or that thing." B And these are the festivals customary to be celebrated in the palace.
CHAPTER XV.
Concerning other diverse festivals, on which the emperor usually goes out, if he is staying in Constantinople.
On the first of September, the patriarch proceeds with litanies and icons of the saints to the Porphyry Column (in the place that was formerly called the Forum), upon the summit of which a cross is seen. The emperor also repairs there, and C listens to the office performed there according to custom. Having been dismissed, he returns to the palace. On the feast of the Nativity of the Theotokos, he goes to the venerable monastery of Libos. On the commemoration of the great Demetrius, the emperor goes to the venerable monastery of the Palaeologi, which is distinguished by the name of the aforementioned martyr. On the feast of the great Chrysostom, he betakes himself to Saint Sophia, and attends the evening hymns. When these are finished, he makes for the cell of the patriarch in order to rest there. On the following day, around the time of the Liturgy, he descends, and when it is finished, he departs. On the Presentation of the Virgin Theotokos, when she entered the temple, he goes to the venerable monastery of the much-looked-at and admirable Virgin Theotokos. On the feast of the great Basil, the emperor betakes himself to the venerable monastery that is honored by his name. On the feast of the Meeting (or Purification), the emperor repairs to the church of the Blachernae, accompanied by the Varangians, who always D accompany the emperor when he is riding, carrying their axes upon their shoulders, and they lead him as far as the place called the *Hypla*. But on this feast, they accompany him even to the temple; there, however, they do not remain until the emperor’s return, but they wait, as is the custom, at the gate of the place, where they receive the emperor and accompany him as far as the place where he dismounts from his horse. On the feast of the great George, he goes to the venerable monastery of the Mangana.
A On the commemoration of the great Constantine, he repairs to the church of the Holy Apostles, where also his holy casket lies.
On the Nativity of the venerable Forerunner, he proceeds to his venerable monastery of Petra, honored under his name, the Varangians accompanying him thither as far as the monastery, just as they are accustomed to accompany him to the church of the Blachernae, as has been declared.
On the feast of the holy and all-praised apostles, he goes again to the divine church honored under their name.
On the feast of the divine Transfiguration, he likewise goes to the venerable monastery of Christ the Savior Almighty.
On the Dormition of the most holy Theotokos, he again repairs to Hagia Sophia, passing the night there, as also on the feast B of St. Chrysostom.
On the Beheading of the venerable Forerunner, he goes again to the aforementioned venerable monastery of Petra, the Varangians accompanying him as before.
The emperor also goes out on the feast of the Deposition of the precious robe of the Theotokos to the church of the Blachernae, the Varangians accompanying him, as we said before.
He goes to Hagia Sophia also on the Sunday of Orthodoxy. And when the *synodicon* is read, he stands; but when the acclamations are being said, he sits upon his throne.
He also goes out on the resurrection of the holy and righteous Lazarus to the venerable monastery honored under his name. C
On all these aforementioned feasts, the emperor comes not only to the vesperal hymns, but also to the liturgies.
It is also the custom for feasts that are celebrated in monasteries, as has been said, that the emperor's *tzancas* (or footman), carrying the *dibellion*—with the exception of a shield—upon his shoulders, sideways, with some of those from the court accompanying him, go ahead to the monastery where the feast is happening and await the emperor, likewise holding the imperial lamp; and when the emperor arrives, he lights it over the *dibellion* and keeps it upright until the dismissal, outside what are called the Beautiful Gates, that is, in the vestibule D of the church. The reason why the *tzancas* carries the *dibellion* and no one else, is unknown.
And these are the matters concerning the feasts. But since, when we were describing the offices of the Grand Domestic in the palace, we promised to explain also those offices which he performs outside the palace—that is, in the army—it is time to fulfill our promises.
CHAPTER XVI
Concerning the offices of the Grand Domestic, the Grand Drungary of the Watch, the Prefect of the Army, and the Grand Adnumiastes in the army.The whole army is under the authority of the Grand Domestic. Wherefore, when the emperor himself is in the army,
A in the tent of the Grand Domestic, they sound the trumpets as a signal for moving the camp. And when the position of the camp is made in front of the emperor, it is carried out by the Grand Domestic himself, namely, who should be stationed in front, and who, on the contrary, should be stationed on the flanks. The emperor reviews such a disposition.
All the standards of the commanders, before the imperial ones are unfurled, remain rolled up near the imperial sign, each in its own case; nor do they have the permission to unfurl them before the imperial ones are unfurled. But the Grand Domestic has the authority to unfurl his own whenever he pleases, even before the imperial ones.
Furthermore, when it is necessary to move the camp and for the army to set out elsewhere, the Prefect of the Army goes ahead and chooses the location which he himself judges suitable for pitching the tents. If, therefore, the Grand Domestic also approves the location, well and good; but if not, the camp is pitched where he himself has judged; and no one sets out on the march before the Grand Domestic assigns the appropriate place to each individual standard.
Before the army sets out on the march, the Grand Drungary of the Watch establishes the so-called "day-watch," as has been ordered by the Grand Domestic. And those who are to keep watch during the day proceed to the watch immediately (it is customary for the light-armed army to go, because they carry bows; and these do not keep watch at night at all), but as for those who are to perform the night watch, this same Grand Drungary, departing before the evening hour, speaks as follows: "Commanders, be ready, dine, and then give fodder to the horses." C And when the appointed and appropriate time for the watch arrives, he leads them out of the camp. Then, if the Grand Domestic wishes, he goes out and positions them himself wherever he judges best; if not, he entrusts this duty to the Grand Drungary, who is his minister and vicar in accomplishing this matter. But he [the Drungary] must betake himself to the aforementioned night watch and observe them and judge whether they are acting correctly. And if the enemy is near, he must do this not just once, but twice; if, however, it is a time of rest and relaxation, he does it once.
The Grand Adnumiastes of the camp D is also present himself when the army is reviewed by the Grand Domestic. If any are found who are lacking horses or any weapons, he, having noted down the names, sees that the missing items are supplied.
All, therefore, even the sons of the emperor themselves, keep watch with those whom they have under them, but the Grand Domestic never. The reason is this: because while every other commander and leader is only a part of the army, the Grand Domestic, as has been said, commands the whole army; it is fitting that he should always inspect the universal army and keep all in order, lest, if by chance an attack of the enemy should arise, the army should be found without a leader.
A From the spoils, first of all, a fifth part is given to the emperor; second, from the universal army to the Grand Domestic; third, according to the particular commanders or leaders of the particular companies, over which each officer presides. If any one of the stipendiary soldiers should die without children, the horse which he used in war and his arms are brought to the Grand Domestic.
If it should be necessary for the Grand Domestic to pass through the regional command of any of the grandees, the army that is found there asks him, before their own leader, what must be done. B
CHAPTER XVII. De coronatione imperatoris.
He who is to be crowned comes on the eve of that day toward evening to the Great Palace with his princes and other members of his household, and stays there the night. At the breaking of the day, those who are established in dignity congregate immediately at dawn, along with all other grandees, the army, and the rest of the promiscuous multitude of the city. Around the second hour of this day, the junior emperor departs for Saint Sophia; and because it is customary for him to hand over in writing, with his own hands, the confession of his faith, he does this in the following manner: "I, N., in Christ our God, the faithful king and emperor of the Romans, have by my own hand set this forth and subscribed it." C In this way, the emperor who is now crowned begins by writing down the confession of his faith. If, however, he has a son, he prefixes to his own confession this: "Emperor of the Romans," if the father allows; if not, he prefixes only this: "Faithful in Christ our God, king of the Romans, N."
"I believe in one God, the Father Almighty, Maker of heaven and earth, and of all things visible and invisible," and the rest of the Apostolic Creed to the end. "Furthermore, I embrace, confess, and approve the apostolic and divine traditions. Moreover, I also accept the constitutions and definitions of the seven ecumenical synods and of the local synods which were held in their own time; to these, also, the privileges and customs of the most holy great Church of God. D Furthermore, I confirm and embrace whatsoever our most holy Fathers have rightly, canonically, and blamelessly determined and defined in various places. Likewise, I promise to remain perpetually a faithful servant and genuine son of holy Church; in addition to this, to be her defender and judge, and moreover to be clement and humane toward my subjects, insofar as equity and decency shall permit. I shall also abstain from slaughter and mutilations and other things of that kind, as much as possible; and I shall follow all truth and justice; and whatsoever the holy Fathers have repudiated and anathematized, I myself also repudiate and anathematize, and I assent with all my mind, soul, and
heart to the aforementioned holy Symbol. And all these things I promise to keep before the holy, catholic, and apostolic Church of God. In this month, on such and such a day, in this indiction, of such and such a year. »
He who prescribes this, writes it down again after the profession of the faith, namely: « I, N., in Christ our God the faithful Emperor and Autocrat of the Romans, or King of the Romans, have signed with my own hand, and I hand it over to my most holy lord and ecumenical patriarch, lord N., and to the holy synod which is with him. » B
After this, the Emperor ascends to the triclinium which is called the Thomaites, looking toward the Augusteon, where the entire multitude of the people stands with the army.
Before the Emperor shows himself, by someone from the senate whom the Emperor has commanded, those things which are called *epicombia* are thrown to the people. These are of this kind: they cut up pieces of cloth, and in each piece they tie up three gold coins, as many silver ones, and three obols, and they cast them into the multitude. They cast as many thousands of such bundles as the Emperor has commanded. It is received by custom that such *epicombia* should be thrown in the courtyards of the Great Church, namely in the aforementioned Augusteon, with the one who is throwing standing upon the steps of the Augusteon.
After this, the new Emperor, seated upon a shield, is lifted up on high and is seen by all the multitudes standing below. C The forepart of the shield is held by the Emperor himself and the father of the one being proclaimed, if he is still among the living, and the patriarch; the parts at the sides and behind are held by those who excel in rank, namely despots and sebastocrators, if there are any. If not, the more excellent and noble among the dignitaries fulfill this duty. If the father of the new Emperor is not alive, the forepart of the shield is held by the more honorable of the dignitaries or nobles along with the patriarch; and the rear parts are held by those whom we have already mentioned.
When the people and the entire army have resounded with auspicious acclamations, he descends from the shield D and is led to the temple of Saint Sophia, where he is to be crowned. There is there a small wooden structure built for this purpose; into this wooden structure they bring the new Emperor and clothe him in the *sakkos* and the diadem, which have first been consecrated by the bishops. Upon his head he wears nothing fixed or definite, but either a garland or whatever else he chooses. When these things are completed, the liturgy is performed. Furthermore, near that wooden structure of which we have already spoken, a wooden platform is built in the same way, and they cover it on all sides with red cloths. Above this are placed gold thrones according to the number of the Emperors, not such as are the other thrones of the Emperors, but so high that they have four or five steps, on which the Emperors, having exited from the wooden structure—if there are not one but several—take their seats. The ladies, their wives, also ascend with them.
A and take their seats as well on other thrones, while the despots and queens stand above. The mother of the newly proclaimed Emperor, having already been crowned, wears her own crown, while the new Empress wears a diadem.
Now, as we have said, while the divine liturgy is being celebrated, before the Trisagion hymn, the patriarch exits from the sanctuary and ascends the ambo, and with him the more honorable of the church dignitaries, wearing their sacred vestments. When there is great silence and quiet in the church, the patriarch sends and summons the Emperors, who come to the ambo where the patriarch is. B Having arrived, he reads the prayers composed for the anointing of Emperors, some silently and others aloud, and he supplicates and renders God propitious on behalf of the Emperor who is about to be anointed. After this, the new Emperor lifts whatever he is wearing on his head, and immediately all who are in the church uncover their heads and stand. The patriarch anoints the Emperor's head in the form of a cross with the divine ointment, C crying out in a loud voice: "Holy!" All who are on the ambo with the patriarch take up the voice and themselves also repeat the "Holy!" three times. Likewise, the rest of the multitude of the people also say the same words three times.
After this—even though some say that the Emperor’s crown lies upon the holy table, this is not the case; rather, it is kept within the holy sanctuary by the deacons wearing sacred vestments, and it is brought to the ambo. If, therefore, as we have said before, the Emperor his father is present, he and the patriarch take the crown and place it upon the head of the new Emperor, and the patriarch cries out: "Worthy!" If his father is not present, the patriarch does this alone. Just as before, in the case of the ointment, those who were on the ambo took up the "Holy!" and the rest of the multitude of the people similarly shouted "Holy!" three times, so now too they shout "Worthy!" three times. Then the patriarch reads prayers again, and the Emperor descends from the ambo, not by the side by which he ascended, which looks toward the Beautiful Gate, but by the other side, which faces the soleas and the holy sanctuary.
If it happens that the Emperor does not have a wife at that time, immediately after coming down from the ambo he ascends again to the platform and sits upon his throne; but if he has a wife, it is absolutely necessary that she too be crowned at that time. And this is done as follows. D The previously crowned mother of the new Emperor, if her husband—the Emperor, that is, the father of the new Emperor—is still alive, stands wearing her crown, holding in her hand a golden palm [branch], having from the top and down to a span's length pearls and precious stones embedded in it.
If she happens to be a widow, she holds the palm while standing and sitting, but wears black clothing called a *himatium* and a violet *mandya*.
A The new empress, also standing and supported on both sides by her nearest kin—or, if she lacks close and genuine kin, by two eunuchs—descends from the platform and, coming forward, stands before the *solea*. The emperor, her husband, then descending from the *ambo*, takes from the hand of the patriarch the crown, which has been blessed by him beforehand, and places it on the head of his wife. This is not of the same form as the emperor's crown, but is of another shape, prepared beforehand for this purpose, and is held—like his—either by her genuine kin, as has been said, or by two eunuchs. Once the crown has been placed on her head by the hand of the emperor, her husband, she immediately bows to the emperor and her husband, as if to acknowledge openly through this bow that she is subject to him. The patriarch, standing near the *solea*, himself recites another prayer for the emperor, the empress, and all the subject people.
And thus the crowned emperor also crowns his own wife. If the emperor has been previously crowned, the empress is crowned by her own husband and emperor when, having taken her as his wife, he performs the nuptial solemnity.
B If it happens as we have described, after the new emperor has crowned his own wife and empress, and after she has shown him the required veneration, they both ascend the platform or dais and again sit upon their thrones, the emperor holding the cross [his scepter], and the new empress the branch or palm, as previously shown. While the *mystagogia* is being performed, the emperors sit; but when the *trisagion* hymn is sung, or the apostolic Scriptures or divine Gospels are read, they stand up.
On both sides of the temple, there are wooden platforms constructed for this specific purpose. These are occupied by the protopsaltae, the domestici, and the lectors—who, according to ancient custom in such panegyrical feasts and initiations, are called *clamatores*—who sing certain songs that are appropriate and adapted to such occasions. On either side, they hold three staffs, marked by wooden rings, from which hang circles of scarlet and white silk, about two spans in length. After the liturgy is completed, these precede the emperor, with those who hold them walking before him and chanting all the way to the Great Palace. The inquiry is then made as to the manner in which this is done.
C When the hymn for the Great Entrance begins, the more honorable of the church’s deacons approach and invite the emperor. He goes with them to the place called the *prothesis*, where the holy gifts are laid. Still standing outside the *prothesis*, he puts on a golden *mandya* over his *sakkos* and diadem; in his right hand he holds the cross, as is the custom to carry...
for the emperor to hold A when he wears the stemma, and in his left he holds a narthex. He thus holds at that time the ecclesiastical rank which they call *deputatos*. Holding both, then, the emperor—that is, the cross and the narthex—he leads the entire procession; and from both sides there follow him all the Varangians, who are axe-bearers, and the noble youths in arms, about one hundred in number. These then follow the emperor at his sides, as has been said, and immediately after the emperor come the deacons and the priests, carrying other sacred vessels and indeed the holy things themselves. Having processed around the church according to custom, they come as far as the *soleas*. All others, then, stop outside; but B the emperor alone, passing the *soleas*, finds the patriarch standing at the holy doors. With both of them, then, bowing their heads in the guise of a greeting—the patriarch from within, the emperor from without—they stop. After this, the secondary deacon comes [forward], holding in his right hand a censer, and in his left what is called the pallium, or *omophorion*, of the patriarch. And in olden days the church also had its own archdeacon, but now it does not; rather, the emperor’s clergy has him. The cause of this is sought. Likewise, the church does not have a *protopsaltes*, but a *domesticos*; yet the imperial clergy has both. And indeed, the *protopsaltes* is the exarch of the emperor’s clergy, while the *domesticos* is the exarch of the empress’s clergy. And in olden days the church had another *domesticos* C besides that of the empress. Sometimes the same person serves both clergy, just as the *protopapas* also does. For the emperor has a *protopapas* in his clergy, and the church also has one; there are times when the same person is found serving both clergy. And let this be said concerning these matters.
The secondary deacon then censes the emperor, and as he bows his head, he cries out in a loud voice, “May the Lord God remember the might of your reign in His kingdom, always, now and ever, and unto ages of ages.” Then he adds, “Amen.” The same thing is also said by all who come after him, both the deacons and, after them, the priests. All of these also say this to the patriarch, D as they come to the *bema*, namely, “May the Lord God remember your high priesthood in His kingdom, always, now and ever, and unto ages of ages.”
When this has been performed, the emperor, having greeted the patriarch again, takes off the golden *mandya* of which we spoke before. It is customary for the church’s *referendarius* to take it from him. The emperor, returning again to the *anabathra*, sits, rising only at the reading of the holy Creed and at the prayer, “Our Father who art in heaven,” and at the lifting up of the lordly and holy body. When the elevation has taken place, if the emperor is not prepared for communion, he sits on his throne until the end of the holy liturgy. But if he is prepared for this, he is invited by the aforementioned deacons, with whom the emperor enters into the sanctuary.
A And receiving the censer, he incenses the holy table in the form of a cross: first towards the east, then towards the north, then towards the west, and after these, towards the south. Then again, incensing towards the east, he also incenses the patriarch. He, having greeted him and taken the censer from the emperor’s hand, incenses the emperor in return. After these things, the emperor, taking the crown from his own head, hands it to the deacons. And the patriarch, after having partaken of the precious body of the Lord, also gives into the emperor’s hands a portion of the Lord’s body; having taken which, he also partakes of the life-giving blood. He communicates, with the patriarch holding the holy chalice, while he himself applies his mouth to the chalice, just as the priests are accustomed to do.
After he has become a participant in the divine mysteries, having placed the crown on his head again, he goes out from the holy sanctuary. And the liturgy being finished, and the sanctified bread—which we call the antidoron—being distributed to the people, after he himself has partaken of it, and has received the blessing from the patriarch and the other bishops present, and has kissed their hands, he ascends to the place called the Catechumena. B A wooden platform of moderate size having been prepared there, and chairs being placed which are in daily use, the new emperor and his wife, the empress, ascend along with the emperor’s father and the mother, the empress, with the aforementioned protopsaltae and domestici also present, golden veils covering the platform so that the emperors may not be seen. The chanters sing the verse: “Arise!” And then the veils being immediately lifted, the emperors are acclaimed with auspicious shouts by all those who are in the Catechumena. When this is done, the emperors descend and return with the empresses to the palace wearing their crowns; they indeed are the only ones on horseback, while all the others go on foot, from the Despotes down to the most humble.
There was formerly a custom that the emperor’s horse in such a festival would wear around its neck and behind the saddle over the shoulders items that were called *chaiomata*, made of pearls and precious stones; and fastened a little above the shoulder-straps were red silk ribbons, which are called *toudia*. D Now, however, the other items have fallen out of use, but the *toudia* are still in use.
Eating at a table prepared there, they feast wearing their crowns. The Grand Domestic serves them. If there is no Grand Domestic, the Despotes or one of those who are called by dignities—such as the Despotes, Sebastokrator, Caesar, Panhypersebastos, and the Protovestiarius only—serves. If not, the most honorable among the nobles serves, with all the companions of the imperial circle present while the dishes are brought.
Remaining there on this day, on the following day they betake themselves to other palaces, where again into the midst of the people by someone with his ornaments, to whom they are not presented
A again presents are scattered by a senator to the people. And the Emperor himself upon this day goes forth into the court, to the place where the icon of the great martyr George is, and there stands near him the chief of the imperial treasury, and he holds within his garment many gold coins scattered confusedly; and the Emperor, taking hold of them, scatters them among the surrounding lords and noble youths, as much as he thinks fit. The reason for such a distribution of coins is the desire of the Emperor that all the lords and noble youths, and the army and the common people, should rejoice together with him, eating and drinking at the Emperor's expense. For ten days following, or more or fewer (for there is no fixed number of days, but as the Emperor wishes), they celebrate sumptuously, wearing their customary daily garments, which are bright and costly.
There are, therefore, during these days, as we have said, feasts and sumptuous banquets; and all those of the senate sit and feast, rejoicing before the Emperors, while they themselves also feast at their own table. B The domestic and the prefect of the table serve them at that time; if not, then some youth of noble rank, uncovered, of the Emperor's kin, to whom the Emperor gives the command. The great domestic also feasts in his proper place, reclining with the other senators. And this same order is observed without any variation in the marriages of the Emperors.
It should also be known that the Emperor, when feasting, wears his own crown, if he has been previously crowned. And he sits on the dais C in the same manner as has been said before concerning the coronation.
It should also be known that whenever the Emperor wears his crown, whether at the creation of a patriarch or a despot, or for any other such necessity, it is the custom for four of the more honorable lords of the state to stand by him, two from each side, wearing golden outer garments and red *skaranika*, and each of them holding in his hands a round shield depicted with the Emperor on horseback, and a gilded spear with a wooden shaft. These spears are called *rhomphea*, and those who hold them are the *rhompheacratores*.
CHAPTER XVIII. Concerning the creation of a Despot.
D They make in the triclinium, where the imperial throne stands, a partition with golden cloths, which separates the throne and the standing area. And while the lords wear their own insignia—that is to say, the *skaranika* and the rest—the lords appointed by the Emperor attire the Despot within the triclinium, at its upper end, with the double-colored buskins and a *kabbadion* of violet or red, adorned with pearls. The Emperor, wearing in his own inner chamber his crown
A and the rest, comes to where his throne is. The partition being opened, all cry out "Many years"; then two of the more honorable lords bring the candidate for Despot and stand him before the Emperor, and the Emperor, standing, says to him: "My Empire promotes you to Despot." And immediately all again cry out "Many years." (Note that it is not only when he promotes a Despot that the Emperor stands, but also whenever he confers any office, even the smallest, he does so standing. The Despot, bowing, kisses the Emperor's foot.) When he has risen, the Emperor places with his own hand upon his head a crown made of stones and pearls, having four small arches or vaults, in front, behind, and on both sides, if he who is being invested is the Emperor's son; but if he happens to be a son-in-law, in front only; which crown is also called a *stemmatogyrion*. B And they cry "Many years" again. Then, the partition being closed, the Emperor departs to his own chamber, and the Despot likewise to his own house with all the aforementioned vestments, all the lords following him on horseback, each wearing his own proper adornments, as was said before.
CHAPTER XIX. On the creation of the Sebastocrator and Caesar.
The inauguration of the Sebastocrator and Caesar is carried out in the same manner, without any change, as that of the Despot, except for the head C vestments. For as to what these were in olden times, it is still a matter of inquiry; but the Emperor Kantakouzenos, having honored his brothers-in-law, Manuel and Ioannes Asanes, with the dignity of Sebastocrator, granted them to wear crowns of stones of a dark color and pearls, having upon each of them one single arch in the front. And all the lords, conspicuous in their own vestments, escort them to their own houses, just as is customary to escort the Despot.
CHAPTER XX. On the election and inauguration of a Patriarch and of other Patriarchs and bishops.
There assemble those archbishops who are then residing in Constantinople, if there are many of them, or if not, D twelve; furthermore, those summoned from the neighboring churches also. But if there happen to be neither those residing in the city nor enough archbishops in the neighboring churches to make up the number of twelve, those who are found sit out of necessity in the place of voting, and they elect three persons for Patriarch, whom God may suggest to their knowledge; the names of these are carried in writing by the chosen lords of the Church to the Emperor, and the Emperor chooses from among them whomsoever God may suggest to his mind. Then the Emperor sends out lords whom he may appoint, together with the aforementioned ecclesiastical lords, and they carry the election to the elect—the elect, I say, both by the Church and by the Emperor. If the elect consents to the election,
it is well; but if he refuses, they go to another; and if he too refuses, to the next. If, perhaps, even the third does not, they hold votes again as if from a new beginning, and after the elect accepts the announcement, the Emperor proclaims him in this manner. A
Concerning the Proclamation of the Patriarch
A wooden [i]anabathra[/i] (dais) is constructed at the beginning of the [i]triclinium[/i], covered with scarlet silks, upon which stands an imperial throne such as is described for the coronation of an Emperor. The [i]triclinium[/i] is partitioned off with curtains and cloths of the sort that are accustomed to be used at the inauguration of a [i]despotes[/i]. The Emperor, wearing the crown and other regalia, comes out of his chamber and sits upon his throne, with all the nobles standing outside the partition with their insignia and vestments. A second throne is placed at about the third part of the [i]triclinium[/i], measured from the wall toward the Emperor, and covered with cloth of gold. The patriarch-elect (for he is called [i]hypopsēphos/i**—elect—up until that time) comes and sits upon it. Then, the curtains of the partition being raised, both rise, and all immediately chant the [i]polychronion[/i].
After this, it is not one of those of highest dignity—that is to say, [i]despotes[/i], [i]sebastocrator[/i], or Caesar—who presents the elect (for such persons are not accustomed to be present at the proclamations of patriarchs, for the reason that it is unseemly for them to stand while the patriarch is seated; furthermore, the auspicious acclamation made to the Emperors does not allow them to be seated; therefore, they are not present), B but rather a more distinguished and eminent one among the nobles takes him by the hand and leads him before the [i]anabathra[/i]. C The patriarchal [i]dikanikion[/i] (staff) being found there within the aforementioned partition, the Emperor takes it by means of one of the nobles who does not wear a [i]skiadion[/i] (hat), and with both the Emperor and his son, if he is present, standing there, he says in a loud voice as follows: "The Holy Trinity, through the empire granted to us by Him, proclaims you Archbishop of Constantinople, New Rome, and Ecumenical Patriarch." And thus all immediately chant the [i]polychronion[/i]. Then the patriarch, ascending the [i]anabathra[/i], receives the [i]dikanikion[/i] from the Emperor's hand, and having given him a blessing, he immediately descends. With both now seated on their thrones, they follow up with the auspicious acclamation of the Emperor and the patriarch. And after the acclamation, the partition being closed, the Emperor goes to his chamber and the patriarch sets out on horseback to the Great Church of Hagia Sophia, his horse being covered with a caparison of white cloth up to the head; the nobles also accompany him, each adorned with his own insignia.
It is to be noted that the [i]hypopsēphos[/i], while he is still only elect and coming to be proclaimed, travels on foot outside the palace; but after the proclamation, he goes inside. They also cover his horse with a housing, as has been said. D Having then gone to Hagia Sophia after his
A proclamation, as has been shown, he feasts with the bishops and the nobles of the Church. In his ordination and consecration, the emperor comes to Hagia Sophia, wearing the garment customary to him for that day. The patriarch is ordained by the bishop of Heraclea, since Byzantium once belonged to the bishopric of Heraclea. It should be known that other bishops are elected having received a double marking of the cross or benediction: the first of which they call small, and the second, which is the consecration itself, great. But the patriarch is ordained and consecrated alone, since the emperor’s proclamation supplies the place of the small marking by the cross.
In the same manner, without any variation, the proclamation and designation of the other patriarchs is performed, namely those of Alexandria, Antioch, and Jerusalem, and indeed also of the archbishop of First Justiniana, Achrida of all Bulgaria; for the second Justiniana is Cyprus, and the third is Carthage.
The bishops, after they have been elected and consecrated by the patriarch, betake themselves after a few days to the palace B to offer prayers there for the emperors and the subject people, and to venerate the emperor. Each one recites a sacred prayer, with the imperial retinue standing around.
But the archimandrites and protosyncelli, as well as the superiors of the venerable monasteries, after they have been elected by the patriarch, go also to the palace and venerate the emperor, and from the hand of the emperor they receive their pastoral staff. The bishops indeed, going to render honor to the emperor as has been said, venerate him clothed in their wavy palls. The nobles of the Church are adorned with *epirrhiptaria* or head coverings and tunics. C
CAPUT XXI. On the mourning garments of the emperor.
When the father of the emperor, or his wife, or his son or grandson—if they were emperors—has died, the ruler wears white garments for as long a time as he pleases and at his own discretion; then yellow ones without pearls; then the same ones again with pearls; and after these, he wears bright clothing. If his paternal uncle or aunt, or his brother, whether he be honored with the title of despot or not, or his sister or son should die, he wears yellow garments even then, but without pearls, and afterwards with pearls. During the time that the emperor D is wearing white garments, as has been said, for his own relatives who have died, everyone wears black garments—not just the nobles, but the people as well. But the relatives of the one who has died, while the emperor wears yellow, wear black garments before him for forty days; and after this, grey or greenish ones, until the emperor changes his garments; and then they, too, are clothed in white garments. Beyond those of whom we have spoken, if it should happen that any other of the
A to die, the Emperor never and under no circumstances wears citrine color. But if the wife of any of his kinsmen—whether an uncle, a cousin, or a nephew—or a brother or son should die, the one from whose house the corpse is brought forth remains at home for the days appointed for mourning, that is to say until the ninth day. And after this he comes by night and does obeisance to the Emperor while wearing black garments, and from that time onward he is dressed in black outside, but when he does obeisance to the Emperor he wears ash-colored garments; for it is not permitted to wear black garments within the palace.
CHAPTER XXII. On the future bride and Empress.
It is necessary to know this also: when the lady bride arrives from abroad, either by land or by sea, once the day on which she is to arrive and enter the city has become known, the Emperor, her husband, the bridegroom, goes to meet her with the Emperor, his father, if he is still alive; but if not, he goes alone. And indeed, if she arrives by land, it is the custom for her to be received at the place they call the Spring; but if she arrives in triremes, then she disembarks near the church of the Blachernae outside the city, wherever it may be convenient. The wives of those in the highest dignity, of the senators, and of the other B nobles, having therefore taken possession of their lodging either here or there, receive the lady and new bride as she arrives, greeting her royally and treating her with every kind of kindness and honor, while the Emperors also come to meet her, or both of them, or the bridegroom alone if his father is not alive, as has been explained. If she comes by trireme, he comes to meet her near the acropolis at the Gate of Eugenius, sitting on horseback with the nobles; but if she arrives by land, he meets her outside the city, as has been said. After this, the Emperors or the Emperor depart, leaving her there; and from among the aforementioned noblewomen, the Queens—if there are any—or the Sebastocratorissas, or the Cæsarissas, or others who take precedence over the rest, put red shoes upon her, and having prepared imperial ornaments and regalia, she is royally escorted and accompanied, and departs on horseback to the palace, C and after this the solemnity of the marriage is celebrated on an appointed day.
It should also be known that the hunters of leopards, when they bring the leopards, enter the palace on horseback and similarly exit on horseback. Likewise, those who bring ice for refrigerating drinks also enter the palace on horseback.
Thus far the names of the offices of the Emperors of Constantinople, and of the offices of the Mother Church. D
JACOBUS GRETZER S.J. ON THE BOOK OF GEORGE CODINUS CUROPALATES CONCERNING THE OFFICES AND OFFICIALS OF THE GREAT CHURCH AND THE COURT OF CONSTANTINOPLE THREE BOOKS OF COMMENTARIES In which not only Codinus, but various other monuments, both Greek and Latin, are explained and illustrated. INTERSPERSED ARE JACOBUS GOAR OF THE ORDER OF PREACHERS NOTES AND OBSERVATIONS BOOK ONE CAP. 1. Who is Codinus. When [he lived]. What the title of the book is. Various orthography of the same word among more recent Greeks, [and] the number of clerics in the Great Church.
Who George Codinus Curopalates was, and in what century he lived, I cannot say; nor [can I say] whether the name Curopalates is a surname or [refers to] a court office. This much is clear: that it flourished in the later period of Greece, and when it was tending toward ruin—that is, after Cantacuzene, or during his time.
Besides this book which we have in hand, the same Codinus wrote collections (παρεκβολὰς) from the book of the chronicle concerning the ancestral [origins] of Constantinople (πατρίων τῆς Κωνσταντινουπόλεως), or selections from a chronicle book on the origins of Constantinople, which already exist in Greek and Latin, although much more copious versions are preserved in the Bavarian library.
The title was formed by Junius as follows: *George Codini, a book concerning the officials of the Constantinopolitan palace and the offices of the Great Church.* For the other title, which he adduces from a certain manuscript codex, relates absolutely nothing to this book: *Collections from a book of the chronicle concerning the ancestral [origins] of Constantinople, and whence it was called Byzantium, composed by George Codinus.* This title, I say, has nothing to do with this topic, because it belongs to that other work on the origins of Constantinople, to which the editor also rightly prefixes it—even if he does not, like Junius, offer it to us as *τῶν πατριῶν* from the nominative *πατριά*, but better as *τῶν πατρίων* from the plural *τὰ πάτρια*; for under this title Hesychius of Miletus also wrote a book, which is now published. And well-known are the *τὰ πάτρια Κυζίκου* (ancestral things or origins of Cyzicus) of Diogenes of Cyzicus, taken from Suidas. And yet, Junius trifles very pleasantly [as to] why this book B concerning offices should have borne the appellation of *παρεκβολῶν* (collections), namely, because it was excerpted from a book whose title is *Chronicon*, [and] that this *Chronicon* was a public [record] of the Constantinopolitan palace, into which the Curopalates would have entered their acts, and in whose custody this same book also was. What is "trifling" if this is not? Since that epi-graph refers not to this book, but to another concerning the origins of Constantinople, just as it was prefixed to the same book by the interpreter in so many words.
More recent Greeks are variable in the orthography of words, especially foreign ones. They add [letters], as in *παλλάτιον*, *κουροπαλάτης*, *διβέλλιον*, *πριμμικήριος*, *φλάμουλον*, and in purely Greek words *κρέμμασθαι*, for *παλάτιον*, *κουροπαλάτης*, *διβέλιον*, *πριμικήριος*, *φλάμουλον*, *κρέμασθαι*. They also add [an 'm' or 'mu'] at the beginning of words if they start with a 'beta' or 'pi', with the 'beta' turned into a 'pi'; as *μπαΐουλος* [for] *βαΐουλος*, *Μπελλαρμένος* [for] *Βελλαρμένος*; in Gabriel, bishop of Philadelphia, in his book on the sacraments, *μπάλλα* [for] *palla*, *pila*, *Μπάσσα* [for] *Bassa*, and other such things without number. Indeed, even in the actual word they add their 'mu' before a 'beta' or 'pi', as *Ρομπέρτος* for *Ρυπέρτος* (Robert) in Anna Comnena's *Alexiad*, [and] *ταμπάριον* for *ταπάριον*. They remove [letters]: *σέλα*, *σακελάριος* for *σέλλα*, *σακελλάριος* or *σακκελλάριος*. Yet they do not observe these things too scrupulously: hence you may very often find the 'pi' without the addition of the 'mu', as *πατέλλα*, *πατέλλιον*, *πατρίκιος*, *πατριάρχης*, and countless others of that kind. See the *Glossarium Graeco-barbarum* under the letter pi.
However, beware, while running through the nine pentads of clerics, that you do not suspect that even in Codinus’s age there were no more clerics of the Great Church than are enumerated in these nine pentads: for the officials only…
A are the designations of the offices, rather than the clatter of empty titles, which were even carried outside Constantinople to other Grecian churches, as may be seen in the *Turcogræcia*, book iv, where there exists a letter of the clergy of the island of Chios to the Patriarch of Constantinople, in which you will find the Sacellarius of Chios, the Logothete of Chios, the Protosyngellus of Chios, the Caliarchus Pneumaticus and Protectio [cum] of Chios, the Cantrisius of Chios, the Protopsaltes of Chios, the Dicatophylax of Chios, the Nomophylax of Chios, the Referendarius of Chios, the teacher of the Gospel, and the teacher of the Apostle.
Regarding this index, it is clear from the third Novel of Justinian that the clergy was indeed once very numerous, which he restricted to a certain number so that it would not spread too far. "We decree," he says, "that never shall there exist in the most holy Great Church more than [60] presbyters, 100 male deacons, 40 deaconesses and 90 subdeacons, 410 lectors, [nor] more than 25 cantors, so that the entire number of the most reverend clergy of the Great Church may consist of [600] persons, and in addition [to them] the ostiarii (as they are called)." Therefore, in the most holy Great Church of this our nourishing city and the three sacred edifices united to it, let there be such a multitude of clergy, without ejecting anyone of those who are currently there, even if the number is much larger than what we have defined; likewise, let no one be added hereafter by any order that currently exists until the measure falls within this number. The Emperor Heraclius, in a diploma concerning the fixed number of clergy of the Great Church (Vol. I of the *Jus Græco-Romanum*), [stipulated that] the catalog of religious presbyters be reduced to 80, male deacons to 150, female deaconesses to 40, subdeacons to 70, lectors to 160, cantors to 25, [and] ostiarii to 75, for whatever reason this was eventually done. The same emperor defined the official clergy at this number, namely that there should be 2 syncelli, 12 cancellarii, 10 defensores, 12 referendarii, 40 notarii, 4 presbyter sceuophylaces, 6 deacon sceuophylaces, 2 lectors, etc., which do not sufficiently agree with the officials of Codinus. But in this there was nothing among the Greeks more constant than this very inconstancy and the ceaseless custom of changing.
The first index of officials, which precedes the nine pentads, does not seem to be by the Curopalata: for why would he recount them twice tautologically, and not quite consistently, in almost the same place? Nevertheless, I did not want to omit it, since it exists in the Junian edition and, if my memory does not fail me, also in another Bavarian codex. GRETS.
CAPUT II.
Some doubts concerning the first quinary of the catalog; regarding the *exocatacæli* and the Great Œconomus.The catalog of the officials of the Great Church is missing in the other Bavarian manuscript, as it is in the Laurentian: but since it is represented by other copies, it should not have been omitted at all, since it is even promised by the title of the book itself.
Before the nine pentads or groups of five officials of the Great Church, there is prefixed an index of officials which contains only words, but neither all of them nor in order, as was said before. We did not wish, however, to omit it, lest anyone should find our integrity wanting.
[p. 3. *Tōn ōpphikiōn*. To God the best and greatest, to the patriarch, the temple, and the Christian people, the duties in the Church of Constantinople B are constituted with the splendor of honor. The *theōroi* exert themselves in the ministries; these prepare the incense, coals, water, and other things; they carry candles assigned to the Gospel; the *vigiles* guard the vessels and the sacred furniture. However, the custom of the Church forbids them from claiming the title of "offices" for themselves. Why is this? They are not offices, but merely ministries for the sacred tribunal, that is, the altar, to be performed by these men and by certain others, says the ecclesiastical order in the Euchologion. This is so, above all, because it did not please the patriarchs for those things to be shared with offices, because these duties would be [considered] too lowly, and [it would mean that] assistance would be accessible to those who had attained a higher elevation of honor. In truth, however, since I assert that the dignity of the honor is joined to the office, do not—I pray—easily believe that, while the order of superiors and inferiors is observed, all subsequent offices are to be judged as of one class and logic, as they say. There exist among them supreme [offices], deputed to the ministry of the patriarch, which is to be rendered with noble and chief [honor], and possessing the prefecture of speaking to the Christian people; for C indeed, there are others less noble, the *archontikia mikra*, and they are both the protopapas and those who follow [as] inferior officials, the assessors of the left choir, for the greater ones occupy the right [choir] with the patriarch and are honored everywhere with chief privileges. Finally, the third class of offices are called *lita*, so that, of course, they have no ornament of dignity annexed to them, nor are [legal] disputes judged with the patriarch: for they are private ministers of the patriarch, [namely] the archdeacon and the deacon second from him. "On the outside," says the Allatian type in the Euchologion, "(which [is the first] of the first three pentads)]]
they distinguish the A ancient archontikia, small [offices] for the service of the holy church. The great archdeacon and the deacon second from him are offices." And elsewhere: "The great archdeacon and the second of the deacons are not ranked among the archontikia of the holy church, but are offices alone," Goar.
Regarding the Great Church, in the amplitude of the building, the excellence of the throne, the number of ministers, the abundance of income, the observance of the cult.
id. First, concerning the offices of the Great Church. Although many manuscript copies may show a catalog of the offices of the Great Church, you will find few that observe the same order and number. Such is the condition of human affairs that it introduces change into the church, since it is a gathering of mortals; this is the desire for novelties in patriarchs, so that they might wish for recent things to be added to the former, and for them to supplant the ancient with new ones, and sometimes they would delete them: and I do not think it arose from their pleasure that such a diversity in the list of copies emerged, in that they were transcribed in different ages for the varying state of the church and its offices. Accept these, which I have extracted from various manuscripts and our own Euchologia, to be perused, as they will be much more welcome, being more complete and richer. For the text composed by Codinus is short, truncated, and imperfect.
The great oikonomos holds the stewardship of all ecclesiastical matters; the great sakellarios, who is concerned with the male and female monasteries; the great skeuophylax, keeping the vessels of the church; the great chartophylax, judge of all cases and right hand of the patriarch; the sakellion, who has the charge of the catholic churches; the protekdikos, who receives the refugees and judges ecclesiastical cases. These are the exokatakoiloi.
First pentad: The protonotarios, the door of the exokatakoiloi and the first of the patriarchal notaries; the logothetes, who composes B catechetical discourses for the people, the patriarch's man of justice; the kanstrisios, holding the canister of incenses in the liturgies; the referendarios, the reporter of messages to the emperor; the hypomnematographos, writing the patriarchal memoranda.
Second pentad: The hieromneimōn, holding the patriarchal kontakion in the liturgies, and receiving the registrations of the bishops; the epi tōn deēseōn, bringing up to the patriarch the petitions of those in need, being sent to the emperor with the referendarios; the epi tōn sekretōn, making the patriarchal secretum quiet and undisturbed, bringing in those who are being judged; the epi tēs hieras katastaseōs, saying "Let us stand well" while the patriarch is officiating; the one who carries the epigonation to the patriarch on his knees.
Third pentad: The hypomimnēskōn, occupied during the liturgy in reminding the patriarch of the prayers in every instance; the rhētōr, writing didactic discourses on behalf of the high priest; the teacher of the Gospel; the teacher of the Apostle; the teacher of the Psalter.
Fourth pentad of the sacred archons: The archōn of the monasteries, having the charge of the monasteries with the encouragement of the great sakellarios; the archōn of the churches, having the charge of the catholic churches with the encouragement of the sakellarios; the archōn of the Gospel, holding the Gospel during the litanies; the archōn of the lights, receiving those being prepared for baptism, and also giving candles to the clergy on Despotic feasts; the archōn of the antiminsia, giving the antiminsia with which the divine temples are consecrated.
Fifth pentad: The ostiarios, holding the patriarch's lamp and, during the elections, the doors; the nomodothēs, giving the nummia to the clergy and the poor; the protopapas; the second-in-line of the priests and the second-in-line of the deacons.
The primmikerios of the notaries and the notaries, the domestikos, the laosynaktēs, the primmikerios of the readers, the archōn of the kontakia, the one in charge of good order, the domestikos of the secretum and the episkopeianoi, the primmikerios of the exkouthitoi.
II. From the same royal manuscripts.
Order of the offices of the church. The great oikonomos holds the church's estates; the great C sakellarios, the female monasteries; the great skeuophylax, the vessels and all the sacred [things] of the church. The great chartophylax is for recording and for the notes. The [official of the] sakellion holds the sakella. The protekdikos is for taking up the cause of the captives. The protonotarios is the door of the exokatakoiloi. The logothetes is for writing up the feasts; the kanstrisios is for the canister and for changing the high priest's vestments; the referendarios is for being sent to the emperor for consultations. The hypomnematographos is for signing the memoranda; the hieromneimōn is for overseeing the prayers on the back [of the scrolls]; he also holds the kontakion and the book of ordinations. The [official] in charge of the knees hangs the epigonation of the high priest. The teacher of the Gospel understands what is written, [and] interprets [it] by lecturing. The epimimnēskōn D is for regulating the high priest mystically. The epi tōn deēseōn goes to the emperor on behalf of those suffering injustice. The archōn of the monasteries and the churches is for the male monasteries; the epi sekretōn is for quieting the people during judgment; the epi hieras katastaseōs is for creating order; the rhētōr is for oratory. The ostiarios holds the doors during ordinations. There are two teachers of the Psalter. The protopapas is the ekdikos of the judgments. The second-in-line introduces the priests if there is no protopapas, and he leads the priests starting from the protopapas. The two catechists are for catechizing those being baptized.
The lord of the lights A introduces the neophytes. The lawgiver introduces those coming to the holy communion. The primikirios of the patriarchal notaries. The two domestikoi of the first and second choir-standing. The laosynaktes. The primmikirios of the readers. The domestikos of the ambo.
Of the monk Matthew concerning the offices of the Great Church of Constantinople.
The honors and ministries of the Church, which are distributed by the Spirit according to the great Paul, the monk Matthew now enumerates by name: of the first pentad, the great oikonomos has his nature, the great sakellarios, the great skeuophylax, the chartophylax after them, and indeed the sakellion; but also the protekdikos is reckoned among these, to all of whom the name *exokatakoiloi* is applied.
The choir on the left.
The protopapas, the deutereuon, the lord of churches, the exarch, the catechist, the perideuteis, the baptist, the two ekdikoi, the two domestikoi, the two laosynaktai, the two primmikirioi, the protopsaltes, the proximoi, the despotes, the theorioi, the one in charge of good order, the kategorierēs, the koubouklēs, the dekanos, the lampadarioi, the one entering around, the bastagarios, the myrodotēs.
The ecclesiastical offices are thus: the protonotarios of the second pentad, the logothete after him, along with the kastrinsios, and the referendarios, the hypomnēmatographos. The hieromnēmōn of the third, and indeed the hypomimnēskōn, the three *esthlēs* teachers, the first of the Gospel, the apostle after him, the third of the Psalter. Of the fourth, he is born for those on their knees, B and he who oversees the judgments, and he who brings the petitions, and he who oversees the holy state and the secretaris. Of the fifth, the lord of the monasteries, the lord of the churches, the lord of the gospels, the lord of the antiminsia, the lord of the lights after him, filling the fifth pentad. See the brilliant orator, the diplous, the ostiarioi, the lawgiver together, the primmikirios of the notaries.
The choir on the right.
The bishop: C First pentad: The great oikonomos, the great sakellarios, the great skeuophylax, the chartophylax, the sakellion. Second pentad: The protonotarios, the kanestrēnsios, the referendarios, the logothete, the hypomnēmatographos. Third pentad: The protekdikos, the hieromnēmōn, the one who is under the knees, the hypomimnēskōn, the teacher.
Interpretation of the offices of the holy and great Church, which were interpreted according to order.
Third pentad: The deutereuon of the deacons. They are arranged with the dignitaries of the Great Church, but they are only offices. But know this, that if someone should have these from the three seals, he must go under the office that he wants, to be of the clergy, as a reader, subdeacon, hierodeacon, and similarly also the archdeacon and the deutereuon of the deacons; for it is not fitting for a priest to be a cleric, because the canon has ordered the priests to perform the holy mystery and the unbloody sacrifice, and that they should not be servants to the archpriest. D For the honors and offices of the holy Church have come into being for service to the archpriest and for the judgments of those in life who are called; and each one being interpreted according to order, its own energy and service is explained.
A five only, comprised in this group of five, Codinus rightly called a *pentad*, looking of course to the older number, not to the one introduced by Xiphilinus. For Balsamon, in his *Melete* or disquisition on the office of the chartophylax and the protecdicos (in volume I of the *Jus Græco-Romanum*, fol. 436), places only five in this first class, omitting the protecdicos, whom he terms the patriarch’s "five senses," as it were, through whom he executes all business as if by instruments. He also calls the ministries of these five ecclesiastical grandees *πέντε σεκρέτων εὐαγῆ λογοθέσια*, that is, as the interpreter translates it, "the religious reckonings of the five secretariats." More accurately, perhaps: "the consistories of the five secretariats"—prefects for us in expediting matters. And each of these had in his function several assistants, whom Balsamon calls chartularies, *τοῦ κόπου συμμεριστάς, καὶ σεκρετικοὺς διακονητάς*, "sharers of the labor, and ministers of the secretariat of that senate or council."
They were also called *ἐξωκατάκοιλοι ἄρχοντες*, as Balsamon and Joannes Citrius teach, although in the latter’s *Responses* this name is written in the penultimate syllable not with an *o* but with an *η*, *ἐξωκατάκηλοι*, and in Latin *Exocacæli*, as in the edition of Bonefidius. But this is erroneous: for the correct spelling is *ἐξωκατάκοιλοι*, in Latin *exocatacœli*. Junius errs gravely when, on p. 4, he divides this word into two, *ἔξω κατακοίλωv*, and thus interprets it as "of the catacœli who are outside." Nonsense: it is a single word, not two; wherefore one should read the *protou notarios* as *θύρα τῶν ἐξωκατακοίλων*. Hence, the reading must also be corrected in ch. 9, p. 66, lines 5 and 12, where Junius has *ἔξω κατάκοιλοι* and renders it "six catacæli." That this reading is erroneous, even though it appears in Bavarian codices, he could have learned from the description of the protonotary, where he found written in his own copies *ἐξωκατακοίλων*, even though he wrongly disjoined what should have been joined. How then does he now fabricate for us *ἐξω* from *ἔξω*? Nor can that reading be sustained on the grounds that these *archontes* were still called *ἐξωκατάκοιλοι* when there were only five, as is plain from Balsamon; they were not, therefore, named for their number *ἐξ* (six).
Nor does Petrus Gregorius Tolosanus produce anything more plausible in his *Syntagma Juris Universi* 15, 9, where he says that the Greeks call certain bishops *evicelli*, who are subject to no metropolitan, are family members and suffragans of the patriarchs, and are always in attendance—such as those described by William of Tyre in *Belli sacri* 14, 12, whom Tyre himself says are called *cancelli* by the Greeks. Petrus Gregorius suspects an error is hidden: for perhaps Tyre wrote *catacelos*, so that the correct form would be *κατάκηλος*, *κατάκηλοι* from *κατακηλέω*, which is "to soothe," to appease the mind with sweetness; hence *κατακηλητικός*, having the power of soothing. And why not *κατάκηλος* from this? As to that other term, *evicelli*, Petrus Gregorius forms it from *εὐκήλους*; for by this name the Greeks signify those standing without motion, quiet; hence in Hesiod, *πόντος ἀπήμων, εὔκηλος*. But these have nothing to do with our *exocatacœli*, whether these *evicelli* cited by P. Gregorius ever existed in the nature of things, or were bred from the brain of that preeminent jurist, as I indeed believe: for one ought to read *concellos* in Tyre, that is, *syncellos*, the partners and dwellers of the same cell. And the recent edition of Tyre displays *syncellos*, even though that earlier reading might be better and closer to the vulgate text. As for these *concellos* having been bishops, even if suffragans, as Tyre calls them: our *exocatacœli* were not bishops but patriarchal deacons. Let these *evicelli*, previously unheard of, be gone, and let Tyre keep his *concellos* and Codinus his *exocatacœli*.
C But what is the notion of this name *ἐξωκατάκοιλοι*? I cannot assent to Junius, who philosophizes so sweetly about valleys and churches built in the older part of Constantinople. But that he who fabricates for us *catacœli* from *exocatacœli* should also be seen as inventing a false origin is neither strange nor new, the falsity of which will at once be scented by anyone who considers these words of Junius with sense: "The patriarch presided over the Great Church, his pastors over the rest, who were called *catacœli*, dwelling separately *κατὰ τὰς κοιλάδας* (according to the valleys)." Surely all the parish priests of Constantinople dwelt in the valleys, and none in the higher part of the city: otherwise the Junian name *catacœli* could not have been protected. Nor were there more parish priests in such a great city than five or at most six: for the name *catacœli*, or, as we...
D I do not know if I dare advance my own conjecture, which I have long held back: but let it be brought forward, since it is brought forward to no one's danger. What if, by changing a single little letter, we read *ἐξωκατάκοιτοι*? Those who sleep outside, those who lie outside, not in the patriarchate: for formerly they administered their own churches, and thus dwelt in their own domiciles outside the limits of the Great Church, and in them took their rest. Canon 46 of the Trullan [Council] regarding nuns: *παντελῶς αὐταῖς ἐξωκοιτεῖν οὐκ ἔξεστι*. Where Zonaras the Greek interpreter [says]: *Καὶ μηδὲ ἔξω τῆς μονῆς τὴν νύκτα διάγειν· τοῦτο γάρ ἐστι τὸ ἐξωκοιτεῖν*. The conjecture would be rendered more probable if *ἐξωκατακοιτεῖν* were read. But the prior reading also lends some verisimilitude to our suspicion; and much more support would accrue if some manuscript codex presented *ἐξωκατάκοιτοι* to us. In Nicetas, in the *Life of Ignatius*, read *Λέων ὁ καλούμενος κατακοίλας*: but this is nothing to the point. In the time of Leo the Armenian, and indeed before, the palace clerics did not dwell in the palace but outside in private houses, and at about the third watch of the night they were gathered at the Elephantine (gate), and from there they would go to the church and perform the morning prayers to God, as Joannes Curopalata writes in *Leo Armenius*. Afterward they dwelt in the palace or royal court, because the killers of Leo the Armenian [had attacked] these clerics on the night of the Nativity of the Lord...
or because they A should not have sought the occasion in vain. What if it was also a custom for these *exocatacoeli* to stay outside the patriarchal [residence]? Formerly these *exocatacoeli* were priests, later reduced by some patriarch into the number of patriarchal deacons, so that the patriarch might not lack more honorable ministers on solemn days, as is evident from Codinus himself, ch. 9, p. 66, and following.
The *exocatacoeli* were of great authority, as you may gather from these few words of Codinus, p. 4, 11: The bishops once stirred up a lawsuit against the Chartophylax, one of these, because he presided over the bishops whenever there was a need for them to assemble and hold a session for this purpose B before their entry into your holiness. But for the Chartophylax, Alexius Comnenus wrote back. His Novella exists among those which Leunclavius edited with the Ecloga or Synopsis of Roman Law.
Mention is made of the same in the Council of Florence as highly excellent in authority and dignity among the Greek clergy: The Patriarch greeted the Pope [as he was] standing at the side; we, however, sitting at his right and [at his] side, together with the *exocatacoeli*. Upon the arrival of the holy Emperor, the cardinals, and all the bishops and *exocatacoeli*. Thus far regarding the *exocatacoeli* in general.
As regards the *oeconomus*, who is the first among the *exocatacoeli*, Codinus describes his office in these words, p. 5, v. penult.: *The Great Oeconomus holding all the possessions of the Church and all that is harvested from them; and he manages [them] for the bishop and the Church.* Which Junius translates thus: *The Great Oeconomus, who has authority over all the possessions of the Church, and all the revenue which is perceived from them. He serves the supreme priest and the Church by this economic administration.* How much more briefly and distinctly he would have said that the *Great Oeconomus* is he who has the right over all the faculties and revenues of the Church and is the procurator of both the bishop and the Church. Balsamon described him briefly: *He has the care of ecclesiastical properties.* That [title] was born of the ambition of the recent Greeks, who very liberally prefixed the title to offices and dignities, and often did not distinguish two offices, otherwise equal, except by the apposition of the word. In which matter the Latins are and have always been far more sparing and restrictive; who, toward all, even those excelling in virtue and erudition, have rarely transferred this eulogy as a prenomen or cognomen, whereas among the Greeks nothing is more frequent than that. Often they are wont to make an elephant out of a fly. And now also, out of an inborn pride, they admire themselves with this marvelous title, C as the rhetor, the Great Sacellarius, the Great Oeconomus.
CAPUT III. Who is the Great Sacellarius and who is he called by John Citrius.
The Great Sacellarius is called by John Citrius the one who is over the Great Sacella. But he who is of the *sacellium* is also called the one who is over the little *sacella*, that is to say, the *sacellarius*. In *Turcogrecia* it is not incorrectly said *sacellius*. What, indeed, [is] *sacella* or *sacella* or *sacellum*? For the recent Greeks use these names, from which they derive the names of the great and minor *sacellarii*. *Sacellium*, says Suidas, [is] a purse, a pouch, from which also *sacellarius*. Hesychius: *Sacella*, where gold is placed. *Sacellium* likewise. Nor is there any doubt that this name came to the Greeks from the Latin, or rather, from a word common to many: *saccus, sacculus, saccellus*, with one *c* elided. Hence the German *sæklein* and *seckel* for purses; and *seckelmeister* [is] a quaestor, D
A the *megas sakellarios* will be for us the "great purse-master," and the *sakelliou* the "small purse-master." These controlled the money of the church, kept it, and spent it. And this is the primary reason for this title, taken indeed from *sacculus*, that is, from the ecclesiastical treasury over which they presided. GRETS.]
[P. 4. *The Great Sakellarios.* "From the *sakellion*." *Sakellion*, a purse, a pouch, says Suidas. Therefore, [he is] the custodian of places and monies, [and is called] *sakellarios*. Balsamon suggests this interpretation for me in his *Meditations on the Protecdicos*: "O men ignorant of Latin, direct or correct your language: grasp the meaning, as if to say: 'Let [the word] *sacellum* carry with it the rationale of administration and custody'; where there is mention, therefore, of a *sakellarios*, let the administrator of monasteries immediately appear before your eyes." Very good; for even Stephanus the Persian, whom Nicephorus the Patriarch calls treasurer of the royal funds, Theophanes calls *sakellarios*. Therefore, what an *oeconomus* is to the Great Church, that the *sakellarios* performs for the monasteries, namely, that he watches over the guarding of their goods. Ponder these excerpts from the Allatian collection: "The great *sakellarios* oversees and examines the male monasteries for all the collected dues. B He raises an account, examines incomes and expenditures, the lives and lifestyles of the monks, and twice (or three times, says M) a year reports them to the high priest. He is also present at judgments, standing at the right of the *oeconomus*." Others add: "He presents also the one about to be ordained as a priest, standing near the great *oeconomus*." The *sakellarios* does not, however, claim for himself the prefecture of all monasteries located everywhere, but, as the *Regia* (codex) num. 1039 says, [only] of those that are founded in the royal city and also across the harbor in the region of Sycena or the Galatian [region]. (M: The great *sakellarios*, wearing his *sticharion* and *orarion*, stands on the left side of the holy table, holding the holy *ripidion*.) GOAR.]
Interim they also performed other duties: for the great *sakellarios* has authority over both male and female monasteries, C in which office he employs that [official] who is called "Bishop of the Monasteries," of whom Codinus [speaks] in his fifth pentad, just as he also has an adjutant, of whom [he speaks] in the fifth quinary. GRETS.
[Ib. "Having a minister." The Allatian [codex] (and M) call him a *chartoularios*. From which you may understand *chartoularios* as designating a lower scribe. GOAR.]
Balsamon is not dissimilar: "The great *sakellarios* manages the monasteries, both those that are within the city and those that are in the *Pera* or *Peræa* (for *Pera* or *Peræa* is the thirteenth region of the empress-city, as is clear from the description of the city of Constantinople, among whose regions D the thirteenth place is held by Sycena, which [has] another name, *Pera*, and today *Galata*). Since, therefore, it pertains to the Constantinopolitan city, not without cause does the *sakellarios* have care and inspection over the monasteries that are situated in Pera, and which Balsamon calls *Peratica*: for it derived this name from the city of Pera."
The minor *sakellarios*, or *sakellios*, has the catholic [parish] churches under his power, and the *sakellin* or *sakellion*, says Codinus. Where there is mention of the *sakellion*, do not think that the *sakellion* properly so-called excludes the care of the churches. And although in the description of the office of the great *sakellarios* the care of the *sakella* is not repeated again, yet the name itself indicates this sufficiently: for no one is properly, or perhaps even aptly, called *sakellarios* in an absolute sense, because he cares for both male and female monasteries. To the minor *sakellios* Balsamon attributes, in his discussion of the *chartophylax*, also the care and administration of the *emphyteusis* (perpetual leases). For he says: "The prefect of the *sakellion* carries out the care of the catholic churches (erroneously [calling him] the interpreter of churches in general; which error he commits not once), GRETS. [The prefect] of the purse or *sacellum*. Therefore if we wish to affect these two with proper names, then it will be for us the *gross or great seckelmeister*, or *sakelli* the *small seckelmeister*, because [they] took care of, kept, and spent the church's monies. This is the primary reason for this appellation, taken indeed from *sacculus*, that is, from the ecclesiastical treasury, over which they presided. GRETS.]
[The regulations concerning the *sakellos* and his appellation: Allatiana [says] of the same: The words of Simeon of Thessalonica clarify these [points]: From these reasons for the name, gather: first, that as the *sakellarios* guards the goods of the nuns' monasteries, so this one [guards] those of the men's; second, that he holds the patriarchal prison, as it is called, under his disposition. Balsamon, *Meditation on the Chartophylax and Protecdicos*, l. 1. VII Juris GR: Therefore you shall never affirm the minor *sakellarios* to be one who rules the greater churches, nor is he discerned to be subject to the power of the *sakellarios*, although he may yield in place (for monastic [matters] are indeed entrusted to the *sakellarios*,
and he keeps the custody of the episcopate, and therefore he also has [in] his visitation of the nunneries the oversight of their condition). A sacella, which is occupied about the *sacella*. Otherwise, if every guard were a *sakellarios*, even shepherds and goatherds would be *sakellarioi*, because they are *phylakes*, guards, to say nothing of other absurdities. But if anyone acquired the name of *sacellion* for some other reason, it does not prevent someone from calling its overseer or guardian a *sacellarius* or *sacellios*. B "The patriarchal *sakelle* which guards the criminals has been renamed from this and no other source, just as also the *sakoulion*." P. 4. *Sakellin*, or as Balsamon writes, *sakellen*, a patriarchal prison, in which the patriarch indeed confines the clerics subject to him, if they have been guilty. C] But neither from the custody nor for the sake of custody has the patriarchal prison been called *sacella*, but rather for another reason, whatever that may be: otherwise every prison, insofar as it is a custody, would be called *sacella*; which is not the case, just as also among the Germans not all prisons, but certain specific ones, are called *sacci*, sack, not precisely because of the custody, because otherwise all prisons would be called *sacci*, because they are all places of custody, but because of other reasons, which the namer looked to. As for the prison, nunneries bore the name of *sacellae*, since they are, as it were, certain prisons, because no one is permitted to depart except for a most serious urgent cause, and not without an honorable retinue, who lead them out and bring them back, as is commanded in the 46th canon of the Council in Trullo. To this point also refer those things that are noted in *Turcograecia* p. 203 from the Augustan manuscript of Pachymeres' code: "He (the great *sakellarios*) oversees the holy *sacellae*, that is to say, the nunneries." If anyone, because of these *sacellae*, wishes their overseer also to have borne the nomenclature of *sakellarios*, I will not fight with this, provided he does not deny that *sakellarius* is primarily named from the monetary *sacellum* or from the treasury, as we said above. St. Anastasius Sinaita in his *Hodegos* says that *sakellarios* is a Syriac name: "for *sakella* is said for 'to receive', for *sacella* is a receptacle, so called from receiving." Nor is it a marvel that *saccum* and *sacellum* have spread through all languages and have also crept into Syriac.
In *Turcograecia* another care is added, namely [that] of supplicants and those fleeing to the church. Meanwhile, the care of the *sacellium* properly so-called is not expunged; although I do not know how truly *Turcograecia* ascribes this office to the *sacellio*, when a little later in the same place it assigns the same office to the *protecdikos*, "to receive those fleeing to the church," as the Turcograecian Crusius interprets. Be that as it may, he has the name from the minor monetary *sacellum* or treasury, as the *major sacellarius* [has it] from the *major sacellum*, from no other place; nor is such a person named except with respect to the care of the *sacellum*. Therefore I do not sufficiently follow what Balsamon affirms in his *Melete* concerning the *chartophylax* and *protecdikos*: "The *sakellion* among the Romans is [named] from *dioikein* and *phylattein* (governing and guarding)." For either Balsamon speaks about the derivation of the word; and then *sakellion* is no more from *dioikein* and *phylattein* than from *typtein* and *machesthai* (striking and fighting). Or he speaks about the meaning of the words; and then it is true that the prefect of the *sacellio* or the *sakellarius* is a *dioiketes* and *phylax*, and that this prefecture is a *phylake*, a custody. But not therefore is every *phylax* a *sakellarius*, nor is every *phylake* the custody of the *sacellum*, but only that person is a *sakellarius* to whom the *sacella* has been committed, and only that [is] the custody [of the sacellum].
From these things which have been said thus far, it will be easy to pass judgment on how true those things are which Junius comments on the *sakellarius* and the prefect of the *sacellum* on p. 245. So be it, since Joannes Citrius also names him who is over the *small sakelle* a *sakellarius*, of which perhaps you will not find many examples; it will more aptly be called *sacellios*, if you wish to call it by a single name. For in one way it is said with respect to persons, he who is prefect over sacred men and those dedicated to God, [and] in another way [with respect to] things and places; for instance, he who is over temples and sacred houses. But he of the *sakellion* was over not only the walls of the temples, but also the clergy pertaining to those temples, and also those fleeing to those temples: for this is "to hold the universal churches." Therefore if he of the *sakellion* had jurisdiction not only over things and places, but also over persons, just as
that which Corippus described to us a little earlier, because the Latins, imitating the Greeks, sometimes strike out the second *c*. Therefore, *saccellarius* and *sacellarius* are the same. On which account I cannot approve of the distinction of that same great man, which he established in this manner: "Among the Latins, if *saccellarius* is written with double *c*, the treasurer of the church is understood; but if with a single *c*, *sacellarius* is from *sacellum*, who indeed presides over the *sacellum* (that is, a chapel)." The matter is left plain. See also Cujacius, *Observat.* x, 27, where he writes much about *saccularius* from *sacculus* and *sacellarius* from *sacellum*, albeit with a different meaning of these names.
CHAPTER IV. De chartophylace.
A P. 4. Leunclavius and others wrongly call the *chartophylax* a *chartularius*: for *chartularius* is the name of another and inferior office, and is contained in the ninth pentad of ecclesiastical offices; but the *chartophylax* holds a leading place, being indeed the fourth among the *exocatacoeli*. Junius in Latin calls him the "prefect of the charts," I know not how appropriately. I gladly retain the Greek word. Whence it is composed and derived is clear without any admonition of mine. Yet it signifies more than the words themselves at first glance suggest. Therefore, Balsamon in his discussion on the *chartophylax* refutes those who wish [the name] *chartophylax* to be derived from "guarding membranes and codices"; although if we wish to consider the name precisely, this explanation does not depart from the truth: but on the imposition of names, the wise advise that one should not look so much at *from what* a name is imposed, as *for what purpose* it is imposed. For this reason, although it drew its name from the custody of the chart, B far more things pertained to its care and administration: for he himself had in his power the *ekklesiastika chartōa dikaiōmata*, the documents in which the rights and privileges of the Church were contained; in one word, you could call it the archive. *Critēs tōn holōn hypotheseōn tōn ekklēsiastikōn, echōn tas gamikas hypotheseis*, that is, judge of all ecclesiastical matters and matrimonial controversies. *Alla kai en tais loipais tōn klērikōn hypothesesin ekdikos, hōs dexia tou archiereōs cheir*, nay even in the remaining matters of the clergy he is an investigator and judge, and as the right hand of the patriarch; by which name he is also addressed by Balsamon, who calls the *chartophylax* the "mouth and lips of the patriarch," and says he is to the patriarch what Aaron was to Moses and Baruch to Jeremiah; whose ordination and consecration he describes at length. For it was accustomed to be done with the laying on of hands and the hanging of the *boulōtērion* C hanging from the chest like an Aaronic *rationale*, and the tradition of the keys, the mysteries of all which Balsamon relates more fully, having himself once fulfilled this office, as he testifies in a certain matrimonial discussion, *Iuris Graeco-Romani* tom. 1, fol. 458, who also exaggerates his office with these words: *Tas patriarchikas diagnōseis kalligraphei kai hypographais oikeiais kai sphragisi katembedoi, kai*
He presides over the great tribunal, and adjudicates in the case of every man, no matter his status or nature, concerning ecclesiastical matters and the correction of faults of the soul; and in the case of those in holy orders and monks, concerning every criminal or financial accusation. A
He also sat before the bishops, a prerogative which, since it was pursued by many with barbs of criticism in times past, was defended by an edict of Alexios Komnenos, which Leunclavius published and which Balsamon recites in its entirety in his *Melete* or disceptation on behalf of the chartophylax against the protecdikos, who himself had moved a suit against the chartophylax regarding place and station. But he found Balsamon to be an attorney and advocate who was not unskilled and was sufficiently exercised in this duty; him he declares to be the only one from the whole number who was honored with a dual ecclesiastical rank, namely of the episcopate and the secretarial body, because he not only discerned temporal causes as a judge, but also adjudicated matters concerning spiritual things and the salvation of the soul, and in such matters he had almost the same power that the vicars of our bishops now possess. B
Formerly he also appeared in public distinguished by a golden tiara, although Balsamon writes that this custom had already ceased in his own age. Yet on the feast day of the holy notaries, the chartophylax was most magnificent; his glory is thus described by Balsamon in his commentary on Photius’ *Nomocanon*, tit. 8, c. 1: "The chartophylax for the time being is entitled by the present edict to ride, at the litany of the holy notaries, the patriarchal horse draped with a white linen cloth. His head ought to be covered like a patriarchal *kaldinarios* with the golden tiara, which also lies in the chartophylakeion."
Gretsor and Goar's Notes
A They seem to have been equivalent to cardinals in the Church of Constantinople.
B Instead of the *coronis*, let us add the definition of the chartophylax which *Turcogræcia* brings forth on fol. 203 from the Augustan Pachymeres: *Chartophylax, he who conducts every affair.* Which definition, however, must be restricted, lest nothing at all remain for the other *exocatakoiloi* to do.
Upon John Citrius this question is proposed: Is it permitted to the prelate, in the presence of the chartophylax, to entrust the power of signing or sealing to anyone else, whether always or only once or sometimes? Citrius answers that it is not permitted: that to sign what arises daily is inviolably annexed to the office of the chartophylax, unless perhaps something of this kind must be done in a far-distant place; for then he can send whom he wishes. But the *commentariensis* is to fill the place of one who is absent or sick.
Concerning the chartophylax, Anastasius the Librarian writes thus in his notes to the second session of the eighth synod translated by him into the Latin tongue: *Chartophylax* is interpreted as "custodian of the archives." The chartophylax performs the office in the Church of Constantinople that the librarian does among the Romans, being clothed as it were in the vestments of ecclesiastical ministers and performing all ecclesiastical services whatsoever, except for those alone which are proven to pertain specifically and properly to the priestly office. Besides him, no prelate or cleric coming from outside is introduced into the presence of the patriarch; no ecclesiastical meeting is presented; no letter sent to the patriarch is received, unless perhaps it is sent by other patriarchs; no [cleric] is promoted to a prelacy or to another order of cleric or to the headship of monasteries, unless he (the chartophylax) approves and commends him, and suggests him to the patriarch himself, and he himself presents him. C
C The Greeks call a cardinal a *kardinarion*, *kardinalion*, *kaldinarion*, changing the *p* to *l*.
He had ministers for this duty, and among others twelve notaries. The place in which he judged, and which belonged to his function, he both claimed and performed—it was called the *chartophylakeion*; which name you will find in *Juris Graeco-Rom.*, fol. 256, and mention of the notaries serving the chartophylax is also made at fol. 249. It is also written by Suidas, about whom he prescribes this rule, though I know not how true it is: "Everything derived from *phylasso* (to guard) is written with an iota and is proparoxytone, such as *chartophylakion*, *thesaurophylakion*, *skeuophylakion* and things similar to these, except for *sitophylakeion*." D
D Furthermore, since Balsamon and others seem to place the chartophylax above absolutely everyone, whether you consider the magnitude and multitude of his business or privileges, you might rightly wonder why Codinus places a man of such great dignity in the fourth position in the first pentad. Did he not observe the order of dignity? Or were the other *exocatakoiloi* placed before bishops, even though they functioned as if in the office of deacons, just as even now in the Roman Church deacons who are cardinals precede all bishops? And certainly these *exocatakoiloi*... 129 [P. 4. The Great Chartophylax. The great chartophylax is not, as some say, the guard of the *secretum* and the doorkeeper (for this is an ancient profession of the *ostiarii*), but he is the caretaker of episcopal rights and, as it were, the judge of those things pertaining to the patriarch. Other duties of his occur in the Allatian texts. The great chartophylax, when a bishop celebrates the liturgy, stands near the holy mysteries. The same archdeacon says: "Draw near to the King and God." And it is his duty also, in the trials that enter into the holy church from the presence of the bishop, to give all the decisions from him. Having also the religious ceremonies of betrothals, blessing them and sending them to the priest of the church of such-and-such [patron], to bless them. (There is also [the duty] regarding the betrothals of a dowry made by him, and he records the name of the priest who is going to bless the marriage.) And it is his duty also in the ordinations of bishops to present the bishop being ordained. And himself having a scroll, he records the decisions of the bishops and them to the
A archbishop he reports. At the Holy Communion he himself says, "Priests, draw near." And it is also the duty of the archbishop B in every trial to give the decisions. Since the greatness of the patriarchal throne has various departments under itself, and notably the episcopal rights have been assigned to the department of the Chartophylax, and the Chartophylax for the time being acts with justice in accordance with the times of the most holy patriarch, and has all things belonging to this as a bishop (for he excommunicates, corrects spiritual faults, permits deacons and priests to be ordained, posts the lists of sacred rituals, and other such things), the Chartophylax will rightly be called "Episcopeion."
I, the sinful and least of all, Agathon, unworthy deacon and Chartophylax of the most holy Great Church of God here, and second protonotary and cancellarius of the pious patriarchal department. C Since Andronicus did not wish the Chartophylax to be moved from the dignity of Chartophylax to another greater one, he made it more honorable than itself, having named him "Grand Chartophylax"; and from that time even to the present, the title "Grand" is preserved for the Chartophylax.
The Grand Skeuophylax has the care of the sacred heirlooms, holding the vessels of the church. The Grand Skeuophylax stands whenever the archbishop officiates in front of the sacristy, and whatever things might be needed from the sacristy, he himself distributes, D that is, the vessel, the holy book, candles, and vestments, holding also the sacristy of the diocese and every vessel of the church, having also the widowed churches under his inspection, and all their sacred things. He is also in the trials, guarding both the rights of those entering into the church on behalf of the clergy until he distributes these. Twice a year he reports to the archbishop, and he is involved in the trials. He has the care of the sacred heirlooms.
Chapter V. On the sceuophylax and the protecdikos.
The Skeuophylax is he whom many in places call the guardian; to him belongs power and authority over the sacred furnishings, says Balsamon. Nor does Codinus say otherwise: The Skeuophylax. Some translate it *sacristan*, not inconveniently, unless perhaps the judgment of him who cannot patiently endure that ancient things be significantly expressed by new words might protest. Hence the sacristy, where the sacred instrument is kept. For neither does Suidas recognize... [alt-version omitted]
The Protecdicus is translated by Bonefilius as "primary actor." More correctly, "first defender." According to Codinus, his office was to take care of captives. [index: entries preserved] ...those whom the Christians themselves wish to make slaves for themselves. [index: entries preserved] Concerning these, see the Novella of Alexius in *Juris GR.* 1. The *Regia* is indeed cited several times. [index: entries preserved] He is called by the same the judge of controversies that are concerned with accusations. [index: entries preserved] ...his tribunal at the vestibule of St. Sophia. [index: entries preserved] Therefore I do not approve of the description which *Turcogræcia* adduces... who receives those taking refuge at the church, as the author of *Turcogræcia* interprets, but incorrectly. For the care of those taking refuge at the church pertained, as was stated above in c. 3. Therefore, if this definition is to be approved, it will have to be explained otherwise, so that by it we understand those who take refuge from captivity to the Christians with the hope of liberty, but not those who take refuge
A to the church as if to an asylum for the sake of impunity. It is called *protecdikos* with respect to other *ekdikoi* or defenders: for there were many; and it belonged to their office also to care for the poor and the infirm, so that they would not be oppressed by the more powerful, as Balsamon teaches in his discussion concerning the *chartophylax* and the *protecdikos*. And formerly, laymen indeed performed this office, but later it was committed to the clergy. Xiphilinus the patriarch brought the *protecdikos* among the *exocatakoeloi*, as we have said: for previously it was a magistracy of a lower bench. *Ekdikeion*, according to Balsamon, is the place where the *ekdikoi* serve, consult, and perform what is of their duty. *Ekdikesis* itself is the defense or action.
It must also be observed that there were *defensores* in the Roman Church in antiquity, and one of first rank among their number who was called the *primus defensor*. Their office is briefly described (I cite the words of Onuphrius) by Pelagius in his Rescript to the patrician Antonina, who was requesting that a monk be made a *defensor*, in which he shows that the office of monk and the office of *defensor* cannot be reconciled: "For to them," he says, "tranquility, prayer, and the labor of hands (are fitting): but to these, the cognizance of cases, conventions, acts, public litigation, and whatever either ecclesiastical ordinances or the necessity of petitioners requires." It is clear from the decree of Urban that by the name of procurator is understood any administrator of ecclesiastical affairs, such as, for example, a provost, an *oikonomos*, a vicar, an advocate in the name of a *defensor*, and a judge, etc. Of these, some were called *defensores* without addition, and some were called *defensores regionarii*, because they were distributed in individual regions. The first or chief of these was called the *primicerius defensorum*, of great standing in the Roman Church. This Onuphrius explains in his *Explication of Ecclesiastical Terms*. Baronius teaches that the *defensores regionarii* were instituted by St. Gregory in the year of the Lord 598, so that just as there were seven *regionarii notarii* and the same number of *regionarii diaconi*, thus there should also be seven *defensores regionarii*, superior to the others in dignity; whoever wishes for more on these matters, let him consult Baronius under the year of Christ 598. B
To the five not having been continued: but indeed afterwards it was added to those of superior rank, so that the second-ranking officials of the group of five would not complain that they had been cast down; at first it seemed it should be aggregated to him. "Yet," said Matthew Blastares in the preceding parts, "it would form a group of six, unless they wanted the name of the group of five to be retained." John Citrius puts forward the reason in *Resp. Juris GR.* 1, 5: "The *protecdikos* office [was] among those who had lowered standing formerly; later, it was ordered among those who were superior by the patriarch of blessed memory, the Constantinopolitan (George)." The origin of the promotion was profit arising from an office of this kind, which no one abandoned unless against his will, so that if the patriarch willed it, he might hold a superior place, or the ambition for honor suggested the advancement, lest he who was growing rich in his office should always lie in a humble seat. See Balsamon in *Canon 34 of Carthage*.
In the second group are contained the protonotary, the logothete, and the referendary.
C [Ibid. The protonotary. His office is explained by the Allatian: The protonotary, standing in the holy sanctuary for the service of the high priest, and at the time of the elevation, the ablution is given to the high priest, while he holds the *dikērion*. And he writes whatever the high priest wishes in messages to every official. He also reviews the legal experts twice a year, having examined agreements, sales, testaments, and manumissions. He also reports the cases coming in to the high priest. (M: The protonotary stood in the church for the service of the high priest, and holding his inkstand he stands before the high priest, and such a one writes if there is any need. He also reviews the legal experts, writes ordinances, manumissions, commands, and things similar to these.)]
After the *exocatakoeloi*, the first is the protonotary, says John Citrius. From this it is clear why it is called the "Door of the *exocatakoeloi*," namely, because he is next to the first ones and is as it were a gate or the first entrance to the *exocatakoeloi*. D [Ibid. Because, having attained the office, he begins to be numbered among the highest of all and *exocatakoeloi*. Although the *protecdikos* not yet elevated higher was still, as the protonotary, a door to the number of the six inferior ones under their patriarch. But we will speak more amply about the *exocatakoeloi* elsewhere. There is also a catalogue in the Euchologion listing the *protecdikos* as an *exocatakoelos*, with the protonotary rejected, listing him as the last; but because a strife arose between them, the peace which he quickly, at the will of the patriarch, will reconcile.]
Hence vanish the commentaries of Junius, who prattles much about the door or *thyra* not according to the usage of the Orientals, but his own. He says that *thyra* or door is spoken of as anyone who provides access to a superior; whom you would conveniently name in Latin, he says, with Festus, an "admissive" (admissivum), or with more recent writers, an "admissional" (admissionalem). Whence it happens that from
A the "exocatacoeli" (those outside the heavens) or "catacoeli" (those inside the heavens), the name indicates that which is brought to the patriarch; but he accepts that. By whose authority do you affirm this? For if we were to believe simply because someone says so, we would believe everything, even things that are openly false. It was the duty of the protonotary to take charge of the *pittacia*, as Codinus says. *Pittacia*, says Cujacius on title 37, book X of the Justinian Code, are the accounts and commentaries of military provisions. By the same name are also signified letters, an album, a registry. Thus in civil law: here, military provisions have no place. Therefore, *pittakion* is properly what we call—by ecclesiastical custom and appellation—a *breve*, whence originates the *breve apostolicum*, and the German *brief* for a letter, and in the Latin-Barbaric Annals, *brevigerulus*, *ein brieftraeger*, or *breviculum* or *breviarium*, from which the Germans formed their *brevier*, for the priestly book from which the canonical hours are recited. This word *breve* occurs several times in the Frankish laws and in the Synod of Mâcon canon 4. Glossary: *pittakion*, *pittacium*, *brevis*. Anna in her *Alexiad*: "And books were then brought forward; this custom knows how to call these *bresia*, in which are recorded the items present in each temple." Pithou noted this regarding the Frankish laws. Therefore, the protonotary was in charge of preparing such *brevia*, and perhaps he could be called, by a single and even now ecclesiastically used term, an *abbreviator* or rather a *breviator*; which word Justinian also uses in Novel 105. There is also *breve*, and consequently *pittacium*, meaning an inventory, which is called a *commemoratorium* by Optatus, book I. Likewise *brevis*, that is, an index, is handed over to Caecilian regarding gold and silver, with witnesses employed. And it absolutely signifies an index and a summary comprehension of a matter. Hence in the Frankish laws and in Nithard *History*, book IV, the verb *inbreviare*, that is, to refer something to a *breve* or inventory. Regarding the *pittacium*, see also our Heribert Rosweyde in the *Onomasticon* to the *Lives of the Fathers*. Zonaras on the canons of the Council of Carthage: "A *brebion* is called an epitome and a concise writing. For from the Latin *brevio* is *temno*, and *brabitas* is brevity."
P. 4. Regarding the origin of the word *pittakion*, Moschopoulos says this: "Pettykia, in the Doric dialect, are the thin trimmings of leathers, from which we say *pittakia*." GRETS. [Moschopulus says this in the Doric dialect, and it signifies membranes or leather paper or parchment. In the same sense you will hear the common Greek people say *depaphnon*. Sometimes, however, it refers to a diploma, tablets, a *breve*, or codicils; and then it indicates the material. B C
Let us return to the logothete, who drew this name from the setting or discussing of accounts. Hence he is also called by some a "discussor of accounts" (discussor rationum); and perhaps you would not wrongly call him a *rationalis*, even though in a general sense any procurator is called a *rationalis*, as Casaubon teaches after Lampridius and Capitolinus. But nothing prevents the restricting of the general notion, especially when Codinus says the logothete is "for logographing," that is, for preparing, writing, and discussing accounts. Such a person would, to be sure, be neither wrongly nor absurdly called *rationalis*. Hence he is also not ineptly called a *logographos*: for if it is his duty to *logographien*, why should he not be called a *logographos* from *logographien*? I am not unaware of what is decreed concerning *logographoi* in the Justinian Code, book X, 1. 4, and what the force and origin of ecclesiastical appellations alone we explore here and explain to the best of our ability. GRETS.
[P. 4. The logothete. Allatius says this about him: "The logothete holds the seal of the high priest, and whatever the high priest writes, is sealed by him. Similarly also at every entry to the bishopric. He is also present at judgments." Moreover, holding the disk with the holy *antidoron* in the church, when the *kataklastos* is given by the high priest. What kind of seal the patriarch had and what his subscription was, these things D from the notes and chrysobulls, from public instruments and sealed *brevia*, are demonstrated in *Juris GR.* p. 236: *Eis elesin*
A in the month of June, of the fifth indiction, through the subject, matter, and the underlying [concerns] of the patriarchal and divine hand. And it was suspended A and below it a lead bull, having on one side the most holy Theotokos bearing in her palms our Lord Jesus Christ, and on the other, these letters: "Germanus, by the mercy of God, Archbishop of Constantinople, New Rome, and Ecumenical Patriarch." It had in the month of July, of the eighth indiction, also the waxen green seal. P. 242: It had in the month of July, of the eighth indiction, through the patriarchal and divine hand, also the usual lead bull. P.: It was confirmed in the memoranda, set forth with the customary lead seal, and delivered in the month of January of the eleventh indiction, in the year 6736. It was confirmed with B the seal of the list, and delivered in the month of November of the eleventh indiction, in the year 6736. But since the Patriarch could not change the dignity, he settled the style into something more venerable; and in the subscriptions, he used a purple ink: to write down public and court matters. In the court ecclesiastical dignities, who is first and who second, court dignities, court matters, the court [officials], court offices, the lordly C masters, the subject [is] the matter: the *canstrion*, and for the [function] of holding [the vestments] for the high priest. It belongs to the D deacon by necessity, since this man is the fellow-minister to the *canstrisius* in putting the sacred vestment upon the high priest who is about to perform the holy rites. *Canstrisius*, the *canstrion* of the censers, *canstrion*, *kaneon*, *kanoun*, *canstrisius*, *canistrisiut* [P. 4. *Canstrensius*, *castronsios* or *castrensius*, *canstrision* from the *canstrion*... *canstrion*, *kanoun*, a vessel. The *canstrensius* changing the vestment for the high priest, holding also the censer in the liturgy, and the *aer* in his right hand, sprinkling also the water upon the people during the Trisagion hymn, holding also the box of aromatics, and sitting also for judgments.
NOTES OF GRETSER AND GOAR
A indicates. Simon Portius: *hypothensis*, matter, underlying concern. Goar] The rest infra c. 5 thus describes Codinus at the *megas logothetes*, so that that description corresponds entirely to our chancellors. For he says it is the duty of the *megas logothetes* to take care of the emperor's mandates and letters to kings, sultans, and toparchs.
Ibid. After the *logothetes* comes the *canstrisius*; whom Bonefidius in his *Jus Orientale* calls *castrensis*, wrongly: for there is no place for a *castrensis* in the church and in ecclesiastical offices. The *canstrisius* is therefore derived as if *canistrius* from *canistrum*. His right was B *eis to kanstrion*, says Codinus, in the *canistrum*, and for the guarding of the high priest. His office also was to assist the patriarch or bishop, when vestments were to be changed during the performing of the divine rite, and to clothe him together with the *hieromnemon*: for so says Joannes Citrius: The office of the *hieromnemon* is that which of necessity belongs to the deacon, since he is a fellow-minister to the *canstrisius* in placing the sacred vestment upon the high priest who is about to perform the holy rites. Thus the *canstrion* seems here to be nothing other than the vestiary or place of sacred vestments, and the *canstrisius* himself to be nothing other than he who among the palatine dignities is called *vestiarius*. There was also in the Roman Church a peculiar dignity and office of *vestiarius*, as Onuphrius teaches from Anastasius the Librarian. In *Turcograecia* fol. 285 he is called *kanstrisios*, who in the liturgy holds the *kanstrion* of the censers, which I interpret as a thurible, says the author. But ignorantly: for who has ever heard this phrase as a thurible? Unless perhaps the *canistrum* is also a thurible: for from *canistrum* or the diminutive *canistrio* comes *canstrion* by syncope, and it is the same as the contracted *kanoun*, so that integrally it is the prefect of the *canistrum*; whose prefecture Junius extends also to the pantry. But to us, and to the truth itself, unless I am mistaken, it seems better to limit the office of *canstrisius* to the *vestiarium*, and by the name of *canstrion* to understand nothing other than the place where pontifical vestments were kept, in one word, the *vestiarium*. GRETS.
[P. 4. You will find it written also as *canstrensius*, nor also *castrinsius*; and it is variously rendered for the various Greek characters into Latin. The sense must be sought, where the character hardly helps. *Kanstrion* I see as derived from *kanstrion*; I interpret it as a paten for blessed bread, or rather an arched vessel for the ashes, or finally a *canistrum* suitable for receiving the patriarch's vestments: for it is the same as the vessel in Nicetas, for the various readings. Allatian (and M) on *canstrensius*: who changes the vestment for the high priest, holding also the censer in the liturgy, and the *aer* (veil of the chalice and paten) in his right hand, sprinkling also the water upon the people during the Trisagion hymn, holding also the box of aromatics, and sitting for judgments. GOAR.]
Referendarius, drawing its name from *referendo* (referring), remains today also in the use of the church: he was sent from the office…
of the patriarch to the lady [the empress]—his own servant, who, from his duties of presenting matters to the archives, conveying to the emperors what was required, and carrying back their replies, is called palatine. The Referendarius, when sent to great men (and rulers, M) carries messages from the high priest, both in writing and orally, as he also sits for judgments.
Hypomnematographos: He who sits for the votes of the bishops and writes down if they truthfully judge anything (the high priests, M; he is a servant of the second pentad). However, if the chartophylax is away, the exhibition and reading of the documents of the chartophylakikou secretum are entrusted to the hypomnematographos. From the notes of the hypomnematographos: in the services of the archieratic vestments, he observes the order of the deacon. He watches the prayers behind the high priest, holds the enthronement, and also holds the *kontakion* of the...
Hieromnemon: He holds by tradition (custody, M) the code (the *kontakion*, M) of the church, sealed by the clerics and the high priest’s pouch. And if there is no bishop, he rather inaugurates a new church. And he seals, and [it is for] the reader. *Stichera*, *kathismata*, *prosomia*, watching the prayers. A
Chapter 7. On the third pentad of offices and officials.
P. 5. The first of the third pentad is the Hieromnemon, whom Bonefidius calls *sacrorum memorialis* and, in a word, *sacrimemor*; Junius, less well, *sacrorum praesul*. I think the Greek term should be retained, since no single Latin word is sufficiently apt. GRETS.
[Ibid. Allatiana again: The Greeks wish for him to be a deacon, since he serves the pontiff, to whom deacons are duty-bound to minister. See Citrius, who discusses this aptly and learnedly in the note cited above. GOAR.]
Regarding his office, Citrius says: The office of the Hieromnemon pertains necessarily to the deacon. For he serves together with the *canstrisius* in putting on the sacred vestments for the pontiff who is about to sacrifice. But if the Hieromnemon is a priest, he *Hieromnemonei* by name only; for it is not permitted to him B to keep the order of a deacon in the services of archieratic vestments. It seems that Citrius is saying that a Hieromnemon, when the pontiff is officiating, cannot perform the office of a deacon if he is a priest, and thus he acts only in the name of Hieromnemon. This, Citrius derived from the errors of more recent Greeks, who reproach the Latins because in their Church, priests often perform the duty of a deacon while the holy sacrifice of the Mass is being offered. "They are wrongly mistaken, indeed," says Manuel Caleca against the Greeks (iv, 21); "for they do not know that he who possesses that which is greater, necessarily possesses that which is less of the same kind, but not vice-versa. For a human being, possessing a rational soul, also has a sensitive and a vegetative one under it; yet those who use only a vegetative soul do not possess the sensitive and the rational as well." And it is the same with other things, whether one wishes to look at human or divine matters.
Truly, the Lord, existing as the first and greatest priest according to his humanity, did not therefore confuse the order of the priesthood because he demonstrated the habit and ministry of a servant by washing feet. And so, this priest also, C because he contains in himself the degrees of an inferior priesthood, it is certain that he will legitimately use all things that are under him. These things are excellently put by Caleca, in whom you will read more, if you wish.
Lastly, Citrius adds that those pontiffs act unjustly who entrust to the Hieromnemon the testimonies regarding the life and character of those who aspire to holy orders to be discussed and examined; for this pertains to the office of the chartophylax.
Codinus attributes these three things to the Hieromnemon: seeing the prayers (that is, the votes in elections) behind the high priest, or at the back of the high priest—that is, the patriarch; then, to have the right of placing the elected one on the throne, or, as we commonly say, *inthronizing*; third, to have the right of beginning or chanting the *kontakion* during the ordination customary to be sung.
So says Junius; but I cannot altogether agree with him, who interprets *kontakion* as "canticle" here (fol. 40 and 144). For "canticle" is a general term; for whatever can be sung can indeed correctly be called a canticle. But the *kontakion* is a certain distinct genus, as is clear from the Greek ritual books, just as among them *eirmoi*, *troparia*, *canons*, *odes*, *theotocia*, etc., are certain peculiar modulations of the ecclesiastical rite; just as among the Latins, *versus*, *versiculi*, *antiphonae*, *graduale*, *tractus*, *sequentia*, and the like are used both in the divine sacrifice of the Mass and externally in ecclesiastical prayers. Wherefore they are not adequately expressed by general terms.
Secondly, I vehemently doubt whether seeing the prayers... D
A after the priest—or rather the prayers or petitions, which are everywhere among the Greeks and in Codinus himself called ψῆφος, by the Hieromnemon—is what is meant here. Nor do I think that by εὐχάς one should understand the "writings of the martyrs," the written depositions of witnesses regarding the life and character of those to be ordained, the examination of which, Citrius says, was committed due to the inexperience of some to the Hieromnemon. I therefore incline to the opinion that εὐχάς in Codinus signifies prayers or supplications, and that he means nothing other than that the Hieromnemon, like a deacon, should stand behind the pontiff while he recites the sacred prayers, in the same way that with us deacons are accustomed to assist those who are sacrificing and to look at the prayers which they recite and to turn the pages likewise. GRETS. [P. 5. For which reason he holds the codex of the Church in his hands, that is, the patriarchal ceremonial or euchologion, a repository of prayers, so that he may suggest what is to be done or said. GOAR.]
Enthronismus or enthroniasmus and the right of admission at a chirotonia, that is, at an ordination or inauguration, are distinct duties from the former. GRETS. [P. 5. Relics hidden under the altar at the consecration of a church are ἐνθρονίζονται (enthronized), according to the Euchologion in that same office. The bishop himself, once the consecration is finished, sitting with the presbyters in a syn-thronon, in B the throne surrounding the altar, is again ἐνθρονίζεται or ἐνθρονιάζεται. Finally, the same person, when first raised to the prelacy and recently occupying the granted see, is more truly ἐνθρονιάζεται; whence Cedrenus says in [the life of] Constantius, "He exiles Paul, but enthronizes (ἐνθρονιάζει) Macedonius." I read how clearly Juris GR. p. 431 [uses] ἐνθρονισμῶν for the "sportula" (fee) which was paid by the bishop to the poorer clergy when he was placed on the throne: yet it would be better for me to assert that ἐνθρονιασμόν refers to either the letters of the consecrated church, or the similar testaments of the bishop himself who has been consecrated, or finally the rite of the bishop being ordained and placed on the throne. For this reason I observe that the Hieromnemon still holds [the book], as is subjoined. GOAR.]
From these things which we have said regarding "contacia" and "euchas," any learned man will without difficulty pass judgment on those things which Junius comments upon in his scholia, fol. 248, 249; for as often as he translates "contacium" as a song or chanting, he errs just as often, nor can he find from any part of Codinus a true and solid justification for his error. I will here add the judgment of a certain Anconitan, a Greek by birth, regarding the "contacium," of which there is such frequent mention in the liturgical books of the Greeks and in Codinus, who, having been asked about this matter, replied in this manner: "I believe that *Kontakion* is not a Latin word, but a Greek one, even if it is common/vernacular, for *konton* (κοντόν) is today for the Greeks C short, compendious, and contracted." Therefore, I think that the name was given to such songs because of their brevity, not indeed because they are the shortest of all, but because they are among the shortest. Such a nomenclature should seem strange to no one, since in the rituals of the Greeks many similar [words] are found, and indeed even some words which are either entirely Latin or akin to Latin and derived from them, as it were; of which kind are ωράριον, μανουάλιον, φακέλλιον, and the like. Furthermore, if we scrutinize the times and the age of the author of the *kontakia*, the name of the *kontakion* will not seem unusual, since Romanus the deacon of Emesa, as is held in the *Menaea* of the Greeks on the first day of October, the first author and composer of the *kontakia* in the age of the Emperor Anastasius, that is, about the year of our Lord five hundred, flourished, at which time the Greek language was almost corrupted and adulterated, as both this name and the locution of that age show. And this that Greek [speaker] says rightly and learnedly.
Furthermore, *kontakion* has yet another meaning subject to it: for it also signifies a book or volume or codex. Balsamon to Mark patriarch of Alexandria, Respons. 5: "Having the unchanged, accustomed holy prayers, as having been transcribed from *kontakia* that were written in a beautiful hand, through Greek letters." The Glossary is inappropriately D misled to this meaning of "contacion" of which Codinus speaks in c. 7, "singing the *kontakion*": for here "contacion" is not a codex or volume or book, but a sacred ode, namely that whose beginning is, "The Virgin today." Thus in Citrius in his Responses to Cabasilas ("ruler of the *kontakia*"), take "contacia" not as codices, but as sacred odes. In our present purpose, however, it could not be doubted without cause whether "contacion" signifies a book or an ode: for it seems that the *kontakion* of the ordination is a ritual book, in which the order of the *chirotonia* or sacred ordination is contained, which the Hieromnemon should hold. I define nothing, but only put forward my suspicion. These things regarding the *contacium*, which occurs to us more often. GRETS. [P. 5. The *kontakion* of the ordination: the order of all the ordinations and their ritual book: for it manifests the *kontakion* here, although elsewhere it denotes the common missal book, or even a brief module to be chanted among the divine offices, of which we have written abundantly in the *Euchologicis*. GOAR.]
P. 5. The second place in this third Pentad is held by ὁ ἐπὶ τῶν γονάτων, the minister at the knees, κρεμῶν τὸ ἐπιγονάτιον τοῦ ἀρχιερέως, hanging the *epigonation* of the archbishop or high priest. So says Junius; who also calls the *epigonation* a "knee-covering," because, as he says, it was carried around with the patriarch, so that his perpetual duty for pouring out prayers might be signified. A mystical explanation, and for that reason beautiful and festive. Perhaps the same mystery is signified by the cushion, which is accustomed to be placed under the knees of princes and carried around for that use. Junius adds: Now this *epigonation* was hung
not patriarchs, but on a bench or tier upon which he was accustomed to recline to pray, as is the custom for magnates. It is strange, if this is so, that it is called *epigonation*, and not rather *hypogonation*. Mere trifles. The *epigonation*, which in the ritual books of the Greeks is also called *hypogonation*, is one of the vestments which bishops wear when they are to perform the sacrifice, hanging from the loins over the knees; whence it is also called a *supergenuale*. Whoever, therefore, clothed the pontiff with this *epigonatio* by office, was he who is *ho epi ton gonaton* [the one in charge of the knees].
I shall record the words of Balsamon, by which the ignorance of Junius is condemned. There exist certain responses of Balsamon in tom. I of the *Jus Graeco-Romanum* to certain questions, among which is this one on folio 381: whether priests, who are hegumens or superiors, and also protopapas and bishops, may be adorned with epimanikia and epigonatia. The answer is: "The most sacred vestment of the epimanikia and epigonatia is reserved for archpriests alone, as they bear the image of our Lord and Savior Jesus Christ, and from this also remit sins, and perform other things in imitation of Christ which are not permitted to priests. Wherefore they are marked neither by the donning of epimanikia nor of epigonatia. For the epimanikia are a type of the bonds with which the hands of Christ were bound when He was led to the passion. The epigonatium, however (the interpreter calls it *supergenuale*), is the figure of the linen cloth which the Lord donned when He washed the 141 feet of His disciples." Just as, therefore, those vestments granted to patriarchs, such as the *saccus* and the *polystaurion*, a garment conspicuous on all sides with crosses, are not granted to bishops, so neither can those privileges granted to bishops be transferred to priests. Thus Balsamon. From whose words it is clear that the *epigonatium* is an episcopal vestment or garment, and not that which Junius hawks to his readers. [GRETS.]
B Ibid. The third in the third pentad is *ho epi ton deeseon*, the master of petitions, says Junius, or the prefect of supplications: it was his duty to approach the emperor on behalf of those affected by injury. Citrius does not mention this function, unless perhaps in Citrius one should read *ho epi ton deeseon* rather than *ho epi ton kriseon*, whom he places in the eleventh position. Codinus names at the beginning *ho epi ton kriseon*, although he does not place him in any pentad later on, if indeed he is the first index of officials of Codinus. [GRETS.]
[This office is missing in the Allatian texts, as is the next one, of those *accensi* who indicate ecclesiastical silence, quiet, and order in the secrets, that is, in the pontifical tribunals. [GOAR.]]
Ibid. The fourth is *ho epi ton sekretōn*, whom one might call "secretary," if the word *secretarius* by received usage did not signify an actuary or a scribe or a notary. But this *ho epi ton sekretōn* of ours had a different duty: for he was established *eis to pauein ton laon*-*en to krinein*, that is, to keep the people in check so that trials might be held, says Junius, erroneously. Translate: His duty, who is in charge of the secrets, is that while trials are being held, he should keep the people in order, namely that he should maintain silence and cause no disturbances; which duty was formerly that of the *velarii* and *cancellarii*, as we noted above from Casaubon on the *Augustan History*; where it is also said that those places where each person was to meet to discuss business according to the nature of his duty were called "secrets." Hence in the *Jus Graeco-Romanum* sometimes *sekretikēn axiōma*, a curial or senatorial dignity. 142 Hence also the palatine dignity in Codinus p. 10, c. 2, *protosekrētis*, a word composed from Greek and Latin (some call him a *protosecretarium*), far different from this one of ours who is called *ho epi ton sekretōn*: for he was a judge, whereas this man is a servant of the judges and of the senate. Wherefore although the Greeks and Latins agree in name, they do not, however, agree in the thing signified in either way; for to the Latins a *secretarius* is now commonly an actuary or scribe, etc. Although this notion of the word also occurs among the Greeks, who also made this "a secretis" their own and conflated them into one, *asēkrētis* or *asēkrētēs*. In Citrius, *ho epi ton sekretōn* holds the tenth place. *Asēkrēteion*, in Cedrenus under the emperor Michael, is the court or place of more secret council, or the place where the secretaries meet. In the Pseudo-Carolingian work *De imaginibus*, IV, 9, it occurs in one word as *Asecreta*.
C [P. 5. *Epigonatium* is an ecclesiastical ornament, more than a palm in size, and square, hung from the corner and a silk cord of the zone, and covering the left knee, whence the name was given to it, as if it shadowed forth the Bridegroom of the Church girded and armed with a sword upon His thigh; and its use was acquired only by pontiffs and those distinguished by preeminent dignity; and from him who fastens the pontifical zones, the minister, *ho…, or as others [say], *ho hypo ton gonaton* [the one under the knees], receives this appellation. Concerning which the Allatian text says: "The *hypo ton gonaton*, when they change the archpriest, wears for him the *hypogonatium*, holding also the diskos in the liturgy of the bread given by him to the people." [GOAR.]]
It is also called *gonation* as if *genuale* [knee-piece]. Cabasilas in his Glossary: "And they gird him with a certain type of sword, that which is called *gonatium*, which is fashioned in the shape of a sword." [GRETS.]
[Ibid. *Epigonatium*. Otherwise *hypogonatium*. [GOAR.]]
I consider it amusing and laughable that Salomon Sweiggerus, a Nuremberg preacher, in book I of his *Itinerary* c. 62, calls this garment *pogonatium*, from *pogon* or beard. Thus our *pogonati* can never forget their beards.
P. 5. Follows the fifth, *ho epi tēs hieras katastaseōs*, prefect of the sacred consistory, says Junius. More correctly in the *Jus Graeco-Romanum*: prefect of the sacred station, whose duty it is *entos tou bēmatos*, within the tabernacle, within the altar itself, *eutaxian*, to preserve correct and due order among the ministers and others. For Junius errs, who draws the duty of this prefect elsewhere. "But in those more secret places," says Junius, "judges came to the tribunal for council, where he who follows next looked after the order, namely *ho epi tēs hieras katastaseōs*." [GRETS.]
A If, as Allatious agrees, he sets down laws, neither does he propose here the sanctions of the Fathers, unless they should look toward moderation. The royal text brought forward above: *Ho epi tēs hieras katastaseōs* for the making of good order. GOAR.
CHAPTER VIII.
On the fourth pentad of offices and officials.
B P. 5. The first place in the fourth pentade is held by the *monitor*, says Junius. I, if use permits, would prefer *suggester*: for to *suggest* is to cast into the mind, and as Codinus speaks, as it were to place something in the mind; and it is something more restricted and less diffuse than to *admonish*: for we can also admonish the mindful. It seems, therefore, that the office of the C *monitor* was to assist the patriarch when sacrificing, or when he was speaking words to the people, and to provide help by suggesting to him mystically, that is, secretly and obscurely, if his memory should fail anywhere. If anyone should wish to extend this office even outside the inner sanctum of the temple, and think that he was similar to him who among the palace offices is called by Codinus (c. 2, p. 11) *epi mnēmōn*, whom the Latins call *a memoria* or Master of Memorials, I would not contend with him: for it is not alien to the truth that such an office existed in the Constantinopolitan Church, not only within but also outside the temple. In the Council of Lyons, in the epistle to Gregory X, they are called *rememoratorii*. GRETS.
Allatiana: The *monitor*, receiving the requests of the *memorials* of those who come into judgment, reports them to the high priest and the clergy. *Memorials* I cannot explain as *commentaries*, since the Royal [manuscripts] write *memorials*. *Commentaries*, leaving aside the *memorials*, are not to be joined here. GOAR.
Ibid. Regarding the rest of this pentade there is no difficulty; for whence the interpreter of the Gospel, the interpreter of the Apostle, and the interpreter of the Psalter took these names is known in itself. However, there seem to have been different grades of each kind. For c. 6, p. 46, Codinus nominates the *protapostolarium*, that is, the first interpreter of the Apostle. GRETS.
D [Ibid. Allatiana reduces the duties of this and the following sacred orators to one office: Hence you perceive why certain homilies of the Holy Fathers are on the Gospels, others on the Psalms, some on the Apostle, etc. I note that sometimes several were found together, whose leader held the name *protapostolarius*. GOAR.]
CHAPTER IX. Of the fifth pentad of offices and officials.
A P. 5. In the fifth is contained: 1, the associate and assistant of the great sacristan, of whom already in his place; 2, the associate and assistant of the curator of the sacristy, of whom likewise above. GRETS.
[P. 5. "Of the churches." He understands by Catholics, of which above, Allatius: He writes the *antimensia* (consecrated cloths) and the *stauropeghia*. He holds in his custody the chrism, the sacred ointment, to be used in confirmation by private priests, as is customary with the Greeks for the ministers of that sacrament, committed to his care. GOAR.]
Ibid. "The leader of the Gospel," for carrying it in processions, whose office it is to carry the Gospel or the book of Gospels in supplications and processions. This, however, does not seem to agree with John Citrius, who writes explicitly that this is the person whom Codinus places in the sixth pentad. And it is possible that this matter was otherwise in the time of Citrius and differently in the age of Codinus: for as Citrius himself complains, these things were often changed at the patriarch's discretion, so that the proverb, as Citrius wisely says, "the top of the rivers flowing to their sources," and "the *deuteroprota* Sabbaths among the Jews," and among the clever sophists the "first-laters," might be applied to them. GRETS.
[Consult, if it is worth the effort, our Euchologion, fol. 770 and 811 regarding the Gospel and the reading of the same. GOAR.]
Ibid. "There follows the leader of the lights," whom Bonelius calls the luminarius, and Junius the prefect of lights. It was his duty to care for those who were recently illuminated, that is, the baptized: for in the ancient phrase of the Church, baptism is called "illumination," and the baptized "the illuminated," perhaps not without regard to a certain ceremony which followed baptism: for lit candles were given to the baptized as a sign of faith and of the grace received, and because one had been translated from the power of darkness to light and the lot of the saints. Nazianzen mentions this ceremony, orat. *In sanctum lavacrum*, and St. Augustine on that Psalm LXV: *We passed through fire and water*, etc. B Junius suppresses this rite, lest it should stand out. "They were lit," he says, "the lights." But not only this, but also lit candles were given to the baptized. "And yet," he says, "this rite was ordinarily observed at baptism." Why therefore have you changed and abrogated it? Furthermore, annually on certain special days...
C ...p. 44 (these lights were lit); but this lampadarius does nothing here; for his office was palatine, not ecclesiastical; and he carried a lit lamp, not only on special feasts and anniversary days, but as often as the emperor went out to a public proceeding, as can be shown from Balsamon below at p. 45. Far different, therefore, is one from the other. Nor was the use of lights in the temples only once or a few times a year, but perpetually and all year round, even when no newly-illumined were present: for it was not the custom for the Greeks to celebrate the liturgy without lights. GRETS.
[Ibid. This office appears to be divided into four by Allatius, in this manner: GOAR.]
P. 5. The last in this pentad is the leader of the *antimensia*, or prefect of the *antimensia*, introducing those who wish to receive the holy communion. GRETS.
[Ibid. The Chartophylax, as was seen above, invites to the ecclesiastical communion; this one invites to the lay communion. GOAR.]
Junius, prefect of the standing before the table, leading those who were to come for the sacred communion. Utterly absurd, and even more absurd in the commentaries, so that I cannot marvel enough at this man’s ignorance or lack of education in these matters. Let us examine his individual ineptitudes. D "Of the *antimensia*," he says, "from the word *antimensalium*," etc. "They are named from the table (*mensa*), as if one were to say *antemensales*, who were first received at the sacred table and the communion of the eucharist," etc. For these, before being admitted to the sacred communion, were accustomed to be placed in the churches before the table, and afterwards to be led by him to the communion, so that he might openly testify that they had become his companions, united into one body with Christ and His Church. But this rite is called *antimensium*. Fables more than Aesopian; to refute which it will not be necessary to spend a long time, once we have explained the truth itself, from no other source than the monuments of the Greeks. What then are *antimensia*? *Antimensia*, he says in *Jure Gr.* fol. 239, we know are accustomed to be made when the bishop, having consecrated and dedicated the temple, the holy Gospel by the great oeconomus.
The right choir was completed, and the great offices of the ecclesiastical.
A bottom of the altar and the table, or the linen [cloth] placed under it, having been divided into pieces and painted, he distributed to the priests, so that, provided with this, they might be able to offer sacrifice. Antimensia, therefore, are those things which among the Latins are consecrated stones or portable altars, without which sacrifice cannot be performed, if it be not offered upon an altar otherwise consecrated and dedicated by itself. They are called antimensia because they are in place of the consecrated table or altar and supply its role; they are made from a linen cloth divided and cut into pieces, from that cloth, I say, which was vesting and decorating the altar newly consecrated by the bishop: for this covering, cut into small parts, the bishop would distribute to the priests, so that afterward, by the benefit of these parts, they might be able to offer sacrifice even upon altars that were not consecrated. Grets.
B [P. 5. Antimensia, as if assumed in the place of the holy table, are the portable altars of the Greeks, linen cloths indeed enriched with holy relics, anointed also with holy ointment, and dedicated by the bishop's blessing for the celebration of the Mass upon them. As their use is in communion, he who undertakes the care of this is asserted to be set over them. Goar.]
Wherefore he asks in the Greco-Roman Law, what is to be done if antimensia are lacking, when it is not lawful to celebrate without them? The answer is given in these words: It is not necessary for antimensia to be placed upon all holy tables (that is, altars), but [only] upon those where it is uncertain whether they have been consecrated or not. For antimensia hold the place of consecrated tables, and there is no need of them where it is certain that the tables are consecrated. From which it clearly appears what antimensia are, and what their use is, namely, the very same as that of our portable altars or stones, as we call them, which have been consecrated, by the benefit of which one can celebrate even upon an unconsecrated altar. Therefore, what we are able to do by this means, the Greeks were able to do by means of antimensia, that is, by parts of that covering which had covered the new altar when the temple was being consecrated.
Among other questions proposed to John Citrius, this one also was: whether antimensia are valid also in other provinces and dioceses, or only in the diocese of the bishop who consecrates and completes those antimensia. D 147 The answer is that they are valid everywhere, just as the holy ointment itself and other sacred things, although sanctified in one place, yet once they have obtained sanctification, they retain it and exert [their power] everywhere, says Citrius, who also teaches that antimensia are not distributed immediately on the first day of the dedication, but then at last, when the covering of the altar has received sanctification through sacrifices offered for seven continuous days, and has been divided into parts and distributed as antimensia. To the same opinion, Nicephorus, Patriarch of Constantinople, in vol. 1 of the *Jus Gr.*, fol. 29, says: "Antimensia, wherever there is need for them, are sent, and are not limited to this or that region, but are transferred even into another province, just as the holy ointment." Nicephorus also adds a notation on the name: "They are thus called as A counterparts and antitypes of the many [vessels?] preparing the holy and sovereign table." For they are vicars of the consecrated table or altar itself: for, as the same Nicephorus says, they strictly signify tables or altars which consecration has not sanctified. Nicephorus also warns of this: "If an antimensium has been entirely lost through ignorance, it does not therefore lose its sanctification nor become profane." Regarding which others, quite erroneously and with no sense, if the antimensium has been filled [pro ᾐτημένον?], read ᾐλλοίωται. Which faulty reading, originating from Bonefidius, exists also in vol. VI of the *Bibliotheca SS. Patrum*.
In the *Euchologium* of the Greeks, the rite is prescribed, that is, the mode and order of consecrating antimensia. When, he says, the priests place the antimensia upon the table, the bishop pours over them an ounce, or a flower of wine, as much as is enough, while meanwhile reciting the psalm: "Asperges me, Domine, hyssopo, et mundabor; lavabis me, et super nivem dealbabor." After this is said, he adds the rest of the same psalm, and blessing God, says: "Blessed be our God, now and always and unto the ages of ages. Amen." Afterward, having taken the vessel of holy ointment, and with the deacon crying, "Let us attend," he makes three crosses over the antimensium, one in the middle, and two on either side, and the psalm is recited: "Behold how good and how pleasant," unto the end; and praising God, the bishop says: "Glory to thee, holy Trinity, our God unto the ages." Then, having taken the censer, he performs the incensing; and with the deacon saying, "Let us pray to the Lord," the pontiff prays thus. Then are added the prayers which the pontiff pours over the antimensia; he who is held by the desire for them should consult the *Euchologium*.
For the sake of the mind, it is helpful to add the question proposed to John Citrius: what antimensium signifies in Greek, and how it should be written, whether with *eta* or with *iota*. To this question Citrius answers thus: "The appellation is drawn from the table, which according to the Greeks indeed signifies *kanoun* ('basket'), and according to the Italian language, *to pepragmateumenon tois opsopoiis edoston*. Translator: 'A vendible edible for the cooks' (as well as a Greek is a translator of the Greeks)." Let us hear the rest. In this way also, in the explanation of the tables, *mensalia* are named as *mappae*, as placed for the ornament of the table. But in common usage, they are called *antimensia*, as in the case of garments, *antipana* (or *antipanni*). These, however, are placed upon those holy tables which consecration has not sanctified. 148 Citrius subjoins: "If the temple is not dedicated, what is lacking to it, the sanctifying power of the antimensium fills. And therefore it is never lawful to perform the sacrifice in an unconsecrated temple without an antimensium. And for the priest who dares to do this, the penalty shall be deposition. It is written with *iota* because of the ethnic [nature]; for foreign words, according to the grammatical rule, neither have inflections nor rules." Grammaticians are accustomed to write foreign words with *iota* and *omicron* and *epsilon*. How much this reason of Citrius is worth, let it be left to the judgment of anyone. He adds furthermore that it is in no way lawful to consume...
A trifles about voting and election, or how those sent in were to indicate freely and fearlessly for whom they were voting, if this, as he says later, is wont to be brought forth only with trepidation and trembling lips, even if in these matters it is necessary to *bambalein*, to hesitate and vacillate? But let that *bambalio* be gone: let us read *monampoulon* or *monampoulion*. For just as it is the duty of the first ostiarius to guard the doors while the ministers of the Church, deacons, subdeacons, priests, and bishops are ordained and initiated, so the duty of this second ostiarius is to hold one ampulla alone, so that it may be distinguished from a *dibampulon*, of which we shall speak below on p. 44. Now there was in this ampulla the chrism necessary for the anointing of priests and bishops, and this ostiarius held it, so that it might be immediately at hand if the initiator requested it. Moreover, the Greeks also made the little word *ampulla* their own, *ampoula* or *ampoulla*. Aetius, lib. VII: "Filling a glass *ampoullan* with oil," so that you have less reason to wonder at the *monampoulon* and the *dibampoulon*. GRETS.
[P. 6. For the Patriarch, just as for the Emperor, a fire is carried in the church, namely a torch lit on a staff which is adornedly fixed. It is called *monampoulon* because it is the only one lit: another name for it is *lampron*. The *dibampoulon* is reserved for the Emperor. Regarding both, see more fully c. 15 in the notes. Consult Balsamon’s *Meditatum de patriarcharum privilegiis*, Juris GR. lib. VII. Furthermore, according to this ostiarius, the Allatian papers call him by his proper name *perieiserchomenos*; the *perieiserchomenos*, they say, is so that he may carry the *lampron* into the church. GOAR.]
Ibid. Now I betake myself to the protopapa; whom Codinus describes thus: *Ekdikos kai prōtos tou bēmatos, kai pherōn ta deuterëia tou archiereōs*, defender and first of the tribunal (for thus Junius: I, of the tabernacle or altar: for *bēma* here is the inner and holier place, where the sacrifice is performed), obtaining the place next to the pontiff. Not, however, simply (for the exocatacoeli were without doubt of greater power and of greater dignity and excellence), but among the priests, as Citrias speaks, the *koinōs* protopapa was the first and thus the next to the patriarch, or, which is the same, second in carrying from the patriarch. GRETS.
[Ibid. More clearly, the Allatian: "The protopapas stands above the offices of the left choir, when the archpriest performs the liturgy. He himself administers the holy communion to the archpriest, and likewise the archpriest to the protopapas, holding in the church all the first places." For the priest to judge a priest, see the Euchologia. GOAR.]
The meaning and origin of the name is sufficiently clear. In Balsamon, vol. 1 of *Juris GR.*, we read *protopapadas*, so that *prōtopapadēs* may be correct. The interpreter [calls him] *primopapadas*: but it seems better in these and similar cases to retain the Greek terms. In *Turcograecia*, fol. 218, he is called *prōtopapas, ho prōtos tōn hiereōn*. His rights in the same *Turcograecia*, fol. 258, are called *prōtopapadikia*.
P. 6. There follows *ho deutereuōn tōn hiereōn*, the second of the priests, *eisodeuōn tous hiereis*, leader and forerunner of the priests and next to the protopapa, whom Junius not badly calls *deuteropapan*. But that [interpretation] is bad:
for *eisodeuein* is to be the leader, and as it were the forerunner and guide of others in sacred ministries, functions, and supplications; which becomes manifest also from the description of the *deuterōn* deacon, which is subjoined next. Citrius makes no mention of a deuteropapa, if I remember correctly. Grets. A [P. 6. Allatiana: "The *deuterōn* also performs the liturgy with the high priest (that is, with the patriarch, with whom otherwise only bishops celebrate, as priests do with bishops). When the protopapa is absent, he holds all the primacy in the church." Goar.]
B The last in this sixth pentad is the *deuterōn* of the deacons, the second deacon, "first of the common [deacons]," and *eisodeuōn* [introducing] the deacons. Junius: "and introduces the deacons": and he adds this scholium: "into their functions and stations." You should correct this: who is the leader, rector, director, and, if I may so say, the organizer of the deacons: for this is what *eisodeuein* means, which signifies, as it were, to introduce anyone onto his path, so that he may know the order and station he ought to keep. Junius finally saw this meaning, but as if through a fog, as appears from the scholium that he added to his interpretation. From which, however, as from one very experienced in the ecclesiastical affairs of the Greeks, one ought to have asked why he interpreted the word *eisodeuein* [in the context of] speaking of the second priest, as "introducing them into the tribunal, if they had any cause to be dealt with," and did not interpret the same word with the same meaning in the description of the second deacon, especially since the Curopalata has given no indication whatsoever of a different meaning.
But that we may understand more accurately the nature and, if I may so say, the character of this deacon, it will be worth the effort to hear John Citrius, to whom these things were not unknown, who says that this deacon is not elected or created simply at the whim of one person, but *kat’ eklogēn*, by suffrage: for it is an office of such a kind that it requires a man dexterous and apt even for all functions that occur by chance; some of which he recounts. The first is to pray well with auspicious acclamations for emperors and patriarchs upon their entrance into the temple, and, as our Codinus says, 151 "to sing or perform *ton basilea polychronizein* or the *polychronion*." Which custom, according to ancient usage, clings to the Greeks even today. The second is to carry the Gospel in supplications and litanies. The third is "to perform *tas en autais synaptas kai aitēseis*." The interpreter foolishly [translates]: "to do connections and repetitions in them." Others have corrected this to "collections and prayers." *Synaptai* are properly what are called prayers among us in the canonical hours, used especially on fast days, not only at Matins, but at each of the hours. And those prayers which we pour out after the litanies for every state and order of men are the very same as the Greek *synaptai*, although nothing prevents us from calling what we name "collects" by this name too, because they are bound C to the liturgies of the Greeks, as well as to other Greek rituals, books, and the Euchologion. Let Bonefidius then fare well with his connections and repetitions. The fourth is "in the absence of the archdeacon, to give wax tapers to the deacons in the ambo." Where the interpreter, most poorly reading *kairous* instead of *kērous*, translates: "to give times to the deacons who serve the ambo." What, I ask, is "to give times" to deacons? Nor did the correctors notice this most shameful error, either in the Greek text or in Bonefidius’s interpretation; so that even from this it is clear how ignorant of ecclesiastical affairs these men, estranged from the Catholic religion, are when they approach the explication of ecclesiastical rites, whether Greek or Latin. But he says "in the absence of the archdeacon," because, as Codinus reports on p. 94, the Great Church formerly had an archdeacon, but afterwards had none, wherefore the *deuterōn* supplied his parts. Whence Citrius says it is the duty of the second deacon also to fulfill the task of an archdeacon in other matters; among which perhaps this is one: to venerate the newly crowned emperor with incense, as the Church calls it, and to sing to him that well-omened chant, "May the Lord God remember *tēs basileias sou*, thy kingdom, in his kingdom, now and always and unto the ages of ages. Amen." So the same [deacon] followed the patriarch with a faustian acclamation: "May the Lord God remember *tēs archierōsynēs sou*, thy pontificate, everywhere now and always and unto the ages of ages." Nor was this done only on the day on which the emperor was inaugurated and crowned, but as often as he would come into the church. For that reason Citrius says: "For it is his duty, *meta tēn eisodon*, after the entrance, [to perform] the acclamation of the kings and high priests," [meaning] it is his duty to pray well for emperors and patriarchs who have entered the temple; unless someone might wish to refer that *meta tēn eisodon*, "after the entrance," to the entrance into the tabernacle or into the Holy of Holies, so that this faustian acclamatio was made after the completed supplication, in which the pre-sanctified bread was carried around through the temple for the sacrifice and afterwards was brought to the altar. Whence it comes about that the second deacon instituted this *euphemia* when the patriarch had already returned to the altar and the procession was completed; which indeed seems more likely.
He was called the *deuterōn* of the deacons, not because he was the second in the order of deacons of the Great Church, but in respect to the archdeacon, 152 who at the time of Codinus was indeed non-existent, but at one time had been; whence the name remained to the *deuterōn* of the deacons, just as the same name would have remained to the *deuterōn* of the priests, if the protopapa had ceased [to be] in the clergy of the Great Church, because he would have been the first with the name of the secondary. Grets. D [P. 6. What is the meaning of this, that here he is written as the second of the deacons and at the same time is asserted to be the "first of the common deacons"? A few more things must be unfolded here, so that the proposed difficulty may receive light. In the final times, deacons were admitted only to *archontikia ophikikia*, more noble offices, who previously served the priests—]
A mistim and deacons could be, the steward, the sacellarius, and the rest included in the first fifteen pentads of offices. These are called B. But the same ones, like the nobility of the church or the altar, sit with the patriarch in judgments and assist the same celebrant, yet they do not perform those laborious works which they wished to reserve for the archdeacon as the industrious minister of the altar. For which reason, the whole archdeacon is intent upon ministries, being an *officium* only, as we premises in the note to chapter 1 of this work; nor is the archdeacon numbered among the nobility. However, of the deacons, insofar as he is the head and prince of the ministry that they fulfill, and is set over the same no matter how noble they may be in diaconal ministries. The author of this opinion for me is John, Bishop of Citrus, of Greek Law, 1. v. For after he inquired [Greek: regarding what rank or what grade the archidiaconal office belongs, and whether he stands over all the deacons as archdeacon, and over those very ecclesiastical officials, and whether he is preferred to all in the participation of the divine mysteries, the archidiaconal office is not an *archontikion*, nor from the ambition of high-priestly rank, as are the *archontikia*, but the conclusion of many suns, that is, of time and of personal labor; the archdeacon has also the superiority over all the deacons, whether they are honored with any *archontikia* or not, in the church and in the sanctuary and in the participation of the holy mysteries. Whether then arch-choir-leaders and overseer of the chanters and choir-singers, as if establishing them and the melodies into rhythm and order. He is called second, not because he is second in the rank of deacons, who is considered the first leader and head of the third class of common deacons; and for the reasons brought forward, says Citrius in the same superior response, not that he is second in the rank of deacons. You insist, nevertheless, and with care seek the reason why the name was expunged from the offices of the archdeacon? They will return it more aptly who have reckoned the archdeacon among the palatine offices. See the final notes of c. 2. GOAR.]
CHAPTER XI.
Concerning the seventh pentad of offices and officials.
P. 6. In the seventh pentad, the protopsaltes—the first psalmist or cantor—holds the first place. Citrius calls him the *domesticus* of the psalists, and indicates that this name was more common than that of *protopsaltes*. It is wonderful how Codinus places the *protopsaltes* in this seventh pentad, when he himself in c. 7 clearly says that the Great Church does not have a *protopsaltes*, but a *domesticus*; unless we wish to say that the office is the same, but the name is different, and that he called him *protopsaltes* in the catalogue of the offices of the church, whom he ought to have called by his proper name, *domesticus cantor*. What a *domesticus* is, will be explained below at p. 7. In the palatine clergy, however, there was a *protopsaltes*, as Codinus teaches in the cited place, who was at the same time the exarch of the imperial clergy. GRETS. P. 6. Allatiana: They add other things [tunicam brevem et strictam]. GOAR. Following is B *idiodomesticos*, the singular *domesticus*, as Junius interprets it, of the first and second choir. But he errs: one must read *hoi dyo domestikoi*, two *domestici*, one of the right choir, one of the left choir. Citrius clearly names two: [Greek: the domesticus of the right choir, the domesticus of the left choir]. And an easy path was to compress the separate words into one, *idiodomestikoi*: let him be blind who does not see this. Nor does it obstruct that by this reasoning there would be six in the seventh pentad: for in the first pentad there are also six, as we said above, and yet it is called a pentad or quintenary. What a *domesticus* is in civil law and among other Greek and Latin writers here and there, Cujacius explains in his commentary on lib. XII of the Justinian Code, at tit. 12, and Petrus Gregorius in his *Syntagma* VI, 8. What the more recent Greeks meant by this name, Citrius teaches—to whom when this question had been proposed, "Of what language is the appellation of *domesticus*, and to which church ministries is this name applied?" he answered: "The appellation *domesticus* according to the Latins signifies a leader, an initiator, a person set in charge, and a prefect, just as also in Imperial functions one may find a *domesticus* of the East, of the West, of the schools. Indeed, even a *domesticus* of the table, a *domesticus* of the walls, a *domesticus* of the themes." Thus also in ecclesiastical orders the word *domesticus* is used. Therefore, the *domesticus* of the musicians or chanters is nothing other than a prefect who rules and directs everyone, and at the same time arranges all the songs and reduces them to order. The task of the *domesticus* of the chanters or *protopsaltes* is, in the common vigils, to pronounce with a clear voice that "Eulogeson, despota," which we call "Jube, domine, benedicere." According to the opinion of Citrius, therefore, *domesticus* is nothing other than president, antistes, prefect—in a word, the first in his own kind. Nor did Citrius poorly express the notion of this word as it is used by more recent Greeks, although I doubt whether the word *domesticus* as used in this concept is found among the Latins, either new or ancient. In law, indeed, it is used in another notion, as also in the common habit of speakers. From this word the Latins formed *domesticatum*, which exists in law. And with Balsamon in the canon of the apostles [Greek: domesticata officia domesticorum], and with Codinus c. [Greek: of the domesticheion domestikoi], and c. [Greek: domestikion]. GRETS. P. 6. We shall say that *domesticus* sometimes signifies an appointee. Concerning these two leaders of either choirA they are called to the *primicerius* of the patriarchal *tabularii*. The *notarius* and *tabularius*, however, coincide in meaning, GOAR.]
Furthermore, regarding the word *primicerius*, *secundicerius*, *tertiocerius*, *quartocerius*, see Cujas on tit. vi, lib. xii of the *Code of Justinian*, and Onuphrius in his explanation of obscure ecclesiastical terms, and Petrus Gregorius, *Syntagma* 15, 22, who says that the pronunciation of the name *primicerius* requires an addition based on the relation of something else, or at least requires that it be understood implicitly. If that is true, then it will be necessary—when the *megas primicerius* is named among the palace dignities—that some dignity be understood, because the *primicerius* possesses this name with respect to some function or ministry. Hence: *primicerius* of the lectors, *primicerius* of the court, *primicerius* of the protectors, *primicerius* of the *domestici*. There exists in the Decretals a title concerning the *primicerius*, where nothing is added; nor does it sufficiently appear what should be added or understood, unless one says that the word "of the singers" is understood. Concerning this, see Petrus Gregorius, *loc. cit.* Hence the *primiceriatum* dignity and the office of the *primicerius*.
As for the word itself, Cujas non-implausibly guesses that *-cerius* is merely an elongation of the word, without any addition of new meaning; so that, consequently, *primicerius* is the same as *primus*, and *secundicerius* the same as *secundus*, just as among the more recent Greeks *paidopulos* is the same as *pais*, and *Frankopulos* is the same as *Francus*; such that that *-poulos* is a lengthening without any new meaning. Others, however, wish for this name to be derived from *primus* and *cera* [wax], and to be a compound; to which, whoever wishes may subscribe, as far as I am concerned.
B ... of *tabularii*. Junius interprets this as "notary." For it seems to be named thus at the beginning by Codinus himself (p. 1 ed. Jun.): for when he names the notary, and afterwards, in dividing the individual offices into pentads, is silent about the notary entirely, it is credible that Codinus understood the *notarius* under the name *primicerius tabulariorum*. Which is perhaps true, but I do not know how it fits with the opinion of Junius, who thinks that the *primicerius* in any office is called that who is inscribed first in the register or catalogue of his order, and holds the lead in his order, inscribed on the *prima cera* [first wax tablet], that is, the highest. If this is true, then the *primicerius tabulariorum* will be the same as the *protonotarius*, who, as Junius says, is the *primicerius*—the first in the wax or register—and the *tabularii* are the *notarii*, and therefore the *protonotarius* or first notary is the same as the *primicerius tabulariorum*. I do not see the resolution of this knot, unless one wishes to say that this man is called *primicerius tabulariorum* with respect to those *notarii* whom he has below him, not with respect to all of them; in which manner the *deutereuon* of the deacons could be called the *primicerius* of the deacons, not absolutely, but by comparison C of the others, as Citrius and Codinus speak.
I will add this: What if by the word *tabulariorum* here, one does not understand *tabularii* or *notarii*, but rather *tabularia* or archives, such that he who presides over the *tabularium* or archive is called the *primicerius tabulariorum*, an associate in this office and an administrator of the *chartophylax*? For *chartophylacium* is Latin for *tabularium*, and this is used also by the Greeks from the Latin usage. For just as the *magnus sacellarius* and [the one] of the *sacellion* had their assistants, so too the *chartophylax* seems to have had a *primicerius tabulariorum*. GRETS.
[P. 6. The *Regia* produced above among the offices is recently... P. 6. The last in this pentad is the *archon* of the *contacia*, "Prefect of canticles," says Junius. Rather, of the *contacia*: for "canticle" is a general name for all things that are or can be sung, but a *contacium* is a certain specific genre in the ritual books of the Greeks, just as is the *troparium*, *eirmos*, *canon*, *kathisma*, *prosomion*, *triadicon*, *theotokion*, *staurosimon*, *anastasimon*, and among us, "verses," "versicles," "gradual," "tract," "sequence," "responsories," and others of this kind, which cannot be expressed at all or cannot be conveniently expressed in a foreign language. However, I wonder what could have come into the minds of the correctors of Bonefudius, that he whom he calls the prefect of "pugillaries" [tablets]—I cannot figure out for myself what these *pugillares* or *pugillaria* should mean. For the prefect of *contacia* is he to whom the care of beginning the *contacia* is entrusted. But you have more concerning *contacia* above in c. 7. GRETS.
[A *contacium* here (for it refers to other things besides) is a shorter modulus, from *kontos* [short], having received the name from its brevity; and it serves especially for the memories of saints, for whom there is no office, to be made shorter: which I called a "little brief" elsewhere. And he who is placed in charge of these being sung and directs them is, for the author, the *archon* of the *contacia*. GOAR.]
156 CAPUT XII. Of the eighth pentad of offices and officials. P. 6. In the eighth pentad, the *primicerius* holds first place.
A [Ibid. *The primicerius of the readers.* Allatius, along with Citrius, wishes for all the offices to be divided into diaconal, priestly, and readerly. They assign the first fifteen to the deacons, and place them at the patriarch's side in the right choir, as if it were his court: the impartial reader will judge at first glance whether the subsequent ones befit priests more appropriately. Citrius, with the author agreeing, determines that the *protopsaltae* or those inferior to him should be conferred only upon readers. GOAR]
*Ibid. Sequitur ó νομικός*, who is in Codinus, p. 1, ed. Jun., is *ó voµodóτns*, in Junius, a "preceptor," who in the scholia [is defined] thus: "A preceptor is [the teacher] of musicians or chanters, a gymnasiarch, who is later called by the corrupted word *maestor*, that is, master," p. 44 and p. 60. Now, that these things are true, John Citrius makes me doubt; in him there is *νουμμοδότης*, "giver of coins," as the interpreter translates. Perhaps this is whom we are accustomed to call an eleemosynary; unless someone might think that a custom prevailed among the Greeks such as [prevails] among us in many churches, where it is customary for some money to be given to the clergy present; which they call *praesentz*, and the one to whom the office of distributing is committed, *praesentzer*. But since Codinus in one place has *νομοδότην*, and in another explicitly *νομικόν*, it does not seem likely that *νουμμοδότην* should be read; unless one might also contend that the form *νουμμικὸν* should be restored from *nummus* in the first place. Although *νομικός* can also be derived *παρὰ τὸ νόμος*, as it signifies a coin or nummus. But if *νομικός* pertains to the singers, he seems clearly to be the one who directs the chant and the singers, and as we say in the vernacular, who "gives the time" (*der den Tact giebt*); unless perhaps it pleases someone more to understand by *νομικὸν* and *νομοδότην* a jurisconsult or interpreter of the law: for perhaps in the clergy of the Great Church in the time of Codinus, he was the one who was later called *νομοφύλαξ*, whose mention [is found] in *Turcogr.* l. vii, fol. 506. Nor is it foreign to the truth that there should have been among the ecclesiastical officials someone who could give answers regarding the law. *Glossarium Latinogr.*, *tabellio*, *νομικός*. GRETS.
C [Ibid. *The nomikos.* He who is especially learned in the types and ecclesiastical rubrics, and who determines and publishes what duty is to be read on which day, or when a memorial is to be made. Thus Antonius Gralis of CP teaches me. Others wish him to be the one who sets the law for the chanters and rules the choirs. Our musicians are accustomed to prefigure the mode and order of the chant for the chanters with an elevated or lowered hand, which cannot be lacking among the Greeks; to whom, moreover, it is customary, by various movements of the right hand and by different conformations of the fingers and joints, to designate the various inflections of the voices in the sight of all better than [by] musical notes; and thus, not by writings but by nods of the hand, which they call *cheironomia*, they place the laws of the chant before [one's] eyes. Cedrenus, when he wrote that they *cheironomein* with Theophilus, calls the author *νομικούς*.]
*Ibid. Sequitur ó πρωτοκανόναρχος*, "first canonarch," says Junius, 157 whose [work] Citrius also mentions. Junius in his scholia: "Canonarchus, who is D the prefect of the synodal canons and other things to be read; an example of which thing is had in ch. 6 and 15. But in the former place no mention is made of a *protocanonarch*, but of a *canonarch*, who are two different things, just as a *protonotary* and a *notary*. The words of Codinus, p. 46, are these: 'It is read by a canonarch: *Polychronion*, may God make your holy empire long-lasting for many years: and he says that it is repeated three times.' Is this talk about a *protocanonarch* or a *canonarch*? Is it said to be his [duty] to read the synodal acts and other things of this kind? Is that auspicious blessing, 'may God make your empire long-lasting, etc.,' a synodal canon, as Junius says? Much less can it be found in the other place cited by Junius, p. 82, where there is no word either about a *canonarch* or a *protocanonarch*. But Junius, as if blind in these words of the ecclesiastical functions, was blundering, and as long as he could say something, he thought he would easily find credence among those who know nothing beyond preachers and ministers of the word."
Who then is the *protocanonarch*, and whence this name? Zonaras will explain this to us, who in his commentaries on the Anastasian canons of John Damascene comments thus: "It is called a canon because it has a period prefixed and circumscribed by nine odes, as can be seen in the ritual books of the Greeks." From these canons, therefore, which are of great authority and esteem among the Greeks, the *protocanonarch*, and he who was under him, the *canonarch*, took their name: for it was their duty, when these canons were to be sung in church, to begin them and as it were to lead the rest. Hence, and not from elsewhere, this name draws its origin. GRETS.
[Kavov (Canon)] is an ecclesiastical hymn that is longer and consists of many troparia. But he who is engaged in singing such canons is honored by the title *canonarch*. And this is the way he *canonarchei*. When books were lacking, as [the case] with us, [those] inscribed in uncial letters and spread in the middle of the choir for the sight of all, the *canonarch* suggests the commata of one troparion successively with a high voice to the right choir first, then the commata of the other troparion or strophe to the other choir, without interrupting the chant; and thus he performs the office of *canonarchein*, namely, to prudently suggest the individual words and clauses of the periods of the canons to be sung, on account of a lack of books, and to warn with what tone they ought to be sung. GOAR.]
The fourth is *Ἔξαρχος*, exarchus, indeed a leader, says Junius, and president of the ministers of the church in ordering the function and ministry of each. He is mistaken. More correctly in *Turcogr.* fol. 192, [an] exarch is a legate or vicar of the patriarch or metropolitan, just as we call a legate of the apostolic see. And fol. 295 it is said that exarchs [were] sent to collect a subsidy for paying the tribute to the Turks: [and] also to have the power *τοῦ ἀργοῦς ποιεῖν καὶ ἀφορίζειν*, of depriving [one] of an ecclesiastical office and excommunicating [one], *δι' εὐλόγους αἰτίας*, for just causes. Also the right of absolving penitents; and for this they are instructed by the patriarch with their own letters, which they call *συγχωρητικὰ γράμματα*. Fol. 219, two nos
A templis, fol. 101; furthermore, if he does not perform his duty, he at least holds in his own control those who follow in the *Allatiani*. “The *praximos* determines, and they signal at the time of the psalmody in the catholic church. The *katagoriares* (or *kategoriares*), beautifying the church, also lights the candles and brings them bright.” (Other additions: “The *lampadarioi* set [clean] the lamps and light them in the church. The *bastagarios* is to carry the holy [vessels] of the church for litanies and solemn feasts.” (M: “The *theorioi* are to watch and observe the leaders, so that they may sit and stand in an orderly fashion. The *dekanos* is to call the priests to their own dues and offerings. The *kouboukles* is to carry the *dikanikion* of the high priest when he walks.”) B
CHAPTER XIII. On the ninth pentad of duties and officials.
P. 6. In the ninth pentad, the *domestikos tōn thyrōn* holds first place, the prefect of the door, who is truly the third doorkeeper: for in the sixth *quinario* Codinus enumerated two, and Citrius names three doorkeepers among the ecclesiastical officials; of whom the third is here the *domestikos* of the door or president, in a word, the janitor. GRETS. [That the doors of the sacred tribunal were entrusted to subdeacons is attested by Maximus in *Dionysius De Eccl. Hierar.*, c. 3: “Note,” he says, “that the deacons held the doors then, but now the subdeacons.” The prelate of Thessalonica, Simeon, supports this: “Hence it is that I am accustomed to call the place situated at the sacred doors of the altar—which the author, c. 17, assigns to subdeacons and readers as their own seat—that seat of the readers.” Among the subdeacons and readers, however, the one who is the foremost, to whom their custody is entrusted as to a superior, is deservedly called by me *domestikos* of the doors. GOAR.] C Ibid. There follows the *chartularius*, who is far different from the *chartophylax*; and he is improperly called *chartophylax chartularius*, as was said above (chap. 4). Citrius poses not one, but several: for, enumerating the readers, he places among them the *chartularii* of the great *sakella* and of the *sceuophylakion* or vessel-closet, says Bonefidius. We have already taught above (chap. 2) from Balsamon that those who served the *chartophylax*, *sceuophylax*, and the great *sakellarios* as assistants were called *chartularii*, so that these *chartularii* were nothing other than partners in the labor, as Balsamon speaks. Nor do I know how aptly the "registrar" of Junius fits here. D Nor was the *chartularius* unknown to the Latins: for St. Gregory, in L. 1. *epist.* 75, writing to the bishops of Numidia, names Hilarius his *chartularius*, who had been sent into Africa by the predecessor of St. Gregory.A Likewise, in the fourth book of the Vatican collection, part 5: "See the same on the *chartularii* from book 10 of the Code of Justinian, title 23 and infra book 11, ch. 3."
P. 6. The *depotatos* holds the third place. Citrius uses the plural number *depotatoi*. How great an error Junius committed at folio 194, deceived, to be sure, by a false reading which he could easily have corrected, has already been stated elsewhere (ad page 93). In the scholia he is no less inept. *O depotatos*, barbarian-like, is a copyist (*antigrapheus*) attached to a *chartularius*, whom the common people, as Budæus speaks, call a *contrarotulator*. Splendid. Meanwhile, let us trust Citrius, who does not number the office of *deputatus* among the offices, in which he differs from Codinus, but among the *diakoniai* or ministries. But whatever may be the case regarding this, he teaches what the duty of the *deputati* was by these words: B "The *depotatoi*, wearing their mantles with lamps, go before the holy Gospel when it is carried to the ambo for reading, and [they go before] the holy gifts both in the entrance to the holy table and in the procession to the *prothesis*." [GRETS.]
[P. 6. The *depotatos*. Allatiana: "He renders the way clean and... for the people." Other [version]: "The *depotatos* is to call the archons to the high priest and cleanse the way for the [people] from the army." [GOAR.]]
There were also *deputati* among the offices of the military, concerning whom Rigaltius [writes] much from various imperial constitutions in his lexicon, under the word *depotatos*, whom see: for it is nothing to us, who treat of ecclesiastical offices.
Ibid. There follows the *epi tēs podeas*. Junius: "Prefect of the sacred instrument." Concerning whom I suspect two things rather than know. What if the *epi tēs podeas* is he who had charge of the pavement in the Great Church? For *podea* is the floor, the pavement; whence in German, *der Boden*. C And this is evident from the *Origins of Constantinople*, where the circuit of the forum is said to have been equal. Therefore, he cannot even be called a prefect of the sacred instrument or of household goods, because there is a distinct and proper office of [the Church]. What if he is one of the *theōroi*, from the custodians who, as Citrius says, [are entrusted with] the guard and keeping of the sacred vessels and their veils? Add that in *Turcogr.*, p. 181, *podaes* is read for garments or coverings: "with very fair *podaes*." The interpreter: "he adorned the temple with images most beautifully clothed"; in the margin is added: "with most charming coverings." D What if the care of these and similar things pertained to him? [GRETS.]
[Ibid. *Podea*, Meursius interprets as ministry, utensils. Unless you bring forth what those things are, I will not use your ministry, Meursius. More useful are the little Greek women, who call the lower part of a garment covering their legs and feet a *podea*: more useful.]
A Furthermore, men have taught me that any tunic that grazes the ground because it encircles the feet deserves the name *podea*. The Greek sacristans served me better than others, asserting that *podeas* is the name for the front ornament of the altar and for those sacred vestments, whether silken or woven with gold or made of solid gold or silver, which are accustomed to be placed around images in churches. The authority of Nicetas, encountered in his various readings, confirms this for me, for instance in *Isaac Angelus*, book 1: "They tore down the coverings, wrapped themselves in the gold within, searched the holy repositories, and took away the *podeas*." He took away the holy furnishings. He stripped of every divine *podea* the renowned church in the palaces, which is called the New Monastery. He stripped it of every divine furnishing. From this I conjecture that the *podea* are either the church's decorative hangings, whether for walls or altars, held under his [the sacristan's] management, or he who would drape holy images with artificial garments, or finally—which I judge to be more certain—the man who would customarily lift the hems of pontifical vestments for the sake of honor, a task performed among us for magnates by honorary boy-servants, for the performing of which office the supreme pontiff and cardinals in the Roman Curia wished to institute the name of *caudatarius*. The aforementioned Antonius Cralis approved this conjecture, though he removed its administration from the altar and church, and advised that it was accustomed to be used only on roads and in places difficult for walking. B [Goar.] C Furthermore, just as Codinus puts six in the first group of five, so in this last one he puts only four. *These are the ecclesiastical offices*, says Codinus. These are in part commemorated in the Epistle of the Greeks to Pope Gregory X. The Great Oeconomus, the Protecdicus, the Logothete, the Castrisius, the Referendarius; he who is over judicial matters, over secrets, over sacred things and apostolic gifts, the Primicerius of the patriarchal notaries; he who is the prince of the churches, he who is over petitions, the Rememoratorii, the Ostiarii, the patriarchal notaries, the Protopapas with the entire presbytery of the ecclesiastical archidiaconate, and the domestici with all the psalmists and lectors. Pope Gregory in his epistle to the Greeks adds the *sacellarium*. [Grets.]
CAPUT XIV. Concerning certain other ecclesiastical offices enumerated by Citrius, and concerning those which are customary among the Greeks today.
In the enumeration of ecclesiastical offices, Citrius does not agree with Codinus, as we observed above in chapter 6. He adds the reason: because patriarchs changed all these at their own discretion, elevating those who were depressed and depressing those who were elevated, and instituting new duties as the will to gratify this one or that one prompted them. Besides the offices enumerated by Codinus, there are these: the catechist, the orphanotrophus, the four defenders, and the *circitor*, whom Bonelidius calls the visitor of the correctors. What if he is the person whom the *Typicon of Saint Sabas* names the *excitator*, whose role it was in the vigils and night prayers to go around and rouse the sleepy?
Besides these, Citrius lists the *theori* or custodians, and the deputies, about whom we spoke in the previous chapter; likewise the *camisati*. But he adds these words: "They are not offices," and teaches what the duty of the *camisati* is with these words: "The *camisati* are occupied with carrying coals to the altar and heating the sacred cauldrons, so that the boiling water may be poured into the sacred chalices in the customary manner at the proper time." For the Greeks are accustomed—as can be seen in the Liturgy of St. Chrysostom, in the *Theoria of Ecclesiastical Matters* by Germanus, and in the *Exposition of the Liturgy* by Cabasilas—to pour very hot water into the chalice already consecrated at the very time of communion, which they call *zeon* from its heat, and the vessel itself in which it is brought is called *zeon*, so that, just as blood and water flowed from the side of Christ hanging on the cross, those communicating at the time of communion may receive both blood and water, and indeed both of them warm, touching the side that provides life. There is no need to discuss this custom further here, as it is consistent with reason. The *camisati* therefore attended to the heating of this water, and to carrying and tending the coals for the incense; thus they were named from their *camisiae*. Junius translates this as *indusia* on folio 86. And there is no reason for anyone to doubt that for the Italians *ramisia* means *indusia*. But if we wish to understand and interpret ecclesiastical terms in the ecclesiastical manner, it must be said that in Codinus *camisia* is understood as what we call in German *der Chorrock* or *Chorhemd*; for, speaking of the lectors, Codinus says that they stand in the middle of the triclinium with their vestments and *epirriptaria*, having *camisia* over their garments. Thus, in the chapter on the emperor's table, Codinus says: "The psaltae or singers enter with their *epirriptaria* and *camisiae*," that is, *mit den Chorhemden*; which no one skilled in ecclesiastical matters would call *indusia*. Commonly they are called surplices (*vestes superpelliceae*). From these *camisiae*, therefore, comes the name *camisati*: whom perhaps you might not ineptly call *linteati* (clad in linen). Besides these, there are the patriarchal domestici according to Citrius: and this office of the lectors...
A belongs to those who, during the patriarch’s arrivals, cry out: "Many years to you, Master!" The Greeks take such pleasure in this acclamation that nothing is more common among them than that expression "to wish long life," "a long-life gift," "long-lived."
As regards the more recent Greeks, besides many ancient names of ecclesiastical offices, they have their own peculiar ones which appear neither in Citrius nor in Codinus—which can be gathered from Turco-Graecia—such as the *nomophylax* of the Great Church, the *protosyncellus* of the Great Church, the *ephemerios* of the Great Church, the *lampadarius* of the Great Church (for the *archon* of the lights seems to have been a different person according to Codinus), the Great *Logothete* of the Great Church, and the Great *Rhetor*. Codinus does indeed mention the rhetor, but without the addition of "Great."
CHAPTER XV.
*Concerning the ecclesiastical offices of the Constantinopolitan court, and especially concerning the archdeacon.*Among the clerics of the court, Codinus mentions by name, in chapter 17: 1) the *protopsaltes*, whom he says is at the same time the *exarch* of the imperial clergy; 2) the *domesticus*, whom he says is the *exarch* of the clergy of the Augusta, and occasionally at the same time the *domesticus* of the church, though sometimes he says the church had 164 its own *domesticus*. The *domesticus* was one of the *psaltae* or singers, and was second to the *protopsaltes*, having under him other *psaltae* or singers, whom—as Codinus says in ch. 17—they call by ancient custom *cractas*, which is, as the Germans are accustomed to say, *schrailing*; 3) the *protopapas*, who himself was sometimes one and the same person in church and court, and sometimes different, as Codinus says *ibid.*; 4) the *maistor*, who was himself also a singer... [Codinus continues] 5) *Canonarchas*. 6) To carry the lamp before the emperor. 7) The *Archdeacon*: for the church did not have this official, but the court did, as Codinus says *ibid.* He says much about the same person in chapters 8, 9, and elsewhere passim, as he does about the *protopapas*, the *lampadarius*, and the other ecclesiastical ministries at court.
Many questions are proposed in Citrius regarding the archdeacon: "What is the rank and what is the degree of the archdiaconal office, and does he preside over all the deacons as archdeacon?" Citrius responds that the archdiaconal office is not *archontikon* (official), nor from the *archieratic* (pontifical) honorarium, as are the *archontikia*. Bonafidius translates: "It is not magisterial, nor from pontifical liberality, as are magisterial [offices]." The correctors amended this: "The archdiaconal office is not among the official dignities, nor is it bestowed by pontifical liberality as are official dignities." The first version is sufficiently magisterial or magistral; the second touches the goal a little more closely. *Archonticia* offices and honors in Citrius are those which one obtains through the *archontikia*, that is, through letters and codicils of the *archontes*—princes, whether they be emperors or patriarchs. Citrius therefore replies that the archdeacon's office is not of the kind that is conferred through *archontikia*, either by the emperor or by the patriarch, but is one of long standing and long labor, B and of the gift of his own place. The archdeacon has precedence over all the deacons, whether they are honored with any C *archontikia* or not, both in the temple, in the holy sanctuary, and in the reception of the divine mysteries.
It had also been asked whether the patriarch could, by mere *pittacia* (decrees) and brevets, and by his own mandate, prefer some who were unadorned by any office over those who had been predecessors, yet were not themselves adorned with any rank. Citrius replies that this is plainly intolerable, that some should be preferred to their predecessors by *pittacia*, even if those who are preferred hold offices; but that each one ought to be left in his place and station, which he acquired by time: "For the order and position of the deacons is regulated and fixed by time, and is immovable," says Citrius; and he adds that for him who is honored with *archonticia* or such brevets, it is enough that when the patriarch or bishop performs the divine office, he himself should be the first in the entrance to the altar, or in the procession and in the reception of the divine mysteries. In other matters, everyone ought to hold his own place; and it is unjust that the *proeisodos*, who held the first place, or, as we say in common parlance, who had the priority, should be disturbed from his place and compelled to yield to another. From which [text] 165 you will be able to form a correct judgment regarding the interpretation of Bonafidius and his correctors. Balsamon also mentions promotions by *pittacia* in his commentary on the 17th Apostolic Canon.
But because many things occur in these ecclesiastical offices compounded from the words *arche* and *archon*, it is worth noting something about these. Above all, they coalesce with others in two ways: first, at the beginning of the word, as *archiepiscopos*, *archipoimen*, archdeacon, *archistrategus*, *archidux*, *architriclinus*, *archiatrus*, architect, *archipresbyter*; second, at the end of the word, as *patriarcha*, *ecclesiarcha*, *canonarcha*, *monarcha*, *toparcha*, *tetrarcha*, *ethnarcha*, *trierarcha*. Thence also is *archos*, *exarchos*, and others of that kind, used and current in the church no less than outside it.
The heretics of our time have done away with these ancient words as they have with other things, especially those which are D *arche* and *archon* compounded. Hence they exterminate the names, as they do *patriarcha*, archdeacon, and others of that kind, as proud, fastidious, and contrary to apostolic simplicity—inasmuch as they signify command and power over subjects, not a leadership in some function or ministry, nor a leadership in order in some assembly, without however command and power over others. Hence they delight in those apostolic and, as they say, most humble appellations of presbyters, shepherds, bishops, ministers, deacons, servants. But that these names should be retained where they have hitherto flourished, and restored where they have grown obsolete, is argued at length by the Calvinist Adrian Saravia, in the book he published concerning the varied ranks of the ministers of the evangelicals, ch. 25, though in such a way that with these
appellations no authority over others is designated, but only the dignity of the order and, so to speak, its primacy or A *proteia*. Against this Calvinist, the ringleader of the Calvinists, Beza, opposed himself in a book published in his own name against Saravia, where he contends that these names are not to be tolerated at all, but are to be expelled from churches as entirely repugnant to apostolic simplicity. I am strangely pleased by this conflict between these two Lapiths: for in Saravia I observe a heretical arrogance which, although it has confounded and mixed up everything, now, as if led by repentance, desires and longs to be adorned with those honorable titles of patriarch, archbishop, archdeacon, and the like, yet in such a way that, having as it were stripped off their ancient sense, they put on a new one, signifying neither power nor authority. In Beza, however, one must note this above all else: that he not obscurely lashes his own English Calvinists, and the Lutherans in Germany and Sweden, because some of them call themselves archbishops, primates, and archdeacons, and wish to be so named and greeted, hiding a shameful heresy under beautiful names. GRETS.
166 CHAPTER XVI. ON THE SACRED VESTMENTS OF THE MINISTERS OF THE CHURCH.
Codinus makes mention of the sacred vestments of the ministers of the Church in various places; of these, some belong only to bishops, others to priests and deacons as well. First let the *sticharion* hold its place, which Simeon of Thessalonica, in his book *On the Temple*, calls the imitation of the *lucid* vesture of the angels. For we know that angels have appeared frequently in shining raiment, just as he who was found at the tomb of the Savior was covered with a white stole. Furthermore, he teaches that the priestly state ought to be pure and free from all defilement; for which purity the priest is also judged worthy of this grace; and the priest himself bears witness to this when, putting it on, he pronounces these words: "My soul shall exult in the Lord, for He has clothed me in the vestment of salvation," and what follows. The *sticharion* of bishops, however, has ribbons B flowing down from above; for it is wavy, and they represent the grace of teaching within it. For even among the angels there is not one order and degree, but there, too, some are masters of those below them. They are called ribbons because of the voice of the Savior in the Gospel saying: "He who believes in me, from his belly shall flow rivers of living water." This same thing is denoted by the episcopal *pallium*. It has ribbons because of what we said, but it has bowls as a type of the old and the new grace. Which also, as it were, float upon the ribbons; which means nothing other than that the master or doctor must draw his teaching from both Testaments. Now, *sticharia* were not only white, but some were also purple, which Codinus (ch. 9) testifies were worn by priests and deacons during the whole of Lent, except for the Feast of the Annunciation, Palm Sunday, and Great Saturday of Easter.
Among the other questions which Constantine Cabasilas, Archbishop of Dyrrachium, put to Demetrius Chomatianus, Archbishop of Bulgaria, was this: whether it is consistent to wear red pontifical vestments, C just as it is in white, having ribbons on the *sticharion*, but crosses on the *phaenolion*. Demetrius answers: "The custom of the Church wishes pontifical vestments to be simple and without the aforementioned addition of ribbons and crosses." Meursius interprets the *sticharion* as the *stica*: for in the Glosses of Isidore, the *stica* is a tunic. But there is nothing better than to retain the Greek words in these and other things of this kind, because no Latin words suffice to express perfectly the force and energy of the Greek. Now, the *sticharia* were double, namely patriarchal and episcopal, marked with figures like the Greek letter Gamma (Γ), as we read in Balsamon; such vestments were called *gammadia* or *gammalia*. Anastasius in *Leo III*: "Eight silver columns and two *gammadia*." A little later in the same writer you have "gilded *gammadia*." But that Meursius thinks the triangles which are on the *phaenolia* are the letter Γ itself, let him persuade the Leiden mathematicians if he can; we certainly cannot forge three angles out of the letter.
2) *Phelonion* or *phaenolion*, *phelonion*. Those who translate this as *penula* here are mistaken. The *penula* has no place among sacred vestments, although I am not unaware of what some philosophize concerning the *penula* in the second epistle to Timothy D of St. Paul. But what is its significance? The sacred *phelonion*, says Simeon of Thessalonica, shows under a certain image the grace of the Spirit bestowed from on high and from above, primarily the sackcloth with which, in mockery, the Savior was clothed; for this reason it also has the form of a sack: for it does not have in it what are called *manikia* or sleeves. The patriarchal and episcopal *phaenolia* were full of crosses (whence they are called *polystauria*, as if to say "multicrossed"), and they represent the glory of the venerable cross diffused throughout the whole world, as Balsamon says in his dissertation on the privileges of patriarchs. The triangular shapes which are seen on the same *phaenolia* declare the cornerstone, Christ our God, who joined things that were separated, as the same Balsamon says.
3) *Epitrachelion*. Heterodox translators call it a collar or neck-piece: but that seems too profane. We therefore retain the Greek name. The *epitrachelion*, says Simeon, subjects to the mind the grace of the Spirit descending from heaven. For this reason, both the bishop and the priest, putting it on from the head, say: "Blessed is God, who pours out grace upon His priests." Whence every priest uses it whenever he sacrifices. Germanus in his *Theoria of Ecclesiastical Matters*: "The right part of the *epitrachelion* signifies the reed of mockery given to the right hand of Christ; the left part indicates the carrying of the cross on His proper shoulders." The *epitrachelion*, says Balsamon, signifies that cord by which life was dragged to death. But that Meursius opines that the *epomadion* is the
same as the *omophorion* rather than the *epitrachelion*—they know how to approach it.
4) The Orarion. The deacon, having obtained an angelic order, says Simeon, bears upon his shoulders that which they call an *orarion*, which has, as it were, wings, to demonstrate the speed of their intelligence, in which they excel. Wherefore it imitates the faces of the Cherubim covering [the throne], and he himself also, while he is girded, is covered in a certain manner as one who is to be a participant in and minister of the divine act. In the *orarion* itself is written "Holy, Holy, Holy," by which the ministerial order of the holy angels is expressed. The *orarion* was borne on the left shoulder. St. Chrysostom in the Liturgy: "Having kissed the *orarion*, he places it on his left shoulder." You have a depiction of a deacon bearing an *orarion* at the beginning of the *Curopalates* edited by Wolf. Away with those who wish this *orarion* to be an *ekmageion* of the face, a handkerchief for wiping away sweat, and a hand-towel for cleansing and wiping the hands. For *oraria*, in the case of profane writers, are those things which Arnobius calls *muccinia*, that is, small linens with which the mucus of the nose and the sweat flowing from the face are wiped away, as Casaubon demonstrates copiously in his notes on Flavius Vopiscus; yet in the Church the *orarion* was a sacred stole, and in no way to be worn or borne by the deacon as if it were to serve as a handkerchief. What, therefore, is its use? It is not necessary to inquire into the use of all sacred vestments: it suffices that they were all invented and introduced for the adornment of the unbloody sacrifice or liturgy, or, as we call it, the Mass. If you desire another use, look here at this one from Matthew Blastares in his *Synopsis of the Councils*: "It is given to the deacons alone, and to them alone is it placed upon the shoulders; and it is called *orarion* from *horo*, I guard and I watch; for the deacons who wear this, standing by those who perform the sacred rites and watching the prayers of the holy celebration, indicate to the deacons in the ambo the time of the necessary proclamation for the catechumens and the faithful." By the *orarion* they signify when it is the time, by public voice, to separate the catechumens from the faithful. For when the Gospel had been read, the deacon used to cry out: "Depart, you who do not communicate." By which move the catechumens were ordered to depart, the faithful remaining. Casaubon, to be sure, explains this passage of Blastares most Calvinistically in these words: "The deacon who wore the *orarion* signaled to him who was reading the sacred Scripture in the ambo when he should turn his prayer to the faithful or to the infidels." This gloss is of a Calvinian spirit, ignorant of the rites and ceremonies of the sacred liturgy. But if anyone, being too insistent on the word *orarium*, contends that it denotes a linen cloth for wiping the mouth, for the reason that it seems to be formed from *os* (the mouth), he could with the same cleverness say that the word *oro* (I pray) is the same as *edo* (I eat), for the reason that it is derived from the mouth, just as *adoro* is. Alcuin, *De divinis officiis*, c. 39, enumerating the sacred vestments of the Church, says that the *orarion*, that is the stole, is so called because it is conceded to the *oratori*, that is, the preachers. Although not to them alone, but also to the priests who [use] the stole, A *subdeacon* during the ministration. The *sudarium*, which it is the custom to carry in the hand for wiping away sweat, served for wiping sweat; which we call by the common name *fanon*, says Alcuin. See the Glossary to the book of ancient Laws.
5) The *Omophorion*, you might call it a humeral, although it is entirely different from our humeral or superhumeral. It is the proper vestment of bishops, which, made of wool, Simeon says, covers the shoulders in a circle both in front and behind. This kind of vestment without doubt declares the flesh assumed for our sake from the Virgin by the Word and the assumption of human nature. For it is woven of wool also for this reason, because it signifies the straying sheep, that is, our nature, and because He Himself was also called the Lamb slain for us. The very words also which he utters while covering his shoulders with it favor this opinion; for he says: "Having taken up onto Your shoulders, O Christ, the nature which had wandered, You offered it to God the Father," of which [we have spoken] already often above c. 13; and l. III, com. c. 14 to page 105. It is also written *mandyuon* and *mandyun*.
6) The *Mandya*, the proper vestment of the bishop, of which we have spoken often above c. 13; and l. III, c. 14, page 105. B It shows, against death (these are the words of Simeon), the immortality of our nature and the most robust powers of the Savior against the tyranny of the malignant demon. Wherefore it is also like a sword, and it is tied to the loins, where they proclaim the strength of man to be situated. The very words which are applied to the girdle confirm this: "Gird Your sword upon Your thigh, O mighty one."
8) The *Epimanikia*. The same Simeon: The *epimanikia* are significations of all-efficient divine action, and that Jesus offered the sacrifice of His body and blood with His own hands by Himself; to which agree those things which are recited when they are put on: "Your right hand, O Lord, is glorified in power; and Your hands have made me and fashioned me." Some, indeed, wish the bonds of the hands of the Savior, in which He was led to Pilate, to be expressed by the *epimanikia*.
9) The *Saccus*, of which [I have spoken] elsewhere (supra c. 3 and Codin. p. 15). Cabasilas of Dyrrachium inquired of Demetrius Chomatianus whether it was lawful to make and wear a purple *saccus*. Demetrius replied: "The Church by no means knows a purple *saccus*, since the *saccus* provides its use only on three feasts of the Lord in the year, namely, the great Lord's Day of Easter, Pentecost, and the Nativity of Christ." This, therefore, provides a sufficiently full guarantee that the *saccus* is not purple, since such garments are also a sign of mourning: for it is used only on days of fasting and for commemorations of the dead.
10) The *Mitra*, or *infula*, which Greek bishops do not use in the sacrifice, but perform the whole liturgy with head uncovered. "With uncovered head," says Simeon, "all the bishops and priests of the East, except the Alexandrian patriarch, perform the sacred [rites], not on account of any humility, but for a higher and far more divine cause.
namely, just as the divine Paul posits and teaches, naming Christ our head, and us his members, and that it behooves us, honoring Christ our head, to have the head uncovered while praying. A Not only for this reason, but also because, who is being consecrated, receives consecration with his head uncovered, and thus, just as when he is ordained, he ought to perform divine services with prayers and sacred rites. And the hierarch especially, since even while he is being consecrated, he has the God-handed oracles or the sacred Gospel above his head, and in performing the most divine sacrifice, he ought not to be seen with a covered head. Someone might perhaps object that it follows from this that the Alexandrian bishop and many others, in accordance with ancient tradition, acting with covered heads, do not act rightly and holily. I do not say this. For they lean upon an ancient tradition, which corresponds more to the ancient law; they act in such a way, just as the priest of the law wore the cidaris, which they also called a mitra, upon his head; by which same name the hierarchs who wear them were wont to be called. And it may be that by that head-covering they remind us of the Lord’s crown of thorns or the shroud which was upon His head. So far he. If the Greeks were not sparing their Alexandrian [patriarch], without a doubt, as they do with many other adiaphora, so too would they precisely and simply repudiate and condemn this custom of officiating with a covered head: for that is the nature of schism, so that besides what pleases itself, hardly anything else pleases. The infula of the prelate of Alexandria is called by Phrygian writers a phrygium, which was granted to S. Cyril when B he was vicar of Pope Celestine of Rome at the Council of Ephesus. From Cyril, the phrygium or mitra came also to his successors; and this tiara was called a phrygium, because it consisted of Phrygian work. Mention is made of the phrygium in the document of the Constantinian Donation, where Constantine says thus: "Next the diadem, namely the crown of our head, and at the same time the phrygium, and also the superhumerale, namely the lorum which is wont to surround the imperial neck, and also the purple chlamys and the scarlet tunic and all the imperial garments, etc." Which are also found in the same number under Pope Leo IX in his epistle against Michael of Constantinople and Leo of Achrida. Balsamon in his Greek version of this edict understands the mitra or tiara or phrygium everywhere as the lorum, as also in his melete on the privileges of patriarchs and in his melete On the duty of the chartulary, whereas C no one else uses the name of the lorum for this meaning. There are those who suspect that Balsamon looked to the laurus or laurea, the most common type of crown formerly; for from laurel it is an easy transition to lorum. Be that as it may, regarding the meaning or the slip of Balsamon, it is sufficiently certain. That of the same edict in the Latin version, just as our senate uses footwear with udones, that is, brightened with white linen, so too should the clergy use them, so that you may rightly understand, the Latin text itself makes it so, while it explains that with udones and white linen, having retained, though slightly deflected, the Greek word, ὀθόνη or ὀθόνιον, which is linen. In the same edict, the priestly crown, with which Sylvester was marked upon the head, is called D [Greek missing in facsimile: see original] na-malth, etc. It pleases me here to relate what our Sirmondus noted in Epistle 3, 1. VI of the Epistles of Sidonius: "The clerical tonsure was once performed in such a way that only a circle of hair stood out, like a crown." For so does Gregory of Tours describe Nicetius, bishop of Trier: "S. Nicetius," he says, "was designated a cleric from his birth; for when he had been delivered in birth, his whole head, as is the custom of children, was seen bare of hair, but in the circuit of the middle hairs an order appeared, so that you would think a cleric’s crown had been marked by them." Today among us only monks almost retain the ancient form of the crown, and the vocal boys of the choir. For that short circle on the crown, which a large part of the clergy uses, was once insolent and unused in the Church, as the 40th canon of the Council of Toledo teaches. So far he. [alt-version omitted]
We have said that the Greeks do not celebrate with the head covered, except for the patriarch of Alexandria and a few others, when the bishops of the Latin Church are wont to perform the greater part of the liturgy with the tiara or infula covering the head. But what shall we answer to Alcuin, who asserts the contrary in *On Divine Offices* c. 38? Hear his words: "Such a garment (cidaris) is not had in the Roman Church or in our regions: for it is not the custom that they celebrate divine mysteries wearing caps; but among the Greeks this is said to be the case, who wear caps, that is, scuphiae (scuphias), on their heads while they assist at the altars." Shall we say that in the time of Alcuin a different custom flourished than in later centuries, with the Greeks having given up their custom and the Latins having embraced it? [index: entries preserved]
BOOK SECOND.
CAPUT I. De inscriptione hujus partis; de despota deque sebastocratore.
Post indicem officiorum et officialium Magnæ Ecclesiae subjicit Codinus catalogum officiorum et officialium aulæ Cpolitanæ, et quidem longe accuratiorem quam sit prior ille. Circa inscriptionem et titulum hujus partis mss. codices non conveniunt: nam Bavarici ita habent: Τὰ ὀφφίκια τοῦ παλλατίου. Ἔτι δὲ καὶ τὰς τάξεις τὰς γενομένας ἐν ταῖς ἑορταῖς εἰς τὸ παλλάτιον, καὶ πῶς τὸν βασιλέα στέφεσθαι δεῖ, καὶ περὶ προβλήσεως δεσπότου καὶ πατριάρχου, καὶ ἐθῶν γινομένων ἐν τῷ παλλατίῳ. *Officia palatii*: ad haec ritus et ordo qui servatur in palatio, in festis, et quomodo oporteat imperatorem coronari; de inaugurationibus despotæ
despotæ A et patriarchæ, et de consuetudinibus palatii.
Index of the Book
On the order of the dignities and offices of the palace, that is, of the Senate (and of the offices, omitting the Senate). The offices of the palace. The Despot, the Sebastokrator, the Caesar, the Panhypersebastos, the Protoprotoprotoprotoprotoprotoprotoprotoprotoprotoprotoprotoprotoprotoprotoprotoprotoprotoprotoprotoprotoprotoprotoprotoprotoprotoprotoprotoprotoprotoprotoprotoprotoprotoprotoprotoprotoprotoprotoprotoprotoprotoprotoprotoprotoprotoprotoprotoprotoprotoprotoprotoprotoprotoprotoprotoprotoprotoprotoprotoprotoprotoprotoprotoprotoprotoprotoprotoprotoprotoprotoprotoprotoprotoprotoprotoprotoprotoprotoprotoprotoprotoprotoprotoprotoprotoprotoprotoprotoprotoprotoprotoprotoprotoprotoprotoprotoprotoprotoprotoprotoprotoprotoprotoprotoprotoprotoprotoprotoprotoprotoprotoprotoprotoprotoprotoprotoprotoprotoprotoprotoprotoprotoprotoprotoprotoprotoprotoprotoprotoprotoprotoprotoprotoprotoprotoprotoprotoprotoprotoprotoprotoprotoprotoprotoprotoprotoprotoprotoprotoprotoprotoprotoprotoprotoprotoprotoprotoprotoprotoprotoprotoprotoprotoprotoprotoprotoprotoprotoprotoprotoprotoprotoprotoprotoprotoprotoprotoprotoprotoprotoprotoprotoprotoprotoprotoprotoprotoprotoprotoprotoprotoprotoprotoprotoprotoprotoprotoprotoprotoprotoprotoprotoprotoprotoprotoprotoprotoprotoprotoprotoprotoprotoprotoprotoprotoprotoprotoprotoprotoprotoprotoprotoprotoprotoprotoprotoprotoprotoprotoprotoprotoprotoprotoprotoprotoprotoprotoprotoprotoprotoprotoprotoprotoprotoprotoprotoprotoprotoprotoprotoprotoprotoprotoprotoprotoprotoprotoprotoprotoprotoprotoprotoprotoprotoprotoprotoprotoprotoprotoprotoprotoprotoprotoprotoprotoprotoprotoprotoprotoprotoprotoprotoprotoprotoprotoprotoprotoprotoprotoprotoprotoprotoprotoprotoprotoprotoprotoprotoprotoprotoprotoprotoprotoprotoprotoprotoprotoprotoprotoprotoprotoprotoprotoprotoprotoprotoprotoprotoprotoprotoprotoprotoprotoprotoprotoprotoprotoprotoprotoprotoprotoprotoprotoprotoprotoprotoprotoprotoprotoprotoprotoprotoprotoprotoprotoprotoprotoprotoprotoprotoprotoprotoprotoprotoprotoprotoprotoprotoprotoprotoprotoprotoprotoprotoprotoprotoprotoprotoprotoprotoprotoprotoprotoprotoprotoprotoprotoprotoprotoprotoprotoprotoprotoprotoprotoprotoprotoprotoprotoprotoprotoprotoprotoprotoprotoprotoprotoprotoprotoprotoprotoprotoprotoprotoprotoprotoprotoprotoprotoprotoprotoprotoprotoprotoprotoprotoprotoprotoprotoprotoprotoprotoprotoprotoprotoprotoprotoprotoprotoprotoprotoprotoprotoprotoprotoprotoprotoprotoprotoprotoprotoprotoprotoprotoprotoprotoprotoprotoprotoprotoprotoprotoprotoprotoprotoprotoprotoprotoprotoprotoprotoprotoprotoprotoprotoprotoprotoprotoprotoprotoprotoprotoprotoprotoprotoprotoprotoprotoprotoprotoprotoprotoprotoprotoprotoprotoprotoprotoprotoprotoprotoprotoprotoprotoprotoprotoprotoprotoprotoprotoprotoprotoprotoprotoprotoprotoprotoprotoprotoprotoprotoprotoprotoprotoprotoprotoprotoprotoprotoprotoprotoprotoprotoprotoprotoprotoprotoprotoprotoprotoprotoprotoprotoprotoprotoprotoprotoprotoprotoprotoprotoprotoprotoprotoprotoprotoprotoprotoprotoprotoprotoprotoprotoprotoprotoprotoprotoprotoprotoprotoprotoprotoprotoprotoprotoprotoprotoprotoprotoprotoprotoprotoprotoprotoprotoprotoprotoprotoprotoprotoprotoprotoprotoprotoprotoprotoprotoprotoprotoprotoprotoprotoprotoprotoprotoprotoprotoprotoprotoprotoprotoprotoprotoprotoprotoprotoprotoprotoprotoprotoprotoprotoprotoprotoprotoprotoprotoprotoprotoprotoprotoprotoprotoprotoprotoprotoprotoprotoprotoprotoprotoprotoprotoprotoprotoprotoprotoprotoprotoprotoprotoprotoprotoprotoprotoprotoprotoprotoprotoprotoprotoprotoprotoprotoprotoprotoprotoprotoprotoprotoprotoprotoprotoprotoprotoprotoprotoprotoprotoprotoprotoprotoprotoprotoprotoprotoprotoprotoprotoprotoprotoprotoprotoprotoprotoprotoprotoprotoprotoprotoprotoprotoprotoprotoprotoprotoprotoprotoprotoprotoprotoprotoprotoprotoprotoprotoprotoprotoprotoprotoprotoprotoprotoprotoprotoprotoprotoprotoprotoprotoprotoprotoprotoprotoprotoprotoprotoprotoprotoprotoprotoprotoprotoprotoprotoprotoprotoprotoprotoprotoprotoprotoprotoprotoprotoprotoprotoprotoprotoprotoprotoprotoprovide an exact transcription of the titles; the offices listed include: Despot, Sebastokrator, Caesar, Panhypersebastos, Protovestiarios, Grand Duke, Grand Domestic, Protoproedros, Grand Logothete, Grand Stratopedarch, Grand Primikerios, Grand Constable, the Official of the Inkstand, Protosebastos, Pincernaria, Parakoimomenos of the Great Seal, Parakoimomenos of the Bedchamber, Grand Baïoulos, Curopalates, Protovestiarites, Domestic of the Imperial Table, the Official of the Table, Logothete of the General, Grand Papias, Eparch, Grand Druungarios of the Watch, Grand Hetaireiarch, Logothete of the Course, Hypatos of the Philosophers, Grand Chartoularios, Mystic, Protasekretis, the Official of the Army, Grand Druungarios of the Fleet, Domestic of the Schools, Primikerios of the Court, Protospatharios, Grand Archon, Tattas of the Court, Grand Tzaousios, Praetor of the People, Logothete of the Oikeiakon, Grand Logariastes, the Official of Petitions, Archdeacon, Scutarius, Protokynegos, Admiral, Actuarius, Grand Adnoumiastes, Quaestor, Logothete of the Army, Prototierakios, Judge of the Vêlon, Grand Interpreter, Logothete of the Herds, Dikaiophylax, Akolouthos, Orphanotrophos, Protonotarios, Judge of the Fossaton, Domestic of the Walls, Protalogatha, of the Vestiarium, Stratopedarch of the Monokaballoi, Stratopedarch of the Mourtatoi, Stratopedarch of the Exakontoi, Stratopedarch of the Tzaggratoroi, the Official of Memories, the Prokathemenos of the Bedchamber, the Prokathemenos of the Vestiarium, Domestic of the Themes, Protokomes, Domestic of the Eastern Themes, Domestic of the Western Themes, Prokathemenos of the Great Palace, Prokathemenos of the Blachernae, Logariastes of the Court, Grand Dioiketes, Nomophylax, Vestiarites, Hetaireiarch, Archon of the Allagia, Grand Myrtatites, Judge of the Secretum, the Rhabdouchoi, Caballarius, Sebastoi, Prokathemenos of the Castle, Druungarios of the Fleet, and the Count.B Note regarding the Despot: Although Junio translates this as "Lord" (*dominus*), I willingly retain the Greek term here and elsewhere, especially since "Despot" is a term well-worn by the usage and pens of the Latins; nor does the Latin word *dominus* achieve the force of that Greek title. You have the inauguration of the Despot in c. 18; nor do I approve of what the Glossary asserts, that the sons, brothers, and sons-in-law of the Emperor, the Sebastokrators, Caesars, and Patriarchs were called by the title of Despot. No one is called by this name unless he has been invested with the dignity and certain ornaments of a Despot, just as no one else is so…
called unless he has previously attained this dignity through an inauguration. I am speaking, however, of the later times of the lower Greek empire, which Codinus represents to us; although it also passed outside Constantinople even without inauguration to others. Hence the prince of Serbia was called Despot of Serbia; for which the Latin annals often use *despotus*. According to Gregoras, book II, [he is] also Despot of Aetolia and Epirus. The Despot of Serbia was also called *cral*, that is to say, King; and his wife was not only *despoena*, but also *cralena* or *cralitza*: for as it is in the Turkish Pandects, chapter 54, among the Hungarians, Bulgarians, and Serbians, *kiral* or more briefly *kral* is King, and *cralna* is Queen; which among the Poles is *krol* and *krolna*. And there seems no doubt that this *kiral* existed from the Greek *kyrios* (lord).
The Despot was next in rank to the Emperor; for which reason he holds the first place in the catalogue of dignities. Michael Palaeologus, however, devised a greater honor for the Despotate, though one without a specific name; the traces of which Cantacuzenus deemed he ought to follow, writing thus of himself, IV, 5: "He does not honor Matthew the elder by naming him with any specific dignity, yet he elevates him above the Despots in honor, so that he might be next to the Emperor." The first emperor of the Palaeologoi, Michael, invented this honor on account of his son Constantine Porphyrogenitus; and this dignity seemed to surpass the dignity of the Despots. GRETS.
[P. 6. Despot.] A colleague of the empire, as well as the senior Emperor, was formerly called Augustus; but the designated successor to the empire, or the first after the Emperor, until Alexius Comnenus, who usurped the tyranny around the year of Christ 1117, was titled Caesar. Alexius, intending to prefer his brother Isaac over Nicephorus Melissenus, who had already obtained the name and dignity of Caesar, devised the name of Sebastocrator, by which he was honored as next after the Emperor, above the Caesar; and finally Alexius, having obtained the empire, having created [a successor] from the family of Alexius and Theodore, [called him by the] more recently created dignity of Despot, superior to the Sebastocrator and the Caesar, and secondary to himself, as Phranza writes, I, 1. From then on, the name of Despot became famous at the court of Constantinople, and when the city was occupied by the Latins and not yet recovered by the Greeks, Joannes Ducas B is read to have been elevated to the honor of Despotate, together with Michael of Thessaly and his son Nicephorus, the son-in-law of Theodore. By which it is established that the Greeks were as liberal in doubling dignities as they were subtle in inventing them. I freely confess, however, that this Michael was not called Despot by that title so that he might receive the empire as an heir, but so that he might be called Prince of Aetolia and Epirus, just as certain others were called Despots of Serbia, that is, petty kings: in which sense also Chaganus, the leader of the Turks, is read in Theophylact Simocatta, book VII, regarding the affairs of Maurice, as "the great Despot of the seven nations and lord of the seven climes of the world"; and not less "Basil the Despot of the Mysians" [is read] in Cantacuzenus, I, 55. GOAR.
[P. 7. Sebastiocrator.] There follows *sebastocrator*, a new invention and fiction of Alexius Comnenus, concerning which his daughter Anna [writes] in the *Alexiad*, book III: "Having coined a new name from *sebastos* and *autokrator*, he bestowed it upon his brother." Zonaras [says] the same in *Alexius Comnenus*. But the Glossary contends that this name was much older than Alexius Comnenus, as having been granted to the princes of Thessaly by Constantine the Great. Therefore it was "new," but in the palace, not outside of it. And [the Glossary] proves this from book VII of Nicephorus Gregoras; among whom, however, I find nothing of this. I shall provide his words: "The Rhosian has received from the great Constantine the station and dignity of the one at the table, the Peloponnesian that of the Prince, the leader of Attica and Athens that of the Grand Duke, [that of] Boeotia and Thebes that of the Grand Primikerios, and [that of] the great island of Sicily that of the [King?]." Nor does Gregoras affirm this in any other place, which the Glossary cites; but he only says that in the last prince of Thessaly, who was Joannes Ducas, the succession of ancestors and the principate of the Sebastocrators, which could have been such from Alexius Comnenus, had failed: for as the name of Despot passed to other princes, so also the name of Sebastocrator seems to have flowed from the court to the princes of Thessaly. Add to this what Anna says, that Alexius composed a new name from *sebastos* and *autokrator*. How did he himself first conflate these two into one, if this name descended from the age of Constantine the Great? Zonaras calls it a "new name." How "new," if [it is] from Constantine the Great? The same is sufficiently manifest from Codinus himself. Could the name of superintendent therefore be new, even if the author of the Glossary was called superintendent at the Leyden school? Truly, the translation for this man might be new, but the word itself would not be new, as it had long since been highly celebrated in the circles of innovators. Even the predecessors of Alexius labored under this disease, and primarily Leo the Philosopher, who, according to Zonara, not only designated Stylianus Zautzes as *magister* and *logothetes of the drome*, but also wanted him to be called by the newly devised name of *basileopator*. GRETS.
[Sebastocrator.] Anna Comnena, the daughter of the founder, recounts the cause of the institution of his dignity in the *Alexiad*, book III; Joannes, the son of Alexius, preserved the honors granted to his uncle, as Nicetas recounts in his life. The same Joannes D [offered?] to Manuel, the youngest of his four sons...
A cities, and not only with the insignia of the Caesar, but in addition to these, with a crown of great value, and I almost said royal. And this did happen. Furthermore, the Emperor had ordered that the name of the Caesar be mentioned together with those of the Emperors in all hymns and acclamations throughout the Roman Empire for a year. And such were the good fortunes of the Caesar. He was exalted with the honors of a Sebastocrator, lest he strive to be lord of all, being called to the succession of the empire from his very birth. It was required that he be honored with a dignity, [he being] first in time, the first among his brothers in time, holding the lead, in charge of everything, the leader of the chorus and the director of melodies and singers, the Grand Domestic. And he was not granted the request of the Grand Domesticate of the East. The present one is removed—the one to whom the tasks of Peter (the General) had been entrusted, whom the Romans are accustomed to call Domestic. B The Greek term *domesticus* means nothing other than one who leads, who stands at the head, who directs. The term *domesticus*, when transferred from domestic affairs to military ones, signifies the supreme commander of the army, or as Comnena says in *Alexiad* I, or as others [say], the Praetorian Prefect, because he would lead the military forces under the Emperor and held the administration of common affairs committed to him by him. The same [term] occurs first in Cedrenus under Theophilus, under whom Manuel leads the Roman legions, and Theophobus the Persian [ones]; but he is soon declared domestic. It is also read first in Theophanes under Michael Rangabe, older than Theophilus. In Irene and Constantine...
CHAPTER II
Caesar, Grand Domestic, Panhypersebastus, Protovestiarius, and many others of this kind.P. 7. Caesar [was] formerly next to the Emperor, now in this census at the Curopalata [he is] third, who perhaps will soon be greater or lesser, as the Favonius of the Cpolitan palace may have breathed; whose inauguration you have below c. 19. C [Not one, but many domestics: ecclesiastical, military, civil. But this one, of whose name and office little is to be said, and only what is appropriate to this place. The Domestic [was] also formerly the same as a procurator, and one having the care of an entire numerous family and house. Simocatta, VI, says: "He receives the common goods of the family into his trust, and even today he is heard of in monasteries."] Artabasdus, another of [the house of] Copronymus, is called domestic (understand: procurator) by Theophanes. Hence, the prefect and head of any thing or order is called *domesticus* by the Greeks... D For the Sebastocrator is raised by the Emperor to the dignity of Despot, the Grand Domestic to that of Caesar, and the Caesar, together with the father-in-law of the Despot, to that of Sebastocrator. He made the distinction from the father-in-law notable, because on [his] blue shoes, eagles woven in gold were fitted for him. He gave a worthy reward to Alexius the Caesar, because through him God granted the Queen of Cities to the Romans. And there was a triumph, held in the most populous and illustrious manner by order of the Emperor, and on this occasion the Caesar marched in procession throughout the army, Emperor and Grand Domestic.
A Migne’s notes (Gretserus and Goarus): “We see a certain Antonius, a Domestic, sent with the military forces to war: this same Antonius is recorded in the time of Copronymus. From this I conjecture that the supreme commander of the Roman army during the time of Copronymus was called a Domestic, and shortly thereafter, having been invested with the title of ‘Great,’ was addressed by that title, whereas before he was universally referred to [as simply Domestic]. I may admit that at another time the Domestic appears under Justinian II, though not as a commander of the army, but rather as a master of the horse. Therefore, it is his role to lead the army and oversee affairs of war. For this reason, Michael Palaeologus is mentioned by the author as the brother of John Angelus, and a description of his position, as well as the more expansive duties of the office, was provided by Cantacuzenus, himself a Great Domestic (II, 5). GOAR.”
C “P. 7. *Panhypersebastos*. This title is also a creation of Alexius Comnenus, who was fecund and eloquent in the invention of such names. See Zonaras on Alexius Comnenus. But as it is said here, this *panhypersebastos*—beyond which it seemed ambition could not proceed—found in subsequent years an equal in John Cantacuzenus, the Great Domestic, and shortly thereafter one even greater and superior, as also the *Protovestiarius*. Thus, these men played with both affairs and titles like a ball, now elevated on high, now pressed downward. Emperor Andronicus the Elder, while decorating his nephew John with the dignity of *panhypersebastos*, made him far more august than he had been before, granting him garments, footwear, and horse trappings of a yellow color, so that he might be most illustrious among the imperial nobility, as Gregoras says (I, 6). And as the wife of a *despotes* is called *despoina*, of a Caesar, *Caesarissa*, and of a *sebastocrator*, *sebastocratorissa* (see the last chapter of Codinus), so the wife of a *panhypersebastos* was styled *panhypersebasta*; such as she who is found in Gregoras (I) as the daughter of Theodore Metochites, joined in marriage to the aforementioned John the *panhypersebastos*. Regarding whose dignity, invented by Alexius Comnenus, besides Zonaras, his daughter Anna writes: ‘At that time he was honored, as was Taronites and the Emperor’s brother-in-law, the *protosebastos* and *protovestiarius*.’ And not long after, he was also declared *panhypersebastos* and became the companion of the Caesar. My father [Codinus] devised the innovation of these titles, having composed them and misused them; for the term *panhypersebastos* and *sebastocrator*, and all such things, appear to have been composed by misuse; for the emperors have been commonly called *sebastoi* from ancient times, and the name of *sebastos* belonged uniquely to the one called Emperor, yet he [Alexius] brought such a title down to a more common usage.”
B “P. 8. *Protovestiarius*. The chief prefect of the wardrobe, whose wife was called *protovestiaria*, as is recorded in Anna Comnena, Book VI of the Alexiad. There will be frequent occasion to speak of the *protovestiarius*. GRETS.”
[Regarding B and the following text:] “One who is concerned with the *protovestiarius* will approach the *vestiarium*. The *vestiarium* is sometimes the wardrobe itself, the vestiary supply, as much as there is sufficient need for garments, just as *calciarium* is for footwear. Understand the *vestiarium* in the later books of the Code and in the *Notitia Imperii* as that place in which the prince’s garments are stored and deposited. Moschopulus, in the book titled *Collection of Attic Names*: *bettioprates* is the tailor; for *vestia* among the Romans means garments, from which also *vestiarium* properly comes, in which imperial garments are kept. William of Tyre, Book [II] of *The Holy War*: ‘Which being done, from the imperial vestiaries were offered to the aforementioned man gold, garments, vessels, and precious stones.’ You see that not only garments are stored in the *vestiarium*, but also gold, vessels, and precious stones, whence some contend that the *vestiarium* and the treasury are one and the same. The *vestiarius*, therefore, is he who cares for such things, brings them forth, stores them away, and protects them. Among the Greeks, as in Zonaras on Eudocia, John Damascene the monk, and others. The chief of all, of whom we speak at present, whose name was already well known from the times of Theophilus in Theophanes, and used by other historians thereafter, was a title granted to great men. Before the institution of the *panhypersebastos*, he was second to the Domestic, as Cedrenus notes in [the life of] Constantine the son of Romanus: ‘As one next to the Domestic, and one handling the vestiary affairs, he dared to carry the sacred bands of Christ in the ecclesiastical procession.’ It was not lawful for them to sleep in the Emperor’s chamber, nor even in the very sacred chamber itself. Leo Grammaticus in [the life of] Michael the son of Theophilus: ‘That Rentacius, the *protovestiarius*, was, some time before, sent by Michael to warn the patriarch regarding the crowning of Basil, and was to bring forth the garments and all the royal equipment.’ GOAR.] D [Regarding D:] “Notum est unde Græci ducis nomen acceperint. Inde ducis uxor, Nicelæ in Alexio Comnena I. I, Synodus Florentina: Legimus…” (Original-script column: see facsimile).
A As for the [title] *dux*, the *doux* and *doukan*. Tyrius, the Latin [author], mentions the “megalducas,” but with joined and corrupted words; chapter 20, 14: “He sent with a fleet of his princes a megalducas, his kinsman,” and chapter 22, 14: “Alexius megalducas, who was prefect of the fleet.” The Greeks also use *douxiton* for the prefecture and command, and for the coin which is to the Germans a *ducat*. See Meursius in his *Glossarium Græco-Barbarum*. Formerly, the prince of Attica and Athens was called *magnus dux* (“great duke”), as is found in Gregoras, book 7. [Grets.] [alt-version omitted]
B
P. 9. Protostrator.
Some manuscripts erroneously believe that the *protostrator* is the Latin “marshal,” for he speaks thus concerning Baldwin of Godefroi: “Mareschalcus: the man was of this rank,” and the term according to the Greeks denotes the *protostrator*. [It relates to] one who is first among the stable-masters; *strator* is a type of rank. We have made the *strator* an office.Grooms [Hippokomoi]
: “Having then immediately called the grooms and mounted his horse, he began the journey leading to the Comneni.”Stratores
: “With some *spatharioi* and *stratores* and other imperial men.”Protostrator
: “Michael, having become the first of the grooms; this one they call *protostrator*.” “He placed Basil over his own grooms; the common dialect knows how to name this man *protostrator*.” [There is mention of a] count of the stable serving among the grooms, and a domestic of the *stratores*, [and] the *protostrator* of the *opsikion*.C
Note on offices
: [Just as offices should never be lightly confused, so too should their titles.] Although in the constitutions of later emperors, those who preside over frontiers, soldiers, provinces, and the *skelerati* are called *duces* (as Procopius says in his *Buildings*, book 3), the *magnus dux* (“great duke”), concerning whom we speak here, can only hold maritime power under his disposition; and he so divides the power of the empire with the [*domestikos*] of the West, that the latter obtains power over the land, while he [the *magnus dux*] obtains power over the sea, as we shall read immediately [in this] chapter. For this reason, where I conjectured earlier that the name *megas domestikos* was given to the commander of the land forces, I suspect that the [title] *magnus dux* was vulgarly used as a name for the prefect of the sea, not much later. Thus, the trust lies with Gregoras, book 6, section 6, that the prince of Attica and Athens, whose dominion of the empire of Constantinople was severed, had already in the age of Constantine been recognized as a *magnus dux*, [having been] chosen by the Roman commanders; and [thus] he acquired the dignity. Leo Grammaticus records this. Nicetas added the name *megas* [to the title] under Manuel Comnenus in more than one place. In Book 5: “In the time of Alexius, this [son of] Manuel...”D [The text continues:] It is added: “And indeed Andronicus Contostephanus had been established as master of the entire fleet. Isaacius sends his own cousin Constantine, whom he also appointed *doux* of the fleet.” [And elsewhere:] “He sends the *megas doux* John with a great fleet, having been appointed ruler of the sea, [and] called *doux* of Cyprus.” “Before your doors stand some of those of the Senate.”
The Megas Stratopedarches.
[This refers to the] *megas stratopedarches*. I gladly retain the Greek name both here and elsewhere, because there are scarcely enough Latin terms that sufficiently express the force of such words. [Grets.]*Strator*
: He is none other than a tribune, who defines the cases of the soldiers, even punishes minor crimes with lashes and orders them to be beaten, and in the absence of the prefect of the army, he takes measures against the soldiers, [and] gives the watchword for the guard and for the departure. “If a soldier has committed any crime,” says Vegetius, book 22, 9, [he...]is punished upon the authority of the army commander by the tribune. The arms of the soldiers, their garments, horses, and provisions, pertain to his charge. The administration of discipline and the severity of the army—not only of the foot-soldiers but also of the legionary cavalry—is overseen daily by his command: for he himself, being a guardian, diligent and sober, reforms the legion entrusted to him through constant exercises to every devotion and industry, knowing that virtue in subordinates redounds to the praise of the commander. Theophanes declares A that he is a tribune under Jovian, whom the same person then calls a stratopedarch, and shortly after a chiliarch. Cedrenus also explains this office of his with the final term; whom Marcellinus writes is the prefect of the domestics, and Jerome in his *Chronicle* writes is their primicerius. Others, whose opinion I support, write from the name *stratopedarch* that he had charge of the camps; for he also performed this duty. I will bring forth authority and other [matters] in the fifth chapter. Anna Comnena reports in book 7 that Eumathius was created stratopedarch by Alexius in order to guard a recovered Cyprus: “Alexius decided to secure matters concerning Cyprus, and entrusting its guard to Eumathius Philocales, he appointed him stratopedarch, having given him warships and cavalry, so that he might secure matters concerning Cyprus by both sea and land.” B Eumathius. The Logothete explains the term *stratopedarch* by a Turkish word long familiar to the Greeks, *Peclarpax*: Leunclavius says that *Peclarpax* is *Begler-Beg*, which he explains as praetor, president, and finally supreme prince of the camps; and he adds the Greek word *stratopedarch*. Meursius writes that this great stratopedarch was in charge of four lesser ones: but he who presides over others is not always a “great” one, but he who excels in office. [GOAR.]
P. 9. *Great primicerius*. I have already discussed the primicerii in book 1, chapter 2. Observe here that the prince of Boeotia and Thebes formerly bore the title of “great primicerius,” as Gregoras testifies in book 7, who adds that this same prince was called “great lord” in later times, the occasion having been taken from the first syllable, namely the first syllable of the word *kyrios* having been cut off for the sake of brevity, as the common people are wont to do, from the word *primicerius* [taking] the two first syllables. From which you may conclude that at that time *ē* and *y* were already pronounced with the same sound, like *iota*: otherwise the custom of the common people would not have confused those two little words. [GRETS.] C
[If *primicerius* is from Suidas, *first*, from Heraclius in the *Novellae* of the *Juris GR.*, in each order the *first*, just as among the cantors, about whom in the upper chapter, or among the advocates, about whom in the *Juris GR.* p. 225, the primicerius is the *prior*, is he here the *great one* among the various primicerii of the empire so that he commands all? Meursius affirms this, as recently concerning the stratopedarch. But since he is in the court (for the *primicerius* is read more frequently in what follows), he is *great* here because he excels that one and the others; and for that reason *primicerius*, because, as the author writes below, he is the head of the imperial arrangement, in the army... D
P. 9. *Great contostaulus*, count of the stable, to the French *connestable*. A name compounded from *contos* meaning *conto* (or *comes*) and *staulos* meaning *stabulum* (stable). Cantacuzenus, 1, 40: They acknowledge a prince of Savoy, whom the Latin tongue calls *conton*; because in that age that prince was not yet a duke but a count. *Council of Florence*: “There were also cavallarii and marcesii, contos and dukes.” *Conton* is also used by more recent Greeks for *brief, short, kurz, small*; hence *contacium*, a type of sacred ode-book. Cedrenus writes that someone was called [Contoleon] and another [Contostephanus] on account of smallness, as if a *small lion* and a *small Stephanus*. *Conto* is also near, [neighboring]. *Staulo* or *staulos* is derived from the Latin *stabulum*: for if you strike out the single little letter *b*, you have *staulum*. Hence also the Germans have *Stall, Stallung, einstallieren*, which the barbarians call *installare*, to assign a stall or station. And do not wonder if the origin of such names is traced to the word *stabulum*, since the same word yields the name *contostaulus*, and indeed an honorable one; for today also the *stallmeister*, masters of the stable, are in high place at the courts of princes. *Kontostaulos* is also written, but the former is more correct. The ancient Franks also had a count of the stable, as can be seen in the epistle of Hincmar, c. 16; whom the common people corruptly called *constabulum*, as is found in Regino, 1, 11, and throughout Tyrius one can read *constabularius*. You also have the simple *stabularius* in the anonymous 8, 6, *On the Holy War*: Conrad, stable-master of Henry. [GRETS.]
182 [The Romans had counts of the imperial stable, concerning whom Paul the Deacon, book 17, and book 29, c. Theodos. *On provisions and tributes*, book 11. The Greeks likewise also boast with words corresponding to the name Badurium of Justinian, and another anonymous [author] distinguished by the same appellation in Theophanes and Leo Grammaticus in *Theophilus*. From them the ancient Franks derive their counts of the royal stables, the *connestables*, and the more recent Greeks [derive] theirs: yet the latter [derive] from the former. I explain the matter in few words. The recent counts are called *kontous* (that is *breves*, you might say), as Nicetas in *Andronicus*, 1, 1: *Stabula* or Moschopulus: *hippones, hippostaseis, stauloi*. From both, without any difficulty, *kontostaulos*.]
A 183 and finally him by the emperor with these words he was instituted: "Be you the Great Logothete"; which statement Phranzes asserts, although he had been created thus in secret, in order that according to the custom of the office he might not be forbidden to venerate the emperor and worship him in public. But whether this Great Logothete is the same as the head of the most august senate, is to me almost indubitable: for where there is mention of the one, there is profound silence concerning the other, and when that great one resounds, the other lies concealed in secret: or is it not for this reason, that this dignity made itself binominal at different times? Certainly Nicetas removes every scruple from the path of forming an opinion of this kind in the titles of his books, and in the *Murzuphlus*, affirming that he sat on the highest throne of the senate and held the supreme account of the judgments in the [imperial] offices: but what is this other than to have acted as the Great Logothete? Moreover, Anastasius, according to the report of Cedrenus in his life, orders the logothete and prefect of the city, having mounted the ambo, to proclaim the heresy of the Acephali: what is this other than to have willed to favor the same and confirm by public authority the president of the senate and the one set over the affairs of the people? I read of the logothete of the secretariate in Anna Comnena, book 1, and immediately upon the threshold of history in Nicetas, and in Isaac Angelus, book 1; I read of the Great Logothete in Nicephorus Gregoras and those after him, and of a logothete simply, or with the addition of *ton genikou* [of the treasury], among all writers before Nicetas. GOAR.
B P. 9. Protosebastus, "first-august," as Wolf preferred to translate. Roger in the *English Annals*: "Who was called in Greek *protosebastos*; in Latin, Count Palatine." The dignity of *protosebastus* is called here in the order of the thirteenth; and so it is in our index: in the catalog of the Law of the Greeks, 1, 11, it holds the fourteenth place. In our [version], the Great Domestic is fourth; in that one, seventh. GRETS.
C *The protosebastus.* A name unheard of before the time of Alexius Comnenus; and where Anna, the daughter, narrates the invention [of this title] along with *sebastocrator* and *panhypersebastus*, [she says] that [the emperor] endowed him with the dignity of *vestiarius*, and reports that Adrian, his brother, was called the most illustrious *protosebastus*: D and without an intervening word she adds: "My father discovered these novelties of dignities." Nicetas, Gregoras, and Cantacuzenus recount other *protosebastoi* joined with the dignity of *protovestiarius*. I return to Alexius and Anna. Where she herself narrates that the Venetians, allies in the wars, were compensated by her father with gifts and heaps of goods; she writes that the leader of the republic himself was honored with the dignity and stipends of the *protosebastoi*, and the patriarch with the title of *pervenerandus* [most venerable], a not illiberal gift having been bestowed. His words are: "Who was remunerated for many of these things by gifts and honor, and he [the emperor] honored even the Doge himself of Venice with the dignity of the *protosebastoi* along with the *roga*, and the most exalted [patriarch]..."
[The passage about the *roga*] was nowhere *alogos roga* [irrational salary], nor did it belong to the military account, since Pope Gregory VII, not long ago, namely in the year 1073, had urged the Venetians by letter—concerning which Baronius [writes] in that year—to support the poverty of their patriarch. 51. The *protosebasti* wore a green cap, as we read, and a green liquor was proper to him, by which, just as the emperor obtained the power of signing in red, so he [the *protosebastos*] obtained the power of signing in green. Nicetas on the *protosebastos* in the account of Alexios, son of Manuel: "He issued a decree from the emperor, not to regard as acceptable whatever documents the imperial hand might signify, unless they were first seen by Alexios, and thus by applying his right hand to the frog-colored [green] ink, he might bestow the imperial mark of the red." GOAR.]
[Concerning the *hupatos ton philosophon*]: In our text, no one is the *hupatos ton philosophon*, the supreme of philosophers; 184 but in the other [manuscript] it holds position [number] 29. 86 occupy the place of the *rhabdouchoi*. The interpreter translates "lictors"; our index lacks the *rhabdouchoi*. There are also other differences, which the reader will discover by a mutual collation of both catalogues. GRETS.
P. 9. *Pincerna*, cupbearer. It is also written *pingkernes*. In the index of the *Jus Graeco-Romanum*, that reading *epikernes* is noted and approved. But let us defend the vulgate: otherwise, shortly after, someone will arise who reads it separately: *ho epi kernes*. GRETS.
[Ibid. *Pincerna* is a word known to the Latins, from which, as some maintain, [comes] the Graeco-barbarian *pingkernes*: but if you put full faith in me, *pikernes* itself is genuinely Greek, as [if it were] *epi kernes*, prefect of the cup. You know that the word *kerannumi* has acquired the meaning of tempering or mixing, in whose stead the common people say *kerno*; from this [comes] *kernes*, a pouring and the service of presenting the cup, and *ho epi kernes*, one set over the pouring or the cups; thence, two words contracted into one by apheresis makes *pikernes*, and because of the affinity to the Latin *pincerna*, he is also called *pikernes*, whom Cedrenus [calls] the *oinoschoon* [wine-pourer] in [the story of] Theophilus, Nicetas [calls] *epi kermatos* (they say *krasi* or *krasion* for wine today), and Manasses finally calls *ho epi kernes*. So help me God, Gretser was a prophet: for in this [book], the paper still damp with scarcely dried characters, I can barely read it at first: a little later will arise one who reads it separately: *ho epi kernes*. GOAR.]
16. The name *Curopalata*, it seems, is formed from the care of the palace. Evagrius, v, 1: "entrusted with the protection of the palace, whom in the language of the Romans is called *couropalaten*." Corippus described him, *Laud. Just.* 1, 485 and book II, 282. The Latins variously corrupt the name *curopalata*: hence in Luitprand in his *Legation* it is *Leonis coropalati*, and in Leo of Ostia *curoplasi*; *couropalatissa*, the wife of the *curopalata*, and *Couropalatikon*, the office or dignity of the *curopalata*; by which even those absent were distinguished, and those by whom Constantinople was never seen, perhaps never to be seen. You will find examples in the booklet of Constantine Porphyrogenitus, *De Administrando Imperio*. Regarding the *Curopalata*, Codinus [writes] throughout his booklet; B now, truly, this is at the time of Codinus, nothing. Alemannus at page 28 of Procopius establishes a double *Curopalata*: one who had under him the Praetorian soldiers, of whom there are many ranks, *domestici*, *protectores*, *silentiarii*, of whom Procopius [speaks], p. 108: out of these, some remained in the atrium and the vestibule of the palace, others sat before the bedrooms and kept watch day and night: these were called *somatophylakes*, in Latin *excubitores*, the guards of the palace, Praetorian soldiers or *praetoriani*, of the court or courtiers. Jornandes calls the prefect of these ranks the *comes praetorianus* or [prefect] of the *excubitores*, Procopius [calls him] the prince of the guards of the palace, Corippus *Laud. Just.* 2, 285 [calls him] the caretaker of the palace. The other *Curopalata* was the prefect of the palace factory. Concerning whom Cassiodorus in *Var. Epist.* VII, 5 [writes], whose great dignity Meursius believes to have been [attained] in his *Glossary*, because before King Theodoric he walked first, carrying a golden rod. But Cassiodorus [says], "First," he says, "among the numerous attendants," that is, not among 185 the individual and primary men, the patricians, senators, and consulares. Gold, however, is the rod, which Codinus calls the *dikanikion*, granted even to the lower ranks for the sake of honor, and this is to be gathered from that same passage of Cassiodorus. There were at times many in Constantinople conspicuous with this dignity. Cedrenus: "After the death of Justinian, his cousin Justin reigned, [who was] from the *couropalatai*." And in John Curopalates regarding Isaac Comnenus: "John the brother and Catacalon, [who was] called *Curopalates*, and to both of them..." Nor only in Constantinople, but also foreigners were honored with this dignity, especially the Iberians, as is clear from Constantine the Emperor, book of *De Administrando Imperio*, chapters 45 and 46.
Luitprand of Cremona describes the palace of Constantinople, lib. V of *Rerum per Europam gestarum*: "The palace of Constantinople excels not only in beauty, but even in strength, in all the fortifications which I have ever seen: which is also observed by the non-minimal continuous military guard. It is the custom, therefore, here after the morning dawn, for all to attend, but after the third hour of the day, with everyone dismissed by a given signal, [the palace] is first... shortly after will rise he who reads it separately: *ho epi kernes*, which is *missa*, until the ninth hour, that there is access for everyone to be forbidden. But what is this sign *missa*? Or is it *missa* or *missio*, which is *licet*? But what does this Latin [mean] among the Greeks? Or *misa*? For to later Greeks this word was *usurpata*. See Meursius under *Misa*. GRETS.
[The word entered Greece quite late, invented first by the Latins, *cura palatii*, by which is understood that magistrate who manages the care of the palace and is called "curator of the palace" in some editions of the *Codex Theodosianus*, *De Comit. et Trib. Schol.*, 1. VII, and I think [it is] the same [official] whom Theophanes celebrates in [the time of] Maurice, "curator of the imperial houses," to whose dignity, as being next to the imperial, the highest men either aspired or were cast down, as the histories relate. Justinian's nephew Justin [was] *couropalates*, so writes Theophanes [meaning] from *cura palatii* (an expression proper to Marcellinus) ascended the throne.]
A *Prokoitoi* (attendants before the bedchamber) are spoken of by Zonaras in the Life of Theophilus, and by Nicetas [in the Life of] John Comnenus as *oikeioi* (familial attendants) and *prokoitoi*; by Theophanes in [the Life of] Justinian, as *koubouklearioi* and *spatharioi*: for indeed, being armed with swords, they observed the sacred bedchamber. For this reason Maurice, terrified by a dream which was an oracle of [his] death, as the same Theophanes says, when he awoke, called for the *parakoimōmenos* (the one who sleeps near [the emperor]), as one who, according to his name, was keeping watch while the prince slept. GOAR.
*Ib.* Logothete of the general treasury. I have translated it thus, following the *Glossarium Graecobarbarum* of Junius, [who calls him] "logothete of public affairs." [This is] far more apt than the translator of the historian John Curopalates, for whom *ho apo genikōn* is "Nicephorus of the Genikoi." The translator of the *Juris Graeco-Romani* calls him "curator of the genikon." Wolf translates it as "general," absolutely, and "general logothete," because Zonaras in the reign of Irene and her son Constantine calls Nicephorus *ton genikon logothetēn*. The greatest eulogist of Theodore Metochites is Nicephorus Gregoras in his history, especially in Book VII, not far from the end. This Metochites had also discharged the office of this logothete. GRETS.
B These words, "the logothete of the general [treasury]," cast light upon one another. The *genikon* is a place in Constantinople where subjects pay their legal tributes and merchants pay their taxes, which Zonaras described periphrastically in [the reign of] Constantine Ducas; concerning which Cedrenus [writes] in [the Life of] Basil: "And descending to the *Genikon*, the seat of the treasury, he used to inspect those who were being taxed by the public officials, lest anyone should be taxed unjustly, and thus he assisted those suffering injury." The *genikos* is therefore an exactor of duties and taxes, as they say, "general." Suidas s.v. *Genikos*: "The emperor Anastasius of the Romans, perceiving that a uniform of the Saracens was coming against the city, placed John, a deacon of the Great Church and an accountant of taxes, whom they call *Genikos*, as leader of the war." And the so-called "patrimonies" of the churches of the holy and chief apostles in Rome—the three and a half talents formerly paid—he commanded to be paid into the public account. C Logothete, from *logos* (account), composes the public accounts, by which method...
D ...nuncupatus Isaurus Artabasdum data in conjugem filia curopalatem fecit, ex eodem Theophane, qui Mauricium quoque nepotem Domentiolum eo titulo refert auxisse. Hunc honorem Domentiolo fratri contulit Phocas, ut Cedrenus in ejus Vita, et pariter germano Theodoro Heraclius, ut Nicephorus in Breviario. Michael S. Ignatii pater ex curopalate factus est imperator. Bardas Ignatio, infensus, summam ambiens potestatem, curopalates primum, tum Caesar est salutatus. De ejus insignibus et ministeriis suo loco: plura et diversa reperies apud Meursium, Gretserum, Bulengerum, Fabrotum in Cedreni Glossario, Dempsterum de Antiq. Rom. I, 4, Savarum in Sidonii Apollinaris carmen 23. GOAR.
P. 9. *Accubitor* of the *sphendonē*. Junius [calls him] "accubitor of the *funda*." In the catalogue of the *Juris Graeco-Romani*, [it is] "interpres accubitor of the great *pala*." I have endeavored to explain the matter itself in my translation, since there is nothing available which the Greek expresses aptly. For this *parakoimōmenos* was the signet-bearer or custodian of the imperial ring, with which letters were sealed; which ring is signified by its part, namely by the *sphendonē* or *pala*: for this part serves for the seal, so to speak. GRETS.
[That the emperors wore signet rings or seals in rings up to the final centuries, Nicetas declares, both in the beginning of his history of John Comnenus, where he himself [describes] the *patera daktylion* (the royal ring), and at the end of [the Life of] Alexius, regarding the grandson of the praised John, where, after he was cruelly beheaded, his ear was pierced with an awl, and a thread passed through, and he was sealed with the ring of Andronicus, who was invading the tyranny: *Tirpata*... This ring and any other seal received the name *sphendonē*. *Sphendonē*, says Suidas, is the circumference of the ring, and [refers to] the use suitable for setting a stone. He who is the custodian of this ring and of any other royal seal observes the place in which it is kept; he sits there, lingers, keeps watch, and after the manner of guards also takes sleep; [he is] therefore the superintendent of the royal seal, the archon of the sacred registry, the keeper of the seals of the empire. GOAR.]
P. 9. Prefect or *accubitor* of the bedchamber; some add "sacred," as being imperial. Today in courts they are called *Kammerherrn*, chamberlains, distinguished by golden keys. GRETS.
[Ibid. Constantine Manasses explains *parakoiton* (sleeping near) and guardian of the imperial bed, under whose arrangement were the *prokoitoi* (attendants before the couch) and guards, of whom Nicetas [speaks], who used to keep watch before the doors and guard the emperor. *Katēunazon*, he says in [the Life of] Andronicus, 1.11. Therefore these [people] closer to the prince, namely at the doors and next to the bedchamber, who for this reason are called *koitōnitai* by Leo Grammaticus...]
A and the rest of the order, it is agreed from the things said above, belong to the domestic. For this reason, the domestic of the table—and as Gregoras, VIII, 7 has it, being honored by the title of the imperial table—is reckoned [to be he] whom Pancirolus in *Notitia Imperii Occidentis*, c. 44, calls *castrensis* of the sacred palace, who cares for the table of the prince and the entire palace; whom we see as the master of the great hospitium, set over the builders of the royal table and exercising authority over the other ministers of the royal court. GOAR.]
P. 10. *The [one] over the table*, the *trapezopoios*; [he who is] concerned with the entirety of the preparation for banquets, as we understand from Hesychius; of which title of office, already from the times of Constantine, the prince of Russia in the emperor’s palace enjoyed [the possession], as Gregoras, I, VII, is the author—and certainly he is one witness where he says: the Russian leader has obtained both the station and the rank of the *epi tēs trapezēs* from the great Constantine.
P. 10. *Magnus pappias*. *Pappias*, absolutely father, is the same as *papa*, or *pappas*. Palladius in the *Lausiac History* regarding Paul the Simple (for it is written both *pappa* and *simplici*)—this is a name for a palatine dignity, concerning which Codinus [speaks] below in c. 5. GRETS.
*Of children coaxing and babbling*, calling [them] fathers and seniors, the word is *pappas*. Eustathius in *Iliad* V: regarding the naming of a child, and by reduplication we say *pappas* and *pappias*, O father Pappias, do you wish that we eat a crust of bread? Why are you troubled and anxious, *pappias*? To the guardian of the houses of those in the palace, we call him *pappias* according to the Roman [Latin] tongue. [He] found that the *pappias* of the palace had brought them in.
B [*The protovestiarios*. *Vestiarios*, *vesti-toros*. They lost the crown of the emperor, *apōlesan* the *vestētores* the crown of the emperor. The patriarch lifts the *chlamys* and delivers it to the *vestētores*, and the *phila*. Therefore one interprets the *protovestiarios* as master of the royal bedchamber, or prince of the royal bedchamber-attendants; and he describes his work as being that which is now to be referred to as serving in the emperor's bedchamber. GOAR.]
[Those who follow, the domestic of the table and the prefect of the table, are well enough known. GRETS.]
P. 9. The prefecture and primacy over the same C of the domestic of the imperial table, being honored by the title, P. 10. *The [one] over the table*, the *trapezopoios*; [he who is] concerned with the preparation of all things for banquets, and the Russian leader has obtained both the station and the rank of the [one] over the table from the great Constantine.
*Pappias*, *pappas*. And at sunset Antony says to him: "Pappia, do you wish that we eat a crust of bread?" *Pappias*. Regarding the address to an infant and by reduplication we say *pappas* and *pappias*, "O father Pappia, do you wish that we eat a crust of bread?" "Why are you troubled and anxious, Pappia?" To the guardian of the houses of those in the palace, we call him *pappia* according to the Roman tongue. [He] found that the *pappias* of the palace had brought them in.
[*The protovestiarios*. *Vestiarios*, *vesti-toros*. They lost the crown of the emperor, *apōlesan* the *vestiarios* the crown of the emperor, they lost the *vestētores* the crown of the emperor. The patriarch lifts the *chlamys* D and delivers it to the *vestētores*, and the *phila*. Therefore [one] interprets the *protovestiarios*—undirected to [any] master—as serving in the house of the emperor. At night, having been armed, inside, wearing swords, the *pappias* having opened, as the priests, they entered with *phelonia*.
A And when they were promoted to the dignity of *pappias* (which is unlawful, as Anna Comnena discourses most excellently), they led troops against the enemy and frequently engaged them in hand-to-hand combat, they are joined to the clergy in vain, since they, even while excluded from the clergy, could bring in sacred images and open the gates of the palace to clerics no less than the clerics themselves. A cleric, therefore, whether he was one of the order or excluded from the ecclesiastical order, sometimes held the keys of the palace committed to his trust, as Leo Grammaticus attests. His words regarding Basil the Macedonian declare this: *Artabasdos having rushed to the pappias and having snatched the keys from him by force, opened for Basileios; and Basileios, having gone inside, took the keys of the palace into his hands, and on the next morning Gregory, who was called "of Philemon," he made pappias.* That he should have lived in the palace, and that there should have been easy access for the emperor to his room, Cedrenus narrates in *Leo the Armenian*. Moreover, whether I write *pappias* or *papias*, lest I delay on a matter of no importance, for me it has always been the same, according to the various authors or exemplars, as it is a matter not to be called into dispute.
P. 10. *Magnus drungarius* B — *drungarius of the watch*. Distorted from the Latin *vigilia*. *Droungarios*, who is also *droungares*, from *droungos*: *drungus* is a band of soldiers; a word unknown to the Latins. Vopiscus in *Aurelian*: *He led of every nation drungos [bands] of up to fifty men in the triumph*. Where Casaubon: *In the books of the Greek Tactics, every gathering of soldiers is called a droungos*, whether of many or even of very few: for three or four make a *droungos*. Hence *droungisti*—to be arranged in a band, which he opposes to the long and continuous drawn-out line. See Rigaltius in the *Glossary* under *droungos*. Leunclavius calls a *druncarius* from a trunk, from a rod of rule, *bastone del reggimento*, a sign of the magistracy; nor does he subject fewer than a thousand soldiers or more to his *druncarius*, in another *Onomasticon*, which he added to the *History of the Muslims*. But these things are of little weight, because *drungus* is an ancient word, not born recently in later Greece; 2, because the later Greeks do not call the rod or staff of him who performs the military magistracy a *drunca*, but a *dixanicion* or scepter; 3, because the tactical writers, Constantine in *Thematibus*, Leo in his *Tactics*, Mauricius in his *Strategicon*, and others, C including Codinus, do not agree. Hence *droungisti*—in groups, *rottenweise*. Although the word itself is purely Germanic, *rott*. Nicetas in *Baldwin of Flanders*: *moiran*, they called it *routtan*. Neubrigensis II, 27: *the troops which they call rullas*. GRETSER.
P. 10. *The Eparch.* Prefect of the city. Nicetas in *Alexius* III, 1: *Cedrenus in Theophilus*: from which it is among Leo Grammaticus. This office of his is to be discussed more broadly in another place. Concerning his name, Blastares observes a distinction in *Elementa* E, c. 15: Hence a more obscure passage of Cedrenus receives light in Justin II, and we understand that eparch and uparchos are becoming the same thing: *For the eparch said to the emperor: "Now, Master, what I promised I have fulfilled." And the emperor made him a patrician and eparch until the end of his life.* Where he establishes that he should not be removed from office, inasmuch as he is a governor of a province or another city. Or, lest I assert that the rank of him who had earned the reward was diminished, that the prefect of the praetorium is denoted by the same word. Theophanes in *Leo*: *The emperor commanded Isocasius to be examined by the eparch of the praetoriums in Constantinople.* He made Apion a patrician and eparch of the praetoriums. They murdered the eparch. A leader of the soldiers of that time among the Illyrians, Theodore, eparch of the praetorium. He had received the governance of the taxes of the East from a certain time, which the Romans are accustomed to call eparch of the praetoriums. Eparch, drungaric, tribunal, watching, observation, supervision. He who watches over the guards of the episcopate. D P. 10. [Prefect of the watch instituted by Augustus at Rome, who, with cohorts distributed through the regions, would protect the city from nocturnal prowlers and sudden fires, as Dempster demonstrates in *Ant. Rom.* VII, 34. This official inquired about incendiaries, thieves, harborers, and other crimes committed through the streets and houses, unless by chance they were so atrocious and famous that they were referred to the urban prefect, concerning whom see Pancirollus in *Notitia Orientis*, c. 27. I conjure that the tribunal of such an office in Constantinople was called *droungarikon* from the Novella of Alexius Comnenus in the *Juris Graeco-Romani*, vol. II. There were other watches in the camps, concerning which the same Dempster 10, 15, whose appellation is brought forth by the Greeks as *vigla*, in Greek more so from Simocatta—observation, reconnaissance, supervision. The prefect, who is entrusted with the same, Simocatta II, 9, prefect, I say, of them, the *droungarios*, because they would consist of a *drungus* or squadron of soldiers (*droungos* indeed is a squadron). Concerning his ministry, the author in the following: concerning the name, learnedly and extensively Rigaltius, Meursius, Gretser, Bullengerus, Fabrotus in *Cedrenus*, and others. An ancient and well-known office: around the times of Copronymus, I find the common name first written in Theophanes. GOAR]
A [Scriniarius, says Meursius. Very well: for the old Etymological lexicon teaches that the *chartularii* were in charge of official commentaries (or clerks), public records, documents, and the writing and amending of instruments. But since you could number many of this kind, this one who was of the public post, *tou oxeos dromou* (“of the swift course”), in Constantine Porphyrogenitus; another of the sacred bedchamber, in Novel 25, *tou theiou kouboukleiou*, who is also *ton theiōn koitōnōn* in the Ecloga LL. of Leo and Constantine; a master of the horse, another in Code Theod. Book 5, on diverse offices and apparitors, and in book 7; a fourth, Theodore the Chumnus, being *chartularios* of the stables in Nicetas Book 1 of Isaac, and in Zonaras in Leo the Isaurian, presiding over the imperial horses; and others in the armies [are found], and others subordinate to the great logothete in Nicetas in Manuel Book 1, whom he describes as *hypourqous* (logothetes), not a few of the writers and speakers, learned men; and as many other *scriniarii* as you would assign from the Notitia of the empire: this, however, is the *megas* (“great” one), to whom the rest were referred, or who preceded the others in honor. Concerning the *chartularius* of the church, as it is of another order, I say nothing at present. We read that he was entrusted with the great army of this one in Nicetas in Manuel Book 3, in his son Alexius, and in Isaac Angelus Book 1. GOAR.]
Sed quid in Legibus Francicis, 1. vi, 108, homo *chartularius*? Est, inquit Pithæus in Glossario, homo per chartam sive per epistolam liber factus. Liberti ecclesiastici erant, ait alius in notis ad Paræneses, quibus archidiaconus jubebat scribi chartas tabulasve missionis seu manumissionis. Unde chartularii et tabularii nominati. GRETS.
Ib. B [The logothete of the course, *rationalis cursus*, the supreme head of the couriers. Of the public post, Procopius in his *Anekdota*: "The Roman emperors who had been previously devised a method by which all things could be announced to them as quickly as possible, and so that they might know what was occurring everywhere among the enemies, and if any sedition or any other unforeseen thing should arise in the cities from the governors, or anything else in any way whatever, and so that the annual tributes might be transmitted quickly and safely. They therefore instituted a public and swift course everywhere in this manner. For an unencumbered man prepared for the road, they established stations for a day’s journey, sometimes eight, sometimes fewer, yet never less than five, which happened most frequently. C Forty horses, however, were stabled in the individual stations, and keepers of the horses were destined there to take care of as many horses as they were able. With the most excellent horses succeeding one another at the stations, those who were driving them would accomplish a journey of nearly ten days in turn, acting in the way which we have indicated." So he. He who kept the accounts of the couriers was very frequently called *logothetēs tou dromou* (“logothete of the course”), as it occurs in Theophanes, Cedrenus, Zonaras, Nicetas, and others; sometimes *tou oxeou dromou* (“of the swift course”), which Theophanes wrote in the case of Leo, the son of Copronymus, more correctly *tou oxeos dromou* (“of the swift course”), which Constantine placed in the *Chorographia*. The Latins, from the Greek, would pronounce it *logothetan tu dromu* and *tu dromi* with Paul the Deacon. Theopha-
- A nes again in *Justiniano*: “He who was in charge of the public course defected, having handed over the public horses.” He sent a chartulary of the swift course. In this instance, the letters were handed over to the *protonotarius* of the course by the person who had recently arrived, informing them B that the Saracens had encamped in the Melangeia. The *protonotarius*, therefore, saddened by the announcement, approached the Emperor and showed him the letters.
The Tribunal of the Hippodrome; the Logothete of the Course; the Judge of the Course
p. 10. *Protoasecretis*, *protoasecretis*, *protoasecretis*. The Byzantines call this dignity *asēkrētis* (secret-writer) from *sekra* (secrets), for the secrets are the things kept silent. They call the writer of secrets, that is, the notary, the *asēkrētis*. The under-secretary of the kings, whom they call *asēkrētis*. The tribunal is the *sekrtēon*; just as the rulers of the world had it, he both designated it and called it *asēkrēteion*. Having received the reports, the King sat in the *asēkrēteia*, and he became the precise examiner of the things reported. A The flight was to the Hippodrome according to the *asēkrēteia*; for there at that time was the lodging of the *asēkrētes*. Nicephorus and Ignatius, most holy patriarchs, were *a secretis*, and for this reason they were written as *laikoi* (laymen) by Cedrenus. From these I gather that the first of the *asēkrētes*—not exactly as Plutarch says—was the *protoasēkrētes* and epistle-writer of Justinian. First *asēkrētes*, the first among the secrets: *protoasēkrētes*? B ...some among the Persians serving the kingly and public affairs, whom, if one were to use the Latin tongue, he would call *asēkrētes*. The distinction between the two *a secretis* many authors conflate, but the matters written in confusion and disorder are clarified by Dempster. Artemius, Anastasius, and Photius, both were assumed, the one into the empire, the other into the patriarchate of Constantinople.p. 10. Bullenger explains “he who is in charge of the army” as he who is in charge of the armory. In Nicetas *Alexii*, 1. I find in Theophanes it is written: “he adds that he is the superintendent of the camp.” Nicetas calls him the guardian of the army. C The author, c. 16, will show him as the commander of the Melitene camps.
ib. *The Mystic*. Gretser once read it as the mystic of the schools, but entirely wrongly. They read *Regia* without the addition, and the interpreter Gretser translates it loosely as *mysticus*; afterwards he adds the domestic of the schools. A perverse reading drove me to Cedrenus, so that I might ascribe this office not to the city and the laws, but to the camp. Looking more closely, the final epistle of John Tzetzes compelled me to interpret him as a senator of the more secret council. It is thus: “..scion. Nothing can be clearer to dispel the shadows cast by Gretser. These two words, explained by Tzetzes himself, *Chil.* 10, tit. 350, carry the greatest force: his power in pronouncing law and in claiming the goods of the Church shines forth in *Juris Gr.* lib. II, p. 155, and again, p. 168. D One reads in Cedrenus in *Leo the Wise* that Nicholas the Patriarch was made from *Mysticus*. It is written *mystographos* in *Juris Gr.* tom. 2, p. 180. Perhaps it is *mystikos*, because he stood first in the more secret council, which the ancients wrote as *secretum*; to which that of Achmet in Meursius corresponds, “He will be a *mystikos* to Pharaoh and first...”
A Theophanes is named: but Zonaras mentions a *droungarios* of the Cibyrraeots, as well as a *droungarios* of the secret mysteries, in the time of Justinian Rhinotmetus.
1b. [*Magister caeremoniarum*], whom the patriarch Philotheus calls in the church the *primicerius* of good order, who arranges all who are in the court, and distributes to all the order, place, and time of their duties. Read, if you like, chapter five of the author.
1b. [*Protospatharios*], attendants, armed with a *spatha*—a sword. A *spatha* is a broader sword. Recent writers call it *spathion* and *spathi*, which because of the harsh pronunciation, being somewhat similar to *spathe*, Martin Crusius wrote about in *Turcograecia*. Eustratius in the *Jure Graeco* enumerates so many *protospatharioi* that I might conjecture that anyone at all was adorned with that title. He compresses these four into as many lines: Peter, *protospatharios* and *eparch*; Pathos, *protospatharios* and great *oikonomos*; Theodosius, *protospatharios* and *oikonomos* of the holy houses; John, *protospatharios* and *chartoularios*. Nicetas understands *spatharios* where he speaks of bodyguards brandishing swords. B
1b. [*The Great Archon*]. Who this is, the historians point out by conjecture. The principal point is sought from the *Ecloga* of Leo and Constantine, tit. 4: The name of *archon* is generic, and signifies also a *strategos*, an *anthypatos*, and all those who are administrators of provinces, even if they be senators. But the name of *anthypatos* is specific. Cedrenus celebrates this in Basil and Constantine; in Romanus Argyrus, he mentions lords of Antioch and lords of Abasgia and lords of Panotheos, and lords of lords. As for the passage: “He sat in Greater Armenia as a slave of the Emperor of the Romans, being promoted by him and receiving such a dignity, and the fortresses, the state, and the villages which he ruled are those of the Emperor of the Romans.” Our own view is that such a “great archon” is never affirmed to be this, but rather some personage superior among the provincial administrators, to be honored above the rest on account of the name or superior office. As Suidas asserts, the *archon* is reserved for the adjudication of orphans, of those suffering from insanity, and of those disinherited. C
P. 10. [*The Great Droungarios of the Fleet*]. Who he is, or what his role is in the fleet, the Emperor Leo explains in his *Tactics*, ch. 19: “But as for the thematic *dromones*, *droungarioi* and *tourmarchai* shall be appointed; and these shall be subject to the *strategos* and shall follow his commands.” I am not ignorant that, following the model of the imperial fleet, the *strategoi* of the fleets of the other themes were once called *droungarioi* in earlier times, and those under them were only *komites* and *kentarchoi*; but now, for each of the *droungarioi*, the authority has risen to the rank of *strategos*, and it is divided into the strategic ranks. D There were indeed imperial fleets commanding the whole sea: to the defense of the province or of each theme a certain number of *celoces* was assigned. There was a great leader of the entire fleet, of whom we spoke earlier; and over the *celoces* divided by the themes, *droungarioi* were placed, among whom the most famous is that of the Cibyrraeots (equipped with a naval contingent selected from the city of Cibyra), occurring in six hundred places in Theophanes, Leo Grammaticus, Cedrenus, Zonaras, and others. Nicetas Paphlago, in his *Life of Ignatius*, writes that the *droungarios* of the imperial fleet held the place of the great duke, whom he also calls the [leader] of the fleet; this is he of whom we spoke just now.
P. 10. [*Tatas* or *tata* of the court]. The name comes from *pater* (father), just as in German *ein alter Tafel*, and *Aula athe*. GRETS.
[The name seems to have been invented by Theodore Lascaris: what this dignity was, barely appears. When that Lascaris had committed to Theodore Callimpani the custody of Priapus and neighboring regions, he named him *tatas* of the court. Who is *tatas*? Or is it as though... for the King refers to it only once, and Coresius leans toward that reading. The monk Matthew reads it so, and the opusculum is of uncertain authorship.]
A ...soon to be written, "tattis" of the court. Or is it as "pappias"? For by both terms children call their grandfathers. And thus it is that B emperors have wished to flatter some, so that by a childish word, those whom they wished to be distinguished by the name of fathers, they might constitute as "tattas"—as it were, fathers of the court. Marcian, says Theophanes, having previously called Tatianus and Julius heroes, and then having summoned them into the court, appointed this one [an official] of Libya (Zonaras writes "of Illyricum"), and the other prefect of the city. Theodosius gave Helion to others, [and] Arsenius, writes Cedrenus, he made "basileopator." Leo the Wise, in [the work of] the Grammarian, writes to Constantine the son of Leo regarding Romanos: "Having found no one more watchful and more faithful among those under my hand, or [as] Romanos, I have entrusted to him this guarding of my empire after God, and I have judged to hold him in place of a father, since he showed maternal affection and disposition toward me." I omit that they were instituted as peers by the most pious Frankish kings as though they were fathers; and that the Turk’s prince, though swelling with pride and ferocity, is accustomed to call senior courtiers "babas," that is to say, fathers. [Goar.]
Ibid. *Great Tzausius.* The Turks still retain this name in their court today. Leunclavius in the *Onomasticon*: "Tzaus, a court commissary, that is, one to whom various matters are entrusted by the Sultan and the viziers, that he may see them through." Of this kind are diverse embassies, the escorts of foreign envoys, or when they are ordered to carry letters to foreign princes and other dignitaries. [Grets.]
A barbaric word introduced into the Constantinopolitan court: from *mandator*, a cursor or court commissary, to whom various matters are entrusted; it is to Theophanes in [the account of] Phocas. An office and name accepted from the Turks. Leunclavius in the *Onomasticon*: "Tzaus-bassa," that is, a prefect of the noble courtiers to whom various matters are to be dispatched. It is a name of dignity in the Sultanic court, since under this "bassa" C approximately seven hundred "tzausii" serve. The Greeks also had "tzausii" in their emperors' courts, the barbarians having imitated them in this; and they rendered the "bassa" of the "tzausii" in their own tongue. Regarding the Turkish *tzausii*, Busbequius [says]: They fill the place of ushers and apparitors, and they carry almost all the mandates of the prince of the Turks or of the bassas. I suspect he performed something more in the Constantinopolitan court: for the author relates below that he had also organized the Emperor’s retinue, and though I deny it is certain to Meursius that they were satellites or stipatores, I willingly admit they were attached to the satellites. Apomazar in his *Mystica* persuades [us], incorrectly perceived by Meursius: Pontanus from Phrantzes: "Tzauchides (tzausii), and they pressed them in the court with iron rods and whips."
P. 10. *[The Praetor of the People.]* Justinian [says] concerning the praetor in general: They called them praetors because they go before all others and are placed before them, D having given them the designation and having permitted them both to manage military affairs and to write the laws—whence also they ordered the judicial [courts] and the praetorian dwellings to be called [such], and many laws to be brought forth from the voice of the praetors. Furthermore, also the praetor, that is, the judge of the theme. As to the account of the treasury, the guardian of the sacred treasury, who was formerly the *comes privatarum*. ...the guardian of the so-called inner treasuries (the royal treasury or the common *prytaneion*), appointed over the royal treasures. For the sake of his expenses and those of his household, he provided from the public taxes the so-called "local" [allowance], yielding twelve thousand gold [coins] per year, and he ordered other equal sums to be provided from the royal treasury. The *secreton* of the *oikeiakoi*, concerning illegal marriages, the public [official], through the *secreton* of the *oikeiakoi*, shall collect the fine—which is set down in the contracts—from each of them in full through interrogation. He shall pay a fine of thirty pounds of gold coins, which shall be exacted without compassion from him by the *secreton* of the *oikeiakoi*.
*The Grand Logariastes.* A master of the accounts of the treasury, a judge of the treasury’s accounts, prefect of the hall of accounts. The same as "logothete," although Meursius, with other scholars, confuses the two. Nicetas [in the life of] Manuel, book 1: And he puts forward John of Poutzes as the caretaker and greatest accountant of the public contributions—that is, *logariastes*. John of Poutzes was most cunning in public affairs, a pest and a drain on taxes, and a most accurate inquisitor of existing tributes, and a peerless discoverer of those that did not exist. *Logistes* is the *logariastes*. I reason, I think; and "reckon." *Logismos* is the account. *Logistes* is the accountant.
NOTES OF GRETSER AND GOAR
A [*The grand huntsman*]. Gallic: *magnus venator*, chief of the royal hunt; concerning whom see Meursius. [*The grand huntsman Theodorus*] is mentioned by Gregoras, II, 7.
P. 14. [*The scutarius*]. It has produced the Italic *scudiero* from the Graeco-barbarian. It denotes him who, when a prince proceeds into public or into the battle line, carries the shield, and is heard as *scutigerulus* or *scutifer*. The author [speaks] of him in c. 5. He performed his office at the time when the principal [persons], with shields painted with colored insignia and enigmas, were wont to carry them to bloody sports and contests or to solemn assemblies. The cinnabar color adorned the shield of the Emperor of the East, upon which a golden cross stood out; and he decorated the angles or spaces between the branches of the cross with the letter B, inscribed likewise in gold, in such a way, however, that placed twice on the left side, it would turn its protrusions toward the outer and left side, and appear completely inverted, and indicate four words, of which each one is initial: *King of Kings, Ruling over Kings*; so Marcus Vulsonius in *Heroic Science*. But of these again. Consult meanwhile the pamphlet to be placed after the present notes, in which I do not ["but I read..."].
B [*The official of petitions*]. This office is mentioned by Nicetas in *Alexius II* and *Andronicus I*; Zonaras in *Alexius* calls them [*petitions*] and [*didactic requests*], and narrates for what purpose they were presented. And indeed, if you should look to the author in c. 5, regarding the shieldbearer—about whom there was recent discourse—who brings back the emperor’s standard committed to him, what stands in the way of him holding the royal standard committed to his faith on land, [just as] the other [does] at sea? Since the author says he had attained all power under the great duke, [the emperor] could also bear a royal standard at sea: for the Damascene Studites in his *Life* calls the same Georgius, most renowned among the saints, sometimes *Doux*, sometimes *Flamularius*.
He set appointed days on which he sat publicly, looking out toward a broad plain. Access to him was permitted to whoever wished, and each of those in need reached out a didactic petition for whatever he might require. And these, being placed before him, he submitted to the secretaries, that they might look into and make known to him the requests of each one. And immediately he ordered the reply for each to be written out and, being confirmed, to be provided to those in need. [...from the salty salt... salt-bearing... salt of the sea; the admiral (navarch) governing the salty ones; ...salty salt; or is it salt that has lost its savor, for which it has need of salt? Another suspects Arabic at the same time as Greek, and as if *emir* of salt, to signify lord and prince; since *emir* truly is lord and chief.]
P. 11. [*The quaestor*]. As Theophanes, Leo Grammaticus and many others, *quaestor*, as the Latins. They are not ignorant, [those] Greeks, of the term derived from *seeking* [quaerere]. Moschopulus: "One who investigates and searches regarding money." A counselor to the king, whom they call *quaestor*. Procopius, *On the Persian War*: "The quaestors and the copyists were ordered to depart and to tear down his houses to the foundations." Leo Grammaticus in *Theophilus*: "He showed John to be the [king’s] tongue, a man both an orator and skilled in Roman laws, who magnified the king's commands with the sharpness of eloquence and in a manner worthy of his greatness." The Romans in their local tongue call this man *quaestor*. He calls the Quaestor of the Sacred Palace in the *Ecloga of Leo and Constantine*, tit. 7. GOAR.
C [*The admiral*]. It is thought to be an entirely Greek word, and because it is an appellation for a magistrate of the fleet, from *salty* salt, as if *almyraltos*, a salt-sea admiral. Is then the salt itself to be seasoned with salt, or is it salt that has lost its savor, that it has need of salt? Another surmises Arabic at the same time as Greek, and as if *emir* of salt, to mean lord and prince; for *emir* is indeed lord and chief. This Junius feels [when transcribed] at Gretser. But, since it is another language of the Arabs, another of the Greeks, who might bring the dialect into one? I would suspect it to be [from the] salty ones, and *salt* placed before; *salarium* indeed, the contractor and guardian of the saltworks: for there was a certain Alexius Hypocaucus at Gregoras VI, and the administration of the salt [-works...] nor does the faith waver, because that same one was domesticus of two themes; for he could simultaneously fulfill both duties. And certainly the word, looking toward the command of the fleet and the maritime magistracy, and him who holds the primacy under the great duke and the drungarius of the fleet, even if he were lesser, as the author in c. 5 declares; and to me it sounds nothing but Arabic, the one whom Leunclavius explains in his *Onomasticon* as *emir kalem*, lord of the flammeola and of the standards, who is clearly the chief standard-bearer of the sultan. To all *begler-begs* and *sanzac-begs*, when they are created, the sultan reaches out standards. *Magnus flammeolaris*, *magnus flamularius*, is said among the Greeks. But these [the Saracens] have borrowed some things, just as they have snatched up others [as] their own. Ameralius, therefore, since he held the command under the great duke of the fleet, was at the same time gifted with a royal standard as a sign for all to see, the use of which Leo describes quite clearly in his *Tactics* c. 19: "There must be a standard standing in the dromon..."] D [*Adnumiastes*]. *Adnumium* is a description of names among the Romans, says Suidas: and as another says, [it is] a selection and census of soldiers: whence the act *adnumiazein*, as if you would say "to count up"; and [adnumiastes], a censor, enumerator, as if "an enumerator." It is not improbable that this word was sought by the Greeks from Latin: the sound indeed does not allude [to otherwise], nor does the meaning. See Rigaltius. GRETS. [Glossary of the Royal Library. He therefore thinks them *adnumiastes*. Rigaltius explains the word; Meursius borrows many things from him, Gretser from Meursius, and from both... [index: entries preserved]
a person highly solicitous for imperial business. Procopius, in *De bello Persico*, mentions him as being fluent in the Persian tongue: he reclined upon the bedding with him—as the interpreter—a thing which had never happened before in all time. He speaks of the Chosroes legate, with the exception of the banquet of Justinian. Simocatta, II, 9: Such an interpreter of the Saracen tribe who was helping the Romans. *Dragoumenon* (translated *dragoumanos*) is what they call it even today, in the Chaldæo-Turkic language; for *Chaldares* means to interpret. Villahardouin wrote *Drugemenz* in ancient French—now an antiquated diction—to which a purer *truchement* has succeeded.
16. The Logothete of the Military. There were four B treasuries, according to Gregory, I, vi: some were given from the imperial treasury, others from the military funds, and others from the common and private funds. The great logothete recognized all sacred treasures—public as well as private; the one of whom we speak, however, was for distributions to the soldiers. The military treasury was established by Augustus, as Suetonius writes in his life: "And so that there might be a perpetual and effortless supply of money for maintaining and pursuing them, he established a military treasury with new revenues." Treasurers first managed the treasury, as Tacitus tells us in *Dio*, L, xliii; sometimes aediles, according to Suetonius in *Augustus*; sometimes praetors, as the same Suetonius relates; it returned again to the questors, says *Dio* in *Claudius*; and finally, the entire care of it remained with the logothetes. The sixth and seventh ecumenical synods even make mention of this official—sometimes calling him the imperial logothete, sometimes the quaestor of the military treasury. Cantacuzenus, I, 49, chronicles the praises of the military logothete Cabasila.
17. The *Proterakarios*. The prefect of the royal hunts, who is at leisure by the emperor’s command in the matter of feeding goshawks, eagles, falcons, and any other birds of prey; he is called the Great Falconer. Phrantzes, I, 12, relates that Andronicus the Younger kept more than one thousand four hundred hawks, and as many handlers to care for them.
18. The Logothete of the Flocks. Sacred Scripture tells us that herds and flocks were the chief census of ancient kings: there were also fields, houses, and the riches of their possessions. Julian the Augustus in an epistle writes: "We commanded the money of the Galileans to be taken up, to be given to the soldiers, and the estates to be added to our own flocks." Theodoret, *Hist. Eccles.*, III, 12, remembers Elpidius, who was entrusted with the stewardship of the emperor’s own money and property. You will say, "That man, the one of whom we treat, is the logothete of the flocks." True, he assessed the flocks in the fields and those possessions; and he was able to exact certain royal rights by which horses, oxen, camels, etc., were prepared for the use of the imperial retinue. Hence the "curatorical" horses mentioned in the *Theodosian Code*, branded by the name of *curatoricius* by farmers and subjects; hence the sheep, hens, etc., offered to the patriarch under the same name, about which the *Jus Græcorum* speaks at length.
19. The Great Interpreter. Great and principal, because he asserts there are many interpreters in the court of Constantinople. Tyrius, *De bello sacro*, xxii: "The legates of the Emperor of Constantinople are present; the first is the illustrious Guido Stephanus, his kinsman; the second, the greatest of the palatine interpreters, is Trisillus, a crafty man C and D extremely solicitous for imperial business.
20. Prefect of the *allagion* and, on page 11, *Protalogator*. Erroneously, and far more erroneously, translated, but it pleases the Glossary; for these are places designated for changing horses in the public service. Hence, *allagion* is the public course. Afterward, the ruler of the *allagion*…
B should follow; the latter leads the soldiers, the former organizes them: the one provokes those ready for battle and the enemy by his own example, the other compels by force those who are about to desert their military duty so that they stand in their ranks; the one advances in a straight front against the enemy, the other appears immediately to those behind, to the unskilled, and to those who have turned only their face, following closely as a leader; from which, by the honor he then attains, and because he shares the dignity and the entire task of fighting and leading the *allagion*, the name *protallagator* is assigned to him. The one is called *lochagos* by Leo, the other *ouragos* (rearguard) in *Tact. constit.* 7: Soldiers standing as before, with their faces turned to the rear, look only to the rear of the extreme battle line, with the *lochagos* or leader by no means in the front part, but rather established at the very end in the front, whom they name *ouragon*, that is, the tail-end man. The same author attests to what was said above: Cantacuzenus 1, 26, praises Sennacherim; whom the interpreter in the margin deems a prefect of the courier horses, but he hastens into error faster than a swift horse.
P. 11. [The "Great *Dioiketes*" is the collector of taxes. Leo, *Novella* 61: The habitual assembly calls those who are appointed for the collection of public taxes *dioiketai*. Cedrenus, in *Leo the Isaurian*, whose predecessor was Theodosius, had been a *dioiketes*, whom the interpreter renders sometimes as procurator, sometimes as quaestor: he commanded the *dioiketai* of the themes to exact for the canon, at the rate of one miliaresion. And the empire receives it, and builds the walls. Thence the custom prevailed to provide the double of the city's revenues. [He] granted a grain-allowance city by city to the churches for the perpetual sustenance of widows and orphans and strangers and the poor and the clergy. As for the *klerikon*... C D [The orphanotrophos.] The term is clearer than us saying it denotes one appointed for the nourishing of orphans, as a guardian and curator of minors: it is also a most distinguished office, regarding which the laws are not silent in the *Code*, *de episcopis et clericis*, and in the law, *Omnia privilegia*. Constantine gave the occasion for first instituting it, who, according to Theophanes, [granted...] Moreover, this office was palatine, not ecclesiastical, so that orphans might be conveniently educated. But most other works of mercy, which are concerned with the body, were ecclesiastical duties and subject to the recognition of the bishop. *Ecloga* of the Emperors Leo and Constantine, tit. 8: Just as any cleric…
A whom we do not suffer to be promoted for a price, so neither [do we suffer] a xenodochos, nor a ptochotrophos, nor a nosokomos, nor the administrator of any other holy house whatsoever, nor anyone managing any ecclesiastical office. We command that the *oeconomoi*, the xenodochoi, the nosokomoi, the ptochotrophoi, and the administrators of all other holy houses, and all classes of clerics, answer to their own bishop, to whom they are subject, concerning the administrations entrusted to them, and that they fulfill and collect the accountings of their own administration.
Orphanotropheum, a place appointed for the education of orphans, is mentioned by Cedrenus in [the life of] Leo the Armenian as located at the church of St. Paul.
*The Protonotarios*, so called even from antiquity, by Socrates the Greek, VII, 23, and by Marcellinus, a writer of the Latin tongue, XXV. Pancirollus in *Notit. Imp. Or.*, c. 92, calls him "Primicerius of the Notaries," and assumes that there are three orders of notaries, namely of the tribunes, of the domestics, and of the inferior tribunes. Regarding others, I read "to [the office] of the king," "of the ministry," "of the imperial [office] of the *dromos*" in Theophanes and Leo Grammaticus. You may find not a few *protonotarioi* in the *Jure Graeco*, and especially in mention of John Comnenus and Andronicus in Nicetas. If you read "tachygraphoi" (swifthand writers), always consider them notaries; but beware of confusing very different writers: for he who writes swiftly, writes badly, while he who writes more slowly, writes more correctly and neatly.
P. 11. B *The one over the memoranda* (the Memorialis). Meursius thinks this office, which the *Notitia* of the empire calls "Master of the Memoranda," was instituted so that he might suggest to the emperor eulogies of those who had acted bravely in the military or elsewhere, and might advise that they be rewarded with gifts. And he rejoices to have found a monument of an office of this kind both in the author, c. 5, and in Agathias, book IV, in these words: "But this is not the only duty of the *memorialis*, who undertook to advise and move the emperor himself concerning all matters pertaining to the state and the prince, [both] in increasing the public good, removing evils, and punishing crimes, and in rewarding virtue." A testimony not to be rejected in favor of this opinion is provided by Cedrenus in [the life of] Justin, where the prefect of the city speaks: "Let your majesty permit me to enter freely to you to remind your power of what is fitting, and I guarantee that after thirty days the wronger and the wronged shall not be found; but if anyone reminds me of a matter that I have heard and have not judged, I shall be punished by death."
*Domestikos of the walls.* We read not infrequently that kings encompassed cities with walls; the deeds of Belisarius and Narses show that commanders of armies also assumed this burden. To this, a tribute imposed by Leo the Isaurian, C though never thereafter extinguished, provided for the repairs to be made in Constantinople. The earthquake prevailed for twelve months. The emperor, therefore, seeing that the walls of the city had fallen, proclaimed to the people that "you are not exerting yourselves to build the walls. But we have commanded the administrators, and they are demanding an *holokottinos* and a *miliresion* for the rule (canon)." And the imperial office receives it, and builds the walls. Hence, then, the custom prevailed of giving the "horns" (dikera) to the administrators.
*The one presiding over the bedchamber* (koitonites). The chief of the chamberlains and prefect of the sacred bedchamber, to whose care and custody [the emperor's comfort] is entrusted. So the author himself infra, c. 5. That he also had the duty of taking sleep and guarding the emperor by night in the sacred bedchamber is established from Leo Grammaticus in [the life of] Michael, son of Theophilus: Ignatius the *koitonites*, having gone to lock the door of the bedchamber, found it disturbed, and despairing, sat on the bed, plucking his own hair. D And while the emperor was sleeping a sleep similar to death, Basil suddenly came with others and opened the doors. And Ignatius, having gone out in fear, resisted Basil so that he would not enter. Basil also sent Paul the *koitonites* to prepare Michael for burial.
*The one presiding over the bedchamber* (the *vestiarios*). A place in which money and the garments of the community are placed. In other places, the author calls this the inner place for changing clothes; as one might say, a "mutatorium." Just as it functions as a treasury, in Nicetas, book I, [on the reign of] Alexius Comnenus, it is the inner treasury. The Latins provide the same for the *vestiarium* from the librarians William and Anastasius, the latter in his writing on Stephen VI: "What wonder if he found the treasures of the *vestiaria*?" This, however, is in the *Liber Pontificalis* on Severinus: "They sealed up the whole *vestiarium* of the church, that is, the treasures of the bishop." Nor did I judge that these two meanings should be put together without cause: for to the curator of the *vestiarium*, as the custody of the garments in no way to be refused, so the care of the royal treasury, as well as of the domestic affairs and of private items, is to be assigned to the logothete and others, with the author [in] c. 5, where after he asserted that the *protovestiarios* is subject [to the emperor], he says: "It serves for the incoming and outgoing receipts and expenditures." Anna Comnena confirms in the *Alexiad* that the *vestiarium* or *cubiculum* of the emperor was the same as his treasury.
A P. 11. [On the *vestiarites*. One considers this *vestiarium* to be subject to the *protovestiarius* and the prefect of the *vestiarium*. His chief duty is total vigilance regarding the *vestiarium* and its perpetual care; hence, when a naval expedition is undertaken, he gives orders for it to be transported on a trireme, and his trireme follows the imperial one like a storehouse for the *vestiarium*. The Author, ch. 5.]
P. 12. [On the *hetairiarches*. He has the same office as the *megas hetairiarches*, but is subordinate to him.]
[Regarding the *logariastes* of the palace, the imperial treasurer, who evaluates stipends according to merits and services. He is not just an examiner and judge of treasury accounts, but also of ministerial affairs. The Author deals with him more fully in ch. 9, and we discuss the *logariasta* where we treat the office of this great title.]
[Regarding the *stratopedarches* of the *Murtati*. That these are the *Murtati* we can conjecture, but we cannot prove it certainly. *Mourtov* is certainly a sedition, a tumult, in Constantine Porphyrogenitus in his *Novellae*. Regarding whose opinion, Matthew Blastares writes in *Syntagma* ch. 11, in the *Nomocanon*, *mourtir* instead of *mourtov*; for in recent times it is common to change the λ into μ, as *arves* instead of *alves*. But as for *Mourtatoi*, not those who stir up tumult, but those who repress it in place of the silentiarii, or even if they do raise a tumult, they do so to show reverence to the emperor, as a sign of his present majesty, a learned reader will judge. That the *Murtatoi* are a stationary body of soldiers, there is no doubt, just as [there is no doubt about] their leader, the *stratopedarches*, whom Leo describes in his *Tactics*.]
[Regarding the *Tzacones*. That the Laconians are today called *Tzacones*, scholars have rightly observed from Gregoras, book IV. Meursius, Gretser, and Bullenger [agree], although they wrongly substitute ζ for λ. They are, therefore, Tzacones by birth and popular pronunciation, originating from the mountain of Tzaconia in the Peloponnese, which was called Cronium in antiquity. So Gemistus [asserts] in Ortelius and Georgius Coresius in his *Rescripts*. Furthermore, Meursius affirms on no authority that the Master of the Tzacones, about whom Liutprand writes in his *Legatio*, is this leader of the Tzacones, the *stratopedarches*.]
[Concerning the *monokaballoi*. They are the same as the "single-horsemen." Palaephatus calls them *kelētes*; Pliny, in Book XXXIV, 5, calls them *celetes*; Seneca calls them *singular-riders* because they used a single horse. Suidas, the Greek scholiast, [calls them] a *keles* horse, a single-bridled horse. And he who is carried upon it [is called] the *sellarios*, the bare [rider]. And a *keles* horse is also a bare one.]
B P. 12. [Regarding the *tzaggra*. Some, with Meursius, render *tzaggra* as bows and *tzaggratores* as archers; but they do not explain which bows or which archers they mean. Briefly and sincerely: *Tzaggra* are ballistae, about which Cantacuzenus, book I, [writes]: "Releasing arrows from Latin bows called *tzaggrai*." A fine interpreter in the margin: "Hence *tzangratores*, who were crossbowmen, whose use in wars at that time was very great." There are testimonies which indicate arcuballistae of this kind; Anna, book VIII: "the *tzaggra* (he rendered the feminine form as a female entity) was struck." This would never be said of an ordinary bow, nor would [it describe] those *magganotzaggra* of Heron, which are ballista-machines. There are others also who introduce ballistae, as Nicetas in [his account of] Manuel Comnenus, book I: "Defended, as they were, [at] the walls with archers and *tzangratores*." But unless the *tzangratores* were ballista-men, distinct from other archers, for what reason would there be mention of both, so that protection might accrue from those walls? The bow, however, is a ballista; ballista-men are also archers, whom Nicetas accordingly names *tzaggrotoxotai* in *Alexius*, book III. But the interpreter Pontanus, C nicely again [notes] concerning them in book II: "*tzangratores* (for some manuscripts have *tzangratores*, others *tzaggratores*) are a type of archer [who] had garments and insignia of a different kind, distinct from other archers, the Tzacones or Laconians.]
[Regarding the *great palaces*. There were many palaces at Constantinople, recorded by historians and especially by the author of the *Origins of Constantinople*: who is the supreme curator and keeper of all, he is the *prokathemenos*, who is under discussion here. Gillius and Pancirolus are read concerning the districts of the City of Constantinople. One was preeminent among the rest. Leo Grammaticus [calls it] *basileion*; Nicetas, book I, [calls it] the great arch-palace of Isaac; Manuel, book I, calls it so again. Elsewhere he calls it the *sacred arch-palace*. In it was the royal guard and solemn watches: for that reason, after Michael was killed, Basil the Macedonian sought to occupy it in silence, in the aforementioned Leo; but Manuel, son of John Comnenus, although renounced by his father, was solicitous about this one thing, that he might hold the palace as the citadel of the empire, in the passage of Nicetas already mentioned.]
D [Regarding the *Blachernae*. Cedrenus in [the life of] Michael Balbus records the *Blachernae* gulf at the corner of Constantinople; Pulcheria built a palace there, not only sacred [edifices] to the Mother of God, but also royal [ones] for the emperors, for whose care this *prokathemenos* was solicitous, as Nicetas [records] in *Alexius* [concerning] Manuel I, [son] of Andronicus, [who] built a high-roofed house, which is called *Polyteleis*. Gregoras, book I, 7, describes it [as] neglected and ruined, near [the site]: "For the [palace] at Blachernae had been neglected for a long time, and was for the most part filled with smoke and dust," wherefore upon the recovery of the city, he neglected to live in it.
A It was Michael Palaiologos. Eventually, under the Turkish empire, it miserably burned down. I read in Cantacuzenus, I, 56: "some Pepanon who was presiding over the palace at Blachernae, and had been entrusted with the protection of the walls there." Understand the same concerning the one who follows, in relation to the *drungarios* and the *myrtaites*.
B The *domestikos* of the Eastern themes. As for *magistri*, *duces*, *comites*, and prefects of the praetorian guard of the East and West, these two domestics of the Eastern and Western troops were the ones who were left to be lamented, existing only in name and almost barely holding the position under the Grand Domestic. Thus, besides the *doukes*, *komites*, and commanders of the troops of the East and West—who are to be found everywhere in Theophanes, Cedrenus, Zonaras, Anna, and others—I also observe others endowed with greater powers, some having commanded in the East, others in the West. Concerning the prefect of the East, Theophanes speaks under Zeno: "The emperor, wishing to inform Illus, made him commander of the entire East, giving him all authority, so that he could also appoint *doukes*." The same Theophanes celebrates those Eastern commanders by Longinus in [the time of] Copronymus, and under his other Leo, Leo Grammaticus [celebrates] the cousin of Bardas as a *monostratēgos* in the Western themes. After the *domesticatus* was introduced as a title, as mentioned above, you will find *domestikoi* of the East occurring in the East—in Nicetas in *Isaac Angelos*, in Anna [Comnena] bk. viii, and someone in the same [author] bk. ii—and in Nicetas and Cantacuzenus you will find him praised as the grand domestic of the West, the *domestikos* of the Western themes.
P. 12. C The *megas myrtaitēs*. Georgius Coresius, however jejunely, alone explains this word in his letters, and wishes it to be a leader of the guards, whose badge was a branch of myrtle carried in their pilos (hat).
B The *prōtokomēs*. Who understands this to be the head of a prince, a duke, or a military host here, errs. The *comes*, concerning whom there is discussion here, has an office in the fleet, the author says in chapter 5, toward the end; and he follows behind the grand duke, the *drungarios* of the fleet, and the admiral, according to his degree of dignity. In a word, he is an *eretarcha*, a prefect of the rowers who directs the rowers, and he is a leader in pushing the oars, and he assists the governor in steering the trireme: *officier de galère*. Leo in his *Tactics* ch. 19: "Not as if all the dromons were proceeding at random, but having appointed officers over them, either one *komēs* for every five or three dromons, who, being the admiral and leader of the dromons under him, will look after all things very closely and easily, and will arrange for each." And a little further on: "Commanders were once called *drungarioi* in the past ages, and the *komites* and *kentarchoi* under them." In this way they call a *nauarchos* [that which] the later ones call a *komēs*. *Prōtokomēs*. The *prōtokomēs* of the rowers.
A The *drungarios* is called the leader of one *moira*. Now a *moira*, that is, a *droungos*, is the multitude composed of *tagmata*, that is, of men of the so-called *komites*. A *komēs* is the one who leads a single *tagma*, that is, a *bandon*.
C The *sebastos*. These things, then, let them be the gains and achievements before the throne, the reward for all of which he received from the emperor: the rank of *sebastos*, having been acclaimed *sebastos* from the midst of the senate. He called his wife *sebastē*, and if he had not held the empress—I mean Theodora—in honor, he might have called his mistress empress. But the woman was honored as *sebastē*, the rank and title being bestowed upon her first, before the former empress, and she was called *despoina*. Nicephorus, the last brother, was presented as grand *drungarios* of the fleet, having obtained the invocation of the *sebastoi* in this way. Sent was the *sebastos*, Lord Theodore Chumnos, being the *chartoularios* of the stables. [...] In the time of the *kanikleion*, [it was] held…
by Theoctistus, who possessed such influence with Theophilus that he was, as it were, a second emperor, as Zonaras testifies in his account of Theophilus. Accompanying this was a monastery of the same name, into which, as the same Zonaras writes in his account of Alexios Komnenos, Nicephoros Botaneiates confined the mother and wives of Alexios Komnenos and the other conspirators, A that after this function he had departed. Nevertheless, the emperor followed him with the highest honor.
From this and the aforementioned passage of Gregoras, one understands why the prefect of the *kanikleion* was called the emperor’s co-father-in-law; for this dignity was so great that the prefect of the *kanikleion* could obtain for his son the emperor’s daughter, and for his daughter the emperor’s son. Hence the term *sympentheros*; for the prefect of the *kanikleion*, if he were married to the emperor's daughter, was called father-in-law, and the emperor was called father-in-law by the daughter of the prefect of the *kanikleion*. The same thing happened when the emperor’s son had the daughter of the prefect of the *kanikleion* in marriage. B The same Cantacuzenus, IV, 40: Palaiologos sends the prefect of the *kanikleion*, Angelos, as an envoy. Nicetas Choniates, in his book on the deeds of Manuel Komnenos, concerning Styppes, dealing with his appointment to the magnificent office of the *kanikleion* and even the intimate familiarity of the emperor, extolled him even more. Yet Constantine Mesopotamites considered this great dignity inferior to his own stature, as the same Nicetas writes in his book on Alexios Komnenos: The office of *kanikleion*, he says, which he had obtained during the reign of Isaac, and which was offered to him again, he refused as being beneath his station. George the Logothete Acropolites in the *Constantinopolitan Chronicle*, not far from the end: The emperor sent to the King of Sicily an apostate son-in-law through Nicephoros the *kanikleios*; where he himself is called the *kanikleios* prefect of the *kanikleion*, as also in the disputation of Gregentios of the *kanikleioi*.
Concerning the *kanikleion* or prefect of the *kanikleion*, Codinus, p. 17 ed. Jun.: *He who sits on the kanikleion*, that is, in a carriage or other vehicle inside the Constantinian palace; which was conceded to no one else. It was a great dignity, of which mention is made here and there among the Greek historians. Joannes Curopalata in [the life of] Michael Rangabe: He pretends that he wishes to explain certain stains of the soul to a certain religious man through Theoctistus, whom he later honored with the dignity of the *kanikleion*. The same concerning the prefect of the *kanikleion* Theoctistus in Cedrenus, where he deals with the slaughter of Leo the Armenian. The same Cedrenus writes that after the aforementioned Theoctistus was killed by Bardas, Bardas transferred the dignity of the *kanikleion* to himself. Curopalata in [the life of] Constantine, son of Leo: Shortly after, the patrician Basil was sent by the Augusta as prefect of the *kanikleion*. Concerning the same prefect of the *kanikleion* Theoctistus, Zonaras in [the life of] the emperor Theophilus: He besought the wife and the prefect of the *kanikleion* greatly (Theophilus did) that they not permit the venerable images to be restored. The same Zonaras in [the life of] Alexios Komnenos: When Komnenos’ affairs were already settled in safety, they summoned his mother and wives *ek tes mones tou kanikleiou*, from the monastery of the *kanikleion*, to the palace. Where Wolfius, the translator, says *from the Kanikleion monastery*. From which version one might suspect that the *kanikleion* was a monastery, even though it was adjacent to the palace: for palaces were attached to monasteries, specifically the one named Hodegetria, and to prominent temples, such as the Blachernae, in which the emperors sometimes resided for the sake of piety or recreation. Hence Junius thinks C that *ho epi tou kanikleiou* was the prefect of the fortress and of the monastery of this name in the city of Constantinople. Which was also the opinion of Wolfius in the index to Zonaras. The *kanikleion*, he says, is a monastery [p. 123 and 224]. Xylander, in his notes to Cedrenus, no. 196, frankly confesses that he does not know what the dignity of the *kanikleion* is. Nicephoros Gregoras, Book VII: He was then a manager of imperial business, a prudent man, and dear to the emperor for his industry and his knowledge of public administration, whence he was powerful in authority and wealth, Nicephoros the *kaniklios* prefect. He, having won the favor of the emperor with flattering words and complaisance, asks for and receives as a son-in-law his son John, with the empress indeed indignant and resisting, yet he receives him. Concerning the same Nicephoros, prefect of the *kanikleion*, Cantacuzenus, I, 14: Of the palatine senate, there were present the grand logothete Metochites, whom we have mentioned before, and Nicephoros who was prefect of the *kanikleion* and was accustomed to be carried [in a litter], endowed with admirable wisdom and counsel, and deemed worthy by the emperor of benevolence and singular honor, so that he even united his daughter Irene in marriage to his son, the despot John. This Nicephoros previously administered the emperor’s domestic affairs; but then he was afflicted with gout D and departed from that function. Nevertheless, the emperor continued to honor him with the highest honor.
This dignity lasted until the very end of the Constantinopolitan empire. Palaiologos in Phranzes, II, 47: I myself took as wife Helena, the daughter of Alexios Palaiologos Exemplaconis, who was prefect of the *kanikleion*. In the disputation of Gregentios, the emperor: Erbas or Herbano become godfather or sponsor in baptism, imposed the name of Leo, and made him *hypecclesion* (*hypo-ekklesion*), whom the Romans call patrician and *kaniklion*. This disputation is extant in Vol. IV of the *Bibliotheca Patrum*, on the occasion of which Meursius philosophizes diversely in his Lexicon, s.v. *Patrikios*. Observe that not every patrician was a *kaniklion*, just as this disputation of Gregentios seems to affirm, because one was prefect of the *kanikleion*, but there were many patricians. It could indeed happen that the prefect of the *kanikleion* was a patrician, but that was not necessary.
Observe, secondly, that it is false what Meursius writes: that the emperor was the head of the church and of ecclesiastical affairs, as it were, the supreme head. No orthodox emperor arrogated this title to himself: this is peculiar to schismatics and heretics. Orthodox emperors know that they are sheep of the Church, not pastors, subjects, not heads. They are likewise defenders of the Church: they do not unwillingly leave the name of head to the supreme pontiff, the vicar of Christ and successor of Peter. Not even the Calvinist Puritans bear the name of ecclesiastical head being attributed to kings. It is known with what sidelong glances Calvin looked at the King of England for assuming this title, and in Belgium how the more fervent Calvinists resist that they be federated.
A Observe a third error in what Meursius says, that some patrician called *hekatontarchos* held the place of the emperor in this, if I may say so, captaincy of the Church. But just as it is a fiction that any Catholic emperor ever sold himself as the head of the Church, so too is this patrician, the vicar of the emperor in ecclesiastical affairs, a fiction. And yet, not content with having uttered this once, he harps on the word *hekatontarchos*. He supposes that an emperor, newly baptized, would have constituted his own vicar in ecclesiastical affairs—even if he had sold himself as the head of the Church—being still a novice in Christian rites and ignorant of ecclesiastical polity. It was, therefore, a political dignity, not an ecclesiastical one, just as was the patriciate and the prefecture of the *canicleion*.
Far different and in a different way does the most learned man, Nic. Alemannus, treat the prefecture of the *caniclei*: for in his commentary on the *Anecdota* of Procopius, which he himself recently published, on page 29, verse 2: "Colored with the pigment with which it is the custom for emperors to write," he writes as follows: "Gregory II to the Emperor Leo the Isaurian: 'May your letters, and not foreign ones, be carefully sealed with imperial seals, and may the subscriptions inside be accurately written in cinnabar by your own hand, as is the custom for emperors to subscribe.'" He called it cinnabar because of the similarity of the color, but the imperial ink was purple (encaustum), made from murex. "The sacred utterances, whatever the authority of our clemency shall have written on any page, are not to be illuminated by any other appearance or color except by a purple inscription, so that they may be marked by the glow of the crushed murex shell-fish." To have such preparation of sacred ink, however, is permitted or granted to no one (1. 6 C. *De diversis rescriptis*). Today in Italy we call *encaustum* "inchiostro"; one should read "encausta" and "encaustaria" in l. 9 C. *De Agriculturis*. That purple liquid, which it is permitted to call not *atramentum* (ink) but *purpuramentum* (purple-ink) here, was kept in an *atramentarium* (inkstand), unless you would rather say *purpuramentarium*; and since it bore the shape and appearance of a *caniculus*, such as the shapes of inkstands we use today, it was called a *caniculus*. And from the *caniculus* came he who supplied such a *purpuramentarium* to the Caesar. Anastasius the Librarian, at the Eighth Synod, Act 10: 209 "The praepositus of the *caniculus* is he who is in the presence and holds the custody of the *caniculus*, that is, of the inkstand, from which the Emperor writes Phoenician [purple] letters on charts." Admonished as to what else should be subscribed by the Caesar, the *praepositus caniclii* wrote it with his own hand, which is manifest at the end of the same synod, where he made Christopher, the Emperor Basil’s [official] *a caniculo* [from the inkstand]. The *caniculus* was supervised by the primary *a secretis* (secretaries), whose dignity and authority were great, as it was a position granted only to those related by blood to the emperor in the end. What Junius says about this office in Codinus is nonsense. This is Alemannus; the authority of Anastasius the Librarian makes his opinion not improbable. And the name does not clash with *caniculus*, by which the Greeks B use, and for which they are accustomed to change Latin words not at all, preferring to conform them to Hellenism as far as possible. Furthermore, the words of the tenth action, to which Anastasius added the aforementioned note, are these: "After these the most pious and Christ-loving emperors Basil and Constantine, fixing with their own hand, indeed, in five volumes (or even more), the figure of the precious cross, with Basil the Great as emperor, similarly also with Constantine fixing the cross for himself and his brother Leo, and likewise signing with their own hand the names of the emperors, and with Christopher the protoasecretis and praepositus of the *caniculi* signing the remainder of the subscription." The Roman-Greek edition has it thus: C *Καὶ μετὰ τούτους οἱ βασιλεῖς Βασίλειος Κωνσταντῖνος καὶ Λέων, πηξάντων μὲν ἰδιοχείρως ἐν τοῖς πέντε βιβλίοις τοῦ τιμίου σταυροῦ τὸν τύπον τῶν βασιλέων, καὶ γεγραφότων τὰς οἰκείας ὀνομασίας, τὸ δὲ τῆς γραφῆς ὑπόλοιπον γεγραφότος Χριστοφόρου πρωτασηκρήτου καὶ ἐπὶ τοῦ κανικλείου.* (And after these the emperors Basil, Constantine, and Leo, having fixed with their own hands in the five books the figure of the venerable cross of the emperors, and having written their own names, the remainder of the writing having been written by Christopher the protoasecretis and the *epi tou canicleiou*.) What remained, Christopher the protoasecretis and *praefectus caniclii* signed. GRETSER. in Addenda.
P. 12. *Ἐπὶ τοῦ κανικλείου*. I would be reporting trifles if I were to bring into the middle of the discussion thoughts appended by some to *canicleio*. I move straight to the intended target of the truth. *Kaneon* is not only a basket for Homer, but also a platter and a dish. *Kanin* also is translated as a small melting-pot; for Eleutherius Zebelenus calls the metallic craftsmen using melting-pots *ta kania*. In a word, any small receptacle, such as an alabastron, a phokadion, or a myrotheke (perfume-box), is a *kanion* or *kannion*, a vessel, an ampulla, a myrothecium, or an acetabulum. Whoever has tasted Greek with the tips of his lips knows that *kleos* refers to glory and dignity. Therefore, *kanikleion* will be a vessel, among others, distinguished by dignity or glory, such as that in which the Emperors ordered the ensign of their glory and dignity to be kept, namely the purple liquid with which they signed chrysobulls and sacred diplomas. But he to whom the custody of such vessels was entrusted was saluted as the *epi tou kanikleio*. I also read *kanikleion* in Leo the Grammarian and Cedrenus. Regarding the same, Gregentius says: "*Ον οἱ Ῥωμαῖοι κανικλείονα προσαγορεύουσιν*" (whom the Romans call *kanicleona*), whom the Romans explain as *canicleonem*. Radevicus and Gunther translate it *caniclinum*. But I bring it forth not as a word twisted into various forms, but as a meaning from common usage and from the testimonies of Nicetas, quite lucidly. Manuel Comnenus, says he in Book 1, 4 of his Life, "promotes Theodore Styppiotes to the magnificent honor of the *epi tou kanikleio* and to great intimacy with the emperor." Therefore, the logothete, no one, envies him: "So, the aforementioned logothete, having received a blow to his heart from the fact that a vessel of red-lead inlaid with stones and gold was given to Styppiotes," writes the same, 1. 11; he, therefore, is the same person who is prefect of the *canicleo* and who is the guardian of the purple-colored vessel, and therefore the *kanekleion* is a vessel of red-lead, which the 210 chrysobull also... For so another more common reading replaces it: *chrysobullon*.
A Since some error from the carelessness of copyists and the affinity of words has crept in, as Nicetas indicates in *Alexius* (III, 3) regarding the *kamelerion*—whether it should assign the distinctive mark to Gunther or that of the chancellor to Radevitz—a fair reader will judge. I conjecture that this was first invented or heard of around the times of Leo the Armenian, from Theophanes and Cedrenus in his *Life*. It was also the duty of the same person to attest to the subscriptions of the emperors. Thus, when the emperors Basil, Constantine, and Leo had subscribed to the tenth session of the eighth synod—their names having been inscribed, naturally, before the crosses—*kanekleion* is mentioned. This implies that for each name written, he himself added by his own hand B "in Christ God, faithful emperor." Bullenger adds these points, with the author left unnamed: just as in the most Christian court the secretaries perform their duties, where they append their own name below or on the back of the prince's subscription. From these testimonies regarding the *kanekleion* and the *kanikles*, gathered with voluminous documentation by Gretser, the desired light has been brought to bear.
P. 12. [Συμπέθερος (Sympetheros). He who places his son or daughter in marriage with another’s son or daughter becomes a *sympetheros*. Innumerable persons, on the other hand, distinct from the *consoceri* themselves, have obtained the dignity of *kanikleios*.
Ibid. *[Οχούμενος (Ochoumenos)*. The corrupted reading is corrected if one reads *ὁ Χοῦμνος (ho Choumnos)*. There are indeed reasons for instituting this emendation. First, because the Greek phrase is unusual for indicating attained dignity. Second, because since an interpreter has rendered this here as "raised to a dignity," in the commentaries, without the author, he explained the *kanekleion* as having had the right in the palace to ride upon a horse. Third, since it is evident in this present chapter that the author flourished shortly after Andronikos the Elder, of whom he wrote, it is not incongruous that he had discourse concerning a *kanikleios* contemporary with himself, who was a co-father-in-law to the emperor: and he was the one whom Gregoras names in *Andronikos I*, VII, p. 168 of the old edition, of whom Cantacuzenus (I, 14) writes: Although Pontanus, the translator, once read and rendered it as "he was accustomed to ride," his interpretation attains no sense, [since it should be] "Nikephoros, who was in charge of the *kanekleion* and was accustomed to ride." For this reason a new scholiast wrote in the margin: the translator reads incorrectly; for it is... The last point, which resolves the whole dispute, is sought from the Royal manuscripts, in which it is not read as *ochoumenos*, but manifestly as *Choumnos*; and from D the Royal... [alt-version omitted]
P. 13. *Magnus bajulus* (Grand Tutor). A pedagogue or tutor of the emperor, when he was young, or of the emperor's sons. Moschopulus: Cedrenus: Even the Latins have used this word in this sense. Lupus of Ferrières, epistle 51: "Let not those instructors be admitted by you, whom the common people call *bajuli* (tutors), lest they divide your glory among themselves." Hincmar, epistle 2, to Emperor Charles the Fat, ch. 2: "For these youths, your faithful sons, our kings, you have appointed mature and prudent tutors for each one, who ought to love avarice... and teach them by word and example to love justice, according to the Scripture which says: 'Love justice, you who judge the earth.' (Ps. CXVII, 20)." The same epistle, ch. 6: "But these tutors themselves ought to take great care not to exalt themselves above their charges, but [to act] according to the Scripture which says: 'As great as you are, humble yourself in all things, and before God you will find grace.'" The same, epistle 3, ch. 1: "We read how Alexander in his youth had a tutor named Leonides, notable for his cited habits and uncomposed gait, which the boy sucked in as if it were adulterated milk. Whence in adult age, [though] a wise and strong king, he wished to reproach and avoid himself, but as it is read, when he had conquered all kingdoms, in this he could not conquer himself." Gretser.
[The *bajulus* (tutor), who is also written as *bagylos* in the case of Theophanes in the *Life of Leo Copronymus*, as Gregoras says (IV, 9). Moschopulus asserts that the *bajulus* is a pedagogue and teacher. Regarding Theodosius, the tutor of Theodosius the Younger, Theophanes and Cedrenus [provide details], concerning whom we have collected other, more numerous things, highly erudite Faber, and different things from Meursius. These things suffice for us who do not rule boys concerning the *bajulus*, lest by chance, piling up foreign notions here, we become infamous tutors. Goar.]
(I) CATALOGUE OF THE OFFICIALS, DISPOSED IN SOMEWHAT ALTERED ORDER, transcribed from about eight Royal manuscripts collated with each other.
α'. The Despot. β'. The Sebastokrator. γ'. The Caesar. δ'. The Panhypersebastos. ε'. The Protovestiarios. ς'. The Megas Doux. ζ'. The Megas Domestikos. η'. The Protostrator. θ'. The Megas Logothetes. ι'. The Megas Stratopedarches. ια'. The Megas Primmikerios. ιβ'. The Megas Konostaulos. ιγ'. The *epi tou kanikleiou*. ιδ'. The Protosebastos. ιε'. The *epi kernēs*. ις'. The Parakoimomenos of the Great Seal. ιζ'. The Parakoimomenos of the Bedchamber. ιη'. The Megas Baioulos. ιθ'. The Kouropalates. κ'. The Protovestiarites. κα'. The Domestikos of the Imperial Table. κβ'. The *epi trapezēs*. κγ'. The Logothetes of the Genikon. κδ'. The Megas Papias. κε'. The Eparch. κς'. The Megas Droungarios of the Imperial Watch. κζ'. The Megas Hetaireiarches. κη'. The Logothetes of the Dromos. κθ'. The Hypatos of the Philosophers. λ'. The...
Megas Chartoularios. λα'. The Mystikos. λβ'. The Protasecretis. λγ'. The Epi tou Stratou. λδ'. The Megas Droungarios of the Fleet. λε'. The Domestic of the Schools. λς'. The Primikerios of the Court. λη'. The Protospatharios. λη'. The Megas Archon. λθ'. The Tatas of the Court. μ'. The Megas Tsavsios. μα'. The Praetor of the People. μβ'. The Logothetes of the Oikeiaka. μγ'. The Megas Logariastes. μδ'. The Epi ton Deiseon. με'. The Archdeacon. μς'. The Skouterios. μζ'. The Protokynygos. μη'. The Amiralis. μθ'. The Aktouarios. ν'. The Megas Adnoumiastes. να'. The Quaestor. νβ'. The Logothetes of the Military. νγ'. The Protoierakarios. νδ'. The Judge of the Velon. νε'. The Megas Diermeneutes. νς'. The Logothetes of the Herds. νζ'. The Dikaiophylax. νη'. The Akolouthos. νθ'. The Orphanotrophos. ξ'. The Protonotarios. ξα'. The Judge of the Fossaton. ξβ'. The Domestic of the Walls. ξγ'. The Protallagator. ξγ'. The Vestiarites. ξε'. The Stratopedarches of the Monokaballoi. ξς'. The Stratopedarches of the Mpourtatoi. ξζ'. The Stratopedarches of the Tzakones. ξη'. The Stratopedarches of the Tzangratoroi. ξθ'. The Epi ton Anamneseon. ο'. The Prokathemenos of the Bedchamber. οα'. The Prokathemenos of the Vestiarium. οβ'. The Domestic of the Themes. ογ'. The Protokomes. οδ'. The Domestic of the Eastern Themes. οε'. The Domestic of the Western Themes. ος'. The Prokathemenos of the Great Palace. οζ'. The Prokathemenos of Blachernai. οη'. The Logariastes of the Court. οθ'. The Megas Dioiketes. π'. The Nomophylax. πα'. The Vestiaritai. πβ'. The Hetaireiarches. πγ'. The Archon of the Allagia. πδ'. The Megas Myrtaïtes. πε'. The Judge of the Secretum. πς'. The Rhabdouchoi. πζ'. The Kaballarios. πη'. The Sebastos. πθ'. The Prokathemenos of the Castle. ρ'. The Droungarios of the Fleet, who is also Count.
213 (II) FROM THE MAZARIS LIBRARY. OF MATTHAIOS THE MONK.
On the Offices of the Palace of Constantinople.
By Matthaios the Monk, a priest. Let us examine the number of dignities in the palace, and the nomenclature of the order of such people. After the autokrator, the first is the Despotes, the Sebastokrator after him, and the Caesar after that. And for the heads, the covering is adorned with pearls, and for the eagles, the shape of the feet [covers]...me'. Archidiaconus, dicrophylax, and nomophylax are set forth in the following catalogue and its notes. pa'. The Vestiaritai. Other catalogues note a singular one. pe'. The Judge of the Secretum. First of all, the tribunal (which the ascretai and protasecretis use) is distinct from others, such as the Velon, the Hippodrome, the Genikon, the Praitoria, etc. I observe that the belt was the badge of all judges; for which reason Nicetas, in *Isaac Angelus* I, III, reports that the judge of the court, who was mocked, when the Castamonite was oppressed by epilepsy, having put aside his belt, brought aid, by binding the calves of the Logothetes with the belt of his waist, attempting thereby to restrain the upward swelling of the matter. However, the man remained entangled in his mental derangement, while the other suffered much laughter from all because of the looseness of his garments and the weakness of his judgment. Cantacuzenus, I, 55, celebrates such belts made of gold.
ps'. Rhabdouchoi, are *manglabitae*, bodyguards armed with staves, of whom in their place. Nicetas in *Andronicus* I, 11 calls the rhabdouchoi who wear red-dyed [tunics] "rhabdophoroi," and in the predecessor of this one, Alexius. Isidorus, in his glosses, calls the leader of the rhabdophoroi the *archirabdouchos*. pr'. Kaballarios, an armed horseman [cataphract], deputized to the bodyguard of the emperor. Anna Comnena, II: "They were testing the wall by means of peltasts and armored spearmen." Leo in the *Tactics*: "Equip the armored horseman, both himself and his horse." pu'. Prokathemenos of the castle. Codinus will list the *kastrophylakes* of this kind in the following, whom he earlier called *prokathemenoi* of cities, rectors of cities. For a *kastron* is also a city, but fortified. Justinian, Nov. 128: "And the civil and military officials in the provinces, in the cities, that is, in the castles." Cantacuzenus I, 55: "He had the city in custody because of him." I, 1: "The king granted the authority of Byzantium to the protostrator." And he is perhaps the sole *prokathemenos* of the castle. p'. Count. Who, indeed, under the protokomes, regarding the supreme prefect of cohorts, he is substituted by the eretarcha, or he who leads one cohort alone. Leo in *Tactical Constitutions* 4: "A count is he who heads one regiment or *bandum*." However, there is not only one minister of the same name in the court of Constantinople; for who would say that there was only one count in it, unless he were ignorant and affirmed there was also only one cohort? Therefore, there are many counts, just as there are not only one *droungarios*, many *myrtaitae*, many *chartoularioi*: but one is listed, so that from his order, others may receive their place and rank, among whom one is the highest, who more frequently holds the name of the first.
Matthaios the Monk. In the following iambic [verse], the author reveals the name of this little work, who, by clan, not by profession, calls himself a physician. His form of life was monastic, to which he added the honor of the priesthood. Hence he is written as "monk-priest," who is commonly called *hieromonachos*, just as a monk-deacon is heard as *hierodiakonos*, having left behind the solitary title of "priest" or "deacon" for the secular priest or deacon. This Matthaios was not so moved as to render his fatherland, parents, and associates more praiseworthy: we conjecture his age, and because of the mentioned emperor and empress, before the city was captured by the Turks, and also because of the praised Chumnus and Metochites after Andronicus the Elder, whose ministers they were, it is certain that he wrote this and has departed this life. He composed the present little work in political verses, in which the number of syllables is observed for the sake of the chant, not for the prosody of exact metrics. The eighth syllable, where the caesura is, holds the middle of the verse; the remaining seven complete it. Moderns added to these *homoioteleuta*, a similarly falling ending, which we call rhythm. I think they are called "political" because they were commonly sung through the city [opolis]: for they call *polis* [city], by way of excellence and contraction of speech, "Cpolis," and whatever is born or imported there is "politika": yet a man born from there is a "polites." Or certainly because they had the composition of such a kind of amatory or meretricious song, deduced from the *politike* denomination, which sounds like a woman making gain by her body through the city. V. 5. Of the heads. See the following chapter standing at the beginning. V. 6. Of the eagles. Codinus, ch. following, p. 13.
A those to whom the title of imperial dignity is ascribed. The protovestiarios, and the panhypersebastos, those with red skiadia woven with gold 10 from both sides, lawfully use—but they alone—green boots, and the other, yellow. The first pentad of those in office carry these.
Of the second, the grand duke, and the grand domestikos, the protostrator, born so, the grand logothete, 15 grand stratopedarches, whose hats are red, 214 showing gold only on the upper part. The third pentad, however, use Syromatinoi hats.
B The grand primmikerios, the grand conostaulos, and regarding the kanikleion, the first of the sebastoi, 20 and the epikernes as well. These are of the fourth. The parakoimomenos of the great fund, another of the bedroom, and the grand baioulos, the curopalates, after him the protovestiarites. But it is permitted for these also to use such hats. 25 Of the fifth, the klapotai are for all the coverings, of which is the domestikos of the imperial table, another at the table, the logothete of the general, the grand—[aye]—pappias as well, and the eparch with these. Of the sixth, the grand droungarios of the watch begins, 30 and the grand etheiriarches, the logothete of the dromos, C the consul of the philosophers, the grand chartoularios. Following is the seventh: the mystikos, the famous protasekretis. Immediately, he who is over the army, the droungarios of the fleet. The domestikos of the schools. And those following of the eighth: 55 the primmikerios of the court and the protospatharios. The grand archon after them, and he who is of the court as well, and the grand tzaousios. Those following of the ninth: the praitor of the people, the logothete of the oikeiakoi as well. 60 The greatest of the logistai, and he who brings the petitions, after whom the archdeacon. Those following of the tenth: scutarios, the protokynegos, and the amiralis as well. Nay, indeed, the actouarios and the grand adnoumiastes. Of the eleventh is the glorious quaestor, 44 and the logothete of the military register. 45 215 The protoierakarches, and the judge of the velon, the grand interpreter. Those of the twelfth: the logothete of the herds, and the dikaiophylax, and after the akolouthos, immediately the orphanotrophos. First of the notaries as well. Of the thirteenth: 50 see the judge of the phousaton, the domestikos of the walls, the protolagator and the vestiarites, the stratopedarches in turn, he of the monokaballoi. Of the fourteenth is he of the mourtatoi, he of the tzakones, another of the tzangratoroi, D the one presiding. Of the fifteenth, in total, another presiding, he of the vestiarium, and after him the domestikos of all the themes.
A
Of the sixteenth, two are shown to preside in the Great Palace, and with them those of the Blachernae, the logothete of the court, and also the great dioiketes, and the nomophylax after them.
Of the seventeenth, the vestiaritai are shown, and furthermore the hetaireiarches, the archon of the alagia and also B the great myrtaites, and the judge of the secretum.
Of the eighteenth, the rabdouchoi, the kaballarioi, and the dignity of the sebastoi, the one presiding over the castron, and the droungarios of the fleet.
(III) FROM THE SAME MAZARIN LIBRARY. ANONYMOUS.
The one who is the provider of divine gifts Gives to us the lower scepter-holding, A bright image of his own empire, Or rather, to speak more clearly, the faint impressions He shows plainly of the good things to come. For the pious crown-bearer who is in our midst Is a kind of image of God, if he is eager To confirm the models with the works of virtues with which he is crowned; And he recompenses [again] with gifts the best men, Exalting them with honors beyond weights and measures, And he raises up those in royal offices, Which, for the present, I avoid committing to writing in this discourse, Lest the abyss of forgetfulness bury What the royal judgment has decreed, C And long time has extinguished until now. After the autocrat is the despot, The second dignity, the sebastokrator, And the Caesar, immediately the foundation of the power, The all-venerable first of the senate, The protovestiarios, bright in dignity. These, both in their habits and their sandals, Have held the first rank in the office. The mega doux was displayed after them. A partner of this man is the mega domestikos, And third to them the protostrator in dignity. The logothete, greatest gift of wisdom, The mega stratopedarches in addition to these. Of these, with red golden head-coverings, You see their heads always embellished. Behold the primmikerios, my friend, the great man, Leading the second pentad brilliantly. D The second great dignity, the constable, The third, the sebastos, the first; in addition to these The pincernes also brightly adorns the order. The parakoimomenos of the curtain is fifth. The parakoimomenos of the other bedchamber follows him, And the mega baioulos fills the third rank, the kouropalates. And the vestiarites enters first Into the house of the emperor, as is the custom, to perform his duty, The second domestikos, he of the table, Another placed after him at the same. And behold the general logothete, Then the great pappias entering, Together with these the eparchos, a strange head-covering. The seventh, the mega droungarios of the vigla, And indeed after him the mega hetaireiarches, The logothete presiding after him over those of the dromos, Then the mega chartoularios in dignity, Then after him let the mystikos enter, The first imperial official of the secretum. Behold also the good commander of the army, And the mega droungarios of the fleet. Behold, the domestikos of the scholai will arrive, And look upon the primmikerios of the court. And let the bright protospatharios enter, And the mega archon and the mega tzaousios, The praitor of the demos and he of the court. Let the logothete of the oikeiakoi Enter, and let the mega (logist?) of the accounts enter with him. Behold also the skoutarios who has obtained the dignity From the royal shield. The first after him of the huntsmen was judged. The amiras of the salt was revealed as navarch. Behold him offering petitions to the emperor, Speaking the price fitly of the works. Let the mega adnoumiastes greet me. Following him, thus, the quaestor, Dignity of the bright Caesars of old. See for me the logothete among the soldiers. The first of the falconers in dignity. The judge of the velum was confirmed after them. Let the mega interpreter lead the way, And let the logothete of the herds enter, And let a solemn one follow them, And let the foster-father of the orphans enter with them, And the first of the imperial notaries, The judge of the army examining the trials. And indeed after him he brings forward the reminders.
A Strictly called King from there. / Behold, also consider the Domestic of the Walls. / The Protallagator second in rank, / Then let the third of the Vestiarion be set in order. / This one is the Monokaballos, commander of the army, / 85 Another of the Mourtians, Tzangratores, and Tzakones, / See sitting in front the one of the bedchamber, / Another sitting in front of the Vestiarion. / Let the accountant of the court follow him, / And the Great Domestic be marshaled with him. / 90 This one here sitting in front of the Blachernae, / Another before him of the Great Palace. / The Domestic of the Western Themes / Was judged equal in honor to the one of the East. / The Protokomes and after him the Pappias, / 95 The Hetaireiarch, leader of the guards, / The Great Myrtaites in addition to these, / And indeed the Sebastos and the Drungary of the fleet. / And among the doctors, see the Actuarius. / Consuls, dictators, along with the treasurers, / 100 Patricians, magistri, proedroi, of old / The Eparch of the Guards and the Praetorians. / 218 We knew the brilliant Choumnos, wearing / A stall of greater dignity than the former, / And indeed after him the good Metochites, / 105 The Great Logothete, a destination of wisdom, / Wearing the golden red cap, / Which was a gift to him by the one holding the power together, / The brilliant sovereign Andronikos. / These are the brilliant [titles] of the lower regalia, / 110 Forms of presidency, dignity, glory, / And flowing wealth and raised clay, / Dust of fortune lifted by the breezes. / Finally a three-cubit grave. O vanity of life! / High seat of philosophers, first of rhetoricians, / A 115 The Dikaiophylax with him, the Nomophylax, / And the first of the royal priests. / The ruler of the sacred deacons is present, / 118 And of the chanters, the two protopsaltai, / And in the feasts another lamp-bearer, / 120 219 The herald of apostolic teachings, / And the domestic and master of the clergy. / With these honors the King exalts / The holy multitude of the pious Church, / Which keep unshaken to the ends, / 125 O exalted and beginningless one, of the present age. / And our pious Queen, / Whom as a saving ark now of the state / In this our flood of barbarians / We have known built on high, / 130 B Keep her above the storm, / Having fastened her branches like rudders, / And grant the King brilliant victories, / Showing him a mighty victor over the nations. / Root him like a branch of graces, / 135 And show him fruitful in works. / Stretch out for him the minds of good counsel, / Narrow for him the boldness of the adversaries, / Adorn him with the purples of piety, / Open for us the gates to peace, / 140 Broaden for him the rule with triumphs, / By which he might appear a cosmic autocrat. / The Patriarch with us says these things, / Bowing piously his sufferings to the Lord, / And by night offering up prayers for him, / 145 From whose night, [driving away] Tartarean gloom and darkness, / He shines forth for us as a light-bearer, / Extending rays of light like the white sky / To the whole world of common peace. C
A patricians to be full, and *patriciatus* (patriciate), or to speak thus, a captaincy, as it were, they attributed as a companion. B
CHAPTER IV. Certain obscure words from Chapter 3 are explained.
P. 13. *Skiadion*, which also [is called] *skiadi*, is literally an umbrella or shade, a covering for the head, in short, a cap, by which name I have chiefly used it in the translation. GRETS. Ibid. [It crowns the cranium alone and lightly shades what is called the *skiadion*; for this reason it sounds to me with better right not like an umbrella (which lacks projections towards the forehead), but like a small cap surrounding the head evenly (though you might depict a medium cone, even if slight); and which the author here calls *holomargaron* (all-pearl), which had been taken from Totila, King of the Goths, by Narses and sent to Constantinople to Justinian, as he narrated in his Life. And some published codices of Gregoras and Chalcondylas demonstrate the *skiadion holomargaron* with the same figure I have described: and the same, if it were sprinkled with a row of gems, would represent the *kamelaoukion* used by more recent Greeks, and with Suidas they would indubitably assert that *skiadion* is that which we call *kamelaoukion*. Perhaps, therefore, just as Justinian received the *kamelaoukion* of Totila upon his head, so also the later Greek princes made for themselves their own *skiadion holomargaron*, with which you may sometimes see emperors adorned in paintings and coins. And you will note a diadem not dissimilar invented by Constantine in these words of Cedrenus: "They say that he was the first of all the emperors to use a diadem and to be adorned more elaborately with pearls and other stones." GOAR.] C *Aer* of the *skiadion* or cap is the boss, *der sturm*. Junius translates it *replum* throughout. Furthermore, *ho aer* has another notion; it signifies a veil or covering with which the holy things are covered. The Liturgy of St. Chrysostom: "And the priest, having taken up the *aer*, places it upon the left shoulder of the deacon. Then the priest takes the coverings off the holy paten and the holy chalice, and having taken the *aer* back from the shoulders of the deacon and censed it, he covers the holy things with it." GRETS. Ibid. [They beat the air here and follow the winds with Meursius, who interpret *aer* as a liturgical sudarium, or the boss or *replum* of a cap. He will attain the sense who follows the mind of the most learned Allatius, and from him, he writes back to me, [concludes] that because it bears the name *despota* inscribed, he will conjecture that the *aer* refers to the *skiadiou cingulum* (the girdle of the skiadion), a band or ribbon surrounding the forehead. If I am uncertain whether the reasoning will please, I shall proffer it. The liturgical *aer*, if you hear Germanus the Patriarch teaching, is the greater veil superimposed upon the sacred gifts at the altar, and by its wings and ambit, as if it were the air or the firmament of the lower sphere, those things are covered all around; and by parity of reasoning, the *aer* of the cap is the girdle placed around it, which is to crown the head of the wearer and its name is spread [all around through the ends of the universe—]A *Syrmateion* (supple, "work"): therefore, it is a work composed of or depicted in gold drawn into solid threads, such as the Despot's name, which is delineated upon his cap by the Phrygian (embroiderer's) hand. GOAR.]
[P. 13 *Chrysoklabarikon*.] Junius both here and elsewhere frequently edits *chrysoklabarika*, and interprets it as "golden rods." But our reading is correct; for *chrysoclavaricum* is the same as *chrysoclavus* or *chrysoclavatae*, a term often used by Anastasius the Librarian in his *Lives of the Popes*; or if you prefer a purely Latin term, *auriclavus* or *auriclavatus*. These were golden nails—certain segments on vestments fashioned into the form of nails, added to garments for the sake of adornment. GRETS.
Ibid. [Even if *chrysoklabarikon* is the same as *chrysoclavus* or *chrysoclavatus*, a term often used by Anastasius the Librarian in the *Pontificals*: yet with another purely Latin term, *auriclavus* or *auriclavatus*, although in sound it is close, it enters into no association in the propriety of its meaning. For gold nails on garments were certain segments fashioned in the shape of nails, added to garments for the sake of adornment; but *chrysoklabarikon* is not only "nailed" but variegated, and is any work depicted with golden threads by the art of the Phrygian (embroiderer) on a subject of silk or cloth; whence modern Greece calls the Phrygian *chrysoklabaristēs*, or with Theophanes, *chrysoklabarion* (he says, "a part of the workshop of the *chrysoklabarioi*, the workshop of the embroiderers, was burned"). However, it would be more correct, with the Royal copy 222 and certain other exemplars, to call it *chrysoklabaristē*, because of the *chryso-kladoi* or *chrysoklabarikai*, by which it plays with gold in figures, which when received upon the garment render it variegated and distinct with leaves and twigs. The following third number shall write of the branches as they are interwoven and drawn by the playing needle in various courses. For how many golden branches, some straight and some twisted, here discriminated and divided, there collected together, now springing up, elsewhere truncated or pleasantly declining, does it depict and vary the material? But here you will note, if you please, not nails but golden characters expressing the name of the wearer, inscribed on the lower brim of the cap. GOAR.]
Ibid. *Surmateion* (fimbriated, bordered), from *syrma*; by which name I understand things hanging down on both sides from the *skiadion* or cap, as it were little nets or cords; which, if you please, you may observe with your eyes in the three images of emperors which are seen at the beginning of Nicephorus Gregoras from the Basle edition of 1562. The effigy which *Turco-Graecia* presents to us is not dissimilar. *Chrysoklabarikon*, *surmateion*, so that they are not referred, as with Junius, to the word "names," but to the *skiadion* itself. GRETS.
Ibid. [*Syrma* refers to nothing less than the nets or cords of the cap, so that by it the cap itself may be known as fimbriated: you would interpret it more correctly with modern Greek as ductile gold, gold, I say, drawn into solid threads, or *trait*, *fil d'or*. I said solid, that is, not yet beaten into a mass, and from then on covered with a silken thread. B Ibid. *Toseia*. So Junius reads, and interprets it as "apex," by which name he understands the upper part of the *skiadion* rising into a pointed cone; and he derives the little word *toseia* from *teinein*, "to extend." In another Bavarian codex it is read separately *ta seia*, in the neuter gender: and I think it should be read thus: 1. Because it is subjoined in the neuter gender, *ta seia* as also are *ta basilika* (the royal things): and below: "The *aer* and the *seia*, as also those of the Despot." It is a sign, therefore, that what also precedes, namely *ta seia*, is of the neuter gender. 2. Because *taseia* (as derived from *teinō* for extension) is in the feminine gender, entirely unknown and unused. What *tasis* is, everyone knows: what *toseia* is, by Junius's own admission, no one knows; although I frankly confess that I have not discovered what *ta seia* signifies. Wherefore in the version I have retained the Greek term, until learned men either elicit the true meaning or restore the true reading to Codinus. GRETS.
Ibid. [I will earn the favor of Gretser for myself as an ally; and I will elicit the true meaning of the *seia*. *Seia* are long strips of pearls of almost a palm's length, hanging around the Despot’s ears from the cap. Thus the *lora* from the miters of pontiffs, the reticulated cords from the caps of cardinals, the earrings themselves hanging from the ears are *seia*—that is, moving, trembling, and pendant ornaments, from *seiein* (to shake). The same, on the patriarch's cap, *Turco-Graecia* calls *kamelaukylaka*, the handles or loops of the cap. GOAR.]
C ...of which I shall speak below, are segments of cloth, in which gold, silver, or bronze coins are usually wrapped, and which are also called *kombos*. Hence *kombolutēs*, a purse-cutter. *Kompos* is also used for *kombos*. Although *kompos* is sometimes the same as *commodus* (fitting). Mauritius in Rigaltius says: "It is well to have them according to the pattern of the Avars or Turks, because they are both knotted and useful." GRETS.
Ibid. [Of the *kombou*. The word *kombos* does not bring to mind just any knot, or that alone. But here it refers to the jeweled apex of the imperial crown or a globule prominent on it, by which the Despot's cap is not distinguished. GOAR.]
Ibid. Junius translates that *plēn tōn phoinikōn* or *phoinikiōn* as "except for the ribbons," and in the scholia, explaining what the ribbons are, he says they are oblong bands by which, as if by straps, parts of the apex are joined and the seams are covered. I prefer "small palms" here and below. In the Capitoline (Museum), in the Gordians, there is a palmated tunic and a painted toga. GRETS.
Ibid. [Fruit, not palm leaves, is to be read in this term. Modern Greece calls dates *phoinikia*: they hang, however, in the manner of grapes, yet with the grains spaced further apart and more pendulous, from the top of the trunk where the branches are born. From the tree to the imperial...
A crown, with eyes turned, you might call the gemmed garland, projecting above the helmet or its crest, or attached to the right ear like a floating feather, *phoinikas* or *phoinikia*, like gemmed clusters of the head or diadem. Thus writes Georgius Coresius: ancient coins of the Greek emperors testify to this. GOAR.]
Ibid. *Rouchon* of the Despot, or *rouchion*, is the very German word *Rock*. Nicetas in *Andronicus*, l. II: *Wearing a split rouchon down to the knees.* Helgaldus in the *Life of King Robert*: *Stripping himself of a purple garment, which in the rustic tongue is called a rocus.* Hence also the word *rochetum*, so often encountered in ritual books, especially Roman ones. Thence also *rouchareion*, a wardrobe, a word used by our Codinus as well. GRETS.
Ibid. [The Despot’s *rouchon* of this kind, or *himation*, if its form is not unlike the imperial one, is called *sakkos* in the following entries; it is, indeed, a tunic of shaggy silk, showing no folds, but tighter around the chest and loins, and slightly wider around the feet, enveloping the whole body. That John the Despot, brother of Michael Palæologos, sadly cast it aside after a defeat in war, Gregoras relates in book V, end. GOAR.]
Ibid. [The royal abbey of Saint-Denis, visited for the purpose of examining more closely and observing the lifelike effigies, faces, crests, lineages, garments, colors of garments, form, and ornaments of Emperor Manuel, Empress Helena, John the colleague in the empire, Theodore the Despot, and Andronicus the *authentopoulos* of the Palæologi, in that Ms. of the works of St. Dionysius, which the aforementioned Manuel gifted to the most Christian King of the Franks, his contemporary: having examined the scarlet tunic of the Despot, bound at the neck with a chlamys of the same color, the right part of which is thrown over the right shoulder; on the tunic (it is ankle-length, in the manner of a *sakkos*) I noticed golden branches depicted, and the chlamys entirely sprinkled with Phrygian golden work, with double-headed eagles, equally expressed in gold, shining in it in certain spaces left circular. Whether I should call these golden D branches, creeping like roots through the garment but adorned with no eagles, *rhizas*, and the eagles themselves the primitive military standards of the Romans, *stratēlatikia*, I at first hesitated, trapped in doubt. Upon revealing this mental uncertainty to the learned and to me kindly Cyril Campanus of Chios, he dispelled the doubt by a confirmed meaning. You, reader, with the authority of the learned and Greek man cited, will leave the *lakiniai* and military *lemniskoi* to the ancient Romans, and in the more recent usage of Greek garments, you will note nothing except what the eye perceives and reason suggests. GOAR.]
Ibid. *Tamparion* for *tapparion* or *tabbarion*, or *mamparion*, *mapparion*, *amphikion*, *officium*, Italian *tabarro*, *penula*, *chlamys*. GRETS.
[ *Tamparion*, an imperial chlamys flowing to the feet, sometimes military and shorter. Nicetas in *Manuel Comnenus*, l. IV: *With the chlamys of the body...* A of him who encompasses the *lygon*. Another reading of this among the variations writes *tō men tampariō tou sōmatos perielein ton lygon*. That it should be worn or encompass the body, these other words of the same writer declare, l. III: *Feeling a more elegant chlamys pinned around the right shoulder, and leaving the arm free along the brooch.* But where Meursius thinks *tapparion* or *tabdarion* should be read in place of *tampariou*, with no author to support him, he is talking nonsense. GOAR.]
Junius in Codinus confuses *margaritas* with *margellis*, and that which consists of *margellis* with that which consists of *margaritis*, although they differ with no small distinction. For *margella* signifies 1) the coral stone, 2) a flower or herb, the pimpernel, which feigns coral in its redness, in French *morgelline* or *morgellina*, as if *morsus gallinae*. Aegineta calls it *xopallian*. 3) That which imitates both flower and coral stone. 4) Precious and motley trimmings of every kind usually added over garments. *Margellion* often signifies the same as *margella*. Sometimes *margellion* is a fringe or border of *margella* or coral. Moschopulus: *Lōma, that which is extended from any edge and as it were defines it, as common parlance says, margellion. Dōmation, a small fringe, a small border or edging.* Moreover, from *lōma*, *dōmation*, the German *som*, *saum*, *fimbria* seems to have been born, with the *l* changed to *s*. Balsamon on the 27th canon of the Trullan: *But the precious gold-woven coverings, which are called in the vernacular margellia, grammata and antipana, and the purple garments of shell-fish [purple dye].* *Grammata* and *antipana*, as if garments placed against garments, and purple vestments. I think *gammatas* should be read for *grammata*: for *gammalæ* vestments are known among the Greeks, and in Balsamon’s *meleta* regarding the privileges of patriarchs, he mentions *sticharion dia gammatōn*. The same Balsamon on the 16th canon of the Seventh Council, which is the second of Nicaea: *Nor did they add any diverse-colored coverings at the edges of the garments, which are called margellia.* Where the most learned Gentianus Hervetus notes in the margin: *Margellia* (for so he writes) I think was said by the Greeks, a corrupt expression, as if *marginalia*. As to what gives probability to this conjecture, I see nothing beyond a certain similarity of the names; and since we are occupied with *margellis* and *margelliis*, let us cite and explain the passage of Cedrenus regarding Emperor Michael Stratioticus: *For he ordered the so-called strategion to be cleaned, and the heads of the citizens to be covered, not with letters [grammatōn], as is now the custom, but with margella-embroidered linens of byssus dyed purple.* The interpreter of Cedrenus frankly confesses that he does not understand this passage, and it is indeed difficult; but Meursius’s emendation makes it clearer, reading *margellogrammōn* instead of *megalogrammōn*. I would willingly read *dia gammattōn* instead of *dia grammatōn*: for as garments in olden times
249 NOTES OF GRETSER AND GOAR 250 gammalæ, and that head-coverings were likewise gammate [decorated with gammas], seems probable. I confess, however, that here and elsewhere, perhaps *grammata* might be retained instead of *gammata*, since other letters also, especially the A, were accustomed to be embroidered on garments, as is plain from the three images of the emperors which are prefixed to Nicephorus Gregoras. A GRETSER.
P. 13. [In the margin, concerning the Latin expression, the Greeks derive *margellium*, and they pay no attention to the price of coral or the beauty of seed-pearl (as Meursius and those who copy him invent), so as to express by that word the border of a garment and any patch of a different color or woven with gold, superimposed upon cloth. The authorities themselves, transcribed by Gretser after Meursius, prove this.] GOAR.
Ibid. *Kaltzai*, caligae, from the Latin *calceus* rather than *caliga*. And it is taken here not for shoes, but for breeches; for the shoes follow afterward. Yet the name *caligae* also signifies a military shoe. Hence *boulē kaligōn*, the senate of the caligati or *caligatus*, as in Dio, bk. 48, a joke against the senate because it used caligae or military shoes. Thus *caliga* is used by our interpreter in Acts 12: *Calcea te caligas tuas* [Bind on thy sandals]. In Greek, *hypodēsai ta sandalia sou*, bind on thy sandals. GRETSER.
Ibid. [The Latin *calceus* is nowhere, and the Latin *caliga* is scarcely so, nay, most certainly it is the Italian word *calze* that they gave to the Greeks. And therefore it does not signify breeches, or less so shoes, but either leggings ascending to the calf or complete greaves. The more recent usage of speech proves the sense brought forward, and Jerome Germanus and Simon Portius confirm this in their Græco-barbarous lexicons, who, although they write *xartzai* by matching the pen to the more common pronunciation (for moderns substitute *p* for *b*, and they pronounce *ērthen* where it is *ēlthen*, *armyrōn* not *almyron*), yet, having restored it to usage and sense, it is attested here by the Latin word *tibialia* and there by the Italian *calze*, *calcette*.] GOAR.
Ibid. *Dibolea*. This word is read several times in Codinus. *Diboleos* is the same as *diplous* [double]. For which the ancients used *dibolos*, as in *dibolos chlaina*. Junius [interprets it] as *dibolea hypodēmata*, double-soled shoes, and *dibolos*, double-threaded, that is, adorned with two-colored thread. But you should say *dibolea* or *dibola*, whenever it occurs in Codinus, to be nothing other than two-colored or of double color. GRETSER.
Ibid. [Whenever *dibolea* occurs in Codinus, do not understand it in one way, but as a two-colored garment, e.g., whose middle part is of one color, and its other part of another, such as in Gaul the beadles of the cities generally wear; or whose outer cloth is of one color and its lining of another; or, finally, that which is cut into multi-colored stripes, and bound and woven from them, after the manner of the Swiss.] GOAR.
Ibid. *Chromatos oxeos*, that is, of the deepest red, says Junius, for *oxu* has the force of intensifying. Hence in the codex it is *oxyblatta*, purple of a more exquisite luster. 226 [Ibid. Are Junius and his followers blind, that they cannot distinguish between colors? For one is purple, or as the commentary writes, the deepest red color, another is violet. To the dye-works A I refer the case of the tribunal. If they speak their opinion in the vulgar tongue of the Greeks, they will decree that the first be called *kokkinon*, the second *oxy*; and Jerome Germanus and Simon Portius will support this in their Græco-barbarous lexicons. Thus the testimony of Junius, approved by Gretser, where he says: "The *oxy* has the force of intensifying," is deceptive.] GOAR.
Ibid. *Mouzákion* is mosaic, mosaic-work: these shoes were therefore painted as if in mosaic, because they were flecked with multi-colored spots. More recent Greeks say *mousioun* and *dia mousiōn* to beautify. And just as you have here *hypodēmata mouzakia*, so in Trebellius Pollio in *Tetr. Jun.* there is a crown painted *de museo* [of mosaic]. GRETSER.
Ibid. Meursius is a strange mosaic-worker, who sells shoes artfully composed of mosaic work. But not composed, another will say, but painted as if with mosaic, as if flecked with multi-colored spots. He would have said *fictos* [painted/fashioned] more correctly. What then are *hypodēmata mouzakia*? A type of Saracen footwear, the use of which, by Greeks easily imitating foreign customs, had already been introduced into the CP court by the time of Codinus, and is wont to be put on after the manner of stockings, as a lighter and softer buskin. GOAR.
Ibid. *Pternistēriōn*. Perhaps it should be read *pternistērōn*, the correct form *pternistēr*. GRETSER.
[The reading *pternistēriōn* must be retained, and not *pternistērōn* substituted: for the Greeks delight in neuters of this kind derived from masculines. Thus they say *phoinikes* and *phoinikia*, *cheires* and *cheria*, *podes* and *podia*, etc.] GOAR.
Ibid. Sella equi or horse-saddle (v. Meursius. GOAR.); *hidromakion*, both a covering for preventing sweat and for protecting from the horses. GRETSER.
P. 14. [Why Meursius explains *to hidromakion* as a rug spread under the saddle to prevent the horse's sweat, I do not see: for what eagles would have shone forth painted on it? They certainly shine more clearly on other ornaments hanging from the saddle, which reach the sweating horse more closely and wipe away his sweat.] GOAR.
Margellium here is a segment of a different color, inserted back and front of the saddle. Junius errs when he separates the words *kai eis ta tessara merē* [and into four parts] from the preceding; and therefore he translates, or rather perverts, that it has a text [made] of pearls at the front and back, having [it] also on the four sides of the sweating-pad, etc. GRETSER.
Ibid. *Kopritorion* is a truly Latin word, *coopertorium* [covering]. Pliny called it *cooperculum*. Junius errs, who edited *kopritourion* and translated it as "a rear-garment." Learned men, says the Glossary, have thought *kopritourion* to be a Greek word, *para tēs koprou kai ouras* [from excrement and tail], but the analogy is repugnant; for then it would be *koprotourion*. Therefore there is no reason for them to interpret it as *fimocaudium* [dung-tail] and say it is a rear-garment. These pricks are directly aimed at Junius, from a professor at Leiden to a former professor at Leiden. GRETSER. [Meursius says *coopertorium*, and from Pliny *cooperculum*]
A *toupla* and *touplon* in this place, learned men, that is to say Rigaltius, attempt to restore—in whose judgment I, the Glossarist, willingly acquiesce. GRETSER.
Ibid. [*Toupha* is one thing for a man, another for a horse. The former is a tiara and head-covering; the latter is a peak, a silk tuft, or an embellishment of feathers or gems. Concerning the former, Zonaras on Basil Porphyrogenitus: "A tiara bound with a fillet, which the common and general public calls a *toupha*, or, as I suppose, *typhon*, named so because it makes those who bind it about themselves 'puffed up' (*tefosthai*)." Leo Grammaticus: "A golden *toupha* of the Emperor Justinian, the one called 'the August,' fell." Concerning the latter, Rigaltius: "A *touphion* is a crest." Simon Portius: "A peak, a tuft," a pannicle, a ridge. He indeed holds it in the same sense, whether you say *touphan* or *phountan* or *phoutan*; of this there are witnesses in the various readings, both our own in the place we are treating, and the Junian ones cited by Gretser. GOAR.]
Ibid. "With *phoinikon*," that is, with palm branches, says Junius; this means it had segments interspersed shaped like palm branches. GRETSER.
Ib. [By *komposin* conceive a gemmed knot, namely, a more brilliant gem from which, as if from a trunk, the tufts of the *phoinikion* branches proceed. *Kombos* or *kompos* signifies a knot or globule; I bind globules together (*kompono*) as if into buckles. *Kompoloi* is a series of globules, a decorative garland. *Komposis* is the joining of globules. GOAR.]
Ibid. [But how is it to be amended? Should one read *phoutan*? I used to suspect this from time to time, especially when below, where the great interpreter discusses the cap and the insignia, Junius has brought forth *phoutan erythran*: "He has on the summit a small red crown." In the index, Junius translates this as "girl." This reading also seems applicable to that place in c. 5: "With the *phountōn*." Junius [translates] with "marching horses," and in the index *phounta* as "marching ones." But what if even here it is *phountōn*? With ornaments and trappings? The Glossary of Isidore comes to mind, to whom the ornaments of camels and trappings are *buda*, differing little indeed from the word *phuta*. But one must read here and elsewhere *toupha* (the same that is *ta touphia* or *toupha*). Now *toupha* is a small flame-colored object. Maurice, *Strategikon* XI, 2: "Helmets having small *touphia*." The same: "Small *touphia* upon the hind-rigging and fore-rigging of the horses." The same: "Four *touphia* on the hind-rigging." Much the same [is found in] Leo the Emperor, *Constitutions* VI, where he additionally requires a horse's *touphin* on the vertex (for it is clear that is how it should be read, from Maurice apud Rigaltius, v. *touphia*), and another under the chin. From these it will be easy to translate and explain the passages of Codinus: for he whom we have before us must be rendered thus: "On the front, at the golden part of the bridle, hangs a *tupha* or flame-colored tuft." And that other [passage], instead of *phounton*, "with *touphon*," that is, with flame-colored tufts and other equestrian ornaments. Farewell to Junius and his "marching" horses. In the third place, you will similarly effect a cure if you substitute *mikran touphan erythran*, "a small purple flame-colored tuft," and tell Junius to be off with his small doll and girl.
Ib. *Tenta* or *tenda* is from the Latin *tentorium* ("tent"), and this from *tendo* ("I stretch"). The word is frequent in the *Tactics* of Leo. But if it is certain that *tentan* is a tent in some places, whether it is so here, I hesitate in an uncertain opinion. For what would a tent have to do in this place, where they are discussing the caps, clothing, and equestrian ornament of the palace officials? I very much incline toward understanding by *tentan* or *tendan* what the Germans call *der Sattelbogen* (the saddlebow), from "holding"; because the rider is accustomed to hold that more prominent part of the saddle with his hands. If, however, anyone wishes to persist in "tent," I am far from quarrelling with him. Junius translates it as "dome." GRETSER.
Rigaltius is troubled by another passage of our Curopalates, c. 17, where *touphia* is edited and read twice. He himself would prefer *touphia*. The Glossary protests—"Bad," he says, B *toupla* and *touplon* in this place, learned men, that is, Rigaltius; I willingly acquiesce in this judgment. GRETSER.
[ *Tenta* is a tent, indubitably; the text relates not only clothes and the cap, but also all the insignia of the Despot and symbols connected to his dignity. Nicetas in *Manuel*, I. vii: "He cuts the tent crosswise." Another reading: "He tears the tent crosswise." The same in *Joannes Comnenus*: "They had their tents set up there." From these [it is] separate from Rigaltius. GOAR.]
Ibid. *Aetopoulos*, that is, *aetos*. The termination *-poulos* and *-poulo* and *-polos* is characteristic of more recent Greeks, signifying nothing besides, says Junius: thus from the name *archōn* comes *archontopoulos*, from the name *pais* comes *paidopoulos*, from *authentēs* comes *authentopoulos*, from *Tourkos* comes *Tourkopoulos*, from *Frankos* comes *Frankopoulos*, etc. But although it is true that this termination generally adds nothing to the meaning, sometimes it seems to have the power of diminution, as in *archontopoulon*, when it signifies a boy or an honorary page; in which sense it often occurs in Codinus (c. 6): for it does not then signify a prince or a primary man, as the simple word *archōn* does, but a boy, and indeed
a servant, who stays in the palace without any skullcap or covering for the head. Among some Germans, Peter is *Petermann*; where that addition *-mann* adds nothing at all to the meaning, because it is exactly the same thing as *Peter*. But perhaps it should be read ἀετοπούλων γέμουσα ἐρυθρῶν. GRETS.
Ibid. [Current moderns use the diminutive form with the aid of the word *pōlos*, substituting the diphthong *ou* in place of the *o*, as we recently had to note in the word *pternistolouron* instead of *pternistolōron*. Thus Cedrenus wrote *kōmētopoulon*, the most learned Allatius *hōrologopoulon*, and Codinus in the following passages wrote *archontopoulon*, so that they might express the sons of a count, a small and abridged journal, or a noble boy.
Ibid. Ἐπὶ κεφαλῆς ἔτι νέος ἦν. See the first note of the following chapter. GOAR]
229 Ibid. *Kabbadikion*, a word coined from the Latin *caballus*, is frequent in this work. An explanation is added, *heōs tou trachelou*, just as many such explanations of barbaric terms occur in Codinus; as a little before, *kampos heōs pedion*. Nor do I know whether they be from the author or the copyists. *Heōs* is a blossom of more recent Greek, in place of *estin*: "The despot dismounts wherever the king commands this." GRETS.
Ib. *Skaranikon*. Junius translates it as a cloak or a loose and flowing robe; and he derives the birth of the word from the Assyrians. I, however, judge that the Greek name should be retained, both here and elsewhere, and in these as well as in other words of this kind, since no Latin word suffices to express its meaning well enough. Perhaps *skaranikon* is from *Sarra*, that is, Tyre. Sidonius, VIII, 6: *Sarranis ebria fucis* (drunken with Tyrian dyes). Where Savaro says: *Sarranis*, that is, *Tyriis* (Tyrians): for Tyre was an island once called *Sarra*. Servius and the Epitomator of Festus. Whence the *Sarranum ostrum* (Tyrian purple) in Virgil. But behold a thunderbolt from the Greek Glossary. In Codinus it is always incorrectly read *skaranikon*: restore *skaramangon* everywhere. I would comply, if the consensus of the manuscript codices did not hold me back: for neither Junius in his own, nor I in the Bavarian and Lautherian ones, have found this *skaramangon*. Both Bavarian codices prefer *skaranion* indeed, with the simple slip of the copyist omitting the *k*: but what is *skaranion* to *skaramangon*? GRETS.
[*Skaranikon*. As conversation about it will occur more frequently, it will be explained more conveniently below. See, in the meantime, the fourth note from this one, the title of which is *kabbadion*.
Ibid. [*Chrysokolon*. Grasp the meaning: the *skaranikon* of the despot is not only gilded, but is surrounded and distinguished by necklaces fashioned of solid gold: for the litharia (stones), which are precious stones and not pearls, unless they are fastened and held in place by solidly concrete work, of which *chrysocholon* is the creator, cannot be scattered and sewn over the outer garment, of a type which the *skaranikon* is, at various intervals. The Saint-Denis codex describes the palm-wide hem with gems and stones, as it appears, depicting it on his garment in various ways.
Ibid. [*Litharia*. See these words degenerating into barbarism: *litharia*, *margaritaria*, and concerning which B *dikion*, *kabbadion*. Junius interprets it as an honorable and pure tunic. But let us retain the Greek. The Glossary, s.v. *kamba*, says *kabbadion* is a diminutive of *kamba* or *kabba*: for both are used by the Greeks, just as *mampârion*, or *mappârion*, *tampârion*, or *tappârion*. Perhaps eventually someone will arise who traces the origin of the *kabbadion* back to Cabbades, King of the Persians, since *scaranicum*, *cabbadium*, and *phaceolium* came to the Greeks from the Assyrians, as we shall learn from Codinus below in chapter 6; it is probable that *kabbadion* is formed from the Latin *cappa*. Below, what *kabbadion* is, is explained by adding this exegesis: *kabbadion heōs to epano endyma pantōn* (kabbadion until the garment over all). GRETS.
[It will occur sometimes with a single *b* and the *i* omitted, *kabadion*, or even with the final syllable truncated due to a corrupt usage of speech, *kabad*. What it is, Portius explains in his Lexicon: *kabadi* [is] *tēbenna, tēbennos, sagos*. In familiar speech, I have observed a two-fold tunic, inner and outer. 230 The former is shorter and grazes the calves; it lacks sleeves and folds, is fastened to the very bottom of the chest by spheres conspicuous by their bulk, constricts the body, and is girded with a sash, under which the movement of the legs makes the borders—sewn inside and tucked up—manifest. The latter (which is the *skaranikon*) flows longer to the ankles, is worn open and free of a belt, is not sinuous, though it is more ample than the former; whence, if it is spread out, it exhibits the form of a cross, because of its wider and straighter sleeves: for which reason the Bishop of Thessalonica, Simeon, praises the tunic of the priests, or that proper to senators and men of rank, in his book *De Sacram.*: "It holds the shape of a cross in its length and sleeves." Therefore these garments are common to all, and, as they say, [they are] of royal gift, for the honor of the priesthood, because senators also wear these. Tzetzes, in *Chiliad* 2, praises the first, which becomes soldiers: "*Enthalion* garment, the cloak of soldiers, which is called *kabadin* from Cabbades the Persian." But I deem that this Roman cloak degenerated into the *cabadem*. That it passed from the Assyrians to the court of Constantinople, the author will write below in ch. 6 at the end; which, concerning the outer [garment], or as being alien to Roman customs, I willingly embrace: but that it is named from *cappa* (which others falsely imagine), by the barbaric word of the Latins, let no one affirm, since it is utterly abhorrent to that form, lest it move one to laughter. GOAR.]
The *kabbadion* of the despot is *oxys*. So that you may understand what an *oxys* color is, hear what Casaubon writes from Turnebus on that passage of Trebellius Pollio: *Chlamydes veri luminis limbatas duas*. *Lumen* is not the name of a color, but an effect which follows more intense colors. Lampridius in his *Diadumenos* calls purple of true *lumen* "clear," and in *Alexander Severus* "most clear." Vopiscus in *Carinus* expressed the *lumen* of purple with an elegant word when he said "gleaming lines of purple." The Greeks, who spoke more purely, call colors of true *lumen* *oxeis*, the later age *alēthina*, whence it prevailed that all purple things were called *alēthina* because of the excellence of the sacred murex. Among Balsamon...
in the Photian Nomocanon you have *alēthina parura*, purple footwear and of true light, concerning which Corippus also praises in Justin II, 104. Grets.
P. 14. [Again, the term *oxeis* is falsely tinged with the meaning of "true light" or "most splendid redness." Can the meaning be gathered from one of two terms which a disjunctive particle discriminates? Whoever asserts this more obstinately, let him behold the colors themselves. In the Thilian manuscript, the emperor's image displays a red garment, in the Saint-Denis manuscript a violet one. In both it is of the same prince, namely Manuel: therefore the emperor assumes for himself violet just as purple. But the *despotes*, concerning whom there is discourse, and the common ornament of the emperor is the *cabadis*, *to rouchon autou hosper kai to basilikon*: so says the recent author. And John the colleague, besides these images, just as the paternal image of Manuel the emperor, to whom he stands, displays a violet garment in the praised manuscript of S. Denis. Therefore the *despotes* *cabbad* is *porphyrē*: a *cabadis*, I say, is violet or purple. B
It is found that that habit of the Caesar was worn by Bardas in a public and solemn procession to the church on a feast day, according to Leo Grammaticus in *Michael the Son of Theophilus*: *Barda de tou Kaisaros en te proleusei dierchomenou meta skaramanggiou oxeos*. But *skaramanggiou* is a Persian tunic interwoven with gold, the same as the *scaranicum*, concerning which the author speaks later. Therefore, his friend Philotheus suggests to that same Caesar: *Aurion, o despota, peribalou ton chrysopersikon sou chitoniskon, kai orthēti tois echthrois sou. Apo prosopou pou pheuxontai. Tou heliou de anatellantos hippoi epibas paregeneto pros ten kortēn tou basileos meta stolēs lampras.* We will demonstrate elsewhere that the word *kortē* here indicates a tent.
231 Ibid. [*Gambrōn*. The Greeks call *gambrous* not only sons-in-law, but also brothers-in-law and the brothers of wives, who are also *andradelphoi* and *gynaikadelphoi*. Once warned, one will find six hundred testimonies among their historians and jurists.
P. 15. [*Chrysokokkina*. Namely, distinguished by gold and red silk, whether woven together or added with needlework. Goar.]
Ibid. Note the crosses on the headgear of imperial sons-in-law, and indeed not of any material whatsoever, but fashioned from pearls. How does this custom please our *stauromachoi* (cross-fighters) here? Grets.
[Crosses five in number fashioned from gems, and placed around the four parts of the circle (such as that of the Counts of the Gauls) encircling the head, namely the forehead, both ears, and the occiput.
Ib. [*Gyrous*. Understand by this the headband circling the forehead, lately called a circle, and joined to the edge of the cap, whether it is completely fastened to it, or stands away somewhat from the upper part; which for this reason Gregoras, book V, calls *kata tēn katō kai koilēn epiphaneian kykliskon chrysoeidea*. See the note in the following chapter at p. 19.
Ib. [*Hēraeis*. The color *hēraeis* is neither blue nor green, but like an herb, leek-colored and sea-green. Thus usage and conversation with Greek dyers have taught me. Hence, because it inclines toward both, Simon Portius writes in one place: *Glaukos prásinos, glaukós*, in another *geranios* (the pronunciation is corrupt; *hēraēos* is meant), *kyáneos, glaukós*: bluish, cyaneous, Venetian color. Regarding the glaucous and bluish color similar to the osier and the willow, Antonius Thylesius is joined to Lazarus Baïf; concerning the Venetian, which Calepinus explains in Spanish as *verde de la mar*.
Cantacuzenus, IV, 5.
Ib. [*Echonta aetous syrmateinous*. Gregoras, 17, 1, describes such a thing, in whose *kyanois pedilois* (blue shoes) *kai chrysoüpheis enērmozonto aetoi* (and gold-woven eagles were fitted).
Ib. [*Eis aera kokkinon*. So that on a flat surface or shield, red eagles were depicted, which were afterwards sewn onto the glaucous shoes; and the term *aēr* here indicates the same as in the preceding *kampos heōs pedion*, a plain of cloth distinguished by multi-colored figures, the *fond* of an embroidery or of a fabric with sprigs, C with the figure ending at the boss, entirely distinct. Goar.]
Ib. Junius [*kōnos*, I likewise from two Bavarian codices: which is German writing.
Ib. *Chartarion, chartion*, a square shield. Junius translates "square tiles" (*quadrarias tesseras*), and says it is corrupted from the Italian and French *quartiers*. Grets. [I approve that *chartaria* can be called shields; I continually deny that they are square. For *chartarion* is a bractea, a lamina, a shield fashioned in any form, to be placed upon another object for the sake of adornment. Goar.]
Lead charts among Anastasius in Sergius and Gregory III are lead tiles, with which buildings were roofed. Therefore they seem to have nothing to do with our *chartarion* and *chartion*. Presently I read with the Bavarian codex separately *meta rhaphēn*. In the other is *katagraphēn*. Perhaps here too it should be written separately *kata graphēn*, if by chance it might please someone more than *graphē* than *rhaphē*. Grets.
Ibid. [*Kata rhaphēn*. The reading found in all the collated copies is to be retained: for it was customary for adornment to be added to sutures that carried a sort of deformity with them.
232 Ibid. [*Tetrastylon*. It seems to be some august and more ornate canopy, erected on high on four columns in some part of a palace hall, to which those who, by privilege, were able to enter the hall, were compelled to dismount from their horses to the ground for the sake of honoring the royal majesty. Goar.]
Ib. Read *pezeuei kacheise kat’ analogian tou topou tetrastyloū*. He walks also there on account of the reason for which he walks to the *Tetrastylon*; namely, on account of the honor of the emperor, who is present there. Grets.
P. 16. [*Tou kopritoriou kai tou epanō skepiou*. An ephippiar stragulum (saddle blanket) and another upper covering are different things, because one is, indeed, larger than the other, or one may be an ornament in time of peace, the other a protection for the horse in war.
A ...so that he may go on foot. GOAR.
In what manner Nicetas, in the life of Alexius, son of Manuel, affirmed that a covering for the head, woven [συγκλητικῶς] (for [συγκλητικοὶ] are called not senators only, but all the nobility) and made of various colors and different materials according to the variety of the offices, is composed from custom. The description of the logothete’s cap will be exhibited in the note below on p. 19. GOAR.
Ib. [Αὐθεντόπουλος]: Although the interpreter in the Glossary calls this a lesser lord, as if that addition took away something from the meaning, that is nevertheless not perpetual, as we noted above on p. 14. Sweet-smelling flowers of Greek. GRETS.
[A man of refined wit will even smell that the words of barbarous Greek [μᾶ] and [σᾶ] are not [μοῦ] and [σοῦ], but are used in place of [ἡμῶν] and [ὑμῶν]. Moreover, to others, from the nominative [ἐμεῖς] and [ἐσεῖς], they serve for all cases, and being mutilated by aphaeresis, [μᾶς] and [σᾶς] are left; and at the same time you see that the plural [ἐσεῖς] is less anomalous than [ὑμεῖς]; and therefore the sweet flowers of barbarous Greek, with no choice made as to their value, are not to be trodden upon rashly. GOAR.]
[αὐθεντεῖν], [αὐθεντίζειν], to render authentic, to add authority, force, and strength, so that it may be valid and cannot be rejected. And to whom have the "Authentics" of Justinian not been heard of, which he himself designated [Νεαράς], that is, the "Novellae"? The "Authentics" of Holy Scripture are on everyone’s lips. Greeks now write and pronounce [ἀφένδης], and even more corruptly [efendi]. Both words passed to the Turks: for in their usage it is [aphendi] or [efendi], according to Leunclavius in his *Onomasticon Musulmanicum*. [Ἀφένδρα], mistress. Dousa in his *Itinerarium Cpolitanum*: Unless you sometimes bribe the Greeks with wine, unless you shout in the Greek manner [πολυχρονιάδης, ἀφένδι], you will have lost your oil and labor. Hence [αὐθεντία], dominion. GRETS.
CAPUT V. Explanations and observations concerning the insignia of the other court nobles, which Codinus treats in chapter 4.
P. 17. [[Τὸ σκιάδιον]. The author calls the more honorable head covering allowed to court nobles [σκιάδιον], with Jure GR. p. 186; Nicetas calls it [πῖλον] and [κάλυμμα], Gregoras [καλύπτραν]. He depicts its form in the final words of his history: "Regarding the head covering: among the earlier emperors, it was the custom for those advanced in years in the palaces to use coverings having the shape of a pyramid, covered with silk garments according to the dignity of each, but those who were of age, all these had their heads completely uncovered." Hence when he has reached the age of an ephebe, then only is it fas by custom for the despot to be seen in the palace with his head covered: for a boy is not present at the palace, the master says, otherwise than with his head bare: [Ἐπὶ κεφαλῆς ἔτι νέος μὲν ὢν ὁ δεσπότης φορεῖ ἐν τῷ παλατίῳ οὐδέν.] Nicetas had once said that the form of the cap described by Gregoras was accepted from the barbarians by Andronicus I: [πῖλον βαρβαρικὸν τῇ κεφαλῇ περιθέμενος, ὃς εἰς ὀξὺ λήγων πυραμίδι εἴκασται.] Yet it is a property and so familiar that it is rendered not by shape, but by the variety of its materials and colors, which any senator or courtier...] B
C Ib. [Δικανίκιον], from [δίκη]: occurs in Codinus. Junius everywhere translates it "judicial scepter." The Greek word itself can be retained; [δικανίκιον] can simply be translated "scepter." Sometimes when there is discussion of patriarchs and bishops, as on p. 103, it would be more correctly translated "crozier." In *Turcograecia* it is called [δεκανίκιον] (if there be no typographical error) p. 15, where it speaks of Patriarch Gennadius and the Turkish emperor: Ἰδίαις χερσὶ δέδωκεν αὐτῷ δεκανίκιον πολλοῦ ἄξιον, ἤτοι ῥάβδον ἀργυρᾶν περικεχρυσωμένην, ὡραίαν. In a certain Graeco-Barbarous writing [l. 11 Turco-Graecia] it is called [δικανίκη]. Gregoras [l. vi] calls it [ποιμαντικὴν ῥάβδον]. GRETS.
D Ibid. [[Ἀπὸ τῆς δίκης], a word derived from justice, it signifies any symbol of justice and of the power of exercising it upon others. In a king it is a scepter, in a pontiff a pastoral staff, in an abbot a crozier, in a royal minister a reed, a small staff, a club: [δεκανίκιον] is the proper word for expressing these things; and it is rendered into Latin more conveniently as "rod" or "staff" than "scepter." It is written both [δεκανίκιον] and [δεκανίκι], the word being truncated from the former: not [δεκανίκη], as Meursius does barbarously. Simon Portius says [δικανίκι]: [ῥάβδος, βάκτρον, βακτηρία, ξύλον], a staff. Consecrated, I say, a staff, such as our heralds formerly carried, of which Gregory of Tours, VII, 33 says: "Gundobald sent two legates to the king with consecrated rods, according to the rite of the Franks, so that they might not be touched by anyone"; such as the marshals, the royal steward, the praetorian immune officers, the apparitors, etc., also carry. GOAR.]
P. 17. Instead of [κόμβων], Junius uses [κόμπων] in the same sense. GRETS.
A *Kombos* and *kondylos* differ in position, not in nature, like a node and a branch. More clearly: a reed distinguished by nodes is put together from various pipes (I call the pipes the individual parts of the reed divided by nodes and connected to one another): the more recent Greeks call these *kondyloi*, but the nodes themselves *kombos* or *kompos*. Simon Portius, in his *Lexicon Graecobarbarum*, gives: *kondyli* (kondylion, kondylos) — reed, *kalamos*, *donax*. And *kompos*, binding, knot, *kombos*, joint, node, connection. However, due to the necessity of the reed at the node, I do not deny that one may be substituted for the other. Nevertheless, where various meanings are attributed to both, the benevolent reader will note that they are not to be used indiscriminately; and regarding the *dikanikia*, which are the subject of discussion—as they are in the staffs of pontiffs and travelers—he will recall that the author calls the individual spaces *kondyloi*, and the spheres dividing the spaces *kombous*.
Ibid. *Inokopeton*. In place of *egkopton*, unless *inokopetos* represents in barbarian speech a sense of laborious, subtle, and artistic carving, failing that *egkopis* and *egkopos*...
B Ibid. *Skaranikon*. A word used only by George Codinus, and known only to George Coresius; it is explained to me in letters as follows: The *skaranikon* is a type of garment not consisting of a single cloth, nor even of a single color, whose exterior appearance is red, divided by straps and braids, allowing a white interior lining to show itself elegantly and as if peeking out; for which reason, since it mimics the form of *escharas*—griddles fit for roasting fish—or perhaps forces the color residing underneath to bubble up like *skarizein*, it was able to earn the name *skaranikon*. This is what he says, adding also a passage from the unknown work of Nicetas: "He wore a garment split down to the knees." I relate this to *stolas solenotas*, canaliculated garments mentioned by Cedrenus in [the life of] Tiberius, concerning which the Royal edition is not obscure in later notes. And in the same place, I trust to recall the *ampechone* of Andronicus, descending to the buttocks and split on both sides, regarding which Nicetas [writes] in the same book, 1. 11. Finally, C is *skaranikon* the same as *skaramaggion*? Meursius affirms, Gretserus denies. I embrace both: I hold the opinion of the latter, but I hiss at the reasoning of Gretserus. For who, with Meursius, could believe the exemplars to be everywhere so corrupt that *skaranikon* was substituted in place of *skaramaggion*? Nevertheless, I am pleased that the pronunciation of the former degenerated into that of the latter, and that *skaramaggion* was ascribed to Caesar Bardas by Leo the Grammarian, while in the chapter above, it is called Caesar's *skaranikon*. See notes on chapter five. Regarding the *scaramangion*, Leunclarius says in his *Onomasticon*: *Scaramangium* is a Persian word, which signifies a rain garment, that is, one that is accustomed to be thrown over others during rains or winter storms.
Ibid. *Eikonikos ton basilea*. Images of emperors were rarely set up in forums and adored in cities, but were carried in battle. Therefore, the Domestic, as the supreme moderator of the imperial armies and, as will be explained below, the living image of him in the camps—himself acting as a colleague, the most faithful and courageous executor of the purpose he had received, carrying his sculpted image on his chest—to use the words of Herodian, "that he himself might praise him with crowns and laurels, and that he might deem the soldiers worthy to recognize and praise him." When the image of the emperor, adorned with crowns and laurels, has been brought forth, he himself should be the first to follow with auspicious acclamations, and urge the soldiers to acknowledge and favor it with vows. Therefore, I do not read that crowns and images of princes, as the main parts of insignias given on standards, were affixed to garments in the *Notitia* of the empire before the times of Justin. I see here that they are surrounded by angels, whom I believe to be *archistrategoi* on account of the common veneration of all the Greeks towards them. D For they have Michael depicted on the first standard, below ch. 6, and to him formerly, by the writing of Cedrenus, Justin consecrated a church: but to both Michael and Gabriel, the princes of the celestial militia, Basil built a royal temple called that of the *Archistrategoi*. Regarding Tzatho, or as Cedrenus brings forth, Tzathos, the king of the Lazi, who came to Justin, Theophanes writes: "Tzathos married a Roman woman, who was also a granddaughter of the Curopalates." And below: "Having been appointed king of the Lazi, Tzathos wore a crown and a royal white chlamys having a *taulin* of gold, upon which the image of the Emperor Justin was engraved in embroidery, and a white *sticharion* having golden embroidery and the image of the Emperor: for his *exangia* were red, having pearls in the Persian manner; likewise, his belt was golden with pearls." Moreover, although the humbler ministers of the churches in the Gauls do not seem to me to be comparable to the more noble dignitaries of the CP palace, I nevertheless observe in them the two-colored tunic—concerning which in the following note—the *diboleon skaranikon*, in whose holy churches they minister, the *inokopeton* image affixed to the front of the chest, the *dikanikion* likewise conspicuous in their hands with silver nodes and various reeds, and also a *skiadion* different from others; regarding which I see nothing else offered that is more similar. GOAR.]
Ibid. *Ek dexion mentoi*. Junius perverts it quite perversely, having changed angels into messengers: for since he was a supreme enemy of images, he envied the glory of this image of angels on the *skaranikon* of the Grand Domestic; and so he made messengers out of angels, as if he had held that honor with his own messengers—and, as they are called, *brevigeruli* and couriers—so that they might depict them on their own clothing and adorn them with pearls. Observe here the custom of adding to clothing not only the image of the emperor, but also of the holy angels. Indeed, formerly they also commonly depicted the effigies of various saints and martyrs on their garments, as is evident from a certain Homily of Asterius of Amasea. It was a most common practice to add sacred images to sacred vestments; Anastasius provides many examples of this in the *Lives of the Pontiffs*. In [the life of] Leo III: "He made in the church of the doctor of the world, blessed Paul the apostle..."
A a four-fold silk hanging, and a white garment with gold-work, having the story of the holy resurrection. And another garment with gold-work, having the story of the nativity of the Lord and of the Holy Innocents. Indeed, also another Tyrian garment, having the story of the blind man enlightened and [his] resurrection." The same most holy prelate made in the Basilica of blessed Mary at the Manger a white garment with gold-work, having the story of the holy resurrection. But also another garment with gold-work circles, having the stories of the Annunciation and of Saints Joachim and Anne. The same regarding the same [place]: In the *titulus* of Pammachius over the altar of Saints John and Paul he made a white all-silk garment, ornamented around the edge with gold-work, having the story of the Crucifixion, the Ascension, and Pentecost. GRETS.
B Ib. [*Diboloer*. On a similar two-colored tunic of the Duca, Nicetas has a discourse in *Andronicus*, I:] "The body [he held] with a two-colored garment descending around the waist, and from then on dividing in two." Another reading puts it: *wearing a garment split in two colors.*
P. 18. [The footwear of the *Panhypersebastos*.] Regarding this: "He had immediately honored John also with the dignity of *Panhypersebastos*, which [rank] now, and for him, because of the affection he had toward him, he had made far more glorious than it previously was; for he granted him to make use of garments and sandals, and all things that adorn his horse, so that he might be most illustrious among the nobles around the king." *Hypo-elion*. An emerald-green staff of office. [His footwear is green.] "The night-watching army caught up with the tent of the *Protovestiarios* John while fleeing, so that he was also disturbed and rose up. And [they] plundered the things in the tent, among which were also the frog-colored sandals of the *Protovestiarios*, and they spent all that night in mocking and laughter, setting [them] in the things of the Romans." The same in *Isaac* and *Angelus*. [The *Protovestiarios*... wearing sandals of different colors.] GRETSER AND GOAR’S NOTES. B That by *blatta* one should understand a purple garment, Eutropius is the witness in *Nero*, because what Suetonius says, that Nero fished with ropes woven of purple and scarlet, this Eutropius called *blattae*. In Lampridius, in [the life of] Heliogabalus: "ropes twisted of *blatta* and silk." Whence some take the *sericoblatteam* garment to be that which is of a purple color and varied with golden threads, C. X, c. *de murilegulis*, and L. C. Theod. of the same. This our Browerus to Venantius. In the *History of the Franks* by Turonensis, II, a *blattea* tunic is without doubt purple. In the history of Anastasius concerning the *Lives of the Pontiffs*, in [the life of] Paschal, you have a cross of *blattin*, a canopy of *blattin*, which you will also find more often in Leo III. For distinction, there is sometimes added "of Byzantine *blattin*" or "of Neapolitan *blattin*." Regarding Leo III: "He made a garment with gold-work of Byzantine *blattin*, having the story of the nativity and of Saint Simeon." Where it is hinted that the material derived its name from Byzantium. What of the Greeks? The glossary: *blatta*. Actuarius: *Blattia Byzantia* is the prominence from the nose of the purple [murex]. Often, says the glossary, it occurs in Codinus, Nicetas, Cedrenus. It occurs often, I confess: but does it always have the significance that you bring forward from Actuarius? Why do you not explain what it is absolutely? In Codinus certainly it cannot be the "nose of the purple." You hold the ancient meaning: you flee the hidden, and generally pursue the obvious and vulgar. Theodosius Zygomalas the Greek in a certain epistle inserted into *Turco-Graecia* p. 99, *blatia chrysa* C and *hexameta*: where Crusius [translates] *güldine stück und damast*. Alexius Comnenus was sending out of pact to King and Emperor Henry IV, beyond a great deal of money, 100 *blattia*, as Anna Comnena writes, B. I, *Alexiad*. Crusius would interpret it as *hundred golden pieces of cloth*. You could also interpret it as *a hundred purple garments*. In our Codinus c. [you] have *xabbadion*. You can render this "purple" without any inconvenience. In the same chapter occurs *blation*, where it is said of the *protosebastos* that his cap is of gold and green color, but... Junius, yet *syrmate*, but not *textu*, because to Junius *blation* is nothing other than a *textile work*. Wherefore everywhere where there is mention of *blation*, he flees to the weave and the weaving mill. But D one must read in the l. c. [?]. Cod. *Boicus* for others... It occurs often in this and other writers of the later age; nor is it easy to explain what it is. Let us first say what it is among the Latins, then let us come to the Greeks. Savaro on that [passage] of Sidonius, L. IX, epist.: *Rutilasque veste blattas*, that is, purple. Paulus Diaconus in the glossaries: *blatta*, a kind of purple worm. And L. IX, cod. *de murilegulis*. From which *blatteae* tunics in Capitolinus and Vopiscus, and the *blatteus* color in Isidorus L. X, c. ult. and L. XXIX, c. 18, and *blatifer senatus*, that is, purple, in the same Sidonius. Venantius Fortunatus, L. I, Epigr.: *Serica cui niveis agnata est blattea telis*. Of the purple or chosen *syrma*: for this is purple. For there is no sense in the former writing. In the same chapter you have *leukon blation*. Junius renders it *white web*. I prefer *white cloth*, so that *blation* might generally be cloth, but in this place white. Soon where [?], you can turn it as "generally garments." For the sense is: the *xabbadion* of this logothete is one of those garments which are worn in the customary manner. Again c. 17, an *anathra* is raised, and they gathered it and adorned it with *erthron*, red cloths; where again you see *blation* used for cloth. Junius translates [as] *red bracts*: but they are accustomed to be covered and adorned with veils and tapestries, not with bracts and plates. Elsewhere p. 462.
A P. 17. In the emperor’s dining hall they clothe the *anabathra* in red *blation*. Junius, red linen: but cloth is better. C. The emperor holds in his left hand a *blation* resembling a book: where it is a scroll or wrapper bound with a napkin. That this is so, you can see by looking at the three images of emperors at the beginning of Gregoras, and on the coin of Theodosius, which we published in Vol. III, *De S. Cruce*, 1, 14. C. You have the *skiadion* [and] the *blation* of the two-fold type.
*Blation*, *bolation*, from *ballein* [to throw], is cloth or textile material, [you ask what] type and woven work, whether unicolored, or double-thread and bicolor, or triple-thread and tricolor, multi-threaded and multicolor. And hence the *blatinos* [...] *blation* [to] throw. Is it a broad *blation*?
B *Blatinon*, *blation* [without the *blation*?], except for silk threads. [...] *Stoles* tubular from *blattion* [?], the commonly traded *blateia* [...] *blation*. Many gold *blatia*, of silk interwoven with gold: with gold *blatia*, in gold-embroidered veils. They decorated the approaches with veils and tapestries, with gold *blatia*. A luxurious garment, gold *blatia* and sextamita and other *blatia*. The purple shroud is sprinkled with gold *blatia* and sextamita. P. 18. [On the *Enkoptous*. On the *inokoptous*.] [On his *dikanikion*.] Who also had later received the protostrator’s rod from the emperor.
C P. 19. [On the *skiadion* of the Grand Logothete.] The *skiadion*. Mouzalon had this particular honor, being the only one of those who had previously held such an office to wear a kerchief on his head, covered with a gold-red garment, as far as the upper part and the pyramidal shape of its surface, in which alone it differed from being absolutely similar to that of the emperor’s grandsons; for it did not have the lower and concave surface decorated with little golden circles, but was completely smooth. For he was also granted the right to have dark-colored *phalara*, being previously of the sacred ribbon, and in riding to possess such a mantle, and to mark the volumes of public discourses and the documents with a similar dye.
*berikokkon*. *Armeniacum* is the *berikokkon*. *Berikwkon*, Armenian apple. *Kokkymela* is a type of fruit, those called by us *berikokka*. *Kokkymela* *Berikokka* are Damascene plums, flame-white, *asprophesketia*. *Berikokka* [are] of apricot-color, between red and white, Damascene [of] apricot-tree.
D *diagelaston*. *diagelaston*. The *diagelastou* of glass, refer to the emperor? But when [it is] an under-glass metallic pigment, which is also called *delion* because of its resemblance to glass, [it can] be said that it is, as it were, fused from glass. Hence *dia-beliston*, *diageliston* [for Portius himself writes ... instead of ... which is glass] and finally it arose as something more pleasant and graceful.
P. 20. [This *blation*. The *blation*] not... *Dikanikion*. If you do not restore it according to the King’s [manuscript] on both, the text remains corrupt and the meaning imperfect.
Ib. He once bore the golden rod as a proper sign of the palace care, he who [was] curopalates.
A ...as seen in Cassiodorus, *Var.* vii, 5: "That also pertains to the trappings, with which grace you may be treated, so that decorated with a golden rod among the numerous [duties of the] attendants you may appear to walk first before the royal feet, or so that by the very testimony of our proximity we may recognize that we have entrusted the palaces to you." But nothing occupies the mind or moves admiration in the courts of princes except what is new, unaccustomed, or that can easily arise and slip away.
*Ib.* Χρυσόπρον (chrysopron). "Candidus" (white) is in recent Greeks; among whom you shall also hear of a silver coin of the value of five or six minute denarii, [called] *aspron* because of its whiteness; it is a French *cincunx*, a "blanc," a piece of white money, in which the pleasantly sounding Gallic word enters into agreement in sense with the Greek, and argues against the harshness of the ignorant mind, which contends that *aspron* is said as if "asperum" (rough) from the "asperis" (rough) characters branded onto the coin. GOAR.
P. 21. Σύμβαλλωτοί (symballōtoi) [subalterna], alternately, one under the other; a word distorted from a Latin term. GRETS.
[A corrupt word from *συμβάλλω* (to throw together, join, mix up). Therefore, *calami* (reeds) of the rods, when certain ones were twisted, *ἐντετυλιγμένοι* (wrapped) by ropes, so that they imitated the work of cables, others *λεῖοι* (smooth), the last at length *συμβαλλόμενοι* (joined together), from parts joined to one another and composed in the manner of weaved mats, are called *συμβαλλωτοί*, "tissus en natte" (woven in a mat), which is a word purely Greek; that which argues a fortuitous affinity with "subalterns" or "alternately," that is, positioned one under the other, having attained no affinity by design. GOAR.]
...is now black among the Greeks. Hence the Euxine Sea is called *Maurothalassa*, the black sea, in German *das schwarze meer*.
Ib. For *χρυσόλευκον* (chrysoleukon), the *Codex Boicus* [has] *χρυσάπρον* (chrysapron), which is now for the Greeks *ἄσπρον* (aspron), white, and a kind of harsh money, and *ἀσπρίζειν* (asprizein) [is] to whiten.
...usually accustomed to be put on. Rigaltius noted this same error of Junius before the *Glossarium Græco-Barbarum* in his *Glossarium Tacticum Mixobarbarum*. And although, if you wish to translate word for word, "superloricarium" might be better, that is, the garment which is put on over the lorica [cuirass], since *λώριον*, *λωρίκιον*, *λούρικον* is the very Latin *lorica*, these names are nevertheless used more broadly here, namely absolutely for a breastplate: for it is not probable that when the nobles in the palace in times of peace wore *epilorica*, they also wore *loricae* (cuirasses) at the same time. Tzetzes in *Hesiod*: "Where you see by this author an *epiloricum* called a garment B split; such as is for the Germans an *ein Koller*." GRETS.
P. 22. *Λώρικον* (Lōrikon) and *λωρίκιον* (lōrikion) is a cuirass, a fortification of the chest and back. Theophanes: "They took their *lōrikia* and their helmets and all their armor." *Ἐπιλώρικον* (Epilōrikon) is a military cloak, distinguished according to individual ranks by camp markers, so that the soldiers may distinguish the leaders, *et ensaque d'armes*. It is put on over arms according to its etymology. Leo in *Tactics*, constitution 6, having described the individual parts of the armor: "It is useful to have *epilōrika*, when there is need, worn over [them]." Its part anterior to the posterior is set apart and free; and therefore Tzetzes calls it a split garment in *Hesiod*. Nicetas describes in *Manuel*, book vi, a royal cloak of this kind: "The Emperor perceived Gabras wearing a cloak of a yellowish-green color. 'This color is not an auspicious token, O King,' he says, 'but even greatly contradicts good fortunes at the hour of war.' But he himself, smiling briefly and forcedly at what was said, having taken off the *epithōrakion* [breastplate] garment, gives to him one adorned with purple and gold." *Φᾶρος* (Pharos) is the split garment, which we call *epilōrikon*, and everything similarly split. Gabras having seen even the upper *klibanos* [cuirass], which the emperor wore over the *epilōrikon*, the *epilōrikon* [is] the width of the *skaranikon*. *Χρυσοκλαδάριον* (chrysokladarion), *On a golden elevated throne*. Where in the *prokypsis* (presentation).
P. 22. *Ἐπιλώρικον* (Epilōrikon), *ἐπιλούρικον* (epilourikon), *ἐπιλουρίκιον* (epilourikion)... *φακεόλιον* (phakeolion), *φακιόλιον* (phakiolion).
C Ib. You have here *φᾶρος* (pharos), where it is manifestly put for a wide space or for the breadth of the *skaranikon*: *Das breite*. In the same place I read *auriclavatum* (gold-nailed), not as Junius has it, who delights strangely with a golden branch or small branch and with painted spirals. In the same place I read: *On a golden, elevated throne*, into which one ascends by some steps. The proper sense of the vulgate reading cannot be rendered. GRETS.
Ib. [The substantive *ἀνάβατον* (anabaton) is leaven, by which the mass swells, puffs up, and rises. Hence *ἄζυμα* (azyme/unleavened), the matter of the sacrifice celebrated by the Latin rite, [which the Greeks] have called *λειπανάβατα* (leipanabata), in which leaven is lacking. The adjective *ἀναβατός* (anabatos), annexed to a throne, indicates [a throne that is] accessible and elevated, concerning which we speak elsewhere. GOAR.]
...or *ἐπιλώρικον*. Learned men, says the Glossary, that is Junius, interpret it as a garment bordered with straps. It does not...
Ib. [...concerning the military belt (precious indeed and conspicuous). Nicetas suggests gifts in *Alexius* [of] Manuel, book vi: "And to have the belt of the *etaireia*."]
Ib. [Xρυσοήλατον (Chrysoēlaton). Intermixed with a golden and sea-green color. GOAR.]
Ib. Φακεωλὶς (Phakeōlis), and below c. φακεώλιον (phakeōlion), it is written also... and Junius everywhere translates
D [alt-version omitted]
“fatkinette” from the German, for a sudarium or strophium. Now, that Codinus says the phakeolion was accepted from the Medes, this ought to be understood of the thing, not the name. Furthermore, that we may note it in passing, that Turkish article of dress which the Germans call *turbant*, seems to descend from that head-covering which the Greeks call 241 *koryphantion* or *korybantion*. For how easily *turbant* is born from *corbant*! GRETS.
P. 22. Meursius, and Gretser following in his footsteps, explain *Phakeōlis* learnedly but not clearly. I bring light to their statements: *Phakeōlis* (others write *phakiolion, phakeōlion, phakiōnion* and *phakiolion*) is a band and a somewhat long fascia, made mostly of linen. Palladius in the *Lausiaca*: “He did not take any linen except for a somewhat long *mantile* [towel] around the *phakiolion*.” Hence the white stole placed around the necks of priests and hanging from the chest (which Meursius, like a Dutch theologian, confuses with the cap) signifies, according to the German [writer] in the *Mystagogia* (though the same person spoke incorrectly in his *Ecclesiastical History*): “The *tetraphylion* is the *phakeōlion* with which Christ was carried [by the high priest] bound and dragged forward.” The priestly stole is a *lorum* (I cannot call it a rope) by which Christ, bound and pulled forward, was led. Nevertheless, the *kidaris* or tiara placed upon the head, if it encircles and wraps around from the lower part, composes the Turkish cap which the common crowd speaks of; and therefore, having been asked by me about the *phakeōlis*, Coresias of Chios wrote back: *Phakeōlis* is a tiara and a military pileus, properly, I say, a covering of the head, very similar to a Turkish one, by which they encircle the head as if by a zone or girdle. He wrote that it is specifically for soldiers. For the Turkish nobles have a double pileus: the one adapted for peace, the other for war. The former is narrower, broader, and sometimes without folds or wrapped cloth, light and expanded, which would never be called *phakeōlis*; the latter is tighter and much lower, but always wraps the head in a cloth folded into bundles. From which you may explain that [passage] of Achmet, c. 226, reported by Meursius, thus: “If anyone sees a *phakeōlion*, he will find an immense military dignity, according to the length of the circling of the *phakeōlion*”—a greater one, naturally, according to the quantity [by which] the *phakeōlis* is led around the head. Nicetas, near the end of his *History*, laments the pilei and coverings of this kind placed on horses’ heads by the conquering Franks, after Constantinople was taken: “They went through the streets and put upon the heads of the beasts of burden [the horse] their *phthonoskepē* [envious-covering] pericrania and coverings.” B And the things hanging down the back, binding up the tails of their horses, they raced here and there through the city. I conjecture that the *phakeolides* were not of pure linen, but enriched with gold interwoven, from the reading in the same place in Græco-barbarous: *ta chrysophanta sentonia, sabana kai prosōpia*. A *prosōpion* is a square linen cloth, a cubit and a half in length, placed on the head by women who are leading a funeral, then a distinguished ornament for the shoulders of senators. GOAR.]
Ib. *Asēkrētēs*, *prōtasēkrētēs*, and outside the composition, *asēkrētēs, asēkrētis*. The name was transferred from Latin to Greece, an index of palatine dignity, and indeed of much greater [dignity] than he has whom we call the first secretary or prime minister of the secrets. For this person is the “first in the secretum” or senate (the Greeks call it *sēkretòn*), signifying as much the place where the senate is gathered as the assembly or council of the senators itself. And the *sēkrētikoi* are ministers of the secrets, who were at the hand of the secretaries, that is, the senators; although *secretarius* is likewise more often used by the Greeks for him whom the Latins denote by this name—namely, a scribe, an actuary. Evagrius, l. II: “Constantine the *secretarius* read from the draft.” This is worthy of observation, that the Latins, in imitation of the Greeks, wrote and used the little word *asecreta*, as is to be seen in l. V, c. 19 of that work which is falsely attributed to Charlemagne; where there is 242 *Leontius asecreta*. In Hincmar, epist. 3, c. 16, you have *asecretis*, which he says was once the name of the high chancellor. Let us add this too, because of the connection. *Silentiarēs* or *silentiarios* frequently occur in Greek books, as does *siléntion*. The Glossary establishes two kinds: the minor ones, whose duty it was to sound the silence to the people and to take care diligently that silence was kept; and the major ones, indeed senators: for as they were called *secretarii* from the *secretum*, so they were called *silentiarii* from the silence. For because the senators had to hide the secrets and be silent about things done in the senate, thus the name *secretarii* and *silentiarii* adhered to them; although *silentium* was also called the speech which the Emperor gave in silence, that is, in the senate, at the beginning of Lent. Zonaras records that the Emperor Leo the Philosopher was so vexed by iliac pains that he could not hold the usual speech in the senate regarding fasting, which is called *siléntion*. Cedrenus: “A *siléntion* having been held,” meaning the senate gathered. The *Miscella Historia* on Leo: “He celebrated the *silentium* against the holy and venerable icons.” Nor were the Greeks content with these: they even transferred these merely Latin names into their own charters: *sēnaton* or *sēnatos, sēnatōn, sēnatōr, sēnātōr*. See *Glossar. Græco-Barb.*
Ib. I retain the names *blateus* and *blatina* and *trullæ*, because more suitable ones did not occur: for the things which Junius offers about *lura* and *lora* I do not value at a penny; they are so frivolous. By the name *trulla*, Codinus understands the upper part of the pileus, by which it is closed and as if vaulted.
A For it is a *trulla* or *trullon* or *trullos*, a cupola or vaulting, as is clear from Codinus, *On the Antiquities of Constantinople*, book 1, where he treats of the *trulla* of the Great Church, built by Justinian and repaired by Justin. Hence also the synod was called *Trullana* or "in Trullo," because it was held in the secretorium of the palace, which was *trullatum*, if I may say so, or vaulted. Codinus uses the verb *troulouthenai* for "to build a trulla" in the cited place. GRETS.
[No one is ignorant that *troulan* or *troullan* and *troullon* refers to vaulted work. For this reason, for the pileus by which it is closed and as if vaulted, it signifies not only the highest part, *troula*, but the whole pileus, which is entirely a *troula*; the description of which we have placed amply in the first and second notes of the previous chapter; and *akron tou skiadiou*, mentioned in the second, which is the ring of the *troule*, is that which is said in the present place to be the summit of the umbrella. GOAR]
P. 23. The Bavarian codices vary here, as I noted formerly in the notes to Codinus. But the matter is not worth so much; the vulgate reading is enough for me.
P. 24. *Siromasten*. Junius interprets this incorrectly as an iron club, as is clear from Numbers, chapter 25, where the Scripture says of Phinees: "And having taken a *siromasten* in his hand..." and "And he pierced both of them, both the Israelite man and the woman through her womb." It was not therefore a club, but a javelin or a spear. Hence Aquila translates it as *konton* (spear), Symmachus as *doru* (spear). The Vulgate edition: "Having taken a dagger, he pierced them both." Rigaltius noted this error of Junius in his *Glossary*, under the word *Siromastes*. In Cedrenus, p. 700, Leo Melissenus rebukes his brother B 243 Theognostus, lest he curse the emperor; he imposed upon him, for not obeying, several blows or strikes with the *siromasten*. St. Jerome, Epist. 53: "For I have read *siromasten* of Phinees, the severity of Elias," where he himself seems to take *siromasten* for a spear. Josephus, *Antiquities*, IV, 6, translates it as *romphaian* (sword): "Striking with the sword, he killed." Hesychius says that the *siromasten* is a kind of spear. St. Jerome, in chapter 2 of Malachi, interprets C *siromasten* as a dagger, as also in Numbers xxv; but in III Kings 18, and IV Kings 11, as a spear. Suidas: "A *siromastes* is a kind of javelin, a spear." John Tzetzes: "Many call the javelin a *siromasten*, as is understood in the history of Phinees, etc., but strictly it is an iron instrument of the tax-gatherers, like a great obelisk with which, striking the sacks, they recognize and seize the smuggled goods." It seems most conveniently translated by Curopalata as a weapon or dagger, since the *siromastes* was carried by the great *tzausios* on the left side of the belt. Codinus says that this *siromastes* is commonly called a *saliban*. Emperor Leo, *Constitutions*, 7: "To throw from a distance a *riptarion* and a *matzobaboulon*, which is now called a *salida* or even a *tzekourion*." The *Glossary* writes *martzomaboulon*. The anonymous author on the *Holy War*: "They had Turkish *salibas*." Junius says that *saliba* is an Arabic word. But how does he know it to be Arabic when he does not know what it signifies? For it is not a military club, as we said before. GRETS.
[Those who follow Meursius indicate this, but it does not concern the meaning of this word. *Siromaste* *s'romas* is looked for, and as if being furtively searched for in obscure Tzetzian poems (Chil. 13, tit. 492) by those using and ruling. It is not permitted for merchants bringing goods from the East to load them into ships or take them from the port before the prefects of the taxes examine all the packs and vessels, lest they hide more precious things, or those prohibited from export, under cheaper and permitted items, so that they might either defraud the price of the taxes or more subtly mock the emperor imposing the law. The publicans therefore search the packs and the bundles of baggage, and pick through with a long, sharp iron those tied as tightly or as stickily as possible, and with their sense as a guide and experience as a teacher—as I myself have learned by sight—they search and detect whether silk threads, for example, lie hidden under cotton, or metals under a mass of wax; so that upon the fraud being detected, the artificers might be punished with a monetary fine or lashings, and the goods might be detained by royal right and adjudged to the treasury. That probe is longer and sharper, similar in some way to a dagger, a weapon, or a spear, and is called a *seiromastes* or *seiromastis*; but because it truly suppresses the haste of the merchant in exporting goods and coerces fraud, the common people call it a *saliban* or *salibarin*, that is, a brake. These things having been understood, no difficulty remains in Tzetzes without the interpretation reported by Rigaltius, Meursius, and Gretser, nothing of obscurity in Hesychius, nothing that might cause delay in Codinus. Hesychius: "A *seiromastes* is an iron utensil which tax-gatherers have for searching, having a wooden handle." Why the *tzausios* carries that in his belt, we discuss elsewhere. GOAR]
Idem. *Amraios* and *amrale* is the prefect of the sea, from the Arabic *amira* or *amirus*, says Junius, and from the Greek *halios* (maritime). Let him believe it who wishes: I withhold my assent. This word passed to the Gauls, Italians, and others, for whom *admiral* is the prefect of the sea, or *thalassiarch*. Which name, whether it be taken absolutely for a prince of a people or for a local prefect of the sea, varies wondrously among D Latin writers, as I showed in tome 244, I, *On the Holy Cross*, c. 12. *Amras* is a prince, a customary name among the Mahometan Arabs, as is *amraios*, although this also denotes lesser leaders under *amira*. Sigebertus in his *Chronicle*: "In the kingdom of the Saracens, he established four praetors who were called *emiræi*, but he himself was called *amiras* or *protosymbulus*."
Idem. *Epi ton deeseon*. So it must be read entirely, and that *epi ton dikaseon* must be relegated far away. GRETS.
Idem. [ *Cheiroportion*. Simon Portius: *Chirotheca* (glove), *cherokti*, *cheronti*, *cheirothike*. Nicetas in *Alexias Comnenus*, 1, iii, called a sleeve slit toward the finger: "The same one also had a gold-embroidered sleeve (*encheirion*) slit toward the finger, she had a hunting bird, and going out for the hunt, she twittered and whistled." The vulgar text has: "The same one, having a gold-embroidered *cheiroportion* slit toward the finger, had a hunting bird." By these words Nicetas carps at an indecorous act of the empress: a disgrace, however, by which, as if by her very self, the people insects…
A that creep and crawl—whether of the marketplace or the mimic birds, and whatever nature has sharpened for music—always proposing one teaching, and that a common one: to sing in the narrow lanes and the crossroads. "The *politike* [courtesan] they have taught the just." Edocuerunt ut canerent, *Meretrix pretium*: understand, *exige prostituti corporis*. The interpreter translates ineptly: *Politica justitiam*; since moderns call a harlot *politiken*, as being one exposed publicly to the whole city and known to the entire court as a common prostitute, the French *courtisane*. *Dikaion* is that which the author in more than one place calls *dikaioma*, a price to be rendered by law. GOAR.]]
B. For *chartion* it seems we should read *chasdion*, which denotes a garment made of hair or nap. There is also *chasdion* in Achmet Oneirocrit C, c. 220, where you will find *chaseidia* [made] from wool. In the Synod of Florence: "He was sitting on a most beautiful black horse, and adorned with a red and gold-embroidered *chasdion*," which was garnished with a covering worked with red and golden threads; so that therefore this passage of Codinus seems to be translated: *Scaranicum ejus indutum seu suffultum est panno ex pilis seu lana confecto.* GRETS.
[ *Chasdion* is fleecy silk. The Greek text of the Florentine council brings back the word, though it was omitted by the interpreter: *Ὁ μὲν βασιλεὺς ἐκαθέζετο ἐφ᾽ ἵππου ὡραιοτάτου μέλανος καὶ εὐτρεπισμένου μετὰ ἐρυθροῦ καὶ χρυσοϋφάντου χασδίου.* "The emperor was sitting upon a most beautiful black horse, which was covered with a purple and gold-woven silk of mixed nap." The interpreter: *Qui purpureo aureoque intertexto constratus erat tegumento*. Nothing [is] better than what he placed [there], "garnished with a covering worked with red and golden threads." Worst of all is he who thought *chasdion* was a rag made from hair or wool, and translated it as *endedumenon suffultum*.
Ib. *Chrysoun e argyroun petalon zographikon*, gold or silver leaf, thinned out, clearly, for pictorial work with subtle laminae. GOAR.]
Ib. *Phossaton*. It is also written *phossaton*, from *fossa*. It properly signifies a camp fortified with ditches, and likewise the army itself. Moschopulus: *phossaton o stratos*. Hence *phossateuein* or *phossateuein*, to lead an army, and *phossatikos*, like an army. Thence it is also translated, especially by the Latins, to any ditches whatsoever made for the sake of fortification. Robert de Monte in his *Chronicle*: "King Henry made high and wide ditches between France and Normandy to ward off brigands." Andreas the priest in the *Bavarian Chronicle*: "At Ratisbon, from the gate of St. Peter to the western gate, an outer ditch (*der stadtgraben*) is carried through in its entirety." You will find the same as *phossaton* or *phoussaton*. Moreover, they made the simple word *fossa* their own; and *phossaein*, to dig, to make a ditch. In the same sense they use *sedeton*, clearly for a camp. Suidas: *Siedaton, to phossaton*. From the same notion is *aplekton* (which signifies a camp) and *aplekteuein*, from the Latin *applicare*, to camp. See Rigaltius in his *Mixobar- [baro et Meursium in suo Græco-Barbaro Glossario*].
P. 25. *Praefectus alogii*. I cannot wonder enough what came into Junius’s mind that he should derive the word *alogon* from the Hebrew *halac* (which is *to go*), when it is clearer than light that *alogon* is a Greek word, as if you would say "irrational"; by which name modern Greeks signify horses. Anonymus in Rigaltius: "*Aloga zoa notophora, achthophora*." And absolutely, for horses, you will find [it] in Mauricius, Leo, and others. Therefore, the Junian *halocum* should be sent away to a messenger or traveler, whom, as Junius says, the Turks call *hulac*.
Ib. *Matzuca* to Junius is a club, from the Italian *Massa* or rather the French *Massue*, as he says. It is also written *matzouchion*. In the same place I take *steleion* for a shaft or handle of a *matzuca*, *der stiel*; at whose top was *boution*, *butta*, a cup or small vessel. It is also written *bouteon* or, as Rigaltius [says], *bouteion, boutze, boutzion, bouttis*; which signify not only a cup or small vessel, but even whole wine vessels themselves, as Rigaltius, Meursius, and Casaubon will teach you in their Glossaries with the testimonies of authors [referring] to Capitolinus and Flavius Vopiscus, p. 412, 522. From this comes the German *butten*, for a dorsual vessel, in which grapes already harvested by reapers are collected by men destined for this and carried to the winepress: although they also call other dorsual implements *buttas*, made in the likeness of that wine vessel. What? That the Greeks also took the word *cupa* into their own language, *koupa*. *Boutinon*, *butina*, for a flagon, is also brought forward. *Butto* is joined to sacred furniture by Anastasius in [the life of] Leo IV: "He offered in the basilica of blessed Peter the Apostle a *buttonem* [button] of most pure silver." Therefore, so that we may leave this here, the shaft *steleiou protologarios* had at the top *boution*, that clearly which the Germans call *ein kueppelein*. But Meursius overturns all these, who in his Glossary under [the word] *boullion* affirms that one should read not *boution* but *boullion*, which is a small orb, a circle. But since he asserts this without the authority of any manuscript codex, there is no reason why we should either repent or be annoyed by our reading, which is supported by handwritten exemplars, unless someone prefers to read *touphlon*, a small flame or *tupha* or *tufa*. Suidas: *Steleion, to tes axines xylon*, etc. *stiel an der axt*. And perhaps here also one should write *steleios*, not *steleios*. GRETS.
Ibid. [*“En idiōtikus kalousi matzoukōn.”* It is: a club *idiōtikōs* and commonly *matzouka*, and as the learned Gretser says, it is called from the French *massue*: 246 but it is not an *idiōtikē* and vulgar club, this *protologarios matzouka*, but an honorary one, and it is a capped staff, which the apparitors or *accensi* carry before princes, cardinals, rectors, as a symbol of power and an argument of excellence, *la masse*; whence they themselves are called *clavati apparitores* and *clavigeri accensi*. Nothing, therefore, here concerns the military *matzouchion*, of which Rigaltius and Meursius [speak], who rashly confuse *matzouchēn* and *matzoukakēn*—the cognomen of a certain Theodore in Nicetas in [the history of] Manuel I, book VII—with this appellative diction. To the point. The capped staff of this [office] of the...]
[office-holder] is written correctly as *stēliōs* (στήλιος); for it imitates a column, although in Crispinus it is written as *steileios*, *steleios*, *steleos*, *steileon*, *steleon*, or *steleia*. One must inquire what *boution* (βουτίον) at the end [of the staff] signifies; for *buttae* (buttæ) and *cupae* (cupæ)—and also whole wine casks, concerning which Gretser, Meursius, and Rigaltius speak—are to be removed from this notable [designation]. Or is *boution* perhaps a diminutive *phoution* (φουτίον) of *phoutas* (φούτας), which is mentioned among the various readings of the preceding chapter, and which has the same meaning as *phouta* (φούτα), such that it signifies the thicker head and extremity of that knob? Or again, is it *boution*, because that oblong knob imitates the figure of a *butta* (bullam) and a wine-vessel? Or, finally, should *boution* be looked for not on the upper peak of the knob, but at the lowest extremity, so that, like an opening in a cup, that lowest handle is enclosed in the *boution* as it were in a little crater or small cup, so that it might be held more firmly, and so that the ornament—which is superimposed with scarlet cloth—might grow [in size] by the addition of gold? That handle would less displease if it showed a gilded head at the top, and this little crater at the bottom, and finally in the middle, *dema* (δέμα) [which is] *kechrysomenon* (κεχρυσωμένον)—not any kind of binding, but a tie, or rather a plate gilded and decoratively surrounding it. *Boutizein* (βουτίζειν), moreover, is to immerse or put in, specifically into something deep; and for that reason *boution* (βουτίου)—the golden cup to which the extremity of the staff has been committed—not undeservedly obtains its name.
P. 26. *Chrysarion* (Χρυσαφίου). Simon Portius: *Chrysaphi* (χρυσάφι) instead of *chrysaphion* (χρυσάφιον), *chrousari* (χρουσάρι), *chrysion* (χρυσίον), *chrysos* (χρυσός), gold. Meursius reads *chrysaphē* (χρυσάφη) very corruptly; it is nowhere in use. *Chrysaphion* (χρυσάφιον) is said to be gold thread, and any gold added to another thing, as if *chrysapton* (χρυσαπτόν); which is even now most clearly detected here. [Goar.]
Ib. It is surprising how Junius translated *bestiārion* (βεστιάριον) here as "vestibule," and *prōtobestiaritēn* (πρωτοβεστιαρίτην) as "prince of the vestibule." Learned men err—that is, Junius, as Meursius says—who interpret it in this way; where Junius’s folly is again ascribed to learned men. But what is a *vestiarium*? Suidas: *Bestiarion* (Βεστιάριον), among the Romans, is the place where the necessary clothing is stored. Moschopulus: *Bestia* (Βέστια), among the Romans, are garments, from which also comes *bestiarion* properly, in which imperial robes are kept. The head of the vestiarii was also called an *abestiarius*; and *vestiarium* more generally [is] *tamieion basilikon* (ταμιεῖον βασιλικόν), the imperial treasury, according to Choniates, citing Rigaltius.
P. 27. *Tzangratorum* (so it must be written everywhere, not *tzangratores*) from *tzangris* (τζαγγρής), a kind of bow, as is clear from Cantacuzenus, book 1, where, dealing with a certain war machine, he says in each *katastrōmati* (καταστρώματι) of it—there were five of them—there were eight "of the Latin bows called *tzangrai* (τζαγγρῶν) shooting arrows." Ibidem: "And of the arrows shot from the *tzangrai*." Wrongly, therefore, does Junius p. 313 make the soldiers into *spatharios*, when they were archers and bowmen. Wrongly, too, does he derive the name itself from the oriental word *saga*, which, 247 he says, signifies "abundance," "thick," and "dense." Truly, as often as Junius has nothing to say, he deduces from the Orient [the meaning of] speech, A seeking an excuse. How much more realistically would he derive it from the German *zangen*?
Ib. *Tōn mourtatōn* (Τῶν μουρτάτων). Authors do not explain the origin of this name. Junius in his scholia p. 304 deduces it—whatever Gregoras may say in lib. IV of his Byzantine History, who writes that those whom the ancients called "Laconians" were called "Tzacones" (Τζάκωνας) by these more recent Greeks, with a small and everyday change of letters. Nor is Junius deterred, even though today the region of the Peloponnese, formerly Laconia, is called *Tzaconia*, and the inhabitants (Pandect. Turc. p. 30 and Turcogr. lib. VII, p. 489) [are called] *Zacones* or *Tzacones*; and the substitution of the letters TZ for other letters is very common among more recent Greeks; hence *tzakizō* (τζακίζω) for *lakizō* (λακίζω), "to tear, to break." Wherefore, he who considers the *Tzacones* to be named from the Hebrew *tzuk* rather than from the ancient Laconian appellation, cannot state a reason why he should not believe whatever he likes.
Ib. *Orientalium thematum* (Orientalium thematum). There exists a booklet of Constantine Porphyrogenitus, *On the Eastern Themes*, which Vulcanus Batavus edited in Greek and Latin, and illustrated with notes; in which, besides other things: No one is ignorant that there are various meanings of the word *thema* (θέματος). Ancient glossaries sometimes interpret *thema* as "position" or "case," sometimes *thema tou anthrōpou* (θέμα τοῦ ἀνθρώπου) as "constellation," which is the same as "position," sometimes as "legion" (*taxis*, θέμα). B From which it is clear that *thema* is the same as *taxis* (τάξιν) or *tagma* (τάγμα), that is, a legion. The emperor Justinian in his Novels generally calls these *tagmata* (τάγματα) "military registers." He adds: Whence it comes that I do not agree with Hieronymus Wolf in Zonaras, who translates *themata* (θέματα) as "provinces"; nor with Enimundus Bonifidius, and an unnamed doctor to whom he credits this, who in his annotations on the Eastern Law interprets that passage from the constitution of Isaac Comnenus, "and the consonant arrangement of all the *thematōn* (θεματικῶν) presented [it] to my sovereignty," as "provincial [troops]": which I would rather have translated as "legionary." C Among the *tagmata* (τάγματα), or legions, and the *themata* (θέματα), however, there is this difference: that those were so called at the time the Roman empire was flourishing, as actual legions, which later, with the empire diminished and truncated in the times of Heraclius, obtained the appellation *thema*, with the legions having departed from their ancient size. Which this [author] of ours himself attests, saying: "But formerly and at the first there were certain *tagmata* (τάγματα) and legions registered according to nation." From which legions he recounts the legion of the 40 martyrs, of whom Basil says: "These, having surpassed all those of their own [age] in the prime of age and in strength, were assigned to complete the military registers," that is, as Budaeus translates, they were enrolled into the cohorts and numbers of the legions. In Cedrenus p. 466, in [the reign of] Copronymus, *thema* (θέμα) is taken as "prefecture," or *ein pfleg*: "those who were under the *thematōn* (θεμάτων) of the Thracians." A little later, "so that in the whole *themati* (θέματι) under him." Fridericus Morellus, a Parisian professor, published a Greek-Latin booklet on the *Western Themes*. D
A *P. 27. Magni myrtaitæ.* Junius interprets *murtatos* and *myrtatam* from the Hebrew, with the same felicity with which he deduces *tzacones* from the same cradle. But who are the *myrtaitae*? Let us hear the Glossary. Learned men, that is, Junius, think they were the great prefects *tōn murtatōn*, of whom we spoke a little earlier. But they are mistaken; for in the same Codinus, p. 43, it is written: *To of the great myrtat—* an unknown office. The affairs of the *stratopedarch* of the *murtatoi*, like those of the *stratopedarch* of the *tzangatoroi*. And the *stratopedarch* of the *murtatoi* [is] likewise. Therefore, their error is sufficiently clear. These things the glossographer says against Junius. B *Gammatizon.* The extremity of a staff retorted transversely at a right angle, where the letter Γ and *dicani* shine forth. There are also pontifical chasubles *gammatizon*, if I may say so, *gammated*, those namely which are entirely sprinkled with the four-letter cross, whence they obtain the appellation *gamma-crosses* (γαλμοσταυρῶν), such as the coins of Louis the Pious claim, and the letter L, sacred to its name, painted four times and always in different ways, presents to the eyes a cross, the ensign of Christ, *gammatizon*. This is evident from the reading in the meditation on the privileges of the patriarchs in Balsamon. It also consists [in] the letters, of which the same Balsamon at canon 27 of the Trullan [Council] [speaks], which are not to be confused with the *gammas*; for these latter denote nothing more than the shape of a third letter, while the others denote whatever is to be delineated by Phrygian work or a brush. C
CHAPTER VI. Observations and explanations to Chapter 5 of Codinus, which is about the ministries of the courtiers.
*P. 28. They have no service.* What was said elsewhere, here it must be observed again: one thing is an *officium*, another is a *dignitas*. This is only a rank, and merits honor: that performs service, and requests a reward and stipend. The Despot, the Sebastocrator, and the Caesar perform no duty, because they did not enjoy a *ministerium* but a rank in the latest times; whence *axiomatikoi* is to be considered more sincere than *offikialoi*. From the imperial instructions, one clearly divides the ranks from the offices, and asserts that the former are the Despot, the Sebastocrator, the Caesar, the Panhypersebastos, and the Protovestiarius (which is the *uniratus*); under the Domestic [he] lists the rest among the offices. D
*1b. Hegemonia, interpreting as a military prefecture:* for you will nowhere affirm that the burden of any office was imposed upon princes of this kind. Leo const. *Tact.* 4: *He is called Strategos*, therefore, leader and commander of the whole army.
*1b. The Panhypersebastos has no service.* It is a title of honor, not of ministry, invented by Alexius Comnenus.
*1b. And when I passed with an Arab horse, [etc.]* He refers to a testimony of this place, not so much as a commentary in Nicetas in *Manuel Comnenus*, book 2, where a copious fleet of ships, men, arms, [and] provisions is described, "Thus therefore," he says, "and having made preparations for the Sicilian war, he orders the fleet to be launched for the rowers and boatswains, having cast loose the main sheets, having set forward as Grand Duke his brother-in-law, Stephen Contostephanus, and to set sail also with the infantry under other leaders, but indeed also with John Axouch, the Great Domestic."
*Ib. Flamula or cross, etc., and that of the army with fire-bearing [devices].* Junius: "Or a flame-colored [banner] with fiery missiles." Inept; to which a far more inept explanation is added on p. 286: "This is another flame-colored [standard], which is accustomed to be carried before the archistrategos, as it is called in c. 6, since this is no other than the emperor; for which reason it is called the army's flammeum, in which is expressed the appearance of lightning and thunderbolt." Trifles. For it must be read *etou ton stauron* with fire-bearing [devices], as the Bavarian and Lautherian codices have. For it says this: "The princes, as heads, are accustomed to carry in front, to raise, and to set up the usual *flammeum* or royal banner, or a radiant cross, or one emitting rays like fire." But Junius from this abbreviation of the script made *otrou* into *stratou*, and from *etou*, which is read in all our codices, into *tou*, also with the addition of the article *tou*. With what intent? Although finally in the additions he himself also noted this genuine reading of our codices, but without approbation and explanation.
*Ibid. No doubt but that phlamoulon is to be read,* as is evident from the examples placed in Rigaltius and Meursius: this however is a corruption of the language, as with the addition of *o* from that which has it at *mu* by affinity, also *la* is changed to *la*, which permutation of letters we have shown is familiar to modern [speakers]. But was it so indeed for all a *phlamoulon*, so that in individual cohorts, legions, [and] schools only one was explained, and it was of one color and figure in all? Thus Leo commands in *Tactics* const. 6, although he advises that in similar banners the variety of colors is not to be omitted: "The heads of the *banda* of each *tagma* are to be of the same color, and the *phlamoula* of each *tourma* or *droungos* to be of their own color; and in order that also at each *tagma* [one] may easily recognize his own *bandon*, it is necessary to add other forms and signs to the heads of the *banda*, for [their] being known, both at the *tourmai* and at the *droungoi* and at the *bandai*." *Bandum* is distinguished from a *flammulum*: for that is square, this [is] longer, cleft in the middle and ending in a point, by which it imitates a flame or a *pyrpeda* [fire-pendant] tapering upwards, and gives to the Franks the name *oriflamme*, and to the Frankish banners, *bannières*.
*Ibid. These are the insignia of Constantinople, a golden cross placed on a scarlet-colored field, and in the spaces between the arms of the cross*
A are painted four letters B, which, being not unlike the steel from which fire is struck (they call it an *igniarium* or fire-steel), it is believed that the emperors of the East bore these four fire-steels on their insignia. Yet the letter B is painted four times as the initial of the four following words: *Basileus Basileōn Basileuōn Basileusei*. See Marc Vulson in *Scientia Heroica*.
*Ibid.* B *Ephippion*. That the power the emperor has on land may shine forth, just as it does at sea. Nicetas seems to have spoken of a standard of this kind in *Alexius*, 2: "The army of the emperor displayed banners above the arches, which represent the emperors."
P. 29. [He bears the emperor's sword]. The grand duke commands the entire fleet; the grand drungarius, as if acting in his stead, orders the individual drungi of the triremes; the admiral bears the banner or royal flamula for the entire naval army; the protocomes holds all the rowers under his disposition; the drungarius governs a certain number of triremes or ships, namely twelve or fifteen; the comes governs four or five triremes. Hitherto these things have been said in scattered notes: we must proceed to other matters. To the supreme commander of the Frankish armies (*constable*), who equals the Greek grand domestic in power, and to the master of the royal horses and grooms (*grand escuyer*), who acts as protostrator in the most Christian court, this right is conceded—that each should carry the royal sword, the former naked, the latter sheathed and hanging from a silken belt sprinkled with golden lilies, concerning which see de Maillan, Vulson, and others.
*Ibid.* [Of the count of the imperial horses]. Among those subject to the protostrator, the most important is the one who is the same as the Master of the Horse.
*Ibid.* [Taking the bridle by the protostrator]. Donation of Constantine: Nicetas in *Alexius*: "...in an almost immense number, of which some are of the course, others of the sacred bedchamber, others of the masters of the infantry and cavalry, here he who is understood as being of the stables." But what kind of man is he who is gowned and handles lists regarding military horses and the company of arms? The testimony of Zonaras in *Isaurus* suggests it: Nicetas offers another in *Isaac Angelus*: "He is subordinate to the protostrator and administers." No one is allowed to pass this palace gate unless the emperor has granted it to the equestrian. Nicetas in *Manuel*: "He enters the palace gladly."
C *Pezema*, *surtoi*. B *Pezema* is the place where the horse is left behind and the journey is made on foot. GOAR.
*Ibid.* *Strōsion* and *surta*. From *strōnnyō*, and *syrō* which means to draw. Many horses also, which they led along with them empty, were called *surtoi* as the Glossary from the Tactics of Constantine teaches. GRETS.
*Ibid.* [With what saddles and trappings they might be saddled, Cedrenus teaches after Theophanes in *Mauricius*: "The horse of the emperor, who is wrapped in the golden ornament." See the horse of Bryennius in the *Life of the Emperor* by Anna, 1: "Being dragged along, adorned with a purple saddle-cloth and having gilded phalerae." In one word he calls it *chrysophalaron* (golden-bridled) a little further down, as does Nicetas in *Manuel*, 7: *Met' erythrobaphōn kosmēmatōn* (with scarlet-dyed ornaments) and *Meta tōn erythrōn ephestridōn* (with the red saddle-cloths). *Strōsion*, however, is the saddle-cloth, a sub-stratum; and the point of the spur biting the edge of the saddle-cloth on the left foot, which they call a *hypostrōma* (sub-stratum), made the rider steadier. It is of the scarlet-dyed saddle-cloth. *Sagisma*. He found her wrapped in the *sagisma* (saddle-cloth) of the right horse, upon which he was riding. *Skapouliōn*. *Pouliōn*, *Skapouliōn*, *Skapoulion*, *Xekapoula*, *Xekapoula*, the *ouropygion* (rump) of the horse, the *xekapoula*.]
D *Ibid.* [For the *skapoulia*. Sense, not the word, is to be hunted. *Skapoulion* is indeed similar to the Latin *scapulae* in sound, but far removed in sense, since it refers to the almost opposite part of the animal, namely the back and the lowest loins. The vulgar say *xekapoula*; concerning which Simon Portius: *Xekapoula*, back of a horse; we say *la croupe du cheval*. Hieronymus in the Italo-Greek vocabulary: *la grappa del cavallo*. Furthermore, the author writes that for the master of the horses, when seated on a royal horse, the saddle-cloth is never spread as far as the shoulders and neck, but only to the middle seat of the saddle; which we also see observed by attendants for the sake of honor toward their masters, if ever they mount the masters' horses. GOAR.]
*Ibid.* *Strōtorikion* is to be translated with the Glossary, the place, in which the *strator* (groom) is accustomed to raise the emperor onto the horse.
[and not the place] which others have already called a *pezēma* (foot-step) by the author.
*Ibid.* *Ephippiaria pila* (saddle-bow), which the rider grasps to spring onto the horse, is the *kompōsian* (ornament), which is the *kompos* (knot/boss) of the saddle, mentioned above. It is indeed reckoned as part of the saddle, so that it might pass into the legal domain of the master of the horse, for the reason that it was accustomed to be fashioned out of gold adorned with precious stones. Concerning the *toupha* (crests) it is said elsewhere. GOAR.]
*Ibid.* Concerning the Emperor Theophilus, a most bitter iconoclast, read Cedrenus, Zonaras, Manasses, Glycas. GRETS.
*Ibid.* [They recount the *Theophilē* (story of Theophilus). Cedrenus speaks more diffusely, but to the same intent; Leo Grammaticus has a different account regarding Theophilus. The reader, upon discovering light here, shall compare both. GOAR.]
P. 31. *Roucharion* (wardrobe). GRETS.
*Ibid.* [It is a wardrobe (*vestiarium*), just as is the *vestiārion*; nevertheless, we must observe that a distinction between the two is indicated by the author, and it must be stated that the *rouchareion* is the chamber of the cubicularii (chamberlains) attached to the sacred bedchamber. The Council of Florence favors this in almost the same words, which reveals that the Greek pontiffs who subscribed to the union were not in the sacred bedchamber, but in the nearer chamber, *en tōi rouchareiōi tou basileōs* (in the wardrobe of the emperor). GOAR.]
*Ibid.* *Spathē* (sword-blade), a sword. *Spatharios* (swordsman) is a sword-bearer or guard, *sōmatophylax* (bodyguard). *Protospatharios*, the first among the spatharii. *Spatharocandidatus*. *Spatharocubicoularios*, a *spatharios* of the bedchamber. *Spathatus*, equipped with a *spatha*. Regarding which see Meursius and Rigaltius in their Glossaries. From the Dialogues of St. Gregory, the *spatharios* of King Totila is not unknown. And among some Germans, a certain digging instrument is called *ein spath*.
252 P. 31. *Tzangia*. Better *tzankia*, *tzankas*, *tzance*. Properly, imperial shoes; and a *tzankarios* (shoemaker), who made them, was called thus, or more correctly a *tzankas*, and not as others would have it, *tzangarios* or *tzankarios*. For this is how it should be read here, not *tzagmarios*, as Junius published, to whom *tzaucae* and *tzancia* are displeasing, but *tzaggae* and *tzaggia* please him more, so that he may have occasion to derive the name from the Arabic language. But in my judgment, the reliability of the Lautherian and Bavarian codices and of Simeon, the Master of the Offices, in the *Pandecta Turcica* 199, which show us *tzankia* and *tzankas*, is superior; although that other reading, *tzangai* and *tzangia* and *tzangarios*, can neither be rejected nor should it be. It is also written *tzankares*; hence the art *tzangari-kē*, the art of shoemaking. This noun has passed over to the Latins. Trebellius Pollio: "Three pairs of *zanchas* from our Parthian [spoils]." Where Casaubon: "They called a type of barbaric footwear *zangas*." But this word is written in various ways. In the Theodosian Code concerning habiting within the city, law 2, it is *tzangae*; in the third, *tzancae*. In the Greeks: *tzangai* or *tzangia*, or the craftsman *tzangarios* in Tzetzes in his *Chiliads*. Acron: *zangae* are that they were of the Persians or Parthians, a garment of great value, as appears from this passage and similar ones. In the Greek almanacs, these things are read regarding the King of the Lazes: "His *tzangia* (shoes) were of a red color from his own country, in the Persian style, having pearls." Synod of Orleans, can. 22: "It is not permitted for a monk to have an *orarium* (stole) or *zancas* (boots) in the monastery." GRETS.
*Ibid.* [Tzangia, Meursius *tzanga*, others call them barbaric footwear. Of what shape they were, they do not explain. Men and women in the East still use them today indiscriminately; and they are boots of variously colored leather, pressing tight to the leg up to the knee and dressing it in the manner of stockings, such as Procopius describes in *De Aedificiis* of Justinian book I: "Shoes up to the knee of a red color, which it is permitted only for the emperor of the Romans and Persians to wear." Hence the Arabs, about to declare Elpidius emperor in Sicily, according to Theophanes in the life of Irene and Constantine, "put upon him a *tzangion* and a crown." From these things which Meursius, and Gretser following him, has gathered concerning the *zangae*, they remain plain and clear. GOAR.]
C 252 P. 31. *Tzangia*. It is better to read *tzankia*, *tzankas*, *tzance*. They are properly the imperial shoes.
280 Equine beasts of burden (*sagmarii*) are indeed known and used by the Greeks, but they cannot be derived from that reading of Codinus, *tzag-marios*, because it is empty: for *tzangarios* or *tzankarios* must be substituted. And if the former writing were to be retained, it should not be translated as *sagmarius* (a pack-mule), as Junius did, but rather as *tzagmarius*: for *sagmarius* is not a shoemaker for the Greeks, since it is formed from *sagma* (a pack-saddle). But *sagma* is a container or case for a weapon, a sheath for armor, or the burden of a pack-animal. Hence *sagmara jumenta* (pack-animals) or *sagmataria* or *samaria* among the Greeks, which are our *clitellaria* (panniers); to the last of which the German word *saum-ross* or, as others say, *sammer-rosz* alludes, and *saum*, which is precisely that which a horse of this type carries. Suidas: "*Sagmāria* are what we call *touldon* (baggage trains), those things that carry the equipment and the transport of provisions." Mauricius, according to Rigaltius: "*Touldos*, that is, the *sagmāria* (pack-horses)." The same, I. 1, ch. 6, had said *ippous sagmatarious* (pack-horses). Thus Isidore [describes] a pack-horse and a pack-mule. Vegetius: "Let the baggage, pack-animals, camp-servants, and wagons be placed in the middle." Nor are *equi sagmari* (pack-horses) unknown to the Latins, as is evident from St. Bernard, lib. 1 253 of his *De Consideratione*, ch. 7, where Vossius [read] *sagmarii*, instead of the vulgar reading *sammarii*. Although in the Latins the reading *summarii*, *saumarii*, *sommarii* can also be defended, because various people have ruined the name *sagmarii* in diverse ways and have bent it to their own dialect. Hence in the little book concerning the miracles of St. Udalricus, not unrefined and sufficiently ancient, Casaubon says in *Lampridius*, "they offered of wax as much as one strong pack-horse (*saumarius*) could carry." The same Casaubon derives *sagmarios* from *sagma*, and rightly so; and he says *sagma* is that which is placed upon a beast of burden, so that it may carry [the load] more softly and without harm to itself. *Sagma* differs from *sella* (saddle); for *sagma* is properly that which is placed upon beasts of burden carrying loads; the *sella* is for horses or other animals upon which a human is carried. *Saghē* and *sagum* are also said, which signifies every load.
[*The translation begins here*]
A is the burden laid upon beasts of burden. See Casaubon on Lampridius, fol. 391, but the former meaning is preferable. The Greeks read *sagma* of the *sagma*; the Latins *sagma sagmae*, which is corrupted in the vernacular to *saum*, says Isidore, Etymol. lib. xx. GRETS.
Ibid. [TSANGARIOS. Simon Portius with the author: cobbler, shoemaker, creator of footwear, *calceolarius*, *sutor*. In Theophanes, regarding Justinian: *ta tsangaria*, shoemaker workshops. I bring forward the whole matter, and intending to arrange others in order outside the choir. The people complained in the spectacles before the emperor about Calopodius the chamberlain; but *calopodium* (which others pronounce *kalapodium*) indicates a shoemaker’s form or wooden last, which cobblers use. But when the people dared not say Calopodium by name, nor did the emperor respond to the intermediary messenger, the people shouted: "O you who fleece me, you triple-cursed one, it is found in the *tsangaria*, Calopodius, no wonder." See that in the age of Justinian the emperors already used *tsangis* (boots). GOAR.]
Ibid. [THE PROKYPSEIS. Meursius doubts whether the learned men, that is, Junius, correctly translate *prokypsis* as "oratory." If they do not translate it correctly, why do you not suggest something better? If you press the word itself too grammatically, *prokypsis* is not an oratory, but a higher place from which the emperor could emerge, look out, and survey or overlook. If we consider the thing itself, *prokypsis* is an oratory, because that place was undoubtedly intended not merely for the emperor to look out from, but that he might attend to divine service and also to the pouring forth of prayers. Hence from the prayer usually performed there, the appellation of oratory came to the place. GRETS.]
Ib. [TSANGARAS. Since *tsangariou* is a common and vile name among the Greeks, *tsangaras*, as if endowed with a more dignified title of honor, is called a court shoemaker. Or is a fig not always a fig, and a skiff a skiff? Joined to the other, it always sounds like a diminutive; hence *paidopoulon*—an adolescent, an honorary page, just as above *to aetopoulon* or *authentopoulon* is said to refer to a small eagle or a small lord. GOAR.]
B Ibid. Junius reads *tou bestiariou entos*, and constructs strange phantasms upon this writing of his, word for word: "Of the vestiary, which is within (namely, in the brain of Junius) and of the interior." And soon he brings forward three vestiaries: the vestiary properly so called from a vestment, and the vestiary less properly *tamieion*, and the vestiary as the vestibule of the palace, through the *catachresis* or misuse of the word. We recognize the first two vestiaries; the third, fabricated by pure *catachresis*, we return to its author. Codinus says that this vestiary is commonly called *allaximarion*, from *allasso*, to exchange. Hence *allaxis*, mutation, and *allaximarion*, as if you would say "mutation-room." GRETS.
Ib. [As a "mutation-room" *allaximarion*, excellently said. But *to allassein* does not signify to change clothes, unless properly to receive new and sacred ones. Euchologion: "The priest changes..." Nicetas: "Having changed the priest after the Gospel," but it is corrupted to "having changed the king." *Allaximarion*, therefore, is the place in which the imperial vestments, which are also sacred, are stored. GOAR.]
Ib. Anacara. Junius, to show a specimen of Arabism, calls the *anacara* from Arabia: for vessels or cauldrons or resonant pots are called *Anakara* by the Arabs. They are almost of the kind that in Germany are called *kesseltrommel*. Why not *heerpauken*, which also can be and are wont to be struck on horseback? A kind of drum round in the lower part, which princes even in this age have been accustomed to use and take pleasure in. GRETS.
Ibid. [Drums round in the lower part. So Meursius. Why it should signify rotund rather than flat or any other thing, let him explain. I read in Nicetas, in *Manuel*, book v: *Eskaphyksei ta kymbala*, where another reading has *anakaradai*. Therefore *ta anakara* are the same as *kymbala*: but cymbals are quite different from drums, although in the rites of Cybele, mother of the gods, they were joined together by the Gauls; whence also Apion, who boasted himself the cymbal of the world, Tiberius asserted should rather be called the drum of youth. Which finally *kymbala* Suidas: "Thymelic plays, music of actors and C ludicrous instruments." In the epigram, "And *kymbal' ona kotyledona*." Turnebus, *Advers.* xxvi, 33, on this of Propertius: "The cymbals rattled for the Theban god." If anyone asks me, he says, what kind of cymbal it was, I will send him to the herb *cotyledon*, whose leaves resemble the shape of a cymbal. Scribonius Largus: "Also *mentastrum* or the root of *kotyledonos*, which herb has leaves similar to cymbals." So he. I add that *cotyledon* is also called *cymbalion* by Tragus. See the figure in Matthiolus and other physiologists, the commentators on Dioscorides.]
P. 32. [PROTOSTRATOR. To the writings of Gretser after Meursius concerning the course and the runners, I add from the *Tactics* of Leo, ch. 7, a place of the author explicitly explaining his opinion about the protostrator: "Another movement is when you pursue, sometimes with driving, as the *koursoras*, whom those of today call *proklastas*, sometimes in formation, as the *diaphentoras*, whom we call *ekdikous*. And if indeed you must move as the *koursoras*, command ‘Drive on,’ and let them push forward up to one mile with driving; but if as *diaphentoras*, command ‘Follow in order,’ and let them follow in formation." From this you will perceive another place in Cedrenus regarding Michael Curopalates. He narrated that Leo the Armenian, beginning his reign, about to assume the royal vestment, had given to Michael, who was serving as the master of the horse, D that armor which he was putting off—to protostrator Michael, that is to say, the Balbus—and describes that same man, after an interval, suspected of affected tyranny, sent by Leo, teaching the *ta taktika* (tactics) to the people under his hand. For what reason, unless because he was leading the *koursoras* and the *diaphentoras*, as the witness says, so he was held to teach them *ta taktika*? GOAR.]
A *Ibid. Koursauonton.* *Koursa* is to plunder, to conduct raids. Yet those who carry out excursions against the enemy outside the order of battle may also be understood here as *koursauontes*. A little later, *ta kourseuomena* are spoils, booty. And below, ch. 16, it is said that a fifth part is given from the *kouson* to the emperor: Junius refers this ineptly to a "course," it should be translated as "spoils" or "booty." This fifth part falls to the accounts or the treasury of the king, *pentamoiria*; for which the codex shows *pentamoipia* due to a scribal error. See Rigaltius in his Glossary, v. *Koursa*, where he corrects Junius for translating *apo ton kourseuomenon*, p. 59, c. 5, as "from the coursers," because it should have been translated as "from the spoils, from the booty." Hence *kourseuein*, and as in Turco-Graecia *kourseuon* means to plunder, to ravage, so on p. 57, *daphentor ton kourseuonton* is more correctly rendered as "defender of those who, rushing out against the enemy outside the order of battle, make an attack and fight before the rest." For "coursers" or *kourseuontes* are "the vanguard or those going out before the battle line at the clash of war and attacking the fleeing enemy swiftly," as Emperor Leo says in his Tactica. Also, "coursers" are *enedroi* (ambushers), as the same emperor teaches; Curopalata speaks of these, not of the "coursers" whom the Greeks call *dromeis* and the Latins properly name *cursores*. Even in the Middle Ages, for the Latins, *cursarii* were plunderers and pirates who traverse lands and seas for the sake of booty.
Regarding the *pentamoiria* of the emperor to be given from spoils, an elegant passage exists in the History of John Cantacuzenus: for when he treats of the war waged by Emperor Andronicus against the Albans, and the distributing of the countless spoils, he writes, among other things: "As it was the custom before in the army, whenever they should seize any booty, whether more or less, the fifth part was provided as a prize for the emperor, and after him an equal amount to the Grand Domestic, as [leader] of the whole army, then they did nothing of the usual custom, nor did anyone trouble them regarding the fifth part, but just as from ever-flowing rivers, it was allowed for each one, as much as he should wish, to become master." These are the words of Cantacuzenus.
*Ibid.* Codinus says that the Protostrator takes from the booty *panta ta poikila*, which is called *phytilia*. What the reason for this name is has not yet been explained by learned men: for the fact that Junius translates it as *futilia* (trivialities), he did so with the approval of few. There are those who suspect that it should be read as *victualia*, that is, provisions. GRETS.
*Ibid.* Indeed, *futilia* is a trivial and childish insertion by some concerning *to phytilion*, which for modern Greeks, as for the Turks, is *fitil*, which first refers to a wick, then to a pyrites cord, by which soldiers serving their pieces longer keep the fire, a "match" for a fuse, and finally a surgical tent for doctors to probe wounds. Therefore, soldiers called the part of the spoils assigned to the Protostrator *phytilia*, as if it were a light aid, to be compared to a wick or pyrites. Thus, the Greeks call the rewards of offices *gantia*, the common crowd in France calls them *chirothecae* (gloves), girls' pins, etc., to express them as tokens of gratitude rather than as a due wage, and to compensate for the menial service of the mercenaries. What kind of
B ornaments of circular form, closed at the top and having the shape of a heart inside, is a bull. Formerly it was hung on children as an amulet against fascination. From this circular shape of the bull, the name was transferred to the seals which are appended to letters; for they are of circular shape, and because a golden bull was appended to some letters, a leaden one to some, and a wax one to others, hence it came about that the letters themselves were called by this seal "golden bulls," or "leaden bulls," or "waxen bulls," namely *chrysobulla*, *kerobulla*, or *chrysobullion* or *kerobullon*. *Chrysobulla* held the highest authority, subscribed by the hand of the emperor *dia kinnabareos* (with cinnabar, or red ink). Since crosses were also sometimes added. Phranzes 1. III, 4: "The emperor, with his own hand, in his presence, presses three crosses in cinnabar on the front of the bull for confirmation according to custom, and hands the golden bull into the hands of the legate." Even today, to letters, especially of contracts, a *thecula* (case) is accustomed to be attached, sometimes of wood, sometimes of sheet metal, sometimes of pure wax, in the middle of which a seal is accustomed to be pressed. This *thecula* will be just as rightly called a "bull" as that case of the Greek emperors. Hence *bouleuein*, to bull, or generally to sign letters, whether this is done by a bull or without a bull; and *boulloterion*, a seal, the mold in which bulls are pressed. An uncertain author in the Etymologicon: "Just as lead, when molded in the *boulloterion*, forms an impression and produces an image." And without doubt, imperial bulls represented the image of the emperor. GRETS.
*Ibid.* [Nothing is more common than for *chrysobullon* or *chryso-bulla* to signify the mandate, constitution, diploma, rescript, chirograph, or codicil of the emperor. But this is not from the fact that it was written in golden letters, as Meursius hints, but because it was fortified by a seal or golden bull, which was written in them; although it must not be denied that they once wrote in golden letters, as Luitprand says: *Chrysobullion*, that is, an epistle signed in gold, they gave to me to be brought to you (the king). They also brought other letters signed in silver, sent by the curopalata, the emperor's brother, to the Roman pontiff. Afterwards, indeed, the emperor signed the letters with purple liquid. By these testimonies, both are clear. Nicetas
A [notes on the red ink] set forth a letter marked with cinnabar for the kings; a small tablet of royal dye, that is, of purple color. *L. vii*: [notes on the red color] as if warming it with blood, he cast it out. By the name of Genserich, [the Vandals] having become a great multitude, called himself king, and took upon himself the title of king. Others followed him, [and so on regarding the kings of the Franks]. In Zonaras, [they are] called kings; for no one prior to Charlemagne—as Cedrenus says in the account of Irene—was given this common name, nor even the Emperor of the West himself, whom Anna Komnene alone recognizes as king in *Alexiad*, book III. Hence, what Nicetas says regarding Andronikos I—calling him Emperor of the Hungarians and Emperor of the West—is not surprising; for to him, as to other Greeks, it was only acceptable to greet the prince of the East or of the Persians as *basileus*. However, oppressed by the arms of the Bulgarians, having finally entered into a treaty of marriage and peace, he called their prince [by that title], according to Liutprand in the *Legatio*. B
Notes of Gretser and Goar
. Ibid. *Sultans*. Leunclavius in the *Onomasticon Musulmanicum*: *Sultan* means lord of the world. Thus the Turks generally call their own prince; which word signifies, as Cedrenus says, "ruler of all" and king of kings. By the Turks it is now commonly used for "lord," and their prince possesses this name as the sole and greatest lord. [The Arabs and Turks—these princes—in their own native tongue the Greeks called *amēras*; therefore, where we read *amēras* at Nicaea, another reading substitutes it. But *Sultan* denotes a Turkish prince.] Ibid. *Toparch*. The prince of a few cities or a single province is a *toparch*, such as we call dukes or counts. Nicetas describes this in *Alexiad* II, 3 (old edition p. 566), though he confuses it with satraps on p. 578. Thereafter, on p. 586, he describes Boniface, Marquis of Montferrat, Baldwin of Flanders, Henry of Saint-Pol, and Louis of Blois as *toparchs*; whose predecessors, the standard-bearers of the Jerusalem expedition, Anna Komnene had mentioned in more than one place in her third book. D *Domestics*. This differs from the domestic of the table and from other domestics. This was called [the service]...A of the *charax* [camp], of which he was in charge, even if he does not appear in the catalog of officials, above c. 2: he was, therefore, this domestic of the domestic, of whom Codinus speaks again below, c. 7. GRETS. B *Ibid.* It certainly changes the sense, but the reading of the Regii AB, which is this, corrects and renders it better: *(or as in B, And this office is proper to the great logothete [to write to kings, clearly, to sultans and toparchs], but within the limits of the empire [to write] the sacred mandates to whom the emperor shall have commanded).* *Potōn* [of drinks], a drink, not *podōn* [of feet], as Junius, who translates as instruments. But our reading is confirmed by the Bavarian and Lautherian codices; and the matter is clear in itself, because it is no less a concern that the army should not lack drink than that it should not lack food. GRETS. C *On the standing.* All who hold dignities and offices, standing around the emperor sitting on the throne, with the vestiary apparatus and insignias, [perform] service. Standing in a servile manner, Nicetas wrote in [the reign of] Isaac Angelus, and again: In D the second [book of] Alexios: *They held the bystanders at once, and as many as were sitting together with him on account of the brilliance of birth and the solemnity of dignities, shouting in unison.* The colleagues of the empire, however, sit. Liutprand *de legatione*: *They were sitting to the left, not in the same line, but two young emperors far below.* The Caesar could also sometimes sit. Theophanes in [the account of] Michael Theophilus: *[He mentions] that it was allowed sometimes for others to sit.* That he had stood, Cantacuzenus recounts, 1, 8. That this right of sitting, the Greek pontiffs requested from Andronicus, and though it was obtained, they were ridiculously deprived of it, Nicetas shows in his book *Vita* III, 1. Concerning the patriarch sitting before the emperor, it will be said in its place. GOAR. B *Ibid.* *Mesastikion* is taken in the sense of [as a rule of grammarians I speak], and I doubt that it refers to the regions subject to the emperor as his middle domain. Nevertheless, I affirm more certainly that the proper name of the office is to be estimated, namely, he to whom the emperor trusts more confidently the business of state, the administration of the empire, the secrets, and his own person; with whom he divides cares; who between the people, the soldiers, the senate, foreign princes, and the emperor himself walks as a mediator and sequestrator; and who, since he is not always called to this office by merit, like the logothete, but by the sole grace and favor of the prince, the author wrote correctly (and for it is joined to the particles already prefixed) *whichever*, that is, *mesastikii* as you might say sequestrator, it pertains to him to whom the emperor shall have commanded to exercise the office. Mesasticion of this kind, Nicetas describes in *Manuel*, 1, 1: *Among other things, I observe: [He confirms] the meaning [as] not to be denied by anyone: he mentions the protovestiary Cabasites and also another Cantacuzenus in the Chronic. CP., but he who does not know Greek is the only one who ignores that it is deduced...* Therefore, that one is he whom the same author calls... Such, in my judgment, before the tyranny was seized, was Phocas, who by Theophanes is written to have been *a sacris mandatis* under Maurice; who in the palace performed what a *mandator* [messenger] performed in the army. Thus, another Maurice. D *But again Theophanes -.* This office of his, Zonaras celebrates in [the account of] Nicephorus Phocas: *Having named Peter the eunuch, a man active and grave, and who knew how to rule soldiers, as *stratopedarches*, so that he might give the army a place in Cilicia during the winter.* B *Ibid. Hyperpyron.* A kind of currency. Ignorantly, Junius [translates it] as a veil and wrapper of a fiery color. Much worse: Leunclavius in the *Legation to the Armenians*, where these words of Theoriani, who was a Constantinopolitan envoy, are read: *Let there be, as in a hypothesis, three hyperpyra, being of one nature, clearly of gold. If, therefore, I make one of these fiery, necessarily the ignited one will consist of two natures, namely fire and gold. Then joining this to the other two which are not ignited, I ask how many are these hyperpyra now? Three as before, or by the nature of fire have they become four?* Which the interpreter translated: *Let there be three here as if better by fire*, most senselessly. It should be translated: *Let us make three hyperpyra here, of one nature or matter, of gold for example. If therefore I make one of these ignite, that ignited one will consist entirely of two natures, namely of fire and of gold. If then two others not ignited are added, I ask how many hyperpyra of this kind there might be now? (the interpreter [asks] how many these ignited ones might be? badly, for only one hyperpyron is ignited from the hypothesis made); are they three as before, or because of the nature of fire have they become four?* In the same error falls the same interpreter fol. 114, where he translates *by the force of the more powerful of the fire*, without any sense; for it should be translated *of the hyperpyra*. Nor can this kind of currency be expressed by a Latin name. In the *Pandecte Turcico*, Leunclavius writes correctly concerning the hyperpyra. But this great error had to be uncovered, lest any be led into error.
A Hence the *hyperpyrarii*, who pay hyperpyra by way of tribute. See what we have said in vol. II concerning the Holy Cross, and Antoninus in *Histor.*, tit. 19, c. 8, § 3. Discussing the immense extortions of usury by the Tartars, he writes as follows: "A certain soldier in Georgia, having received 500 hyperpyra from the Tartars and having kept them for five years, was compelled to pay them 7,000 as usury." A certain Tartar lady also, for fifty sheep which she had entrusted to someone and which he had kept for seven years, demanded from him 7,000 hyperpyra for the usury of those sheep, all of which he was forced to pay as usury. GRETS.
[Silver, as well as gold coin, I find so named. Silver, indeed, is not yet forgotten among the Orientals of today, as I remember hearing it sound very much in their mouths; and that is what Leunclavius wrote about at length in his *Pandect. Turc.*, p. 117: ten or twelve of such coins will make a whole one. Gold is itself the gold coin; concerning which Gunther in his history of the capture of Constantinople: "He paid the gold coin, which is wrongly called *ferdoni*, that is, equivalent to the fourth part of a mark." The Latins pronounced it wrongly, just as the Greeks today say *perpyra*: Leunclavius also wrote *perpera* based on others. However, the fair-minded reader will judge with me that gold is meant here, and will join me in denying that this is a cheap price to be paid to the *primicerius*. GOAR]
P. 33. *Rogatores*. *Rogatores* are soldiers earning pay, from *roga*, which is pay. *Rogueuein* is to pay wages. *Roga* is also taken to mean a donative and honorarium, which is paid to someone not as a debt, but as a grace. Suidas: "Roga is the pious liberality and magnificence of the emperors." The Latins also use it; in *Historia Miscella* regarding Tiberius II: "He married his wife Anastasia, and crowned her Augusta, and scattered much *roga*." In Baldric’s *Historia Hierosolymitana*, the soldiers of Emperor Alexius excuse themselves with these words: "Placed in the *roga* of the emperor, we can do nothing other than what he himself commands." But concerning the *roga*, more fully in its own place, Book II, ch. 5 and ch. 9. CRETS.
[What *roga* is, is not unknown to those who read Rigaltius, Meursius, and the most erudite Fabrot. I repeat and explain its definition provided by Suidas and mutilated by Gretser. "Roga is the pious liberality and magnificence of the emperors." The emperors used to distribute annually from their own resources pay and gifts to churches, nobles, soldiers, and the people. To churches, it is called *eusebeia*; to others, whatever donations, they merit the name of *philotimia*. Romanos Argyros B increased the pay granted to churches. Cedrenus: "Knowing the revenue of the Great Church, as he had been its administrator in previous times, and knowing how many others were accustomed to being served by its clergy, he decreed that eighty pounds of gold be provided to them every year from the imperial treasury as an augmenting grant." In Manuel, book 1: "To the clergy of the Great Church he grants a chrysobull to coin for them annual silver pieces, reaching a sum of two hundred minae." The author is about to describe the *roga* of the nobles below; and Anna Comnena mentions it, book iii: "Roga," she says, "of the twenty offices granted," meaning how much is given to twenty nobles according to their rank before the emperor. She mentions there the *auxēsin rogōn* [increase of payments], that it was augmented for the soldiers. Balsamon finds it hard to bear the flood of this liberality, which was to dry up everything for everyone, in his booklet on the *Rogato*, to be found in *Juris GR* p. 471; in him, too, are the laws regarding the *rogalia*, the catalog, and the order of making a *roga*. And in Theophanes, "to pay the soldiers."]
261 1b. [*Phrangōn*. The Greeks first called the Franks alone, that is, the Gauls, by this name; hence the old proverb, arising from the division of the empire between the Franks and the Greeks: "Have a Frank as a friend, but not as a neighbor." Cedrenus, both under Leo the Isaurian and elsewhere, praises the *rēga Phrangias*, whom he himself explains as to be understood as no other than the king of the Franks. However, the Curopalates in *Michael Parapinak*—and Nicetas in *Manuel*, book II—frequently call the Italians, Apulians, and Calabrians, who were sprung from the Normans, a people of France, *Phrangous* [Franks]—*Phrangous Sikelous* [Sicilian Franks]. You will find the Germans likewise so called in Cedrenus under Basil. Anna Comnena in book VIII calls all Latins so, just as the common Greek people do today; however, she understands *Phrangia* [Francia] as notably more glorious. I consider all Latins to be meant here, and especially the Gauls, whom the cited Curopalates calls *aimochareis* [bloodthirsty] and *polemikous* [warlike], and again *dytikous Phrangous* [Western Franks]. GOAR]
P. 34. What Codinus the Curopalates says, that the office of the curopalates, which he once held, was unknown in his own time; Meursius is surprised at this, and professes that it was known to him, though so far removed in years, and that from Evagrius, book V: "Entrusted with the guarding of the palace, whom the language of the Romans calls Curopalates." The court of Theodoric, king of the Goths, also has a curopalates, regarding whom formula VI of the *Variae* of Cassiodorus exists; he describes him in such a way that he appears to have been nothing other than the chief of the architects and the prefect of architectural works, the master builder, adorned with a golden rod. GRETS.
Ib. [*Molybdinēs boulēs*. Concerning wax seals, see above, where we treat of the chrysobull. Concerning the leaden one, Luitprand provides a passage in his *Legatio*, where he asserts that wares to be taken out of port are marked with the leaden seal of the emperor.
Ib. [It seems to have been granted originally by office *a Theophane* in the reign of Michael the son of Theophilus: "Basil walked about wearing a *skaramaggion* with a sword, as was the custom for those who were *parakoimōmenoi*." Leunclavius teaches that the one in charge of the sacred bedchamber wore the imperial *pluvial* garment to ward off rain and cold, and to present it to the emperor. GOAR]
A writing that he was; for he claims that there were generations of the *protovestiarius*. But let it be permitted to Codinus to be ignorant of certain things without reproach, since Meursius knows everything. GRETS.
1b. [Cell: As with monks, so also bishops, in whose dwellings they resided, called them *kellia*. Isaac Angelos, *Novella Juris Gr.* p. 172: "There were sent to the *kellia* in which the bishop of Cyzicus remains." And below: "And not to find him in his own *kellia*." Patriarchs, when taken from monasteries, also found a cell, *kellion*, in the patriarchate, as our *Euchologion* attests. And finally, the emperors themselves, emulous of ecclesiastical customs, regarding which the first note in the history of the Curopalata discourses, built for themselves a narrow cell in the palace, into which, having been delivered from the tumult of business, they might retreat. Into such a sanctum, placed behind the inner chamber, the elder Andronicus withdrew, warned by friends not to let the supporters of the younger [emperor], standing in the outer triclinium, plot against him: "Having heard these things, the emperor rose immediately from his throne and departed to the inner chamber, leaving the new emperor to those listening along with him outside." So Cantacuzenus, bk. 1, ch. 13; but in ch. 5 he describes it as less narrow than august, so much so that the young emperor, entering the door of the chamber in which the emperor usually sat, unknowingly struck his head against the lintel, where stones were set. Phranzes, II, 1, deals with the *cellioti* or chamberlains, named after the cell.]
262 P. 35. [“To make a speech.” The Greek emperors used to speak on sacred matters to the senate and the people. Theophanes, Cedrenus, and Zonaras relate that Leo the Wise was afflicted by so severe a disease B that he was unable to hold the usual dialogue with the senate, which is called a *silentium*. They are reprinted by my friend Combefis, those sermons which he delivered, concerning Christ, the Blessed Virgin, and the saints. Alexander, the brother of this Leo, according to Cedrenus, having sat down at the Magnaura, upon the *silentium* taking place, carried out the deposition of Euthymius. Manuel Comnenus, as Nicetas writes in his *Life*, book VII, gave catechetical discourses, which they call *silentia*, and set them forth for the public ear. The brief and mutilated continuator of Theophanes had spoken earlier of Leo the Armenian, "And in the morning the son of truth made a *silentium*." Therefore, Balsamon finally asserts that fire was brought before Christian emperors because a lamp is of the teaching office, if the sovereigns speak catechetical talks to the Christ-named people.]
1b. [“Awarded the dignity.” Thus Alexius Comnenus, as his daughter testifies, Life I. 1, received the honor from the emperor, having been proclaimed *sebastos* from the midst of the senate. GOAR.]
1b. *Apocrisiarius*. And here is a legate who proposes something to the emperor in the place of another; which, however, can be done only through the *protovestiarius*, and in his absence through the grand *hetæriarch*, and in the absence of that person, through the *primicerius* of the palace. Beware, however, lest because of the ambiguity of the Greek text you create a first *protovestiarius*. For the sense here is not this, that the first *protovestiarius* is the first among all to whom the right and power pertains to propose something to the emperor in an audience.
But to return to the *apocrisiarius* or *apocrisarium*, so called from *responses* (answers), he is an intermediary bearing or receiving an answer, and he is a legate or proxy sent for the sake of transacting some business. In his epistles, St. Gregory the Great and other Roman pontiffs make frequent mention of *apocrisiarii* and *responsales*. It derives its origin from *ἀποκρίνομαι*, which is "to give an answer." Today kings and princes have their own legates in the court of the pontiff and of other kings, who are truly *apocrisiarii*, destined for delivering and receiving responses. Formerly the Roman Church had its own *apocrisiarius* or *responsalis* in Constantinople, who, residing in the palace of the emperor, oversaw the affairs of the Church, a duty which St. Gregory the Great once performed in the court of Justinian before his pontificate. And in the court of the kings of the Franks there was a perpetual *apocrisiarius*, that is, a *responsalis* for ecclesiastical matters. Hincmar, ep. 3, ch. 13 and 14: When the great Emperor Constantine was made a Christian, out of love and honor for the SS. apostles Peter and Paul, by whose doctrine and ministry he reached the grace of the sacrament of Christ’s baptism, he handed over his place and seat, namely the city of Rome, to Pope Sylvester by an edict of privilege, and built his seat in his own city, which was formerly called Byzantium, enlarging the city of his name, and thus *responsales* of both the Roman see and other principal sees kept watch in the palace for ecclesiastical matters; C at times the apostolic see fulfilled this office through bishops, but at other times through deacons; which office the Blessed Gregory performed in the order of the diaconate; 263 and from other principal sees he performed this office through deacons, just as the sacred canons command. And in these Cisalpine regions, after Hludovicus was converted to Christ by the preaching of St. Remigius and was baptized by him along with three thousand Franks on the vigil of Easter, through the successions of kings, the S. bishops, visiting the palace at a competent time from their own sees, alternately arranged this administration. And ch. 16: The *apocrisiarius* however, whom our countrymen call the chaplain or keeper of the palace, ruled all the clergy of the palace under his care and disposition. Within ch. 19 and 20: And of these, two primarily, that is, the *apocrisiarius* (who is called among us the chaplain or palace warden) D of all ecclesiastical matters or ministers of the Church, and the count of the palace of all secular causes or judgments, had the duty of receiving them urgently; so that it was not necessary for either ecclesiastics or seculars to trouble the lord king before his consultation, until they had foreseen whether the necessity existed such that the cause should deservedly come before the king; if, however, the cause was secret, which it would be more appropriate to tell the king than anyone else, they would prepare for that same person the place of speaking, having first introduced the king, so that he might receive it according to the manner of the person, either honorably or patiently or even mercifully. The *apocrisiarius* indeed concerning every ecclesiastical
m ipsi præpararent introducto prius rege, ut hoc juxta modum personæ vel honorabiliter vel patienter vel etiam misericorditer susciperet. Apocrisiarius quidem de omni ecclesiastica vel ordinis, necnon etiam de canonica vel A monastica altercatione, seu quæcunque palatium adibant pro ecclesiasticis necessitatibus, sollicitudinem haberet; et ea tantummodo de externis regem adirent, quæ sine illo plenius definiri non potuissent. GRETS.
[Legates or apocrisiaries, how the Greeks received those sent to them, with conversations, food provided, and hospitality prepared, we conjecture from the embassy of Liutprand written by himself, although his mindset—hostile toward the Greeks—made him harsh and meant that he did not fully value their duties. He narrates that he was received *en parastasei* (in a formal audience). "They sat," he says, "with the emperor for your debate, according to their tradition, men of most profound wisdom, excelling in Attic eloquence: Basil the *parasymomenos*, the *protasecretis*, the *protovestiarius*, and two *magistri*." GOAR.]
Ib. On that Boic manuscript it is *enygnotos*. In the margin is added *ous enygnoton*. If we follow this reading, Meursius knows more again than Codinus. "We know," he says, "what office the *pappias* held: for he was the custodian of the palace." And he proves this from the Chronicle of Constantine Manasses. Poor Codinus, who had not read Manasses before he applied his hand to writing this booklet. GRETS.
Ib. *O eparchos*. Not many centuries before Codinus did the office of prefect of the city flourish, as can be easily recognized from Cedrenus in *Leo the Armenian* and in *Theophilus*, and from the Ecloga of Leo and Constantine, tit. 4: "The prefect of the city inquires into all crimes, and hears the matters occurring in the city." That he exercised jurisdiction in the praetorium, Zonaras demonstrates in *Phocas*: "The wealthy man delivered him to the *eparch*, in order to punish those who had been cast into the praetorium." The prisons of the accused were in the praetorium. The same author: "The crowds gathering together burned the praetorium, and those who had been imprisoned fled." Indeed, the praetorium itself is a prison. Zonaras in *Isaac*: "A public prison or praetorium it is called." Nicetas in *Alexius*, book 3: "The Logothete, having received from the emperor... [the oversight of] the guard C of the praetorium," whose crimes, rapacity, and atrocities in punishing the guilty are described there. Other arguments occur among authors where there is discussion of avenging crimes. He provided for the city, and set the price so that it would not exceed [the limit]. Zonaras again in *Theophilus*: "He inquired into and investigated how much each of the goods were sold for, and if he found things being sold at a high price, he questioned the *eparch* about these, and either judged him and removed him from office, or [concluded] that he should be corrected." The rest of his duties the cited Ecloga pursues at length, Juris Gr. vol. II, p. 85, 86 and 99. GOAR.]
P. 36. I read *ton sekretōn* instead of *ton kriton* with the Glossary. The origin of the error was simple. GRETS.
Ibid. [*Ton sekretōn*. The word *multitudinis* argues that there was not one *sekreton*. I find a "little *sekreton*," which pertains to the patriarch, about which our Euchologion and Cedrenus in *Copronymus* [speak]: "The icons that were in the little *sekreton* of the patriarchate, being mosaic work, had been destroyed..." Bullenger reports that he published [an edict] B to have synodal decrees confirmed in it. It was the "secret [archive]" of private matters, where documents and the rights of the city were preserved, about which Balsamon [writes] in response 9 to Mark the patriarch: "Having been laid out in the *sekreton* of the private affairs." There was also one for public affairs, in which public [records] were stored. About this Cedrenus, Phranzes, when writing of the Monembasiotes, and others [write]: and some think this was called *tou genikou*, the general [sekreton] of the Curopalate, under Leo the Wise. I observe another one again in the praetorium, about which Theophanes [writes] in *Phocas*: "The Greens threw fire into the praetorium and burned the *sekreton* and the records and the prisons."
Ib. [*Basilikoi*—*of the palace*]. To whom is committed the authority to render judgment in some cause, not by virtue of office, but by the will of the prince. GOAR.]
Ib. *Mysticus* is a senator of the secret council, whom the Germans call *geheimer Rath*.
Ib. *Domestic of the Schools*. There were thirteen *scholae* (L. the last, cod. *de loc. et conducto*), that is, orders of palace officials, vacant for carrying out the commands of the emperor. And the prefect of all of them is called *Domestic of the Schools* in law, as also in Zonaras, Cedrenus, and others. Wolfius less accurately translates [it as] "domestic of the legions," in [the section on] Basil the Macedonian and Romanus Lacapenus in Zonaras. This [is from] Junius. Concerning the *scholae*, see Cujacius on law 12 of the Justinian Code.
P. 37. *Barangi*. Distorted from the Latin *Angli* (English), unless you prefer from the French. That these were regarded as guards of great fidelity is also apparent from the fact that they kept watch at the doors of the imperial bedchamber itself. GRETS.
*Barangoi*. [Satellites of the emperor and allies in war, serving in the East from England. The author, writing in English in chapter 7, introduces... he asserts that the Britons or English, armed with two-edged axes, are manifest. Nicetas, book 1, towards the end of *Isaac Angelus*: "He who leads the axe-bearing Britons, whom they now call 'English'." Furthermore, it is the same [thing] to read *Barangon* as "axe-bearer," since authors elsewhere, who are to be produced, report that the Barangoi were not infrequently equipped with two-edged axes. Comnena writes in book 1: "From the [land of] Thule: the Barangoi." Nicetas, however, asserts [that they were] Germans in *Alexius* 2: "Having been seized in the palace and detained by the guard of the Germans, who carry the cross-mouthed axes on their shoulders D, he remained safe." Wolfius placed an asterisk here, because perhaps 265 he recognized that "Britons" should be read. We gather that the Greeks' signs [or military standards] were already under Michael Paphlagon, from Cedrenus in his *Life*; whom, however, we read in the number of satellites, not yet having been admitted, but endowed only with the belt, like the individual soldiers, *dispersed in the military district of the Thracesians*. The same author mentions their leaders in *Constantine Monomachus*, where he distinguishes them from the Franks, although he places the same *akolouthos* over both: "The..."]
Emperor sent for the *akolouthos* Michael, and dispatched him to Iberia, and when he arrived there, he brought back the Franks and Varangians who had been scattered throughout Chaldia and Iberia." Subsequently, the Franks, serving under the same standard as the Varangians and equipped with the same arms, were counted among the Varangians according to Nicetas in *Alexius* 1: "And having been recognized by someone standing guard there (he was of the race of the Celtic axe-bearers), they were seized." A GOAR.
Ib. The name *cellae* pleased the newer Greeks to such a degree that they even transferred it to the Emperor's private chamber, as can be seen here and elsewhere quite often in Codinus. GRETS.
Ibid. The Varangians, while performing guard duty, kept watch before the doors of the sacred chamber. Andronicus drove them from there so that he might entrust the protection of his person to a Molossian dog: "For the bodyguards," says Nicetas in his *Life*, book 11, "and those carrying spears used to sleep at some distance from the royal bedchamber at night, but the dog was tied directly against the doors." Relieved of their watch, they had their station in the place called *Excubita*, as Zonaras says in *John Comnenus*: "The Varangians, having occupied the road in the *Excubita*, where their local residence also was." It cannot be denied that they succeeded the ancient *excubitores*. They held the keys to the cities where the Emperor would lodge, which had been entrusted to their custody. Cantacuzenus, 11, 13: "Having ordered the Varangians, who carried the axes, to bring the keys of the city (for it is the custom for them to hold the keys of the cities wherever the Emperor is staying), he ordered them to surrender them to Arhegus." Why the Varangians were called English *excubitores*, we have explained in the notes to Curopalata, p. 808. B GOAR.
Ib. *Stationarii milites*. *Paramonai*, from *paramenein*, as if "sojourners." Learned men, however, translate them as *stationarii*, because this word expresses more aptly what those soldiers were than the term "mansionarius." Concerning the guards of the palace and of the city of Constantinople in like manner, you will find a charming story in Luitprand of Cremona, *Rerum per Europam gestarum*, book 1, c. 3, n. 4. GRETS.
266 Ibid. *Palaticia*. Junius says *pelatikia*, and interprets it as long spears or poles, which the Macedonians call *sarissae*. But it should be read *platikia*. A more probable coinage would have been if he had derived this name from *apelaino*, as if they were spears suitable for driving away men and for clearing a path. GRETS.
Ibid. *Pelatikia* are military pikes to which small flags, or silk standards, are attached. The author suggests this explanation in the following chapter, p. 53 and p. 54. Others explain it as silver and golden maces accustomed to be carried before princes. C GOAR.
Ib. *Cuppas*. The younger Greeks form *cappasia* from *cappa*. To the Germans, *ein kappen*, for a head covering. I have no doubt that the word *cappa* finds its origin in the Latin *caput*. Sometimes the *cappa* is stitched to the garment—as appears in monastic habits—and gives its name to the entire garment; sometimes it is separate from the clothing, like ordinary caps. GRETS.
Ibid. *Pileus*, indeed, is *kapakion*, but it is neither a *cappa* nor a *cucullus*; rather, it is something that expands around the edges. Simon Portius, from the mouth of the common people attestant: *Kapakia, petasos, plemma*, etc. *Galerus, causia, petasus, pileus*, etc. See *petasus* defined as that which provides shade on all sides with its wide brim. That such things were in use many centuries ago is shown by the *petasi* of cardinals and the ancient monuments of heroes portrayed by painters. GOAR.
Ibid. *Festi pervigilium*, which signifies the celebration of the night vigil, is to the moderns *paramone*. Even the royal satellites, remaining and waiting everywhere for the prince—*paramonentes*—and warning that he is present, have earned the name *paramonai*. D *Aloga*: what meant "irrational," now in particular is a designation for a horse—as it is most common among the "irrational" beasts. Where the author correctly writes *alogon*, a diversity of reading has frequently replaced it with *alogon* in the earlier sections.
Ibid. *Pherontes tas spathas*. Gregoras, book 8: "And those around the king, the axe-bearers and soldiers and sword-bearers, about to fall asleep. The soldiers *hic paramonai*." Anna Comnena, 1. 11, at the very end: "Having gathered those brandishing swords upon their shoulders." She thought those satellites in coats of mail, armed with two-edged swords—unfit to be hung at the side, and therefore to be carried in the hand and over the shoulders—were...
Ib. *Loricas: klibana*. *Klibanon, klibanion, klibanum*, cuirass. Leo, *Constitutions*, 6: "If it is possible to have also cuirasses, which are now called *klibania*." See Rigaltius. Alexander Severus, according to Lampridius: "We have killed ten thousand cataphracts in war, whom the Persians call clibanarii, and we have armed our own men with their weapons." Ammianus, book 16: "Dispersed armored cavalry, whom the Persians call *clibanarii*, protected by coverings for their cuirasses and girded with iron bands, so that you would believe they were statues polished by the hand of Praxiteles, not men." GRETS.
Ibid. *Leo Constitutions*, 5: *Klibania sidēra* and from another material. They are therefore either military cuirasses or mantles for putting over cuirasses, which Nicetas of Chonae, book 6, calls *epano klibana*. Here, everyone understands a garment painted with lions, not armor. GOAR.
Ib. *Cortinarii*. From *corte* or *curte*, a stage, tabernacle, or tent; for this is what *korte* is. It is also understood as the entire palace of the Emperor or King, not merely as a stage or tent. Hence *cortesia*, courtly urbanity. *Cartesisch*, in a courtly or urbane manner. In the Alemannic laws there is a title concerning one who has committed theft in the King's court, and concerning him who has killed a man in the Duke's court. It also signifies a villa, a fortress, a town. Flodoardus: "A certain priest of the court of Bovones"; for thus the villa is called. Godfrey the monk in his *Annals*: "Lurking in a certain court of the monks of Evra." In the diploma of Louis: "Our court..."]
"] A *Quinam sint, auctor exponit inferius. GOAR.*
*Sunt et cortinarii.* Beware of confusing them with the curtain-makers, warns the Glossary, because the latter performed an honorable duty, whereas the former performed a base one. Gloss of the *Basilica*: observe Junius here, and the saying that *τὸν* is an inept addition of more recent Greek; and this is confirmed by two other places in Codinus, where he thinks *σὺν* is taken for *σὺν*. But we rather believe that in those two places, ch. 14 and ch. 17, the *τὸν* is an addition by an inept scribe, and it should be read as *τὸν*, nor is *τὸν* correctly placed in the position we are discussing here, nor is it used for the negative particle *οὐ*. GRETS.
*Ibid. [Περὶ τῆς προκυψέως.* See, says Meursius, whether the learned men be right in interpreting this as adoration or an oratory. By no means, Meursius. For it stands among things secular, theaters and spectacles. See the magistrate of the Genoese standing with his nobles before the emperor ch. 7. In time of prayer perhaps? Indeed, at lunchtime. In church or chapel? Far from it: in the dining hall, where the court venerates him. Therefore nothing is more remote from an oratory and adoration than a *prokypsis*. Again, in the daughter of Comnenus, 1. VIII: Father Alexius, leaning from the battlements, speaks to the Scythians: whether he is praying or being prayed to, no one recognizes. In the same book, the same emperor B is distracted, to be sure, for he is not concerned about prayer. But what he may precisely indicate, Nicetas does not reveal: let him who does not ignore the author's Greek mind prove it. In *Alexius* 1. 1, he says, concerning a prospect from a higher place, because his throne being raised by a footstool and several steps allowed him, as if leaning from a height, to look down upon the people placed below. He does not indeed mention it, yet Gregoras describes it most aptly at the very end of his history. Observe the modern Greeks: if they order someone to look out from a window or balcony, they say... whether that be what Tiberius is about to die in, where he had a speech to the senate, as at the beginning of 1. C This is totally indubitable to me: for it is what Zonaras calls in his *Life* of the same. And what is the royal tribunal or *tribunal* other than that of which we are speaking? GOAR.]
*Ibid. Bardariotae* from the Bardarius river of Macedonia, which William of Tyre mentions in the *Holy War* 1 and 14, concerning whom Codinus says more shortly. GRETS.
*Ibid. [The ancient race of the Persians* was transferred by Emperor Theophilus around the Bardarius river of Macedonia, formerly called such, from Zonaras, it took its name from the river. The author below. Leo Grammaticus in *Theophilus*: He distributed them in the themes having settled them and established them into *tourmai*, which are called to this day the *tourmai* of the Persians.
*268* D *Opphthrinus hymnos.* Matins: about dawn ... of which are the notes of the Euchologion. Moreover, the hours of the divine office are recounted because they were performed by the palace clergy at fixed times and seasons. The anonymous author in Rigaltius describes it aptly: *Ibid. Cedrenus in Nicephorus Logotheta*: He is appointed count of the tents. Cedrenus mentions the same in *Leo Copronymus*: he lost his tents. GOAR.]
...or *pannus*. In place of *panion* is read *panon*... Italic [and it is properly what the Germans call *eine Haube*, a headband, a certain head covering]. GRETS.
*Ibid.* [A small skullcap interior, circling the top of the crown over the ears, is a *skoufia*, to some, upon which larger hats are placed, as the author adds. Portius commonly translates it as footwear etc., and that is usual and customary. GOAR.]
*Ibid. v.* Of the Bardariotae, bearing the form of a cucumber: for in Greek it signifies a cucumber. Nor does Meursius agree with Junius, who derives it from *angariis*. GRETS.
*Ibid. [Simon Portius: cucumer, cucumis.* Thus he writes, oblong and to the form of a cucumber. GOAR.]
A *biov* maniclavium, manualis clava. In one manuscript, the Boico and the other, the Lautherian, those words *fw; βακτηρίας ἢ ῥάβδους* are missing. And it seems clear that it is a clarification of *του μαγγλαβίου*, if not by the author, then certainly by some librarian. Hence *μαγγλαβῖται*, who carry manual clubs. GRETS.
*Ibid.* [The author notes that *μαγγλάδια* are *λώρους, ῥάβδους, βακτηρίας*, that is, ox-sinews, rods, staves, for the punishment of any who are guilty. Blows also inflicted with such sinews and staves are *μαγγλάδια*. Leo the Grammarian in *Theophilo*: "He disciplined the commander of the army with the appropriate *μαγγλάβια*." Nicetas in *Manuel* 1:4: "The emperor, having seized Poupakes, flayed him, [giving him] many public *μαγγλάδια* against his back and shoulders." I marvel (as this is still a received custom in Turkey) that no disgrace is attached to those who are beaten thereby. For Petronas, brother of Theophilus’s wife, having been convicted of a crime, by the order of the emperor was denuded in the middle of the street and struck on the back B forcefully, and soon returned to the palace and the emperor's company. Thus Leo the Grammarian in *Theophilo*. Such blows were called *ἀλλακτά*, and were accustomed to be inflicted in the number of twelve. Blastares, c. 13 of the letter E: "He shall receive twelve *ἀλλακτά*." Choniates in *Andronicus*: "He disciplined them with twelve *ἀλλακτά*." I observe, moreover, that those Bardariotae, about whom there is the discourse, are called *ῥαβδοῦχοι* from the staves they carry, in Nicetas, *Andronicus* 2: "They who wear the *ὀσγινοβαφῆ* 269 are the *ῥαβδοῦχοι*." I also read *μαγγλαβίτης* in the anonymous *περὶ καταστάσεως* at the northern part of the court of the imperial tent, to which they were keeping watch, to have had a station in the army. I think their prefect is called *κόρτης κόμητα* in Cedrenus in *Nicephorus* 1, who subsequently as a *μαγγλαβίτης*, an honorary executioner, is called by the same Cedrenus in *Constantinus* [son] of Leo VI, *τῇ τοῦ μαγγλαβίτου*, [and] he writes thus, "honored with the rank." But lest anyone should think executioner-work remote from the rank of the *μαγγλάβιον*, behold how, as in the grammarian Leo, "The emperor, having been angered, and Basil, send the *μαγγλαβίτην* Mavro-Theodorus to kill the monk with a sword," for what other purpose than to fulfill his office?
*Ibid.* [Of the *κόρτης*, concerning whom [see] the note above. GOAR.]
P. 39. *Σκυλλόμαγγος* mango canum. Latin-Greek glosses: *mango κυνοτρόφος*. Junius would more willingly read *σκυλλομαγγόνων*, over whom presided the *πρωτοκυνηγός*, the master or prince of the hunters. For as today, so also in the past, hunting was a care to kings and princes, perhaps too much so, at least at times: for when the Cpolitan princes had to hunt Bulgars, Scythians, Patzinaks, Saracens, Turks, they C themselves would hunt stags, boars, bears, and similar animals, not without huge expense, which had necessarily to be incurred both for men and for dogs. In which thing Andronicus Palaeologus the younger emperor indulged least of all, about whom Gregoras towards the end of his History: "He kept dogs and hunting birds in great number; to which he was so devoted that if anyone D going to him were to offer a dog or a bird, he would most easily obtain his wish." All of which Cantacuzenus, after his death, distributed to those who were asking, since he considered the magnitude of the expenses and judged the matter itself not only useless to the empire, but even dangerous: for the procurators of the imperial treasury accounted fifteen thousand gold pieces, beyond the old custom, as spent on these things. Phranzes, 1. 1 of the *Chronicle* c. 12, expressed the number of the dogs and hunting birds of Andronicus: "Andronicus was extremely fond of hunting: he said [he had] more than one thousand four hundred dogs, [and] birds or hawks above one thousand four hundred; and those who took care of them were almost as many." GRETS.
*Ibid.* [*Σκύλλος* is a dog, not only in modern times, but also in ancient, when the mythologists called Scylla, the girl held by dogs in the Sicilian Strait, *σκύλλαν* a dog, a female. *Μάγγος* is a note-worthy word, from which, with the former, [we get] *σκυλλομάγγος*. I judge him to be the same person whom Luitprand writes of as the keeper of the Scylii (or dogs) at the beginning of his Legation: to whose trust (which he did not note) he himself was committed into contempt. GOAR.]
*Ib.* *τὸ διβέλλιον* a double or twin veil. Junius everywhere ignorantly [takes it as] *divum velum* (divine veil), from the Latin *divus* and *velum*; and still more ignorantly he renders a reason for this opinion and origin of his. Let him read [who is pleased by] trifles. The little letter *ι*, as in other cases, so here too is a mark of doubling. This was the *divellium* or *divelium*, the banner of the emperor, consisting of a twin veil, as if you were to say *divelum*, which was always carried before the emperor by the *scuterius* or shield-bearer. GRETS.
*Ibid.* [Meursius: the banner of the emperor split in two; Gretserus: the banner of the emperor consisting of a twin veil. The former again: Learned men, he means Junius, 270 here also interpret it as *divum velum*: but they are mistaken. Here again Junius everywhere ignorantly [renders] *divum velum*. But Junius speaks neither erroneously nor ignorantly, for whom Dempster in the final part of his *Roman Antiquities* defends [the opinion], as much more learned as it is more erudite. From which, he says, the names of the leaders prescribed on the banners, I think it was brought about that the standards were adored. Therefore, by a salutary council, Constantine placed the cross among the standards, so that it might be adored. [...] are insignia of the soldiers of the cross. Claudian, 1. 2 in *Ruffinum*: "Augustus first greets the venerable standards." And 1. *de bello Getico*: "The crowd pours out to meet the greeted standards." This banner is called a *labarum*. Curopalates calls it *διβέλλιον*, a divine veil. Prudentius 1. in *Symmachum*: "It marked the *labarum*, Christ [as] the purple [banner] woven in jeweled gold." This is the reason also why soldiers used to swear by the standards. These things we [offer] from Dempster in defense of the divine and sacred veil, so that we might not seem to defend the doctrine of Junius rashly. Among the icons mixed into the Roman and Royal edition of the Florentine council, at the side of the emperor of the Greeks sitting in a trireme, the banner is longer, but not split, on which a cross is depicted: is it not rather on account of the cross and religion a *divum velum* (divine veil) than a *geminum velum* (twin veil)?]
A P. 40. *Quaestor*. The Quaestor enjoyed great authority even in the time of the declining empire. *Ecloga* of Leo and Constantine AA, tit. 5: "The Quaestor has the power over those dwelling in this great city from any country whatsoever, whether men or women, whether clerics or monks or nuns, or advocates from outside cities, and those of any other fortune and rank, to inquire who they are, whence they come, and for what reason." That chapter pursues many things pertaining to the stay of aliens in the city. Consult *Jus Graeco-Romanum*, Vol. II, pp. 87, 90, and 99.
*Ibid*. *Magnus Interpres*. Regarding the duties he performed for himself, Luitprand discourses in his *Legation*. GOAR.
*Ibid*. *Dragomeni* or *Dragomani*: interpreters of exotic languages, such as great kings have in their courts, so that they may interpret the embassies of foreign nations. It is from the Chaldean *thargum*, by metathesis of the first letters, which signifies *interpretamentum*: and *metargem* or *targeman* signifies *interpretes*, and *dragomaneuein* signifies to act as an interpreter. Even today, those who traverse the holy places of Palestine call their interpreters *drussmannos*.
*Ibid*. *Sire de armis*. This must be translated thus, not as Junius does, always concerning chariots, because for the Greeks *harma*, *harmatos* and *harmata* are arms, as Rigaltius and Meursius prove by many examples in their Glossaries. Hence *harmamentarion*, *harmamentareia*, *harmatorion* (armamentarium), *harmatoi* (armati), *harmatoura* (armatura), *harmotoun*, *harmatonein* (armare). Moreover, the little word *harmarion* or *harmare* is also used, which is a storehouse or *tamieion*. GRETS.
*Ibid*. *Coursōn*. Leo calls it *praedan* in his *Tactics* in many passages, namely incursions and depredations. GOAR.
P. 41. *Protonotary*. This signifies a palatine office, but one ecclesiastical in the second pentad of officials of the Great Church. Each had several notaries under him, who formerly celebrated on October 25 the feast of the holy martyrs Marcianus and Martyrius, whom, as is evident from the *Menaion* 271, they called notaries. Therefore, the notaries rightly venerated these two notaries, who were killed for the orthodox faith under the Arian emperor Constantius, just as physicians venerate the holy physicians Cosmas and Damian. But in the process of time, the enemy man sowed tares, the feast having almost turned into Bacchanalia or Lupercalia. What was sometimes done on the feast of the holy notaries by notaries teaching boys, while going through the forum with stage-players, was abolished some years ago by the decree of that most holy lord, Patriarch Luke. So Balsamon on the 62nd canon of the Council in Trullo. You will find almost the same in *Jus Graeco-Romanum*, Vol. III, p. 223. Therefore, notaries also used to teach boys. There is little credibility [in the distinction] between palatine and ecclesiastical [notaries]; wherefore the duty of teaching boys will have to be referred to other notaries.
*Ib*. The word *castra* generally signifies here fortifications, whether of a town or a ditch. Also *Kastron* is interpreted as a most fortified place. *Kastrophylax* (castrorum custos), *kastroktistes* (castrorum metator), *kastroktisia* (castrorum metatio), *kastresion* or *kastrision* (castrense). In use by the same are *kastellion*, *kastelli* for castles or fortifications and for a town. Hence *kastelliani* (soldiers placed in castles). *Kastelloun* to fortify some place. GRETS.
*Ibid*. *Kastra*: interpret as cities fortified with walls. Cedrenus in *Michael Paphlago*: "But Pancratius the Abasgian, ostensibly defending Romanus the king as a relative of his wife, renounced the peace with the Romans and retook the *kastra* and fortifications previously given." He had called Barium, Capua, and Beneventum *kastra* in the preceding. This had been the mind of Justinian from old concerning this word, Nov. 128: "And the leaders in the provinces, both civil and military, in the cities or *kastrois*." GOAR.
P. 42. *Catergon*, which is a trireme, as is explained in Codinus himself, is called by Junius from the Arabic. He edits specimens of his Arabism everywhere, indeed. Why might it not be composed from *kata* and *ergon*? B *Ib*. *Logariastes*: Junius says this is he who for the Gauls is the *grand contrôleur*, from *logariazein*, which is to compute.
*Ib*. *Megalogaritai*. Junius interprets this as those using great horses, fighting on great horses. GRETS.
*Ibid*. [I think these are *cataphract* (armored) horsemen, who by the number and weight of their armor needed large and strong horses.]
*Ibid*. [*Tripaballoi*. The ancient Gauls would have said *trimarcisii*, who use three horses each. Pausanias described the Gauls, if I may say so, *trikaballoi* under the leader Brennus advancing into Greece, book X: "There were," he says, "over sixty thousand horsemen, more than twelve hundred. For two servants followed each horseman on horses, and they themselves [were] most skilled in equestrian arts. These, standing in the rear line while their masters were fighting, were of use to them, so that if by chance a horse were lost, they might immediately submit their own, or if the man had fallen, the servant would succeed into his place: but if the impetus of battle had overthrown both, a third man was already at hand, who would hold the place for the dead. And this institution they call in their native tongue *trimarcisia*; for they call a horse *marca*." 272 Livy reports that the same custom existed for the Numidians, book XXIII: "For whom, after the manner of vaulting horsemen, it was the custom, while leading two horses, to leap from a tired one onto a fresh horse often during a most fierce battle: such was their speed, such a docile breed of horses. Marcellinus narrates the same concerning the Quadi and Sarmatians.]
P. 42. [*Dikaballoi*. Whom Pollux would call *amhippoi*, who had two horses, one of which was joined to the other. Hesychius: '*Amhippoi* and *exygoi*.' Suidas: '*Amhippoi*, fighting with horses, and he who drives them rides one and leads the other alongside.' Among the ancient Romans, this custom of vaulting horsemen...]
[as the translation begins here]
from horses for fighting, from which Festus says: "On equal horses," that is, paired, the Romans used to use in battle, so that when one tired they might cross over to the dry/fresh one. The matter of the monocaballi has been dealt with long since. GOAR.]
Ib. Concerning the Arabic origin of the word *Blachernae*, Junius brings forward most delightful trifles. How much more correctly the author of the little book on the 14 regions of the city of Constantinople! Gillius supposes that the name of the Blachernae (a suburb) was bestowed by a certain person reigning in that place, from Dionysius of Byzantium. It lay by the seashore, where Leo the Great also built a temple to the Mother of God, and another one, distinct from that, by Pulcheria, concerning which see Nicephorus 15, 24.
P. 43. *Drunga*. Thus I read from the manuscript codices. Junius [writes] *drungas*, though he would prefer *drungus*. GRETS.
Ib. B It is certain, however, that Codinus did not recount all the offices and ministries which were once in the court of Constantinople (a), but those most especially which were flourishing in his own time: for at one time they were one thing, and at another time another, as the reading of Greek histories teaches us. In Constantine Porphyrogenitus, *Book on the Administration of the Empire*, c. 51, besides the *protocarabi* and others, you will find the one *epi tes phiales* (over the Phiala) or the one *tes phiales*, who was the judge of the nautical crowd of the dromons or imperial dromon-ships, and he used to deliver judgment while sitting in the place of the dromon, which is called the Phiala. The same Codinus wrote nothing concerning the officials of the Augusta or Empress; and yet, just as in this age there are officials for empresses and queens, so too in antiquity there were. Hence, in the aforementioned Constantine c. 51, you will find the one *epi tes trapezes tes Augustes* (over the table of the Augusta), who was also judge of the *Agrarioi* (a type of vessel), of the Augusta. GRETS.
Ib. It seems it should be read either *panton* (of all) or *pasai* (all). C
BOOK THREE
273 CAPUT I. Observations and explanations on chapter 6, which is about holidays.
P. 43. "From this point the *heortai* [festivals]," etc. In the Bavarian codex the title of this chapter reads thus: *Taxis ginomene en tais Despotikais heortais*, "Order customarily observed in the feasts of Christ the Lord." For by *Despotikai heortai* the Greeks do not understand Sundays, but feasts properly dedicated to Christ the Lord, which are these: the *Charetismus* or Annunciation of the B. Virgin, the Nativity of Christ, the *Hypapante* or Purification of the B. Virgin, the Epiphany or Baptism of Christ, when He was baptized by John in the Jordan, the Transfiguration of the Lord, the Resuscitation of Lazarus, the feast of Palms, of the Wood or Holy Cross, of the Resurrection, of the Ascension, of the Mission of the Holy Spirit, of the Assumption of the Mother of God. Where by the feast of the Wood or Holy Cross is understood not only that *Parasceve* on which Christ was extinguished on the Cross, but also the feast of the Exaltation of the Holy Cross: for the Greeks count this too, and our Codinus himself [counts it] among the *Despotikai feriae*.
Ibid. It seems it should be read there *Christou gennon*. It is also read disjunctively, *Christou genna*.
Ibid. *Paramone* here is the vigil, literally, as it were, the expectation of the feast. Junius ineptly translates it as a fixed holiday, and this not just in my judgment, but also in that of Meursius. Ineptly, in the same place, he translates *eis ton orthron* adverbially as "in the morning": rather, "to the morning," "to morning lauds." GRETS.
Ibid. [The title of the Mass of Basil in the Euchologion: "On the vigil of the birth of Christ our God." The Menaion: "If the vigil of the birth of Christ our God should happen on a Saturday or Sunday."]
Ibid. [The morning office of the vigil of Christ's nativity to be praised—]
[The text continues, translating the Latin regarding Eugenia, Basila, etc.]
...is spent for the most part on Eugenia and Basila, the father of Eugenia, Philip, and also the martyr Nicolaus: it mixes in only certain *pros-hortia* (pre-feast) hymns for the Nativity. Therefore, the Emperor does not attend that, because its solemnity is minor and not so festive: he hears other hours performed and celebrated as though Christ were already born. The Menaion itself places a title before the minor hours: "Beginning of the rite of the hours of the birth of the Lord according to the flesh."
P. 44. [After the dismissal. "The humble conclusion of an ecclesiastical office is the *apolysis*." Ecclesiastical books are full of examples everywhere. 274 Therefore, Meursius ignorantly explained the *apolysis* as the last day of any feast, because then it was, so to speak, being dissolved. This place alone, where neither the festivity has fully begun nor the other has ended, shows him to have been hallucinating. GOAR.]
P. 44. Junius ignorantly translates *eikonostasion* as a temple. A temple, he says, as if a vessel of a god or gods. Excellently. *Iconostasion* is called everything D that on which sacred images either stand or from which they hang, just as from this one the images of the nativity of Christ and three or four others hung. The Germans call it *ein bilder gestelle*. GRETS.
Ibid. [The ornaments placed around sacred images, to which they are affixed, is the *eikonostasion*. Others call the square margin of a panel of embossed work by this name. GOAR.]
Ibid. *Analogion*. It is also written *analogion*. Suidas: *Analogeion*, that on which the books are placed. The Latins also use it. Glosses of Isidore: *Lectrum* (lectern), *analogium*, upon which one reads. Walafridus, *De rebus ecclesiast.*, c. 6: *Analogium*, because the word of God is read and announced on it. There is mention of the same in *Turcogr.*, book 11, p. 168. GRETS.
Ibid. A [With priestly vestments.] This is with the priestly stole and chasuble, [the *epitrachelion* and *phelonion*]. Philotheus in the order of the sacred ministry at the beginning of the Euchologion.
Ibid. [The *trichlinon*.] Of the great hall of the palace. Zonaras has it in Justinian: "The palace *chrysotriclinon* was built." "Through the western [door] of the *chrysotriclinon* one enters." Emperors celebrated this day, and the Epiphany, and they adorned themselves in these royal robes; whence Justinian is noted as being annoyed [that he had to come forth] without his crown on his birthday and the Theophany.
Ibid. [Of the *epirriptaria*.] The covering of the head is the *epirriptarion*, a type of garment explained generically by Meursius. The authority of the Curopalate in [the life of] Constantine, son of Leo, proves this: "Symeon having bowed his head to the patriarch and having received a prayer from him, he placed upon the barbarian head, as they say, instead of a crown, his own *epirriptarion*." Therefore, the patriarch, having said a prayer, instead of a crown placed his own *epirriptarion* upon his [the emperor's] head. Merito indeed: for he would not have imposed a type of garment, had not the patriarch substituted his own proper cap in place of a head-covering, that is, a diadem. Add, readers, regarding those of whom the discourse treats, that they accompanied the emperor "in garments and *epirriptaria*": but the canonarchs in the following number [are described as being] "in garments only and uncovered": without *epirriptaria*, therefore, that is, without caps.
Ibid. *Kamisia*. Symeon of Thessalonica on the Sacraments: "The reader possesses the garment called the *kamision*, which, according to the pattern of the small *phelonion* or *sticharion*, is of linen, signifying the firstfruits of the priesthood; for which reason it is small, and signifies the protection from God, or [is] purple on account of the purple garment of Christ, and white on account of the purity of the priesthood and the illumination [received] from God." Cedrenus and Tiroplanes make mention of silk or linen under-tunics in the *Heracleo*.
Ibid. *Aened*. The color especially used in the Church by dignitaries, [is] purple, which the Greeks use during Lent and at funerals; it is attributed to the lower ministers. Symeon of Thessalonica on the Sacraments, and Demetrius of Bulgaria, Juris GR., 1. v. GOAR.
275 B P. 44. Concerning the *dibampoulon*, which the lampadarius bears, and of which Codinus makes mention here and a little later, there are various opinions. The first [is that] of Junius, who everywhere translates it as an ampulla of divine worship. "I cannot agree," says Meursius: "I would do so if I found that the later Greeks used [the word] for a vessel."
A second opinion is that the *dibampoulon* is a *kerzenstany* [candlestick], which in the statutes of the patriarchal diakonia of Constantinople is named a *manoualion*, [meaning] a manual [light]: "The reader holding a *manoualion* with a lit lamp." In the Typicon of St. Sabas you find *keromanoualia* with precisely the same meaning. The same [is true] [about] what was carried. It was a golden rod, as Codinus teaches: for on its top a lamp, resting [there], was carried by the lampadarius. This opinion did not displease me formerly in *Facula*: now I am of a different mind, because I cannot calculate why a rod, which is the fulcrum of a lit lamp, should be called a *dibampoulon*, even if we do not write *dibampoulon*. Add that "manual" and [the Greek term] are too far removed from *dibampoulon*.
A third opinion exists in the same *Turco-Graecia*, that the *dibampoulon* is a censer, which interpretation Crusius accepted from the Greeks of the island of Santorini, to whom the nation itself seems to favor, both because they are Greeks, whom it certainly behooved to know these things better than outsiders, and because it is not likely that a censer was wanting in these courtly assemblies; and perhaps one should write *thybampoulon*, from *thyo*, "I sacrifice," whence also "incense" seems to derive its origin.
A fourth opinion seems to be that of Meursius, v. *Monobampoulon*, who also derives it from *ambulo*, so that it is as if it were a simple and single one, a double walkway, or, as he himself says, a simple secret conclave of the palace, in which the clergy were gathered to elect a new patriarch. Codinus makes mention of it: there was another, into which all who wished to know immediately whom the clergy had created patriarch converged promiscuously: and that was called the *dibampoulon*. I find mention of it in Phranzes, 111, 19. "According to these, the patriarch with lamps descended to the *dibambula* or atrium, and finding a prepared horse, mounted it." But what should be thought concerning the *monobambylon* I have explained already, book 1, c. 10: it should be expunged, and in its place substituted [a word meaning] either an atrium or a walkway, as the notion of an atrium or walkway cannot be applied in any way to these two passages of Codinus: for the lampadarius is said to "carry," that is, to bear in his hands, with a lit lamp. And could a conclave be borne in the hands of three? Add that these things [said] about an exterior and interior conclave are figments of Junius, although he himself never referred to an exterior conclave, nor even in his *monobambylon* did he look at the walkway or to walk, but to the *dibampylon*. Furthermore, in Phranzes it is not read *dibampoulon*, but *diabambula*. But Meursius corrects [it to] *dibampoula*. Relying on what manuscript? If anything is to be corrected, I would rather and more truly have corrected it to *diapatoula*, that is, to open places, in a word, to the atrium, or to *diabata*, [throughways].
A fifth opinion is that of the same Meursius, who here and in the catalogue of the offices of the Great Church thinks that *velon* and *dibamphylon* should be rewritten from *velum*, as if [the former] had a simple veil in its custody, and the [latter] a double one, [a custodian] of the veil, one who is now [called] a *janitor* at the doors; for formerly business was conducted under veils. However, the manuscript codices above all disagree, none of which exhibits this reading to us. Then, the lampadarius was carrying the *dibampoulon* with a lit lamp in his hand: it was therefore not a veil, from which the *velarii* and the guards of the veil derived their name. Nor does it help...
A this option of Anastasius in the *Sylverius* or the *Collatio* of the kind against the Donatists in St. Augustine: for they show nothing else than that matters were once debated under a veil, whether by one or two; apart from which [veil] the parties were waiting. “For the veil are the bishops of both parties,” says the *Collatio*; “If your sublimity commands, they shall be admitted.” Thus, the blessed Sylverius retained all the clergy before the first and second veil. What has this to do with our lamp-bearer, to whom the care of the *dibampoulon* was entrusted?
The sixth opinion is that the *dibampoulon* is a double flask and the *monampoulon* a single flask; that the latter was used in the ordinations and initiations of clerics according to the *ostiarius* [doorkeeper], concerning whom there is [an entry] in the sixth pentad of the officials of the Great Church, and that the former was held by the lamp-bearer in the solemnities which Codinus describes: thus also Meursius himself in the term *dibampoulon*. But what is in these flasks? In the *monampoulon* I have no doubt there was chrism, with which those who are initiated into the priesthood are anointed, but in the *dibampoulon* there was holy oil and chrism, so that the emperor might always be mindful of his anointing both in baptism and in his imperial inauguration. Perhaps Ansegisus, cited by Meursius (1, 162), will give light to this, however slight: “Let the presbyter on Maundy Thursday carry with him two flasks, one for chrism, the other for oil, for the anointing of catechumens or the sick.” The Greeks therefore did, as in many other things, so also with the name of the flask in the *monampoulon* and *dibampoulon*, or the doubled *dibampoulon*; from which the German word *umpel* (as if *ampulla*) descends. And this opinion I approve and embrace above others, B although Balsamon in his *Melete* or exercise writes nothing of a *dibampoulon* being customarily carried before the emperor by the lamp-bearer, but only of a lamp. Nor let it trouble anyone that there is a *beta* [β]: for although the mere syllable *di-* doubles it, as in *bigarius*, here however, because of the following vowel, a *beta* is introduced for the sake of euphony. GRETS.
[I am pleased to bring in here the Greek proverb: "Where many roosters crow, there the dawn is slow": that is to say, they crow out of contention, not from a sense of light. Also, today they speak of proverbs: therefore I will put forward: "Where there are more opinions in a dark matter, the mind fluctuates with greater uncertainty." Concerning the word *dibampoulon*, with the six meanings brought forward by Gretser, I do not see which I should embrace: I will therefore bring forth my own in the middle, from Balsamon’s Dissertation on the privileges of the patriarchs. "Light and torches," he says, "pertain to the office of teaching, and therefore, as to the patriarchs, so also to the emperor, a lamp, fire, and light are carried; and, to speak clearly, a lighted taper." Concerning the emperor holding an address to the people, it is said on p. 37. But before the emperor it is carried [before the] patriarch and empress. Why so? What... Thus let the *dibampoulon* carried before the emperor be surrounded by a double golden crown, [while that of] the patriarch and empress is C single and silver. Consult those things which, to avoid prolixity, we omit as written by the same Balsamon. GOAR.]
P. 44. *Maistôr*. A clear origin from the Latin *magister*. GRETS.
*Ibidem*. On vows for the emperors, auspicious acclamations, and prayers for many years, [discussed] at length indeed below and no less learnedly by Gretser, [but] on those things which do not apply to what is to be done on the feast of Christ’s Nativity. Let us add concisely: Since long ago in the Church this time of year of these solemnities began, as they were accustomed to exchange gifts and presents, so also to pursue [one another] with happy vows and to speak well with joyful voices, which the Italians still observe, the Greeks are accustomed. Therefore, boys and adolescents run about the streets and crossroads on this day, and they clamor at the doors of friends with melodic tunes and musical instruments, to take back gifts, and all vie in heaping upon themselves presents for Christ’s Nativity. The Church, therefore, whose vows are gifts, on the vigil of our Lord’s Nativity, in the inner palace, prays well for the emperor for many years of his desire. The monks themselves also, coming together in groups to his cell, ask of God long life and years for their superior, says the Menaion on this day. Hence the common people are accustomed to perceive only the vows for someone's health sent forth in the present light. Once, however, on other days as well, the *Polychronia* that were sung teach the royal manuscripts, from which we extract the following for the learned reader. D
*Polychronia*. How they wish many years to the emperors and the patriarch in the Great Church during the feast of Christ’s Nativity and [the feast of] Lights and on Good Friday.
A prayer for many years: May God make their holy reign [last] for many years. May God make their holy and powerful reign [last] for many years. May God make their God-protected, God-chosen, God-glorified, and God-exalted, powerful and holy reign [last] for many years.
These were in the church, where many ruled, calling out vows; the following were brought forth amidst feasts and cups, with the emperor drinking, of course.
A And he prays at the table thus: For long life, life, peace, health, success, and victory over enemies, for our powerful and holy masters and emperors. These vows they receive in church for the patriarch: Our Lord and Bishop, O Lord, protect him. It is said three times: For many years. Three times: For many years. Also at the table he prays thus: For longevity, length of life, peace, health, and salvation of our most holy master and ecumenical patriarch. Goar.]
P. 45. *Of whose lamp*, etc. There exists a disquisition or discussion by Theodore Balsamon concerning this custom of carrying a lamp before the emperor, as also before the empress and the five patriarchs—the Roman, Constantinopolitan, Alexandrian, Antiochene, and Hierosolymitan. He says that the lamp is carried before the emperor for a double reason: both because he cares for human affairs and because he cares for divine ones, and that he pertains both to those things which concern the body and those which concern the soul (for the more recent Greeks flattered their emperors with the concession of this dual power); and for that reason the emperor's lamps are encircled by double golden crowns, whereas the lamps of the patriarchs, as also that of the empress, have but one, because the patriarchs have care only of spiritual matters, and women look only to temporal ones, as it is forbidden for them to teach in the church.
But these golden or silver *stephanomata*, as Balsamon calls them, and *thringomata*, seem to have been wreaths placed upon the lamp in the manner of a crown, or, indeed, as the name *thringomatas* rather suggests, placed around the lamp itself like a railing or partition. Balsamon adds that this same *pronomion* or privilege was granted to the archbishop of Bulgaria and of Cyprus and to a few metropolitans as they proceed with a lamp, and to none besides these; and that the patriarchs can proceed with the lamp appearing not only in their own diocese but outside it as well; which he himself confirms against certain detractors in many places, which he who likes may read in Book 7 of the *Juris Graeco-Romani*. Grets.
P. 46. [*Troparion* is a cadence, that is, a kind of canticle, to be sung according to the norm of another model *stretching itself*.] The more common explanation of *troparion*. We have set this forth more fully elsewhere in the *Euchologia*. Furthermore, Theophanes and Cedrenus in *Leo I* mention poets of the *troparia*, Anthimus and Timocles.
Ibid. [*Glory*. Add the remaining: *to the Father and to the Son and to the Holy Spirit.* After *both now and ever* add *and unto the ages of ages. Amen.*]
Ibid. [*It is not chanted*. It does not run on with modulated and variously inflected vocal sounds; but is read with a continuous voice, *chuma*, as Philotheus wrote.]
Ibid. This custom of singing *long life* to emperors and acclaiming *for many years* was very frequent among the Greeks, as we shall understand more often hereafter from Codinus, who is elegantly described by Corippus, while he recounts how *long life* was acclaimed B to Justin the Younger.
[The remaining text continues to page 310, left column]
...he explains in verses, on the praises of Justin, I, 202 and 356, II, 165 and 308.
Luitprand, in his embassy to Constantinople, very gently mocks the acclamations made to Nicephorus Phocas, speaking of the procession of Phocas from the palace to Hagia Sophia. Truly, many in these acclamations wished for *many years*, than which nothing more pleasant could have occurred to them than if the emperor had been extinguished by a sudden death on that very day, nay, at that very moment.
The custom of acclaiming is old, and it flowed from the theaters into the forums, and then even into the senate; hence, to the synods of the Christians. C Vulcatius in *Avidius Cassius* commemorates an example of an acclamation made by the senate to M. Antoninus: *Antoninus Pius, may the gods save you. Antoninus the Clement, may the gods save you. You would not do what was permitted: we have not done what was fitting. We ask for a just reign for Commodus, strengthen your progeny. See that your children are secure; no force injures a good reign. We ask for tribunician power for Commodus Antoninus; we ask for your presence, for your philosophy, for your patience, for your learning, for your nobility, for your innocence. You conquer enemies, you overcome foes: may the gods protect you.*
Here is an example for you of a synodal acclamation from the ecumenical Council of Chalcedon, Act VII, where the Fathers acclaim the Emperor Marcian and the Empress Pulcheria: *To Marcian the new Constantine, the new Paul, the new David, many years. You are the peace of the world, pious lord. May the Lord preserve his life. You are our faith. Christ, whom you honor, may He Himself protect you. You have strengthened the orthodox faith. As the apostolic [fathers] do, so you believe. Many years to the August. You are the lights of the orthodox faith. Because of these things, there is peace everywhere. The lights of peace, lord, do you protect. The luminaries of the world, lord, do you protect. Perpetual memory to the new Constantine. She who is orthodox by birth, may God protect her. May God protect the guardian of the faith. May God protect her who is always pious. Pious, orthodox, she who is contrary to the heretics, may God protect her. You have put all heretics to flight. You have persecuted Nestorius and Eutyches. Far be envy from your reign. Thus are faithful emperors honored. May God protect your power, may God pacify your reign. Marcian the new Constantine, Pulcheria the new Helena: you follow the zeal of Helena. Your life is the safeguard of all: your faith is the glory of the churches.*
D The whole Constantinopolitan synod, under the Patriarch Menas and the Emperor Justinian, resounds with similar epiphonemata. Indeed, even in elections, the use of acclamations was present. In the Acts of the ordination of Eradius, when Saint Augustine, already aged, told the clergy and people that he was his successor, following these words of Augustine, "I want the presbyter Eradius as my successor," these things follow: *It was acclaimed by the people, Thanks be to God, praises to Christ; it was said twenty-three times. Hear us, Christ, long life to Augustine; it was said sixty-six times: You are father, you are bishop; it was said eight times.* And when silence was kept, Augustine the bishop said, *There is no need*, etc. Presently: *By the notaries of the church, as you see,*
what we say is recorded, what you say is recorded; and my speech and your acclamations do not fall to the ground. That I may speak more plainly, we are now performing ecclesiastical acts. For I wish it to be confirmed as much as concerns men. It was acclaimed by the people thirty-six times, *Thanks be to God, praises to Christ.* *Hear us, Christ! Long life to Augustine;* it was said thirteen times. And near the end: *Here I have need of your response. Let me hold your response. Acclaim something regarding this assertion.* It was acclaimed by the people, *So be it, so be it:* it was said twenty-five times. *It is worthy, it is just:* it was said twenty-eight times. *So be it, so be it:* it was said fourteen times. *Once worthy, once deserving:* it was said twenty-five times. *We give thanks for your judgment:* it was said thirteen times. *Hear us, Christ; save Eradius:* it was said eighteen times. You see here 280 that the same acclamation was repeated, not just once, but often—nay, most often.
Behold what the Senate said to Claudius when he was announced as emperor, according to Trebellius: *Augustus Claudius, may the gods grant thee to us:* it was said sixty times. *Claudius Augustus, we have always wished for thee as princeps, or whatever thou art:* it was said forty times. *Claudius Augustus, the republic required thee:* it was said forty times. *Claudius Augustus, thou art brother, thou art father, thou art friend, thou art a good senator, thou art truly princeps:* it was said eight times. *Claudius Augustus, do thou deliver us from Aureolus:* it was said five times. *Claudius Augustus, deliver us from the Palmyrenes:* it was said five times. *Claudius Augustus, deliver us from Zenobia and Victoria:* it was said seven times. *Claudius Augustus, Tetricus was nothing:* it was said seven times.
Nor were good things only wished for the good, but evils were imprecated upon the wicked in acclamations of this kind, or demanded as if by right. Ælius Lampridius provides an illustrious example of this, in whose work you have the acclamations of the Senate upon the slain emperor Commodus: *Let honors be stripped from the enemy of the fatherland, let honors be stripped from the parricide, let the parricide be dragged. Let the enemy of the fatherland, the parricide, the gladiator be mangled in the spoliarium. Enemy of the gods, executioner of the Senate, enemy of the gods, parricide of the Senate. Enemy of the gods, enemy of the Senate. The gladiator into the spoliarium. Let him who killed the Senate be placed in the spoliarium. Let him who killed the Senate be dragged by the hook. Let him who killed the innocent be dragged by the hook—enemy, parricide, truly, severely. Let him who spared not his own blood be dragged by the hook. Let him who was about to kill thee be dragged by the hook. With us thou hast feared, with us thou hast been in peril. That we may be safe, Jupiter, best and greatest, save Pertinax for us. Good fortune to the faith of the Praetorians, good fortune to the Praetorian cohorts, good fortune to the Roman armies, good fortune to the piety of the Senate. Let the parricide be dragged. We ask, Augustus, let the parricide be dragged. This we ask, let the parricide be dragged; hear us, Caesar. Informers to the lion; hear us, Caesar. Informers to the lion; hear us, Caesar. Speratus to the lion. Good fortune to the victories of the Roman people; good fortune to the faith of the soldiers; good fortune to the faith of the Praetorians; good fortune to the Praetorian cohorts. Let the enemy’s statues be pulled down everywhere, let the parricide’s statues be pulled down everywhere, let the gladiator’s statues be pulled down everywhere; let the gladiator and the parricide’s statues be pulled down. Let the killer of citizens be dragged, let the parricide of citizens be dragged. Let the gladiator’s statues be pulled down. By thy salvation we are safe and secure, truly, truly; now worthily, now truly, now freely. Now we are secure. Fear to the informers. That we may be secure, fear to the informers; that we may be safe, away with the informers from the Senate. A cudgel for the informers, with thee safe. Informers to the lion, under thy rule. A cudgel for the informers. Let the memory of the parricidal gladiator be abolished, let the statues of the parricidal gladiator be pulled down. Let the memory of the impure gladiator be abolished; the gladiator into the spoliarium. Hear us, Caesar. Let the executioner be dragged by the hook. Let the executioner of the Senate be dragged by the hook in accordance with the custom of our ancestors. More savage than Domitian, more impure than Nero, so he did, so let him suffer. Let the memories of the innocent be preserved, restore the honors of the innocent. We ask, let the parricide’s corpse be dragged by the hook, let the gladiator’s corpse be placed in the spoliarium. Put it to the vote, put it to the vote: we all 281 decree that he be dragged by the hook. Let him who killed everyone be dragged by the hook. Let him who killed all ages be dragged by the hook. Let him who killed both sexes be dragged by the hook. Let him who spared not his own blood be dragged by the hook. Let him who plundered temples be dragged by the hook. Let him who destroyed testaments be dragged by the hook. Let him who plundered the living be dragged by the hook. We were subject to slaves. Let him who exacted the price of life and kept not his faith be dragged by the hook. Let him who sold the Senate be dragged by the hook. Let him who took away the inheritance from children be dragged by the hook. Let the indictors from the Senate be dragged by the hook, the informers from the Senate, the suborners of slaves from the Senate. And thou hast feared with us, thou knowest all things, thou knowest the good and the bad. Thou knowest all things, amend all things. For thee we have feared. O us, happy with thee as emperor. Put it to the vote concerning the parricide, put it to the vote, put it to the vote: we ask for thy presence. The innocent have not been buried; let the parricide’s corpse be dragged. The parricide digs up the buried; let the parricide’s corpse be dragged.*
Similar almost is that [ἐπιφώνησις] which is read in the synod under Mennas, Act IV: *Many years to the emperor, many years to the patriarch. Anathematize Peter, Zoaras, and Severus now. Thou hast an orthodox emperor: what dost thou fear? Cast out those who rebaptize.* And when the monks of Jerusalem presented a parchment, all cried out: *Many years to the patriarch. Accept the monks' petition now. Let the petition be read now. Cast out those who baptize in houses. Punish the cave of Zoaras now. Many years to the patriarch. Anathematize the rebaptizer now. Many years to the Christian emperor. Many years to the orthodox emperor. The caves of the heretics are burning now. The faith of the emperor prevails. The orthodox reigns: what dost thou fear? Why does Peter have monasteries? He has all the heretics there. Anathematize Severus, Peter, and Zoaras now. The Trinity anathematizes the three. Anathema to Severus, Peter, and Zoaras. Anathematize Severus the Manichaean now. The faith of the Christians prevails. Many years to the patriarch. Anathematize the enemies of Christ now. Anathematize the heretics now. Anathematize the anathematized now. The faith of the Christians prevails.* And Act 5, which formerly in the common editions used to be the first, contains a very long acclamation, by which partly good things were [wished] to the Augusti and the patriarch, partly
A evil things were prayed for against the heretics. "May there be many years for the Emperor, many years for the Augusta," etc. "Cast out Severus the Manichaean," etc. "Let the bones of the Manichaeans be exhumed," etc. "Cast out Severus the Manichaean," etc. "Whoever does not anathematize Severus is a Manichaean. Cast out Severus. Cast out the new Judas. Cast out the plotter against the Trinity," etc. "Let the bones of the Nestorians be exhumed. Let the bones of the Eutychians be exhumed. Who is a Nestorian? I do not know; let him be anathema from the Trinity," etc. "Cast the Manichaeans out of the Church. Cast the two Stephans out of the Church." A little later, in the same session, there follow many epiphonemata of this kind. They used to acclaim the preachers also; examples of which custom you will find in St. Augustine, Book IV of *De doctrina Christiana*, c. 26, and often in his *Homilies*. Thus far concerning that custom. GRETS.
282 P. 46. [Σᾶς. The plural of the pronoun σύ is ἐσεῖς in the first case; in the others, σᾶς; and τοῖς; Greece pronounces them corruptly.]
Ibid. [Θεός. To which word you should add from the *Horologion*, so that it may be a complete formula: "O Thou who at all times, at every hour, in heaven and on earth, art worshipped and glorified, O Christ God, who art long-suffering, plenteous in mercy, and full of compassion, who lovest the just and showest mercy upon the sinner, who callest all men to salvation through the promise of the blessings to come; do Thou, O Lord, receive our supplications at this present time, and direct our life according to Thy commandments; sanctify our souls, purify our bodies, correct our thoughts, cleanse our minds, and deliver us from all tribulation, evil, and distress; compass us about with Thy holy angels, that guarded and guided by their array we may attain to the unity of the faith and the knowledge of Thine unapproachable glory; for blessed art Thou unto ages of ages. Amen." Seek the Polychronism of the monks, issued for the salvation of the superior, in the *Menaion* back at the Office of None. GOAR.]
Ibid. Protapostolarius. You see here also the name of Greek ambition, because among those who read the Apostle Paul in public, that is, among the *apostolarii*, they wanted to have a *protapostolarius*. GRETS.
Ibid. [Ἡ τῆς λειτουργίας ὥρα. Which on this day is the tenth after sunrise. Thus the type of the modern office placed at the end of None: "About the tenth hour, the great [vespers] signifies," etc., namely for the holding of the synaxis of vespers; which being finished, in order follows the Divine Liturgy of the Great Basil.]
Ibid. [That a fast should be forbidden to the Greeks on Saturday or Sunday. For this reason, if chance falls that they must celebrate a vigil on the days of Christ’s Nativity, just as they abstain from the fast, so they perform the mass at the customary time, which is the third hour of the day: if it falls on other weekdays, when it is not lawful to break the fast except with the preceding solemnities of the mass, that [fast] must be drawn out until vesper, and only in the evening, when the time for vesper praises is at hand, is the mass sung together with them; which being finished, the opportunity to take food is provided. These things are to be found from the rite of this day in the *Menaion* for the explanation of this place. GOAR.]
P. 47. Post hunc liturgia perficitur. The Greeks possess this custom, that in Lent on days of fasting and on vigils they celebrate the liturgy or mass from midday, and as is apparent from this, after vespers. On Easter, the liturgy takes place before sunrise. On other days [it occurs] at the third hour, as is customary, as Gabriel, Bishop of Philadelphia, teaches in his little book *On the Sacraments*. GRETS.
Ibid. 15. [Ἀλλάσσει. It does not change, but rather puts on, the upper garment, etc. Regarding the note B of the preceding chapter (col. 281 D), kind reader, I pray you have recourse to it. GOAR.]
Ibid. Crinonia. This covering of the Emperor seems to have found its name from the species of the lily *Crinonia*, just as that *tetraphyllum* [is named] from four leaves. The Glossarium mentions both, but in the bare and solitary words of Codinus, without any explanation being applied. GRETS.
[Κρινωνίαν. A crown germinating in a circle with lilies or small flowers. Coresius in his replies. Balsamon in his *Meditation on Incense*, etc., in the *Juris Graeco-Romani* I, 7: "A lily gathered from the *crinonia*."]
Ibid. [τετράφυλλον. Coresius teaches the same to be another crown, from which four small flowers emit, namely at the forehead and the crown of the head and at either ear. GOAR.]
Ibid. Flammula. It is called *flammulum* and *flammula*, sometimes with a simple μ, sometimes doubled. It is also called *flamula* and *flamulae*, of the feminine gender. Vegetius, II, 5: "Eagles, dragons, banners, *flammulae*, *tufae* or *tuphae*." But Lipsius rightly reproves those who, following Vegetius, change *flammulas* into *flameola*: "O wickedly," he says, "may they refrain." And he rightly warns them to refrain; 283 [who] likewise rightly chastises the interpreter of Cedrenus, [who rendered] these Greek words "t τὸν τῆς εἰρήνης ἔγγραφον χάρτην ἐπὶ φλαμμυολίου κρεμάσαντες" with these Latin [words] in the interpreter, "having hung the written paper of peace from a pole (contus), as if *phlamoulion* were a pole." Lipsius [correctly says]: "Hanging a written charter, a testament of peace, above a *flamula*." Nor does Junius rightly interpret *phlamoulon* as a *labarum*, because the *labarum* was one; but *phlamoula* were also royal and imperial—several, namely twelve; and they were carried at home too, not just in war, as Curopalata teaches, c. 6. Perhaps that old *labarum* had ceased among the later Greeks: or if not, I would say that the *staurion* rather corresponds to the *labarum*: for this was unique, before all the *flamulae*, as is said in the same place. Nor should that [entry] of Suidas be omitted: "Σαυρίων, a kind of standard or *phlamoulon*." "But what *saurion* is, I do not know," says Lipsius. But what if it were read *staurion*? Certainly one of the *flamulae* of the Emperor was *stauros*, that is, a cross, as stated above from Curopalata c. 6. As therefore a certain *flamulum* is called *drakonteion* after the dragon in Curopalata, so in Suidas it seems that a *staurion* is called after the *stauros* or cross, which is called *staurus* or cross by Curopalata. You may find *phlampouron* also in Moschopulus, and in Cedrenus, p. 441, *phlamoulion*, in Leo in his *Tactics*, constitution 5, *phlamoulokion*, in the *Turkish Pandect* *flambarum* and *flambulum*; which are also common among the Greeks today. And all these words, even if they are accustomed to be written differently, signify the same thing, namely a standard, or, as Nicetas interprets in the Glossarium, a military sign. Nor, however, was it accustomed to be carried only in military [contexts], but also at the home of the Emperor and of the princes of the palace, which is evident from Curopalata, c. 6. Indeed, at home, more were carried, namely twelve: "Except when the Emperor goes on campaign, according to the proportion of the quantity of his own
A establishment, he has one [flammula] or two."
[Commentary on Flammula/Archistrategus] Junior is thoroughly flagitious in his translation and explanation of those things which are written here concerning the *flammula*. So that you may see this, look here at the words of Junius: "These (the *flammula*) are as follows. The first is carried by the *archistrategus*: the second is the prince of the sacred rites, having many divine images. A third, having images of the four great martyrs, Demetrius, Procopius, and Theodore. Another, which carries Saint George the horseman, another dracontine, and another having an equestrian statue of the Emperor." This is utterly erroneous. For it must be translated, as the very words themselves and the mind of Curopalata demand, in this manner: "The *flammula* are these. The first is the *archistrategus*; the second indeed has many sacred and divine images of pontiffs and prelates of the Church; another is a cross, having (for it must be read from the manuscript codex of Doctor Georgius Lautherius, ἄλλο σταυρὸς ἔχων) images of the four great 284 martyrs, Demetrius, Procopius, and of the two Theodores (for it must be read in the plural Θεοδώρων, as the manuscripts have it). Another having (ἔχων) Saint George the horseman. Another dracontine, and another having an equestrian statue of the Emperor." That this is the true interpretation, anyone who pays even the slightest attention to the meaning will admit: for Curopalata, first wishing to enumerate what these *flammula* are, says "These, however, are as follows," and afterwards he lists them individually. He says: "The first is the *archistrategus*," not "the *archistrategus* carries." For Curopalata does not have "carries" here; but rather, the first is, or is called, the *archistrategus*, from the image of the Lord Michael, which is expressed and depicted upon that *flammula*. Hence the archangel gave his name to the entire *flammula*, so that it is called the *archistrategus*. For St. Michael is called the *archistrategus* by the Greeks as if he were the prince of the celestial militia. He is so named 1) by the Emperor Emmanuel, *Constitution on Holidays*: "Let us keep holiday, he says, on the sixth of September, because on that day the miracle of the archistrategus Michael at Chonae is performed." B
Note of Gretser on p. 48.
Michael, the leader of the celestial and terrestrial militia and the prince of all leaders, is for that reason saluted by the soldiers and by the common people (for he is known to the common folk by this name alone) as *taxiarchus*; in whose name a church at Sosthenion, outside the walls, was dedicated by Constantine, whose protection, by which the Queen of Cities was more than once snatched from the insult of the barbarians, Damascenus the Studite subdeacon reports in the vernacular sermon on his feast day, which Justinianus depicted as the guardian of the great and most celebrated temple of St. Sophia "in the narthex, where indeed the foremost and greatest of the archangels standing before God, Michael, is set up, holding a drawn sword, with fine inlays of tesserae, a guardian placed before the temple," says Nicetas in *Alexius II*. Whom the prelates of the sacred rites, at the doors of the sacred tribunal, do not depict as an executioner, but rather as one inviting men to paradise, and not only do they depict him, but they venerate him, tremble before him, and pray to him, as we have explained in the *Euchologion*; whom, finally, the Greek emperors held to have been given to them as the defender of the empire, along with his associate Gabriel, where, just as our author hints in c. 4, and as the cited Damascenus acknowledges, they permitted his image to be carried, flanked on either side by these two sacred 285 taxiarchs: his name, I say, was the first and primary one to which the *flammula* of the empire was consecrated, and it is called the *archistrategus*. 2) Cedrenus, in the reign of Basil the Macedonian: "He renovated the great temple of the archistrategus at Sosthenion." 3) Nicetas Choniates, book 1, on the reign of Isaac Angelus: "Wishing to repair also the temple of the archistrategus of the upper ranks, Michael, on the Bosphorus." In the same book: "To the famous temple of the archistrategus of the divine and immaterial powers, Michael." The same author, book 4, on the reign of Manuel. Finally, with the same name of *archistrategus*, the Greeks, who have written encomia to him and consigned to writing the miracles performed by him, describe St. Michael. Therefore, since the signs and standards that Curopalata commemorates were adorned with images of the celestials, it is absolutely required that the first one should also be distinguished by some image, and it was distinguished by no other than that of the *archistrategus* of the militia.Note of Goar: "Having many images."
If more images of pontiffs are depicted on that standard of theirs—those whom they worship more devoutly and invoke more frequently in public prayers, namely the great Basil, Gregory the Theologian, John Chrysostom, Athanasius, Cyril of Alexandria, and Nicholas of Myra—it is beyond doubt to me that they were placed there; and certainly, on an eight-pointed standard of this kind, one for each of the eight points, I believe eight are depicted, and that Gregory, who was not a little celebrated by them, succeeded the earlier ones.Note of Gretser: "Of the hierarchs."
Nor does Junius err any less when he wishes that word to be the same as "prince of the sacred rites," as if, namely, the prince of the sacred rites were to carry that standard. Nonsense. For *hierarchon* is the genitive plural case from the nominative *hierarches*, which word denotes a prelate, bishop, or pontiff. "Of Nicholas the famous among the hierarchs, this beautiful temple," says Cedrenus in the reign of Basil. Therefore the hierarch of Constantinople was the patriarch of the same city; who would believe that he carried the *flammula* or standard for the Emperor, unless Junius could prove it from elsewhere?Note on octapodion
The modern usage of speech calls a polypus fish an *octapodion*. That standard, divided at the bottom into cut sections called *ektaglosson*, po...poly- A podion, and referring to the form of its tentacles, has received the name *octapodion* from the common people.
Ibid. [Cross bearing images]. I consider a cross brought into camps and conflicts of this kind to be the same as those that I recall having seen to be adored in sacred processions or in churches. They are wooden (the Turkish rapacity has eliminated the silver and gold plates), and at their extreme branches, even though they are wide, still wider figures of trefoils stand out, on which sometimes the chest and face of the four evangelists, or on both sides the Mother of God and St. John or others, are inscribed in various colors, delineated previously in the middle of the crucifixion form. Why would this cross bearing (on its extremities) the images of the four great holy martyrs not appear equally? The patriarch of Constantinople bears a cross such as I describe here, depicted in images or dispersed throughout this work of Codinus and his commentaries.
B [Of Demetrius, Procopius and the Theodores]. The East used to invoke Demetrius, Procopius—the *kallinikoi*—and the Theodores, as commanders once renowned in arms, associates in arms, and protectors in wars, and according to Cedrenus, they were called one a commander and the other a recruit. The first, Demetrius the *flambourared* [standard-bearer] and governor of Thessaly, suffered as a martyr under Maximianus at Thessalonica, where his body, overflowing with sacred liquid, also teems with the constant flows of miracles. He is invoked by those setting out for battle, and assists the combatants with his protection; nor is it called into doubt what he contributed to the Thessalonians when they were surrounded by the siege of the Bulgar Alusian and anointed with the oil emanating from his sepulchre. The martyr Demetrius was a leader of the Roman army, says Cedrenus in [the life of] Michael Paphlagon, and leveled a path, which the captive Bulgarians confirmed by oath, saying they had seen a young horseman, who was leading the Roman phalanx, from whom fire leaped forth and consumed the opposing enemies. The second, Procopius, a leader famous in militia, was of Alexandria, as the Synaxarion asserts in the same words on July 8: "Rejoice, ornament of martyrs, stronghold of kings," the Greek Church sings at his feast. The third was Theodore the *stratēlatēs* [general], master of the horse under Licinius, from whom he suffered the death inflicted upon him: from then on, he began to favor the Roman arms from heaven, and in the time of John Tzimiskes he was the author of such a great slaughter of Scythians fighting against the Greeks that Tzimiskes, intending to render him thanks for the help provided, destroyed the temple in which he was buried, and adorned another more magnificent one—constructed and endowed with ample revenues from possessed estates—and, having suppressed the name of Euchaneia, called the city Theodoropolis. Cedrenus, from whom these were plucked, adds: indeed, this emperor was accustomed to use these patrons and scouts always against his enemies. And not rashly: for the martyr was seen manifestly to bring aid, to disturb the hostile columns, and to show himself a leader of most excellent victory. The last is another Theodore, called the recruit, not because he was being trained in the rudimentary exercise of arms, but because he was promoted to centurion in the cohort called the recruits'. Damascenus the subdeacon [says]: ...and he himself was one in the rank that was named *tyrōnes*, as if you would say a centurion. In the order of recruits, he was numbered as the foremost, just as if you would say "centurion." The author is thus spoken of in the common idiom. GOAR.]
P. 48. That *of the Theodores* is of both Saint Theodore the martyr, the commander, and the recruit. The Greeks celebrate the former's feast on June 8, the latter's on February 17. And for this recruit, there exists a most beautiful oration by St. Gregory of Nyssa. GRETS.
Ibid. [George on horseback]. The Greeks always paint George—a commander most well-known in the past, now attributed to the saints through having endured martyrdom—as an equestrian; since he was often seen as a *kaballārēs* [cavalryman] on a white horse, or a *leukoforos kaballarios* on a white horse. Damascenus, cited in the *Thesaurus*. Regarding George and Theodore, the saints of the Greeks, [see] Nicetas, Manuel Comnenus, book VI.
Ibid. 5. [Dragon-standards]. When, with the eagles, the dragons were also carried into battle among the standards, especially as the empire was falling. Dempster teaches this at the end of his *Roman Antiquities*. Regarding which, Suidas in the entry *Sēmeia*: "What they carry in war are fabrics variegated with dye, which are likened mostly to the shape of serpents, and they are suspended from poles and spears." Marcellinus had described this previously, book XVI: "Under purple coverings, woven dragons encompassed them, tied to the golden and jeweled summits of spears, breathing with a vast opening, and hissing as if incited by rage, and leaving the volumes of their tails to the wind." GOAR.
To these imperial flamula or banners, on account of the kinship of the name, add the banner of St. Dionysius, called in French the *oriflamme*, which the kings of France, with the highest religion, used to take with them on expeditions, regarding which see the deeds of Louis, king of the French, fol. 138, 144, and Rigord on the deeds of King Philip Augustus, fol. 186, ed. Pithou.
I cannot here pass over in silence the sinister and abject judgment of Nicephorus Gregoras, book VII, regarding the Latin marchioni, whom he says are not famous among the Latins, but hold that degree of dignity which [the man] who holds the imperial banner in the armies holds among the Romans (Constantinopolitans), and that this attribute is perpetual for a marchio, that he carries the banner before a new emperor. Namely, the marchioni of Montferrat, of Misnia, of Brandenburg and the like among the Latins were of no greater dignity than a lampadarius or he who carried the *divellion* or the imperial *flammula* before the emperor among the Greeks; nor do the marchioni, or as the Greeks call them, *marcesii*, have this name from a banner or *bandum*, but from the defending of borders. For *Mark* in German is a border. For they were prefects for defending the borders, who in the progress of time emerged to the most ample wealth and the widest principalities: for how much and how powerful [is] the marchio of Brandenburg, the marchio of Baden, the marchio of Ansbach, the marchio of Moravia, the marchio of Burgau, and others? Even Nicetas Choniates himself, book VII of his deeds of Manuel, was forced to acknowledge and proclaim the nobility and power of the *marchesius* of Montferrat. GRETS.
Ibid. [Of the despots, and of the lords...
A in those centuries these things were written, by which not only kings and princes, but even the nobler knights of some standard or banner sought the honor of being carried. Hence the noble Frankish knights, standard-bearers, *chevaliers bannerets*. Leo, *Tacticorum* const. 5: The rank and file knights had small banners on their lances. The same Leo: They also fastened smaller streamers to their shoulders: Zonaras on Phocas: Phocas immediately proclaimed his wife Leontia Augusta, the tribes being present. Then, because a doubt arose in the places where they stood, the Greens and the Veneti began to revolt against one another. Phocas, having sent some men, attempted to incite the riot for them. Therefore, when one of those sent insulted the demarch of the Greens and pushed him, the people, unable to bear it, shouted these things. And below: B Being at a circus-game, he watched with the statues of himself and the statues of Priscus and his wife, Domentia, standing there; and having become enraged, he ordered the demarchs to be beheaded; but at the entreaty of the tribes, he scarcely released them. "Welcome, peerless factor." ... Protopolite. [Of the demarchs. For at that time, when the tribes held power in the circuses, and conducted them whenever and however they wished, from their own expenses, as they also possessed houses and stables—even now preserved—and incomes for the sake of the circus games, and the king was summoned and had no authority over this, many seditious and absurd things happened to occur during the time of the circus games, some siding with the tribe of the Veneti, others with the party of the Greens. In some times, even civil wars were brought to bear between the opposing sides, and the citizens uttered shameless steps against the royal elevation, as this is depicted from various chronicles. Tribes... citizens, demarchs... as it were, governors of the tribes. The emperor, having summoned the demarchs to the palace, whom the multitude is accustomed to call governors of the tribes (their names being Sergius and Cosmas), inquired of the demarchs in detail concerning the number. Now Sergius C... [alt-version omitted] ... [Of the demarchs. For at that time, when the tribes held power in the circuses... and indeed as we read and as Theophanes and Cedrenus write, are called) parties, I say, the heads or leaders and as it were they were heard, and they counted the popular ones subject to them or those well-affected, or even sometimes led them to the tumults and seditions which arose throughout the city. Simocatta VIII, 7: D [The Greeks have a devotion toward the vicar of communion, the blessed bread, so that if one is not a participant of the sacraments, he himself, even the emperor, as you see here, receives it in church from the hand of the priest after the sacred rites are finished. Of this, we [write] in the *Euchologia*. GOAR.]
P. 48. *Antidorum*. Junius improperly [calls it] a mutual gift. Nothing is better than to retain the Greek name itself. It was the bread from which the portion for the fulfillment of the Eucharist had been cut, and which had been carried through the temple before the liturgy. This, when the liturgy was finished, was distributed to those present for the sake of a blessing, so that those who had not been participants of the Eucharist might at least participate in this blessed bread. GRETS.
P. 49. *Peguiole*, in German *spielleute*. GRETS. [The common people pronounce more corruptly *paignidiōtas*, that is to say, those who play on musical instruments, and either pluck or blow them.]
Ibid. [Theodotus writes *bukkinatores* in *Jure Gr.* Choniates *bukanon*, others *bukinon*. GOAR.]
Ibid. *Surulistae* from the musical instrument *surullion*. Whether Junius rightly explains this in his annotations, who will make us certain? GRETS. [Symphoniaci, cornet-players, players of cornets to a mouthpiece. *Symphoniaca* or musical horns, with which even today the religious Dervish Turks play; the Greeks call them *souralia* and the Dervish players of such instruments *souralistas*, as I...]
A am inclined to believe, the name is less corrupted.
*Ib. [Of the swords] upon their shoulders.* You may find these on one occasion called *pelekypaphorous* (axe-bearers); they were accustomed to carry two-edged axes before the Emperor on their shoulders. Anna, *Alexiad*, Bk. IV: "He restrained those who carried the differently-shaped swords upon their shoulders." Nicetas, in *Alexius*, I: "And from this point, some of the guards lowered the differently-shaped swords [that had been] upon their shoulders." Anna, again, II: "He gathered those who brandished the swords upon their shoulders." GOAR.]
*Ib. Bēlothyra.* Below, when the coronation of the Emperor is discussed, the same name occurs several times, composed of the Latin *velum* and the Greek *thyra*, meaning a veil or shutter, which serves in the place of a door. Meursius objects: "It is not a shutter, by a degenerate Roman verb, but a *parapetasma* (curtain), which, being drawn back like a door, lets those who pass through it move along." The scholiast on Aristophanes for the *Frogs*: "With *parapetasma* for the tents, for the Persian *bēloi* or *bēlothyra*." But I do not see why *bēlothyra* cannot be both: a veil for a door, as the name itself indicates, and a veil in the place of a door. It occurs even in the History of the Pontiffs by Anastasius, in Stephen VI: "He made four *velothyra*." He contributed three silk *velothyra* in the circuit of the altar. Where, absolutely, it seems to be taken for a hanging curtain. In the same place, for *prothymon*, another Bavarian codex has *bēlothyron*, and in my judgment, more correctly. GRETS.
B crowning them, reported that the sceptres had fallen, as being not royal sceptres, but warlike standards and ensigns, as a sign of subjection and an argument of obedience toward the recently crowned Basil. From which we call the smaller ensigns *sceptra*; just as the larger ones are called *banda*; yet both are signs of royal honor and of the armies. I confess to the most illustrious Cyril, Prelate of Trebizond, and to Anthony Cralis, Reader of Constantinople, who interpret *pilatikia*—and therefore sceptres—as maces of gold and silver customarily carried before princes, that the above does not altogether displease me: but since *pilatikia* of the head, which we explain on page 54, are written as *marellia ek syrmatos*, which denote nothing but cloths woven with gold, and the solid maces of gold or silver could not conveniently hang from the neck in the palm-sized bulk described, the equitable reader will choose which of the proposed opinions is more certain. Certainly, since C they sometimes read *pilatikia* as royal, and because they are forced to interpret them as maces—the "iron hand-held *pilatikia*" in Nicetas, *Manuel*, 1. 5—this second opinion is received by me as more equitable. GOAR.]
*Ibid.* [The author calls *pilatikia* cloths of a palm’s length—of the measure, indeed, from the thumb to the little finger with the hand extended—and of the width of the hand itself, namely four fingers. Thus, this chapter on page 54 demonstrates such *pilatikia* to be *ta phyllia*. Therefore they were fixed to a shaft. That shaft, or rather spear, upon which the *pilatikion* is placed, is what is called a "sceptre." Therefore, in one word, a *pilatikion* is a slender ensign (a *banderole*) attached to a spear or rod. Theophanes confirms this explanation, where, for "sceptres," which our author here calls *pilatikia*, he assigns the meaning of ensigns: "Leo sent Mane with the royal honor and armies and sceptres, and *banda* to Jerusalem." See how [the term] "sceptre" here refers to nothing of the sort; for what did the ancient emperors carry or send as sceptres? Or what custom known to the Roman leaders taught this? *Triodion*: "At the presence of the Emperor, his ensigns and sceptres go before him." It is added: "Christ, about to go forth with glory through the day of the Resurrection, sends his sceptre, the royal ensign, the life-giving Cross." Observe the *sceptre* composed with the *ensign*, and as though it were brought forth as a sign of one principle and an argument of royal majesty. Theophanes in *Leo Copronymus*: "The Queen Irene went forth, following the emperors, being preceded by the sceptres through the schools." The schools carried sceptres as if they were their own around Irene; but sceptres are not so well suited to the schools as *banda* and ensigns are. Theophanes again, in *Michael, son of Theophilus*: "he [sent] Basil with his own hands..."
*Ibid.* D *P. 50. Zōphion* is an animal, like a fly, a worm, or a spider. Junius published it as *zōphion*, and quite foolishly says it is Arabic, and more foolishly still interprets this Arabic *zōphion* of his own.
*Ibid.* To attain the ancient notion of the diadem, look at the coins, which, just as others have published them, I also [published] in Vol. III, *On the Holy Cross*, 1. 1. Notable, however, are these things that are reported here regarding the distinction between the diadem and the *stemma* and the military belt, and therefore the torque. GRETS.
*Ibid.* [A "Saccus" is a garment proper to the Emperor, as it is to the patriarch. We have described each [in our work] with bronze figures and at our own expense in the *Euchologion*. It remains for us to delineate this in words with little wisdom. A tunic reaching to the ankles, covering the whole body from shaggy silk, not playing with the waves of folds around it, nor moved, but rather somewhat narrow, not permitting free steps as it seems, 290 and finally referring to the shape of a sack, it is a *saccus*. The Tilian manuscript, the Royal [manuscript] of St. Denis—representing the whole effigy of Manuel, the last of the emperors, and of John his son—tints it with a red color; the other [tints it] with violet. Both are considered purple and befit the emperor. GOAR.]
*Ib. Phyale*. It is written thus in Codinus. The whole word is *phyalion*, a veil. Learned men—that is, Junius—say the Glossarium interprets this as a diaphanous linen. I do not agree. Later, less refined Greeks, by their pronunciation and *platysmus*, thus uttered the *velum* of the Latins. The Germans also call the sacred veil with which nuns are veiled *ein weihel* or *weit*, the origin of which from the little word *velum* is manifest. GRETS.
[*Phyale*: George Coresius of Chios writes to me about this, and calls it a "multicolored, woven and plaited head-covering," a covering of the head interwoven with various colors. Whether on account of feathers, or hovering and mobile gems, the *phyale* might have been a fountain-like mechanism erupting a deluge of waters from above]
A *Others, he says, having removed the smoky and pyramidal covering from his head, placed a fiery one upon him, and others clothed him in the imperial garment.* GOAR.
P.51. [*Tropæuchia* from *tropæum* or *trophæum*]. GRETS. [This word denotes triumphs, and not undeservedly: for it refers to that august and prominent head-covering, white and adorned with gems, with which emperors used to rejoice over a victory gained. Coresius in his rescripts. GOAR.]
B ...what sort of head-covering he used appears in some way from ancient coins, some of which we have proposed for the reader to examine in Vol. III, *De S. Cruce*, 1, 20. In the same place I said that the form of the *Justinianum* is that which the ancient coin reproduced there exhibits. Nic. Alemannus disapproves of this in his commentary on the *Secret History* of Procopius, because before Justinian, Theodosius, Marcianus, Leo, Zeno, Anastasius, and Justin wore the same crest upon their helmets, as appears on their coins; and this is what Codinus himself affirms to be called *tropæuchia*. But just as Justinian ambitiously named entire cities and other things after himself, having extinguished the ancient appellations, so too he could impose his own name on this head-covering, even if it had also been used by his predecessors. Yet this Justinian diadem was not military or martial, but civic; which he used both in sacred rites and in churches. But Codinus also sufficiently indicates that both the *tropæuchia* and the *Justinianum* and other things were worn by the emperor’s choice both at home and elsewhere: for he says: "On the head are different coverings, sometimes that called the *tropæuchia*, sometimes the *Justinianum*, and in others the *hyperpyron*, etc. From such coverings the emperor wears whatever he pleases." From these words of Codinus, it is clear that the emperor had various head-coverings, and at his own pleasure used now this one, now that. Alemannus presents us the form of the *Justinianum* from a certain panel which exists as a mosaic work in Ravenna: I would not deny that Justinian used such a head-covering, but that this is the *Justinianum* itself cannot be proved from that panel. GRETS.
291 [Regarding the *calyptra* received from Justinian, his coins and the ancient monuments of statues, if any survive, will teach more clearly in writings. GOAR.] Ibid. For *hyperpyron* I would gladly read *hyperpyron* (flaming), so that it might be a head-covering like a flaming fire. GRETS. [*Calyptras*. Cedrenus seems to have alluded to its name and figure in the life of Basil: *He celebrated a triumph wearing a golden crown having a crest above*. Gretser suggests that *hyperpyron* should be read. Not ignorantly, by Hercules. For the same Coresius reads while rewriting: *The hyperpyron* is a covering of the head, an omen of the shedding of hostile blood, a sign of royal fury about to proceed against adversaries, dyed with exceptional purple, with which emperors veiled themselves either in time of war or in the conflict itself. Nicetas wished this to be understood by the name of *tupha*, when...]
C To the head-coverings which the emperor wears on his head, add also that which Georgius Acropolita, the Great Logothete, calls a *pyramid* in his chronicle, where he deals with the Emperor Isaac defeated by the Bulgarians, p. 22: *And at this time, he says, the Bulgarians, having acquired such great spoils of the Romans, were behaving even more proudly and insolently: for they even took the more important of the imperial insignia; for they also took the pyramids of the emperor.* Regarding which the translator Theodorus Dousa writes: "A *pyramis* was a pointed cap, in the shape of a pyramid, the garment of Oriental princes." The author mentions it again later: *And he threw off his red sandals and the pearled pyramid, on which also a red stone sits, the imperial symbols.* Cantacuzenus, 4, 5, calls this cap or tiara by synecdoche, from the inserted pearl or precious stone, *the stone on the head*. And 4, 37, this same tiara is for Cantacuzenus *a cap adorned with stones*. It is a symbol of empire, 1, 5. Wherefore the one which the fugitive Emperor Andronicus Comnenus donned must have been different in form, even if it also bore the appearance of a pyramid: *For putting a barbarian cap on his head, which ended in a point and was likened to a pyramid, he entered the imperial galley again*, as Nicetas says. It is necessary that there should have been a difference between this barbarian pyramidal cap and the other imperial one, since Andronicus assumed this barbarian one so as not to be recognized as emperor: just as also those turban-like caps, *having the shape of a pyramid*, which the nobles used in the Constantinopolitan court, were certainly distinct from the emperor's *calyptra* or coverings that were peaked into a pyramid. See Gregoras at the end of his *History*.
The Greeks, having received it from the Latins at Constantinople, found among the symbols of Emperor Baldwin II a *calyptra* consisting of the form used by the Latins and distinguished by pearls with a reddish stone on the top of the head, as Leunclavius writes in the *Pandect* from an unpublished Greek *Praetor* history.
Basil Porphyrogenitus according to Zonaras [triumphed] *wearing a high tiara, which the common people call 'tupha'; and he was a great man*, says Zonaras. He adds an etymology, I know not how truly: *I think it was named 'typhon' because it makes those who are adorned with it to flourish* (or "to be puffed up"). D Which is a more pious than true origin. Cedrenus concerning the same triumph of this same Basil: *He celebrated a triumph wearing a golden crown having a crest above.* The crest is surely a crown on account of the *tupha* or flame, by which he was distinguished, which Cedrenus calls a "crest," on account of which the populace applied the name of *tupha* to that tiara. GRETS.
P. 51. [*Stauron*. There are two imperial scepters]
A After receiving the cross as a token of piety, and the *acakia*—which is earth, signifying the transitory nature of rule and the humility that comes therefrom—he also receives a rod, not one that is heavy or harsh, but light and soft, because of its disciplinary nature, being mild and not irascible, nor corruptive, nor crushing and destroying. It is a gilded wooden staff, like that of the emperor. *Dikanikion* [A thing resembling a codex, given with the *mandylion*. A purple cloth containing soil inside, and it is called *akakia*. On the left hand he carries a purple cloth, resembling a codex, tied with a *mandylion*; dust, sand, soil, the companions, as many as [those] from the soil. There were no more than three hundred soldiers, and of these from the soil. Sandals, red, dyed with kermes, *tzaggai* *tzagkai*. Footwear reaching to the knee of a crimson color, which only the emperor of the Romans and Persians is permitted to wear. Woven of fine linen, and red sandals. He also puts on the purple robe and red sandals. Regarding indeed the head covering, among the former emperors it was the custom for those advanced in years to wear in the palace coverings that had the shape of a pyramid, and were covered with seric garments according to the rank of each, but as for those in the prime of life, all of these...] B *Stauron* and *narthex*, cross and ferula. Concerning these, Symeon, Bishop of Thessalonica: Furthermore, it is a remarkable thing that both the scepters of the emperors of Constantinople were merely of wood. Concerning the narthex, the matter is certain: the manuscript of St. Denis and the Royal manuscript attest to it by [depicting] Manuel holding it in his hand; for in it the rod of the cross is painted only in a citrine color, while the cross itself, fixed at the extremity, appears to be made of gold. The author also depicts the same thing in words that are clearer than any color, where he says above concerning the rod of the *primicerius* (c. 4, p. 19, v. 16): "his *dikanikion*," called *teian*. GOAR.] C Ib. Concerning the *blation* we have already spoken above (l. 11, c. 5, ad p. 18. GRETS.). Ibid. Even if the reader might not have seen the painted effigy of the Greek emperors, he would scarcely perceive these things. They receive a longer sash adorned with pearls, functioning as a stole, hanging down from the shoulders to the back, from the right side before the chest, and they place it over the left arm; on that part, where it touches the hand, a round pouch is attached and sewn, *kodiki eoikos*, intended certainly as a covering for a folded or rather rolled volume, which is that [the *akakia*]. But the sash or *blation*, resembling a somewhat oblong linen towel, also receives the appellation of *mandylion*. D When this has been observed and the figure of the emperor seen, it is manifest what it is that the emperor... Ib. *Koniamon*, [that is, dust,] and *choma* are distinguished in the judgment of those of our day. *Koniamon* is dust, sand; *choma* is fertile earth, suitable for salt and plants. Suidas: *choma*, *choun*. Hence an obscure passage in Anna Comnena (l. 11) receives light. She distinguishes foreign soldiers from those born of the soil, or, if you would speak better, strangers from indigenous people. She points to these latter, saying *hetairous*, as many as are born from their own soil. L. [passage regarding soldiers] is illustrated here. If, therefore, the covering held in the hands of the emperor contains *choma*, what else but earth—by the symbol of which humility is known—would you understand it to be? GOAR.] Ibid. What the *acacia* is, one may see with one's eyes in the images of the emperors prefixed to Nicephorus Gregoras, and on the coin of Theodosius the Great, which you have in tom. III *de S. Cruce* l. 1, although Baronius thinks that that object held by Theodosius the Great is a holy codex of the Gospels. In the same place, for *acacia* I suspected that *akia* should be read: but the vulgate writing can be retained, indeed, it ought to be; and *acacia* is innocence, and Acacius [the martyr]. The insignia of the emperor were also purple *pedila*, which are now called shoes, now sandals, now boots, now slippers. And indeed *erythra*, red, or dyed with kermes, [and they were] not without eagles: which were also called *tzaggai* or *tzagkai*, reaching to the knees, if one believes Procopius (l. *De aedificiis* of Justinian). In later times the same honor was granted to the prince of Bulgaria, among whose insignia was a golden crown, as is noted in John Curopalates regarding Tzimiskes, and the tiara, which in Zonaras is *phoinikobaphe* (crimson-dyed) and in Nicetas, in the life of John Comnenus, is *phoinikobaphe*. This same prince of the Bulgarians was called emperor by the Greeks, as is clear from the embassy of Liutprand to Nicephorus Phocas, by which name they did not deign to call even the emperor of the West, whom they designated *riga*. Constantine, the last emperor of Constantinople, was recognized among the heaps of the slain and the burial mounds by his purple and eagle-adorned shoes. Phranzes, 3, 18. Those *crepidas* *erythras*, as Gregoras calls them (l. 3), just like the purple robe, were immediately seized by those who invaded the empire. Wherefore, regarding Theodore Comnenus after the capture of Thessalonica, George Acropolita says in his *Chronicon*: "And he ably performed the imperial duties, by creating despots, sebastocrators, great domestics, protovestiaries, and others of that kind." From which, before all else, the invaders were deprived of the imperial scepter as soon as they came into the power of the legitimate lords. No one would take the imperial crown upon himself, but he received it in his coronation or inauguration from the patriarch. GRETS. P. 51. *Pilaticia* are fetched from the king of the Persians, or rather from the Medes, whose king and judges wore such *pilaticia* hanging from the neck as insignia of juridical honor and office. Whatever the case may be regarding the thing, the word seems to be Latin, from *pilus*, that is, a weapon. For the fact that Junius deduces it from Oriental languages, in which he says that *pilaticium* is a monument of investigation and most accurate knowledge, he did so lest we sit knowing how happily he formed *akakia* above from Arabic; [and] with no less felicity he brings us *pilati* from the East. See tom. I *de S. Cruce*, l. 13. Everywhere, however, one must write *pilatikion*, not *apilatikion*, [as referring to] a type of scepter which certain palace officials carried, just as many others [carried] the *dikanikion*, supra l. 2, c. 6. GRETS. At the end of the history: [...to have the head bare. G. 53. [Regarding those who recite the *prosphorous* verses. Under the...]]
vero etiam tecto capite palatium frequentasse. Versus ut celebratæ festivitati congruos, ita simul proprias imperatoris laudes et subditorum in illum vota capientes. Quorumdam hujusmodi sensum acerbiore in imperatorem Nicephorum motus bile retulit in sua legatione Luitprandus. Leo Grammaticus aut quivis alius in Leone Armenio: Observa musicos tomos a Græcis octo numerari, et ad singulorum inflexionem poetica opuscula referuntur decantata. Vide, si tanti est, Euchologium nostrum v. ἦχος. Ibid. [Pronuntiatis eorum nominibus nuncupantur vota, quorum forma hæc est ex Euchologio et aliis: Ὑπὲρ τῶν εὐσεβεστάτων θεοσέπτων καὶ φιλοχρίστων βασιλέων ἡμῶν ᾿Ανδρονίκου καὶ Μιχαὴλ τοῦ Κυρίου δεηθῶμεν. Εt Τῷ εὐσεβεστάτῳ καὶ φιλοχρίστῳ δεσπότῃ ἡμῶν ᾿Ανδρονίκῳ πολλὰ τὰ ἔτη. Κἀγὼ εὐφημεῖσθαι ἔμελλον. Κωνσταντῖνον καὶ ᾿Ανναν ἐν ταυτῷ ἐξεφώνουν ἐν τοῖς εὐφημίας καιροῖς οἱ τῆς εὐφημίας προεξάρχοντες. GOAR.] B P. 56. [Pro muneris more certum cultum imperatori palatini proceres exhibuere. Phranzi in logothetam clam instituto dicit imperator apud Pontanum interpretem: Tu magnus logothela esto: tantum ne me pro more officii tui adores. GOAR.]
Ib. Potestatus, ab Italico *potesta*, et hoc a Latino *potestas*, significat præfectum seu præsidem seu prætorem, qualis et iste Genuensium erat. Prolixa quidem, at huic loco congrua Gregoræ narratio, quam 295 habet 4, 9. Singulis diebus Dominicis ad imperatorem colendum Genuenses Venetosque in palatium convenisse testatur Cantacuzenus 1, 12. De Pisanis CP. habitantibus iterum sermo fit a Niceta Alexii tertii 1. 3.
Ib. v. 19. Colicium seu collicium, idem quod πόλις et κόλλαβος, nempe genus quoddam panis rotundi, ut inquit Junius, et delicati. GRETS. [Κολίκιον panis rotundus ac in coronæ modum contortus. GOAR.]
P. 57. Κόνσουλος ex Latino *consul*. Ita vocabatur qui Pisanis Cpoli præerat. Eodem nomine Anconitani suum præfectum salutabant. Et hodie Tripoli Alexandriæ Cairi seu Memphi mercatores et negotiatores Gallici suos habent consules.
Ib. Virgo hodie. Contacium hoc fecit Romanus melodus contaciorum auctor, et exstat in Menæo 25 Decembris. Integrum ita habet:
Ἡ Παρθένος σήμερον τὸν ὑπερούσιον τίκτει, Καὶ ἡ γῆ τὸ σπήλαιον τῷ ἀπροσίτῳ προσάγει. "Αγγελοι μετὰ ποιμένων δοξολογοῦσι, Μάγοι δὲ μετὰ ἀστέρος ὁδοιποροῦσι· Δι' ἡμᾶς γὰρ ἐγεννήθη παιδίον νέον, ὁ πρὸ αἰώνων C Θεός.
P. 58. Μίνσος a Latino *missus*. Ferculum verti, quia *missus* non sunt Latinis singula fercula, sed ferculorum quamplurium illatio et appositio. Hic autem singulis singula tradebantur fercula, non integri *missus*. GRETS.
[Joannes Citri in Respons. Juris GR. 1. 5: Μίνσον τὸ καθ' Ἕλληνας μὲν τὸ κανοῦν δηλοῖ, κατὰ δὲ τὴν Ἰταλὴν γλῶσσαν τὸ πεπραγμένον τοῖς ὀψοποιοῖς ἐδεστόν. Κατὰ τοῦτο γὰρ τὰ ἐν ταῖς τραπέζαις ἐφαπλούμενα ὀθόνια μινσάλια λέγονται, οἷα πρὸς κόσμον τῆς τραπέζης καὶ τῶν μίνσων τιθέμενα. Quam opipare porro μίνσους sive fercula e sua mensa distribuerit Isaacius Angelus, declarat Nicetas p. 579 GOAR.]
Ib. Βρύσας vel βρύση fons est, a βρύω quod est scaturio. Hinc βρύσις, quasi dicas scaturitio. GRETS.
[Βρύσην dicunt communius fontem. Glossæ Græcobarb. ᾿Αργύρου κρῆναι λαλοῦσιν, ἤγουν αἱ βρύσαι τοῦ ἀσημίου λαλοῦσιν. Curopalates refert locum dictum, ubi ab effossis Basilacii oculis sanguinis fontes eruperunt. GOAR.]
Ib. Μετὰ τὸ δεῖπνον. Post cœnam, melius quam post prandium, ut Junius, quia mensa illa vere D
A cœna erat: erat enim jejunium vigilia Nativitatis Domini.
P. 59. Postero die. Hactenus percensuit Codinus quid in vigilia nativitatis fieri consueverit: nunc quid in ipso festo agatur, exponit. GRETS.
Ib.
Τὴν τεσσαρακοστήν
. Christ's nativity is preceded by a strict fast extended over forty days, as demanded by monastic rules and the pious devotion of some. The common people call that fast *sarantamēron*, while more correct language calls it *tessaranthēmeron*. I observe that the author calls it *Tessarakostē*; but I, Goar, note that to distinguish this time of abstinence, which precedes the Paschal solemnities, from the *agia kai megalē tessarakostē* (the holy and great Forty Days), it is called purely and altogether a fast. GOAR.]Ib. The Greeks were accustomed to precede not only Pascha but other principal feasts, such as the Nativity of the Lord, with a forty-day period—not a forty-day period in reality, but in name only, as it was limited to but a few days of fasting. You may learn this from Balsamon, who writes as follows in his response to the 53rd Question of Mark, Patriarch of Alexandria: “We maintain that fasts must necessarily precede these four feasts, namely the feast of the holy apostles, the Nativity of Christ, the Transfiguration of Christ and our God, and the Dormition of the holy Theotokos, but only for seven days. For there is but one forty-day fast, that of Holy and Great Pascha. However, if anyone fasts for more than than 7 days around the feast of the holy apostles or the feast of Christ's Nativity, whether of his own accord or moved by the rule of his order, he shall not be chided. How and why we must fast before each of these four feasts is declared in the synodal decision we have made regarding it. Therefore, those who do not fast before each of these four feasts will be corrected with great penalties, without any excuse whatsoever.” Balsamon reports the same in his responses to the questions of certain monks, which exist after the Nomocanon of Photius.
The Greeks complained that these fasts were not observed by the Latins, and therefore that harmony could not be entered into with them, even in part. “All institutions and customs are altogether different,” says Mark of Ephesus, “the fasts, the ecclesiastical rites, and the like. What unity is there, then, where no open and manifest sign appears? And how are those united who wish to retain their own ways?” For they gave their assent to union under this law, although they departed from the traditions of the Fathers. Gregory the Protosyncellus responds to this in his *Apology for the Council of Florence*, which exists at the end of the same Florentine council in the Roman Greek-Latin edition: “Therefore, this excellent man is clearly ignorant that various customs are observed even in this great city of Constantinople, and that there are diversities of fasts and ecclesiastical rites. For before the Nativity of Christ, there are those who begin the fast on November 15, others on December 6, and others on the 20th; furthermore, in honor of the Ascension of Christ, some begin fasting from the Kalends of May, and other fasts are observed by others.” B For even in the time of the holy and great Quadragesima, many eat fish on Saturdays and Sundays, and on other days as well; there are even some who abstain from them entirely. What then? Shall we say that they differ among themselves even in faith? In ecclesiastical rites, too, the custom is varied: for the Great Church of Constantinople uses one manner in celebrating the offices, the major monasteries another, those adjusted for quiet another, and finally the churches of the secular clergy another. Indeed, even the Tabennesiotes in one and the same monastery had various modes of fasting and psalmody—some fasting for two days, others for a week, and the former chanting sacred hymns at vespers, while the latter did so at midnight; this even occurred in the monastery of the Acoemetae.
Gregory adds, 297: Moreover, it would have been surprising why this man did not blame the diversity of language and the various kinds of clothing, or why they bend their knees when they adore and pray, keeping the custom of antiquity, while we do not.
Furthermore, those who preceded the Nativity with a full forty days began from the 14th day of November, such as the monks, whom a peculiar rule obliged to this. “Monks,” says Balsamon, “who are compelled by the constitutions of their foundations to fast more, namely from the feast of All Saints and from the 14th of November, will be forced to follow the statutes of their foundations even against their will, since this is canonical and salutary; just as laymen, who fast in this way of their own accord, will be held worthy of praise and thanksgiving.” What he says about the feast of All Saints must be referred to the fast C before the feast of all the apostles, which the Greeks celebrate on the last day of June, whose beginning was the feast of All Saints, which the Greeks celebrate on the first Sunday after Pentecost: but since Pentecost is a movable feast, the feast of All Saints is necessarily also a movable feast among the Greeks, occurring now in May, now in June. Whence it happens that this fast before the apostles' feast is sometimes shorter even among the monks, and sometimes longer: shorter, if Pentecost has fallen in June; longer, if in May. See the *Typikon of St. Sabas*.
It must also be observed that the Greeks commemorate all the faithful departed on the Thursday before Pentecost, as is evident from the ritual book of Nicephorus, which is entitled the *Pentecostarion*. GRETS.
Ibid.
Ἀπόκρεων
, *carnispririum* (meat-fare), the Greeks have one more celebrated day, the Sunday of Sexagesima, and *kreophagou* (meat-eating) day, if one might so speak, before the solemn feast of Pascha. But since they are bound by a law set long ago and accepted by long usage, which anticipates every remembrance, to precede the participation in the sacred mysteries of the body and blood of Christ with a fast of at least seven or five days, they do not count one *apokreōn* or *kreophagou* day per year, but four, as is the more common usage. The former is celebrated before the feasts of the Nativity and the Resurrection of Christ, as well as the Dormition of the Theotokos; the latter is observed as often as they begin the fast before the aforementioned solemnities because of the communion that is to follow. Tomus 11A In which Junius, following Calepinus, finds *edaphos*—is this meant to signify a table?
*Ibid.* *Minsalion*, a table-cloth. Citrius says in his *Responses*: "And the cloths spread upon the tables are called *minsalia*, as they are placed for the adornment of the table and the meals."
P. 65. For *isopedion* one should read *suppedium*, a footstool for the feet, used by Nicetas Choniates and others, as Meursius teaches in his Lexicon. It is also written... and... [GRETS].
*Ibid.* [I wonder why Gretser did not leave the first and genuine reading, *isopedion*. Is it not proper that Greek authors should use Greek terms rather than Latin ones? *Souppedion* is indeed a Latin word, or a Greek word, which the Royal codices support by common consent. whichever you follow, you will interpret it as *suppedium* or a footstool for the feet, in place of which Nicetas, the more correct author, wrote *skimpodiskon* for a footstool in *Alexius II and Isaac Angelus*, in the status of CP. The former passage is... whose other reading substitutes... Another substitutes... others read... Meursius uses this same word, which confirms the Greek reading, as I have asserted. GOAR.]
C *Ibid.* *Panagiarium* and *panagia*. The former was the bowl in which the *panagia* was brought. But what of this latter? Junius is strange. He says that *panagia* is a barbaric word derived from the Latin *panis* and the Greek *agios*, signifying bread consecrated by priests; and that its use was imported into Greece by the Gauls: for it is the custom of the Gauls for bread to be consecrated by priests, the fragments of which they diligently preserve. Meursius says much the same, at least concerning the consecration, saying that the *panagia* is bread consecrated by priests. I would believe these things to be true, were the Greeks themselves not to prevent me from agreeing. For *panagia* is a Greek word, derived from a title of the Virgin, transferred to common bread because of a certain vision divinely offered; nor is the *panagia* consecrated by priests, but is believed to be full of heavenly blessing for another certain reason; nor did it come from the Gauls D to the Greeks, but from the apostles. All these things are clearly witnessed by the Greek Horologion, where these things concerning the *panagia* are held, with the following title prefixed: *Concerning the elevation of the panagia, how it happens, and why.* After the fearful resurrection of our Savior Jesus Christ and the descent of the Holy Spirit, and until the dispersion of the holy apostles for the preaching, all the apostles were of one accord, and after prayer, as they were reclining for a meal, they would leave a vacant space; in this they would place a cushion, and upon the cushion a portion of bread, from which they would eat in the portion of Christ; and after the meal, rising and giving thanks, they would take that piece of bread, which was called the portion of the Lord. And this is elevated
A in the following manner: "Glory to Thee, our God, glory to Thee; glory to the Father, and to the Son, and to the Holy Spirit." And instead of "Great is the name," they said "Christ is risen," until the Ascension. From that time forth, [they said] "Great is the name of the holy Trinity. Lord Jesus Christ, help me." These things were performed in this way, and each of them did this wherever he happened to be, until the dormition of the Theotokos. But when they held the universal gathering in the clouds for the translation of the Lady Theotokos, having performed the customary rites after her burial—that is, on the third day—they were offering consolation. After the meal, having risen and taken up the piece of bread designated in the name of Christ according to custom, and having invoked the great name, O marvelous wonder! the dead one, as if living, appeared to them in the air with a cloud and light-bearing angels standing by her, B saying, "Rejoice, for I am with you all the days," granting them this joyous message from the Son. The disciples, struck with wonder at the miracle, instead of "Lord Jesus Christ," cried out, "All-holy Theotokos, help us." Then, approaching the tomb and not finding her all-holy body, they were truly convinced that, having risen from the dead on the third day like her Son, she had ascended body and soul into the heavens, reigning with Christ unto the ages of ages, amen.
GRETSER AND GOAR'S NOTES
It might be possible to cast light on the Curopalates [Codinus], when they explain what *panagia* was, whence this name was received, how it was elevated, and when and by what words they were accustomed to do this. From the epithet of the most holy Virgin, therefore, which is "All-Holy" (*panagia*), comes (I say) the name *panagia* for the bread that was accustomed to be kept for Christ, and which they would afterwards religiously eat in pieces. The term *panagia* also passed to later Greeks. C GRETS.
[The Greeks, according to custom, call the Mother of God *Panagia*, as being holy in every respect and the holiest of all holy beings. A more religious practice also calls the bread that is to be eaten at the end of the meal by a certain rite, by the same name, *panagia*: the vessel, however, in which bread of this kind is stored or from which it is brought forth, [is called] *panagiárion*. The Emperor in the palace, monks in the monasteries, and the common people in churches or homes perform this rite: how the Emperor completes it, our author demonstrates in the following passages. The most learned Allatius describes monks practicing this devotion in his *Dissertatio* 1 *De lib. Eccl. Graec.*, in these words: "I will explain in a few words what this rite of the Greeks is, so that those who bring forth so many trifles might at last cease to be foolish. Before the monks proceed to the table, he onto whom this duty falls (they call him the *ephemerios*) divides the bread received in a disk or platter (they call it a *panagiárion*) into four equal parts in the likeness of a cross; he cuts a piece from the inner angle of the bread, moving the knife around, so that on one side the angle is pointed, and on the other, by the circular shape, it appears as an imperfect triangle; and thus, having cut it, [he leaves it] in its place together with the rest, D and he covers it with another part of the disk. For that disk is prepared with a hinge, joined on one side to the eye of the upper part, so that it might be enclosed like a case, or else with a veil. And thus he places it on the table, where only the abbot or the *prohegoumenos*—who had previously finished the abbot’s duty, or who holds the place of the abbot while he is absent—and whom they call *dikaion*, sits. When the meal is ended and the sign is given by the *kontion* (this is what they call the handbell made of bronze), all rise, and with prayers recited, the *ephemerios* lifts that disk with the bread, which is *panagia*. Afterwards, the *panagiárion* having been opened, and that piece cut from the bread having been turned so that the bare crumb is on top, he presents it to the abbot, who takes the crumb with his fingertips and, having placed it in his mouth, consumes it; then it is offered to the other monks in order, who in the same way take the crumb from the *panagiárion* and eat it. Then the abbot drinks the wine poured into the chalice, which all follow; and having offered thanks to God, they depart. This is the mode of elevating the *panagia*, although others prepare it in another way as well. For when laymen receive citizens with a solemn banquet, after the meal, they prepare a piece of bread on the right hand of a young man, though from the clergy, slightly contracted and placed on the left palm, and with prayers recited, the priest standing there first takes a crumb, then the young man suggests it to others; what remains he himself consumes in his hands with great veneration." These are his words; because I myself have proven this observed [rite], having received the permission of a most friendly man, I will append it. The table having been removed, he was present from the assembly of the brothers, who, after preliminary repentance—that is, reverence by the bowing of the body—said: "Bless, holy Fathers, forgive me, a sinner." With all responding "May God forgive, great is the name of the holy Trinity," he worships the image of the B. Virgin placed on the wall and, perfuming it with incense, takes the bread resting in the disk near the image with his fingertips and elevates it in the sight of all, saying "All-holy Theotokos, help us." All responded, "By her intercessions, O God, have mercy and save us." Others responded: "Great is the name of the holy Trinity." All then having been purified by the burning of incense, all consumed the divided morsel by the service of the refectorian; and they drank the common cup, blessed in the name of the Mother of God, with greater devotion. Whence the Greeks affirm that this rite proceeded, Gretser reported from their own opinion and books: we have appended the prayers in the *Euchologion*, to which we have amply added the entire exposition and mystical meaning, both from the prayers and the rite, from the writings of Symeon of Thessalonica. GOAR.]
"He carries the platter of the wine-cellar." The *oinochion* is a dish for wine. For this is the wine-cellar itself, whose cellarer was the butler. Therefore, he carried the platter of the wine-cellar, or the platter that was kept in the wine-cellar. Perhaps it should be read *oinochoeion*. GRETS.
Ibid. *Skoutelion*. [That dish or platter, I interpret, in which wine and water are served, and which is placed under the chin of the drinker for honor; *oinokerion*, however, to which this platter belongs, nowhere suggests a wine cellar to me, but a cup from which wine and water are to be drawn. Goar.]
Ib. *Granatza*. Here Junius again becomes entirely Syrian, as he does a little later on the word *lapatza*. Perhaps this garment was made of that precious cloth, shot with gold, which the Italians call *granitum*, as is found in book 1 of the *De canonizatione S. Didaci*, c. 20. Gretser.
Ibid. [*Granatza*. Concerning which Bullenger: A garment of the Constantinopolitan emperor is called *granatza*, that of other princes *lapatza*; *granatza*, indeed, is as it were a robe with loose and flowing sleeves, a shining garment, from two Syrian words *charana tzach*: in contrast, *lapatza*, for *lappa tzach*, is a constricted robe, because the sleeves were tight and drawn into the belt. The effigies of larger coins—which may be seen in Gretser, volume III, *De cruce*, fol. 92—depict the *granatza*. Goar.]
One might ask whether the emperor sat alone at the table. I answer that he ordinarily sat alone, yet he sometimes admitted others, such as the Augusta, his sons, officers of the court, and indeed ambassadors of various nations, as is clear from the embassy of Liutprand to Nicephorus Phocas. The emperor's table, as it is accustomed to be on special feast days, is graphically described by Liutprand, an eyewitness, in *Rerum per orbem gestarum*, book vi, c. 3: "There is a house," he says, "near the Hippodrome, toward the north, of marvelous height and beauty, which is called *decannea cubita*. This name was not assigned without reason, but from evident causes; for *deka* in Greek is 'ten' in Latin, *ennea* 'nine'; and we can call *cubita* from *cubando* (reclining), inclined or curved. But this is because nineteen tables are set out in it on the feast of the Nativity of our Lord Jesus Christ according to the flesh. At these, the emperor and his guests dine not by sitting, as on other days, but by reclining. On these days, they are served not with silver vessels, but only with gold. After the meal, three apples were brought in on golden vessels, which, because of their immense weight, were not brought by the hands of men but on carts covered in purple. Two are set down in this way: three ropes are let down from the vast openings of the ceiling, covered with gilded leathers and furnished with golden rings; these are placed upon the handles that protrude from the platters (read: *scutellis*), and with the help of four or more men below, by means of a winch that is above the ceiling, they are raised to the table, and in the same manner are set down." Thus Liutprand; but for *cubita* read *accubita*. Zonaras, on that 74th canon of the Council in Trullo concerning *accubita* to be spread: "The word *akoubita* is from the Latins (for *akoumbo* among the Romans means to recline), and it denotes couches spread out to a height, and soft ones. These are luxuries and comforts." Paulus Diaconus (302) mentions the same palace, which takes its name from nineteen *accubita* or dining-beds, in *De Leone*: "He celebrated the silence [*silentium*] against the holy and venerable fasts in the tribunal of nineteen accubita." Idem: "On the day after the Sabbath, the emperor went out to the tribunal of nineteen accubita." Idem: *In crastino Sabbati sancto exivit imperator in tribunalibus 19 accubita*. Codinus, lib. *De origin. CP.*: "And the nineteen *akoubita* and the coronation and the church of Saint Stephen."
The same Liutprand, vi, 2, concerning another palace called Magnaura: "There is at Constantinople a house contiguous to the palace, of marvelous size and beauty, which the Greeks call *Magnaura* from the location, as *magna aura* ('great breeze'), for a hall. This, therefore, Constantine ordered to be prepared in this way, both because of the Spanish envoys who had then recently arrived, and because of myself and Liutefredus. A tree of bronze, but gilded, stood before the emperor's eyes, whose branches were likewise filled with gilded birds of various kinds, which emitted the voices of various birds according to their species. But in the first place, the throne was so composed by art that at one moment it appeared low, and presently it seemed higher and almost sublime. And the seat, which was of immense size, was guarded by lions—whether of bronze or wood, covered in gold, it was uncertain. On the shoulders of two eunuchs, therefore, I was brought before the emperor's presence. And although the lions emitted a roar upon my arrival, and the birds chirped according to their species, I was moved by no terror and no admiration, since I had already inquired about all these things from those who knew them well. Therefore, having bowed and adored the emperor for the third time, I lifted my head, and him whom I had previously seen from a moderate distance sitting raised from the ground, I soon saw sitting at the ceiling of the house, dressed in other garments. How this was done I could not conceive, unless perhaps he was raised by that same mechanism by which the trees of the wine-press are raised. But I spoke nothing myself, because even if I had wished to, the great distance would have made it unseemly, and I inquired through the logothete concerning the life and health of Berengar."
There was another palace at Constantinople, to which the name *Porphyra* or 'purple' was given, destined for empresses who were parturient or giving birth. Anna Comnena, book vi of the *Alexiad*: "Alexius Comnenus returned home and found the empress in the dwelling long since set apart for those of the queens who were giving birth, and in the throes of labor. They have called this *Porphyra* from of old, from whence the name of the 'Porphyrogeniti' spread throughout the world." Liutprand, i, 2: "I do not call him 'Porphyrogenitus' from the purple, but because of the house that is called *Porphyra*. And since the matter has been brought into the open, let us bring forward what we have heard concerning the birth of this Porphyrogenitus. The Emperor Constantine Augustus, from whose name Constantinople took its origin, ordered this house to be built, to which he gave the name *Porphyra*, and he wished that the offspring of his nobility who was to succeed him should be brought into the light there, so that those who were born from his own stock might be called by this illustrious name, *Porphyrogeniti*." Others think they were called *porphyrogeniti* because they were born while their father was emperor and clothed in the imperial purple. Thus Zonaras on Constantine Ducas: "He left the empire to his three sons, whom he had by his wife Eugenia, Michael and Andronicus, when [he was] still in private life— [index: entries preserved]
A Christum, called the Epiphany or Theophany. And he adduces some testimonies, none of which are to the point. No one denies that the name of Theophany or Epiphany can also be attributed to the Nativity: for then the Lord appeared among men and drew the shepherds to Himself, etc., and in the Mass of this feast it is read: "The grace of our Savior hath appeared," etc. But we must see here what ecclesiastical usage dictates; which is and was that, speaking absolutely, the 6th of January should be called the Epiphany, and this for three reasons stated at the beginning, although others paid more attention to other causes. And there were few who celebrated the Lord's Nativity on the 6th of January; and this custom was almost confined to Egypt, as it is found in Cassian, *Collationes* 10, 2. Casaubon brings forward a passage from the homily of Chrysostom on the Nativity of Christ, Vol. V, Savile edition, p. 511, where he says that hardly ten years had passed since the church in which he delivered this oration had begun to celebrate the feast of the Nativity and had known the day of the Nativity. But this oration is not by Chrysostom. It is evident 1) from the style, 2) because in Constantinople before St. Chrysostom the feast of the Nativity was being observed, as is evident from the oration of Nazianzen on the Nativity of Christ and from another on the day of the Lights. 3) Because the author of this homily himself says that the Nativity was celebrated and known from Thrace to Cadiz. But Constantinople is in Thrace. Nor was there any other reason for the Epiphany on the 6th of January than there is now, except among a few, and those almost all Egyptians, who observed the Lord's Nativity on the 6th of January.
B P. 64. The feast of the Epiphany, that is, of the Apparition, is called in the singular number *epiphaneia*, and in the neuter plural *ta epiphaneia*, and even *ta epiphani*. Sometimes *theophaneia*, because God appeared. This name is attributed to this feast 1) because the Lord manifested Himself more on that day, 2) because He appeared to men when He received baptism on that day in the Jordan from John, 3) because on that day Christ, having changed water into wine, manifested Himself to men at the nuptials of Cana of Galilee. The Latin Church follows all these causes for this day, as is evident from the Roman Breviary. The Greeks celebrate this feast principally for the second reason: for they celebrate the apparition that occurred more at the feast of Christ's Nativity itself, December 25, as is evident from the Menaea. St. Chrysostom, *Homily on the Baptism of Christ*: "For what reason is this (solemnity) called *epiphaneia*, that is, apparition? Because, to be sure, He was not revealed to all when He was born, but when He was baptized: for until this day He was unknown to the common people." For that He was unknown to the masses, and that most knew not who He was, is evident from these words of John the Baptist, John 1: "There hath stood one in the midst of you, whom you know not." But what wonder, if others did not know, when the Baptist himself was ignorant of Him until that day? “And I knew him not," he says. That the Latins celebrate this feast more because of the manifestation is evident from the homilies of the Holy Fathers, St. Augustine, St. Leo, St. Maximus, and others. The same is evident from the German appellation of this feast, which is *Trium regum*, *der heiligen drei könig tag*. And the Gospel of St. Matthew concerning the coming of the magi is read. Nor do heretics otherwise name this feast, both in daily speech and in their calendars, than *der heiligen drei könig-tag*. From this, too, the number of the magi is clear, *die heiligen drei könige*: it is not called *die heiligen vier könige*, or *die heiligen zween könige*.
C Casaubon discourses most tediously about the kings in his 2nd *Exercise* against Baronius, and at length he arrives at the point where he does not deny that they were kinglets, provided that it be free for each to think so or not, and that no article of faith be forged from it. Who holds this for an article of faith? The common persuasion of the faithful both is and has been that; and it is little advisable or expedient to depart from it because of petty reasons or rather Calvinistic fooleries.
304. Morosius still quibbles about the name of the feast, the same Casaubon, *Exercit.* c. 45. For he says that *Epiphany* or *Theophany* rather belongs to the Nativity of Christ: for then also *epephane*, He appeared, especially to the shepherds, etc. That the ancients celebrated the Nativity of the Lord on the 6th of January, and therefore [called] that day, because of the birth, namely, D of Christ, *epiphaneia* or *theophaneia*. And he brings some testimonies, none of which are to the point. No one denies that the naming of the Theophany or Epiphany can also be attributed to the birth: for then the Lord appeared among men and drew the shepherds to Himself, etc., and in the Mass of this feast it is read: "The grace of our Savior hath appeared," etc. Again, that same solemnity of the Epiphany is called the feast of the Lights, both because of the baptism and because Christians were accustomed to celebrate this day with candles lit. Thus Billius annotates on the oration on the holy Lights, and Baronius on the Roman Martyrology for 6 Jan. But there existed one to whom this Billian and Baronian opinion did not please, as being far wide of the truth. What, then, is the feast of the Lights if not of the Epiphany or of the baptism of Christ? He answers that it is the feast in which Christians every year renewed the memory of the baptism they had received. He proves this from the fortieth oration of Nazianzen, which is on holy baptism, where at the very beginning these things are read: "Yesterday we celebrated the splendid day of the Lights; for it was fitting to follow our salvation with joy, and indeed much more than those who are friends of the flesh celebrate those days every year on which they began to be counted as born or mother-joined, or received their name, or at least first inhabited some place, or for whatever other reason mortals celebrate a feast day. Today we shall discourse concerning baptism and the benefit flowing to us from it." From which words he concludes that the feast of the Lights was nothing else than the commemoration of the baptism received by each individual. But this persuasion is manifestly opposed in the first place by Nazianzen himself, who openly calls the feast of the Lights the feast of the baptism of Christ or the Epiphany, 305 when Christ being baptized in the Jordan appeared to the world: for thus he says: "The holy day of the Lights, to which we have arrived and which we have celebrated today by divine benefit, for the principle of my Christ, that is, of the true Light that enlighteneth every man coming into the world—"
A of redemption, the blessing of the Jordan. Make it a fountain of incorruption, a gift of sanctification, a deliverance from sins, a warding off of diseases, a destruction to demons, inaccessible to adverse powers, filled with angelic strength, that all who draw from it and partake of it may have it for the cleansing of souls and bodies, for the healing of passions, for sanctification, and for every benefit fit to receive.
Not only in the palace, but in all other Greek churches, water was blessed on this day, even among the Ethiopians, who today not only sprinkle themselves with the waves, but plunge in completely. And the faithful, around the midnight that precedes the feast, out of reverence for the baptism by which our Savior was dipped, used to go for water, each one to the fountain, brook, or river available to them, upon which waters God bestowed this blessing, so that it might remain incorrupt for many years. A rich witness to this fact is St. Chrysostom, in his homily on the baptism of Christ, volume V of his Greek works. B In this solemnity (epiphany, which the Greeks celebrate as the "Great Sanctification"), beneath the middle of the night, all having drawn water, take the fluids home, store them away, and keep them for the entire year, inasmuch as it is on this present day that the waters are sanctified (through the baptism of Christ in the Jordan); and a manifest miracle occurs, while in no way does the nature of those waters deteriorate due to the length of time, but for a whole year, and indeed for two or three years often, that which was drawn today remains incorrupt and fresh, and after so much time remains certain alongside those which have been newly drawn from the fountains. Thus says St. Chrysostom.
What, however, of St. Epiphanius, in *Heresy 51*? Truly wonderful, on that very feast, that is, the sixth day of January, in memory of the miracle performed by Christ, certain fountains and indeed the river Nile itself are said to become wine-like or turned into wine. Let us hear St. Epiphanius himself: "Around the eleventh (of the month Tybi, which is our sixth of January) after thirty years, the first sign was performed in Cana of Galilee, when water was made wine. For this reason, even in many places up to this day, this happens which was then performed, a divine sign as a testimony to the incredulous, just as they bear witness in many places that fountains and rivers are turned into wine; indeed, the fountain of Cibyra, a city of Caria, at the very hour the ministers drew it and he himself said: 'Give to the steward of the feast.' The fountain in Gerasa of Arabia testifieth the same. C We drink from the fountain of Cibyra, but our brothers drink from the one in Gerasa, in the temple of the martyrs. But many in Egypt also bear witness to this regarding the Nile." He names, therefore, three waters which are turned into wine on the aforementioned feast: 1) the fountain of Cibyra, 2) the fountain in Gerasa, 3) the Nile. Since, therefore, these three fountains never flowed with a vinous taste except on this day, it becomes manifest that this miracle is performed only for the purpose of recollecting the memory of the wine produced from water by Christ in Cana of Galilee. And regarding these three fountains, says Baronius (vol. I, year 31, n. 33), he does not remember reading any writer prior himself to Christ's birth who testifies that those two fountains and the river Nile are turned into wine. D Here the most illustrious Baronius concludes.
A
But I refrain from this, lest I should be doing what has already been done; for our own Heribert Rosweyde has already brilliantly vindicated Baronius from this and many other Casaubonian criminations in his *Lex Talionis* and in his *Anticapellum*.
There were also in other places, though outside the feast of Epiphany, fountains of wine and milk. Sylvester Giraldus, in his *Itinerary of Wales*, 11, 1: "This seems notable to me, that in our days it has been proved that this river (the Alun) flows with wine, just as the fountain which they call *Pistil Duwi*, the pipe of David, drips with milk."
Let us add this too: that the water of the Jordan, after Christ consecrated it by his touch and his baptism, was gifted with the virtue of incorruption. The most illustrious prince Nicholas Christopher Radziwiłł, in his *Jerusalem Journey* (*Hodoeporicon Hierosolymitanum*): "It has very turbid water of the Jordan, but it is wholesome, and when kept in a vessel it never corrupts, as I have undoubtedly experienced in the water which I brought back with me." Thus that renowned prince.
Finally, I think it worth noting that the Donatists formerly did not celebrate the feast of Epiphany in Africa, as St. Augustine testifies in his sermon *De Tempore*, with these words: "Deservedly, the heretical Donatists never wished to celebrate this day with us, because they neither love unity, nor do they communicate with the Oriental Church, where that star appeared; but we celebrate the manifestation of our Lord and Savior Jesus Christ, because he offered the first-fruits of the Gentiles, in the unity of the Gentiles." GRETS.
P. 65. The Greek Church blesses water again at the Theophany, once on the eve B of the vigil, and a second time at Mass. This rubric touches on the second consecration. The *Euchologion* exhibits the rite for this blessing of water under this title:
The Order of the Great Blessing of the Holy Theophany
. Our labor, however small, has added an interpretation of the rites and offices; there, the ecclesiastical matters being elucidated, we follow Codinus as he speaks succinctly and briefly about the court.Ibid. The scholiast treats superfluously of the lights kindled in the church on the feast of the *Phota*. I note, however, that the name is so proper to the solemnity of which we are speaking that waxes are kindled on this day alone; whatever they come into use, they are called *keroi* and *keria*. Moreover, the *lampas* of today, because it is festive, is built up in such great bulk or painted in such colors and adorned with such variety of art that it may most truly appear to shine forth more than the other candles. Hence this variegated and striped work on the candle for this feast compares to the ancient proverb received from our ancestors. Of that, too, we have said some things in the aforementioned place. GOAR.]
CHAPTER IV. Observations and explanations on c. 9, which is about the feast of the Adoration of the Cross.
P. 65. See what we wrote in Vol. I, *On the Holy Cross*, Book I, ch. 67, regarding the Sunday of the Adoration of the Holy Cross in mid-Lent, and in Vol. I you have many homilies spoken by Greek Fathers on this Sunday. GRETS.
Ibid. C "On the third Sunday of the fasts we celebrate the adoration of the precious and life-giving cross," says the Triodion. It subjoins the reason sought, namely that the cross, the monument of Christ's passion, to incite us to follow it more fervently during the time of austerity, consoles the past labors of abstinence, and, as it were, proposes itself as a pledge of Easter joy. Many have written homilies for this feast: Chrysostom, Sophronius, Theodore the Studite, Xiphilinus, Philotheus, and others. The *Typicon* of St. Sabas established the more commonly known rite of the celebration with these words: On the third Sunday of the holy fasts we celebrate the adoration of the precious and life-giving cross. Great Doxology. And when we chant the Doxology, the priest changes his vestments, and taking up the censer, he censes the holy table and the cross. Then he takes it up with the diskos upon his head along with the receptacle, and goes out from the left side of the sanctuary, with two candles and the censer preceding him, and he departs to the royal doors. Once the Doxology and the Trisagion are completed, the priest says, "Wisdom. Stand!" And we say the troparion: "Save, O Lord, Thy people and bless Thine inheritance." And the priest enters bearing the holy cross in front of the holy doors. There, a small table having been prepared, the precious cross is placed upon it, and immediately we begin chanting: "We adore Thy cross, O Master." And having opened the receptacle, the superior and the priest begin, adoring, and making three prostrations before the precious cross. And after kissing it, they make a prostration again in the same way, and [go] to the choirs, one by one. Then the brethren begin.
D Ibid.
Of the church of the palace.
Which of the many built therein the author does not specify, although we read that Theophanes referred the first, the Trullan church, to be founded by Pulcheria in honor of the First Martyr, and another to be dedicated to the Archstrategos Michael in the same place. He narrates that Basil and Leo built and endowed so many and such various [churches] there that we perceive that more could not be accustomed to be contained within the space of a single city. GOAR.]Ibid. *Sticharium*. Junius translates it securely as a mani-
- A ple tunic, reaching to the ankles, closed on all sides, and somewhat tight, of white color according to custom; it is said to be from *stichos*, because it is woven in one continuous stroke.
Ibid. *Phainolion* they call a priestly chasuble, lacking sleeves and enveloping the whole body on all sides. A certain modern writer called it a *cappa* just as simply as he did ignorantly. By privilege and for the sake of greater adornment, it is permitted to the palatine archdeacon to wear a chasuble.
Ibid. *Not an epitrachilion*. Due to the lack of priestly rank, of which this is the insignia, namely a stole flowing from the neck down to the middle of the shins, the hanging parts of which on this side and that are fastened together.
Ibid. *Orarion*, a diaconal stole, tighter than the priestly one, upon which the word *hagios* is written three times in length. It is worn placed only on the left shoulder of the tunic and held by the left hand.
Ibid. *Save, O Lord*. To these add, if you desire the rest more curiously: O God, save thy people, and bless thine inheritance, visit thy world in B mercy and compassion, exalt the horn of Orthodox Christians, and send down upon us thy rich mercies, through the intercessions of our all-holy Lady, the Theotokos and ever-virgin Mary, by the power of the precious and life-giving cross; through the protections of the precious heavenly powers, the incorporeal ones. GOAR.]
P. 66. Junius everywhere wrongly *catacoelus* for *exoculacoelus*. GRETS.
Ibid. Of the nine officials of the Great Church, five of the first six—namely the oeconomus, the sacellarius, the skevophylax, the chartophylax, the provost of the sacella, and today the first of the defenders (formerly the protonotary)—have been called *katacoiloi* by most authors. The reason is doubtful, and the word has hitherto been played with by way of conjecture. The trifles are to be left aside briefly, and the true opinion advanced. There are some who, that they might wander more freely, reject *exokatakoiloi*, in whose place they substitute *exokatakoilous*, strongly C supported by the authority of the Council of Trullo, can. 40, which forbids monks from sleeping outside the monastery, *exokoitein*; and these they therefore called *exokatakoilous* as if *exokatakoitous*, those who slept outside the palace or the patriarchate. But why would you not more easily call them *exokoitai* than *exokoiloi* or *exokoitein*? And does not the addition of a preposition pervert the meaning of the word, which even the change of a little letter or an accent can quite corrupt? But before the tempest of Leo the Armenian, you will say, the clergy according to Cedrenus did not reside near the palace and were *exokoitoi*. I agree. But when will you demonstrate that the word *exokatakoiloi*, which only modern writers suggest, was then in use? Nay, if *exokatakoiloi* were prior, who were from the palace—those who were *exokoitoi*—when (lest assassins and rebels, as was done then, might fraudulently creep into the palace at night with the clergy) the clergy slept in the royal halls, there would be no memory of *exokoitoi* or *exokatakoiloi* thereafter. Add to these that it was not the palace clergy, but the chief patriarchical clerics who were called *exokatakoiloi*; why, then, this confusion of dissenting things and the departure from the palace to the patriarchical seat, as those who were the *exokoitoi* of the palace give their name to the patriarchical D *exokatakoiloi*? They also, you will say, were *exokoitoi* from the patriarchate. As if indeed they were thence *exokatakoiloi*. More easily, in my judgment, would you say *exokatakoiloi* as if *exokatakeilloi*, who, by the privilege of the *synkellos* of the patriarch being his fellow-residents, might dwell in his cell, yet never enjoy it. Nevertheless, it terrifies me to suggest this of the dignity of the *exokatakoiloi*, to whom the name is quite unworthy to be borrowed from the deprivation of the privilege conceded to others. For this reason, it pleases me more to regard all the other clerics inferior to these as *katakoiloi*, sitting in a lower and humble place, but these, whether in the assembly of the church or in the order of procession or in proximity to the patriarch, as much more sublime and eminent, and (as they are now the most esteemed cardinals) to designate them *exokatakoiloi* perfectly, as most eminent. 310. I am delayed, however, by the reading of the *Regiam* [Book of Offices], which divides the single word into two, and mentions the deacons as *katakoiloi*, the six depressed ones, namely assessors of the patriarch, but entirely inferior in dignity, right, place, and power. That exposition of the word had pleased me before, which contemplates the royal city of Constantinople as situated on hills and valleys after the fashion of ancient Rome, and sees some churches built in both; it assigned the oratories of the lower places to be governed by the less worthy of the clergy, but the principal ones, which obtained foundations placed on the hills, were reserved for these *exokatakoiloi* as lamps on the mountains. Besides the conjecturer Junius, there was no other author to confirm the opinion. It is not, therefore, more sharply defended now, as Georgios Koresios, who amiably greeted me in his letters, decided to hold more tenaciously to a different opinion. The whole site of the CP patriarchate, he says, once occupied a hollow place, and its buildings, along with the rest, showed to the eyes, when looked upon, a *koilen thesin*—a cavity and, as it were, a chasm—and in it both the *synkelloi* and other monks shackled to the service of the patriarch, or even the domestics, held their seat, whence they were *katakoiloi*: but the primate clerics, dwelling *exo koilotetos* (outside the cavity) and having acquired large and high houses, as those who were chosen from the chief families and nobles, were named *exokatakoiloi*, who would precede in honor not only other clerics, but the bishops themselves. Thus he.
B *Ibid.* [I sometimes compare the orders or true ranks (Balsamon on *An apostolic canon* 36: We have learned that deacons are to be ordained, that is, it is to be signed), sometimes with the sign of the cross. *Euchologium in Ordin. Lectoris*: Signing, he places his hand upon him. *Thessalonicensis*: He signs the holy Gospel with the *dicherion*, he signs the Gospel with a two-wicked candle. Sometimes, finally, I commit a ministry or office with the addition of the sign of the cross. *Typicum Sabæ* c. 5: On Holy Thursday the superior signs the wakeful one in church. Those, therefore, whom the patriarch signs as *exokatakoiloi*, he institutes with the sign of the cross, and they are understood to have been promoted by the actual ordination of deacons. GOAR.]
P. 67. Junius adds a negation, *ou phorousin*, they do not wear. The Bavarian Codices omit it; and thus a completely different sense is formed, namely, that deacons wear purple *sticharia* throughout Lent, except for the feast of the Annunciation, Palm Sunday, and Great Saturday. GRETS.
*Ibid.* [The corruption of the words substituting a negation for an affirmation is not to be tolerated: the Royal [manuscript] is much more sincere, with the negative particle eliminated, *phorousin*. Authority and custom support a reading of this kind, since indeed during the time of Lent the Eastern Church assumes for itself a red color, and for the remaining time, especially at feasts, a white one. But the Annunciation, Palm Sunday, and the eve of Easter are solemnities and feasts of the Lord, in which the red color strikes horror and carries an adverse omen. Simeon Thessalonicensis: What do the white vestments of the archpriest signify, and what the red ones during Lent? He adds: These are white because of the purity of grace and its brightness. But often they are also purple during the time of fasts because we mourn as sinners and because of the One slaughtered for us, Jesus Christ. Demetrius Bulgariensis, *Juris Gr.* l. v: The purple vestments are a token of mourning; for they are used only on fast days and at memorials for the departed. GOAR.]
Chapter 5. Observations and explanations on Chapter 10, regarding the Feast of Palms.
P. 67. That which we call the feast of Palms, the Greeks call *heortē tōn baiōn*; concerning which see Codinus at length, c. 10. St. Jerome in c. 8 of Ezekiel reports that *baia* is said in the Greek language for palms or palm branches. Balsamon is ignorant regarding this name; he says *baion* in the Roman [Latin] tongue means neither a branch fallen from a tree, nor a rose picked from a rose garden, nor a lily plucked from a lily garden. Of the two latter he signifies nothing—if he does not signify a branch, tell me what he signifies? A transition from this to that of human opinion, that is to say, good or evil. Well said. Proceed. For from this we call the trainers of children *baiouloi*, as they lead the childish thoughts of boys toward manliness. Learnedly, as if *bajulus* were not from the Latin word *bajulo*, just as *gerulus* [carrier] is from *gero* [to carry]. He continues: And we call *pravaicatores* (prevaricators) those who are variegated like the rainbow, collaborators and betrayers of refugees. We call them prevaricators—that is, co-workers or assistants who change like the rainbow and betray their clients. So indeed the interpreter: but who does not see that it should be read *kata tēn erin*? So that the prevaricators are those who, in the very dispute, abandon and betray their clients, and, veering to the other side, desert their own and cross over. Doubtless because this little Greekling observes some similarity in *bajulo* and *praevaricor* with the word *baion*, he thought it formed from there, as if from *vario*, or, as he himself would have written, from *bapto*, and with the *p* omitted, *bato*, which is "to change." Hence he also says that the Jews, not understanding what that carrying of branches meant when Christ was entering Jerusalem, shouted *baba!*, *papae!*, *batai* [sic] of the Mosaic commandments—a *baion* [palm] has happened unexpectedly—that is, a translation toward destruction. These things that little Greekling [said] about the etymology of the word, babbling.
However, Balsamon teaches that on this day of the *baiophorōn* [palm-bearers], the emperors and patriarchs formerly distributed *rogai* to their subjects, that is, gifts and *baia*, and this custom lasted until the times of Constantine Monomachos and ceased afterward. But *rogai* are also military stipends: hence the word itself *rogai* in Codinus, and formed from it *rogatores*, soldiers who earn their stipend, *soldaten*. Also largesses, distributions, gifts, and donations are customarily distributed liberally by princes. Which word Anastasius the Librarian also uses frequently in the *History of the Pontiffs*, as in [the life of] Eugenius: He gave a *roga* to the clergy. From this also the German mode of speaking seems to have been born: *Er hat ein guten rogen zogen*, of one who has obtained something fine. Hence also *rogauein*, to serve militarily, to earn: perhaps this word also is coined from the Latin *rogo* or *erogo*. Balsamon also has *bogalia*.
Luitprandus of Cremona describes a *roga* of this kind seen by him in book 6. “In it,” he says, “which is before the *baiophorōn*, which we call the week of palm branches, the emperor makes a distribution of gold coins both to the soldiers and to those appointed in various offices, as much as each one’s office deserved; and because he wanted me to be present at this distribution, he ordered me to come.” It was of this kind. A table was set up ten cubits in length and four in width, which held the coins gathered in compartments, according to how much was given to each, with the amounts written on the outside of the compartments. Finally, they entered to the emperor not confusedly, but orderly according to the voice of the one calling, who read the written names of the men according to the dignity of their office. The first of whom called was the rector of the house; to whom not
long after those of the princes follows. He also brings another from the Euchologion, another finally from Mark the Hieromonk. Hence, changes of garments and vestments A absolutely. Yet although no one from these places simply proves what Meursius wishes, let us nonetheless grant that it is so: he will willingly in turn admit that the notion of the change of garments is more congruent to the word itself, and that this second meaning is justly considered adventitious. GRETS.
Ibid. [He does not change, as premised, but rather he himself assumes and dons one of the imperial garments accepted from the ancient emperors. I note, furthermore, that the same garments served for several emperors, being proper to their dignity more than to their person. Hence Luitprand in the *Legation* mocks their cheapness and age. Which, nevertheless, were so worn out by age, that Theophilus after some intervening years renewed them. Leo Grammaticus in his *Life*: ... B Ib. *Stemma*. Both the author and all other writers always understand the emperor’s larger and more ornate diadem. GOAR.]
Ibid. *Saccus*. Junius [renders it] *sagum*, both here and above; and in the notes, a French word corrupted from *sagum*. It is strange that the derivation was not sought from the East. Why should we derive *saccus* from *sagum* rather than from the *saccus* common to Greeks and Latins? Why should we render it *sagum*, when it is not only a military C garment, but also a forensic one, and not only a forensic garment, but also an ecclesiastical one? As is made plain from *Turcogræcia*, p. 20, where a certain patriarchal garment is named *saccus*. His daughters gave ornaments to the patriarchate, from which that old *saccus* was fashioned, which lasts even today. Where the interpreter rightly interprets the pontifical vestment. The *saccus* is distinguished from the *mantya*. This is clear from these. Codinus: GRETS.
Ib. ['They change likewise.' That the courtiers also wore garments accommodated to offices and duties in the procession, Luitprand records in the *Legation*. But and, he says, his nobles, D who passed through that plebeian and barefoot crowd with him, were clad in garments of great age and great quality. GOAR.]
P. 68. ['Go forth, O nations.' That this canticle is the work of Theophilus, Cedrenus testifies. 'He was ambitious,' he says, 'and a melodist, and therefore he encouraged the singing of certain hymns and stichera which he himself composed.' There is also current a certain story, how, being struck by the love of the melody, he did not refuse to lead the hand-movements in the Great Church during the bright festivals. And indeed the sticheron for Palm Sunday, 'Go forth, O nations, go forth, O peoples,' they say is his own creation, for the Gospel comes forth as a type of Christ.] P. 68. Those words, 'to the type of Christ, good,' this an-
announcement arrived; 'Junius' had been rendered quite ineptly, because it is an idiomela, or the lampadarius singing that idiomela speaks of the Gospel which the archdeacon was carrying, and this Gospel—or, to speak more distinctly, this codex of the Gospels—he says bears the type and figure of Christ. GRETS.
A Ib. [Στέφανος (Stephanus): a circlet encircling the head, and a crown smaller than the stemma; φάκιν (phakin), another covering for the royal head, of which [Codinus speaks] in c. 6 p. 52, which is placed beneath and does not yet show itself as veiled in every part by the stephanos. Observe that a colleague of the empire was also crowned with a stemma; whoever else is a despot, sebastocrator, or Caesar, while they have the right of wearing a crown, yet [have] not the right of the stemma; and for that reason they go forth bearing a "stephanos," not a "stemma" or "tephomenon." Therefore, it is seen to be far removed from the wearing of garlands and veils.]
Ib. Codinus was silent about the carrying of palms in the matins. The Typicon says when the brothers kiss the Gospel, the hegumenos distributes the *baia* (palms); at the end of the matins prayers, as the brothers approach for the kissing of the Gospel, the superior of the church distributes branches of palms, to be carried until the end of the office. The Euchologion provides the prayer for the giving of the palms to the *baiaphoros* (palm-bearer). Moreover, that the rite was still observed in the final years of the empire is testified by the translator of Phrantzes in these words: "The next day, because the solemnity of Palms fell [on that day], we cut branches of myrtle, which the whole army carries in its hands." Georgius Coresius asserts in his writings that those who retain and carry the myrtle branches in their hands are called stationarioi myrtainoi. Balsamon, in the *Meditation on Incense* (l. VII of the *Juris Graeco-Romani*): "I see the people holding branches of palms and myrtles and honoring the *baiaphoros*." GOAR.
CAPUT VI.
Observations and explanations on c. 11, which concerns the mourning of the emperor.P. 69. [Μετὰ φορέματος λευκοῦ ("With a white garment"). "Which is a proof of mourning emperors," wrote one who himself put it on. Cantacuzenus (l. III; for the son born to him, he laid aside the mourning clothes assumed at the death of his grandfather) Andronicus, witness Gregoras (x, 3): "The emperor, having become joyful, changed his clothes for more brilliant ones, which he had for some time put off because of the death of his grandfather." I marvel, however, that according to Theophanes, Justin [II] in a public calamity wore a purple chlamys or mandyas (I find it written *mandion*). Cedrenus shows that Heraclius wore black buskins before the Persian war. If not womanly, nonetheless the emperors, like the kings, nowadays have their wives perform mourning in the East; for there is no woman who does not take on a white color with a veil covering the whole body. For wives, it is customary only to wear dark clothes at the funerals of their husbands, while for virgins, it is customary even to wear white in the mourning of their parents and brothers: for men, it is permitted by custom to wear only black color at the death of any person. GOAR.]
B Ibid. Look and venerate in your mind the image of the most holy Virgin, the effector of victory, with the image of St. George. This image of the Nicopoean Virgin was without doubt that which the Emperor John Comnenus placed in its proper place on his triumphal chariot as the sole effector of the victory he had gained. V. Nicet. Chon. (p. 26, ed. Bonn). Moreover, it seems they took this image of the Mother of God with them on expeditions. Hence Nicetas Choniates in the empire of Mourtzouphlos writes: "The image of the Mother of God, whom the emperors of the Romans make their fellow-soldier, was captured by the enemies." And Emperor Heraclius used to take the image of the most holy Virgin with him into the army for the sake of protection. Arthur Brito, at the siege of Mount Badonic, relying on the image of the Lord's Mother which he had sewn onto his arms, attacked nine hundred of the enemy alone and slaughtered them with an incredible rout, as William of Malmesbury writes (l. I, *De gestis regum Angliæ*, c. 1). GRETS.
C Ibid. [τῆς νικοποιοῦ (of the victory-maker). What Gretser [states] with doubt, I assert with certainty: that the image of the divine Virgin was consecrated under the name *Nikopoios* and placed in the palace by John Comnenus. My argument is the words of Nicetas speaking of that image being carried in triumph: "Ascribing the victories to the Mother of God as an unconquered fellow-soldier." Who even led the triumphal pomp "from the Eastern gates of the city to the great palace itself." Manuel, his son, in the 5th book of his Life, raised the triumph as if to an "unassailable and invincible fellow-soldier." GOAR.]
D Ib. St. George's image. Perhaps this is the one from which Pachymeres (l. VII *Historia*) writes that blood flowed. It is certainly the one whose horse (for this image exhibited St. George as a knight) emitted a horrible neighing, a dreadful prodigy, under the Emperor Andronicus the Elder, a little before the younger Andronicus occupied Constantinople. This prodigy is described by Gregoras (l. VIII, p. 303). From whose narration you have this equestrian image of St. George, ennobled by such a miracle, to be the one of which our Curopalata [speaks] here. See what we have written about St. George (l. II, *De festis*, c. 6). Consult also Abbot Adamnan the Scot, *On the situation of the Holy Land*, recently edited by us (l. III), where you will find wonderful things about a certain image of St. George.
Ib. You will not translate *Peripaton* more conveniently than if you translate it "procession": for it is that which the Germans call a *umbgang*. See what we have said about this matter.
B A [6ο] 316 (the monastery of the Hodegetria); however, for the sake of piety, it was carried to the palace on the final days of Lent, namely on that Thursday which precedes our Palm Sunday, and it remained in the palace until the second day of Easter; on which day it was carried back to the monastery and the temple of the Hodegetria. This is the image to which, when Constantinople was captured by Andronicus the younger, Andronicus the elder fled as a suppliant. Nicephorus Gregoras recounts the event (Book X, p. 422, Bonn). But since, according to the same Gregoras, it was the 24th day of May when Constantinople was captured by the younger Andronicus, it is necessary that the image of the Virgin Hodegetria was in the palace outside of the prescribed order; and perhaps Andronicus the elder, moved by that defection of his grandson and his followers, had ensured it be brought to the palace for the sake of consolation and support. What veneration Emperor Michael Palaeologus showed to the image of the Hodegetria, after the Latins were expelled from Constantinople, is explained by Gregoras (Book IV, p. 87).
Moreover, Empress Pulcheria built the temple of the Hodegetria, in which she placed the divine image of the Mother of God, which Luke the Evangelist left behind painted upon a panel, as Nicephorus states (XIV, 2). When Branas was closely besieging the Emperor of Constantinople, Isaac Angelus, the emperor moved the image of the Mother of God—which is called "Hodegetria" from the Hodegion monastery—onto the walls as an impregnable rampart, as Nicetas Choniates writes (Book I, regarding the events of Isaac Angelus). Nor in vain, as a favorable outcome declared.
So that the oath might be the more firm, Emperor Andronicus the elder wished that it be given to him by Michael Catharus, his grandson, before the sacrosanct image of the most chaste Mother of God Hodegetria, as Gregoras writes (Book VI). Furthermore, Wollius interprets "Hodegetria" as "guide of the way" or "leader." Grets.
Ibid. [Gretser truly refers to the icon of the Mother of God—which, from the monastery of the Hodegetria in which it is enshrined, is reported to be called Hodegetria—from Nicetas in the *Life of Isaac Angelus*, (Book I); but as for his asserting that it is the same one to which, pressed by war and captured by his grandson, the elder Andronicus fled, that he might attain immunity of life and liberty by embracing it, Gretser bases this only on his own authority and testimony, and he only conjectures it with doubt. It would have been better had he said that it was placed religiously with the two blind men having been led thither by the admonition of the Blessed Virgin in the place to which they were led to receive their sight. I shall add something bolder: the same one which, in the time of Heraclius, was carried around the walls by the pontiff of Constantinople, Sergius, and miraculously repelled the Scythians from them. Anonymous describes this, as does the sort of Hodegetria of which Vincentius writes; [this matter] is soon to be made public by Father Combefis. But Sergius the hierarch took the sacred images of the Mother of God—on which the Savior was also especially depicted being carried in the arms of His Mother—and, having taken these, went around the walls. Certainly, if it was indeed the Hodegetria, as it is most ancient and was delineated by Luke, it would also have been embracing the child Jesus with its arms. Read carefully what Cedrenus discusses regarding a similar image found by Romanus Argyrus in the Blachernae temple. GOAR.]
317 CHAPTER VII
*Observations and explanations on Chapter 12, which is about the office of Great Week.*P. 70. Of Great Week. It is a matter of religious concern for some to call it "the week of the week." But this concern differs little from superstition. I shall add here the words of the scholiast of the books *On Avarice* by Salvian of Massilia, regarding that phrase "your lamp": so that no one might perchance think there is a flaw in this reading, and that "lamps" must be substituted, I advise that "a lamp" is also said from the nominative "the lamp." Thus "hebdomada" is with a Latin ending, which for the Greeks is *hebdomas*. Grets. ... when he hears that the four Gospels have been read, he might suspect that the *tetrabiblon* of the Gospels—that is, the complete commentaries of the four Gospels themselves—have been read; which would have been excessively long. Therefore, he orders the article "ta," placed before the word "tessara," to be removed. But if he had inspected the ritual books of the Greeks more diligently, I think he would have pronounced differently on this matter. For thus the *Typicon of Sabbas* (ch. 38), dealing with this Monday of Great Week, says: "And the *tetraevangelion* is read on the second, the third, and the fourth [day], and it is completed." But so that you do not suspect that only some part from the four Gospels has been read, hear the author of the same *Typicon* in the same place: "It must be known that the holy Gospel according to Matthew is read in its entirety; likewise also according to Mark and according to Luke. And that according to John is read until the beginning of the Holy Passion. And this is read in the three days, namely the second, third, and fourth; and they are completed during the hours; and there are three readings [from] that according to Luke, and the four others from the second. In total, nine readings and nine hours, and nothing more." From these things Meursius will now be able to correct not Codinus, but himself. And if anything must be corrected, I would rather strike out that [phrase] "on Great Thursday," because on Great Thursday the *tetraevangelion* was not read, inasmuch as it had already been finished on the previous day—namely, on Great Wednesday—as we have heard from the *Typicon of Sabbas*; unless perhaps in the Constantinopolitan palace the reading of the *tetrabiblos* extended even to Great Thursday itself. Although the *Triodion* of the Greeks itself also agrees with the *Typicon of Sabbas*; whose words are these: "The *tetraevangelion* is also read..."
in the church throughout the entire year, as the most learned Allatius explains in these words. Except for the great solemnities, which demand their own specific readings, the Greeks distribute the Gospel during the remaining days of the year in such a way that they divide the text of one evangelist into sections and apply them to the days until it is finished; afterward, they continue with another until they have brought everything to an end, and on Sundays, they designate them by the writer of the Gospel: for they say 'the first Sunday of Matthew,' 'the second of Matthew,' and so on for the others. To understand this better, I would have you observe that the entire text of the Gospel of John is read in seven full weeks, which are counted from the great Sunday of Easter, with three days excepted. [The sequence] of Matthew is completed from the second feria after the Sunday of Pentecost to the following Parasceve of the Exaltation, and is finished in seventeen weeks. In these eleven, they continue the reading of Matthew for individual days; from the twelfth, for five days only, the reading of Mark is assumed; on Saturdays and Sundays, the reading of Matthew is restored, up to the seventeenth week, provided that this last one occurs within the Paschal time; if not, it is not read. The Gospel of Luke is continued from the second feria that follows the Sunday after the Exaltation for twelve full weeks. From the beginning, the thirteenth of Mark is traversed in the remaining days, but on Saturdays and Sundays, Luke is assumed. Mark is finally exhausted between Matthew and Luke; what remains, however, is finished on the Saturdays and Sundays of Lent. So he says." B
P. 70. Regarding the custom of washing feet, as much on this day as on others, I have published a separate booklet, which I have titled *Pedilavium*; to which I have also inserted the office of the foot-washing from the *Euchologion* of the Greeks. Nor did the kings and emperors of the East alone wash the feet of the poor on this day, but also those of the West, as I have shown with many examples in the aforementioned booklet.
After the completed narration concerning the washing of feet, there follows in the Junian edition this title, *ὁ νιπτήρ*. But Junius himself saw that the title was not placed in its proper location, and if it is to be accepted, it should be placed before those words, *πρὸ δὲ τῆς λειτουργίας*, etc. Nor does it appear in the other Bavarian codex. GRETS.
Ibid. [The *Euchologion* commands that the *lavipedium* be performed after the liturgy is finished; which is more appropriate for the convenience of the people than for the mystery which the emperor observes.]
Ibid. The author explains *hypokamisa* as *chitonas*, and Suidas as *ependytas*, or innermost garments, that is, tunics; Simon Portius with the vulgar *hypochitonas*, *exesarka*, or innermost *chitoniskoi*, in a word, undergarments. GOAR.
Ibid. *Curtobraccia*, short breeches, as *poutzion*; perhaps the reading should be *curtobraccia*. GRETS.
Ibid. [“*Blessed Be God*.” It begins with a blessing, saying: “Blessed be our God always, now and ever, and unto the ages of ages.”]
Ibid. [“*The Trisagion*.” With the word “Holy” repeated three times: “Holy God, Holy Mighty, Holy Immortal, have mercy on us.”]
Ibid. [“*Of the Gospel*.” Whose *architeleia*, beginning and end, are: “Jesus knowing that the Father had given all things into his hands,” etc., and “not all of you are clean.”]
P. 71. [“*The Office of the Niptēr*.” Whoever desires the full version, let him approach our *Euchologia*, if they deserve it. *Akoulouthia*, however, is a divine office, the parts of which are connected to one another in order, following in succession, as if a sequence. GOAR.]
Ibid. Another Bavarian codex says *ana chrysun nomismata tria*. Perhaps the correct reading would be *ana chrysa nomismata*, so that *ana* is taken in the sense in which it is used in Matthew xx: “They received *ana denarion*, they received a denarius each. They also received *ana denarion*, they themselves also received a denarius each.” GRETS.
Ibid. [“*But nowhere is there a table*.” Because of the precept of a more religious fast, which however does not forbid wine to monks on this day. *Euchologion*: “We break the bread, and we partake of wine only.”]
319 Ibid. [“*The Office of the Vigil*.” The pleasure of quiet, however much one is devoted to vigils, which they call *pannychidas*, seeks luxury, about which Simocatta, book 13: “It is customary, therefore, for the locals to celebrate the day of feasts of banquets for those who have just given birth with a weekly festival to celebrate the all-night vigil.” The fervor of the reading, likewise loving harshness, in the fasts protracted through the day of Christ's death, labors to add the whole space of the night without sleep, even in the palaces of emperors. They celebrate these sacred *pannychidas* not only among ascetic brothers, but also among the instructors of a more common, yet devoted, life in their writings. They commend the ecclesiastical offices on the principal feasts of Christ the Lord and the Mother of God, where they call the more frequent plebs to sing the praises of God. This *agrypnia ton pathon* (vigil of the sufferings) is so cultivated that at the appointed time, namely around the second or third hour from the evening twilight, it cannot fail to be celebrated by the emperor. Allatius treats of these vigil feasts, in his dissertation on the Greek Ecclesiastical Books, 1. GOAR.]
Ibid. These twelve gospels were portions taken from the four evangelists, as is made plain from the *Triodion* of the Greeks, where they are enumerated in order, with the name of the evangelist from whom each was taken attached. Thus, this reading of the twelve gospels has nothing to do with that of the four Gospels or the *tetraevangelion*, as is left clear from the things said. But it is false that these twelve gospels were read four times a year, as Meursius says. They are read once a year, not four times, namely on Great Thursday in the office of the vigil for
A the Feast of Preparation, as the Codinus text itself and the Triodion testify. Nor does Meursius rightly invoke here the reading of the twelve lessons from Anastasius and Berno, for they speak of the twelve lessons customarily recited during the Ember days, or four seasons. But Codinus treats of the twelve gospels which were read in the office of the vigil on the fifth day of the Great Week. Nor were those twelve lessons, which Meursius produces from Anastasius and Berno, taken from the Gospel during the Ember days, but from the Mosaic and prophetic books, just as today the five lessons of the Ember days are sought from the prophecies. How aptly, indeed, Meursius applies to the gospels which were read in the church that statement of Isidore of Pelusium, bk. II, ep. 150, where he says that the phylacteries of the Jews were small tablets, which the teachers of the Jews wore just as women now wear small gospels. B He supposes that those gospels which were read in the temple were small; but since very many gospels were read throughout the whole year, they could hardly be called small. They are called small, therefore, either because they contained the beginning of one gospel, for example that of Saint John, or the openings of all four evangelists, and were carried, just as the gospel of Saint John is today, in place of amulets, especially by women. See what we have written in vol. I, On the Holy Cross, bk. II, c. 29; but that I may finally depart from this, I find that in the Glossary it is contained in the Gospel. GRETS.
Ibid. C [The twelve gospels. It presents an evangelistary of the Greeks, and they comprehend the entire history of the passion extracted in order from the four writers of the Gospel and connected concordantly: every single section is of the history of the Lord's passion. Ibid. Lamp. There is no other difference between a lamp and a greater candle, fashioned with more exquisite art: the latter is distributed to the emperor, the other to the crowd of courtiers. GOAR.]
[320] P. 72. Of the four vigils accustomed to be celebrated in the palace, the first is that of the Great Canon. Where Junius says that the feast of the Great Canon is the Sunday of Orthodoxy; but he errs in his habitual manner. For the Sunday of Orthodoxy was the first Sunday of Lent: the feast of the Great Canon was held D on the fifth Thursday of the fifth week of Lent. The ritual books of the Greeks teach this, one of which, which is inscribed Triodion, says: "On the same day according to ancient tradition we chant also the office of the Great Canon." This, of the truly great canons, the most excellent and skillfully composed of all, was composed by our holy Father Andrew, Archbishop of Crete, who is also called the Hierosolymite, who came from Damascus, and at the fourteenth year of his age, having been sent to a school of grammar and having practiced the circular education, became a monk in Jerusalem, and living holily and godly in a quiet and undisturbed life. There is much other writing beneficial to the Church of God, both discourses and canons, himself becoming and appearing more vigorous in panegyrics, and with many others he also composed the present Great Canon, possessing infinite compunction. For having gleaned and gathered the history of the entire Old and New Testament, he adapted the present canticle, from Adam, that is to say, even until the very Ascension of Christ and the proclamation of the apostles. He exhorts, therefore, through this every soul, to zealously imitate the good things of history as far as possible, and to avoid the evil things, and to always run back to God through repentance, through tears and confession, and through the rest of the evident pleasing of God. Yet it is of such breadth and melody that it can sufficiently soften even a heart that is harder, if only it be chanted with a contrite heart and the attention that is fitting. He made this when also the patriarch of Jerusalem, the great Sophronius, wrote the Life of Mary of Egypt; for this life also is set forth with infinite compunction, and gives great comfort to those who have stumbled and sinned, if only they wish to depart from their evil deeds. They were appointed to be chanted and read on the present day for such a reason: since indeed the Holy Lent draws near its end, so that men, having become slothful toward spiritual struggles, might not be disposed more carelessly and might not abstain from being temperate in all things, the most great Andrew, as a trainer, through the histories of the Great Canon, speaking of the virtue of great men and again the deviation of the wicked, as one might say, prepares the struggling to be more courageous and to stretch forward manly to the things that are before, and the holy Sophronius, through his supernatural word, makes them again to be temperate, and stirs them to God, and not to fall down nor to despair, even if they had for a time fallen into some transgressions; for how great is the philanthropy and sympathy of God for those who desire to return with all their soul from their former transgressions, the narrative concerning the Egyptian woman shows. The Great Canon is called, perhaps one might say, because of these very thoughts and concepts (for the author of this is a poet, most excellently composing them), and because of the three hundred or so troparia which contain [the others]—this one proceeds to two hundred and fifty, every one of them distilling ineffable sweetness. Fittingly, therefore, and becomingly, this great canon, possessing also great compunction, is placed in the Great Lent. This best and greatest canon, and the word of Saint Mary, our same Father Andrew brought first to the city of Constantine, when he arrived having been sent for aid by the patriarch of Jerusalem, Theodore, to the Sixth Synod. For then, having striven most excellently against the Monothelites, and still continuing
A in monastic life, he is enrolled among the clergy of the church in Constantinople. Afterwards he is appointed deacon and orphanotropheus therein. And after a little while, having become archbishop of Crete, he arrived later somewhere quite near to the place called Hierissos, and in Mitylene he departed to the Lord, having sufficiently participated in his own throne. By his intercessions, O God, have mercy on us.
This is that ritual book of the Greeks, from which there shine forth, among other things commonly little known, the fact that the Lord’s day of Orthodoxy and the day of the Great Canon were not one and the same day. Grets. B
P. 72. [Gretser has described at length from the Synaxarion the rite and institution of the chanting of this canon: the canon itself, as well as the entire work of Andrew of Crete, along with a Latin interpretation and notes on both, was published some years ago from the family of the Preachers by Franciscus Combefis. Goar.]
Ibid. The second vigil of the palace is that
of the Akathistos.
Junius interprets it as the "journeying and parturient Virgin," and as if one should say, he remarks, that of her who does not sit or rest, but makes a journey while pregnant; conceive, for instance, when the Blessed Virgin was being led by Joseph to Bethlehem by the edict of Augustus Caesar, just before the birth of Christ. Fables, which the same ritual book of the Greeks that I named a little earlier dispels, in which these things are read: "On the same day, on the Saturday of the fifth week of the Quadragesima, we celebrate the Akathistos Hymn of our all-holy Lady Theotokos for the following reason. While Heraclius was exercising the imperial rule over the Romans, the King of the Persians, Chosroes, seeing the affairs of the Romans completely humbled by the tyrant Emperor Phocas, sends one of his satraps, Sarbarus by name, with many thousands, to subjugate the whole East to him; for Chosroes had already previously destroyed about ten myriads of Christians, the Jews having bought them and put them to death. The arch-satrape Sarbarus, then, having pillaged the whole East, arrived as far as C Chrysopolis itself, which is now called Scutari. King Heraclius, therefore, having fallen into a lack of public funds, converted the sacred treasures of the churches into coin, and for a greater and more perfect campaign, having crossed the Euxine D with ships, he invaded the parts of Persia and laid it waste. And Chosroes is defeated by him with his remaining army with might and main. Not long after, Siroes, the son of Chosroes, having revolted from his father, places the rule upon himself, and having killed his father Chosroes, makes a peace treaty with Emperor Heraclius. But Chagan, the leader of the Mysians and Scythians, having learned that the Emperor had gone across the sea to the Persians, having broken the peace treaties with the Romans, and bringing with him countless hordes, invades Constantinople through the western parts, sending forth blasphemous cries against God. Immediately, therefore, the sea was filled with ships, and the land with countless footmen and horsemen. And Sergius the patriarch exhorted the people of Constantinople not to lose heart, but to offer all their hope with their whole soul to God and to his mother, the all-undefiled Theotokos. And indeed, Bonus the patrician, who was then governing the city, prepared what was necessary for the turning away of the enemies; for it is necessary that, along with the help from above, we also exert the fitting effort. And the patriarch, taking with him the divine icons of the Mother of God together with the whole multitude, used to go around the wall from above, thereby procuring their safety. And as Sarbarus was coming from the East, and Chagan from the West to burn the surroundings of the city, the patriarch, carrying the icon of Christ not made by hands and the precious and life-giving woods, and moreover also the precious robe of the Mother of God, walked around the walls. But Chagan the Scythian attacked Constantinople through the land walls with a countless multitude, extremely well-secured with weapons, and to such a degree that one Roman clearly fought against ten Scythians. But the invincible champion, through the very few soldiers present in her temple at the Spring, destroyed most of them. And thence the Romans, having taken heart and having exulted under the invincible general, were always defeating them with might and main by the Mother of God. But looking also towards peace treaties, those of the city were repelled; for Chagan cried out: "Do not be deceived by the God in whom you believe; for surely tomorrow I shall take the city." And those of the city having listened, stretched out their hands to God. Having agreed, therefore, Chagan and Sarbarus attack through land and sea, eager to take the city through siege engines. But they were so vanquished by the Romans that the living were not even able to burn the dead. And the monoxyla, full of armed men, being brought through the gulf called the Horn to the temple of the Mother of God in Blachernae, a storm having suddenly fallen upon the sea and broken it into pieces, they perished together with all of the enemies' ships. And one might have seen the paradoxical achievement of the all-pure and Mother of God; for she cast everyone onto the edge of the sea at Blachernae. And the people, opening the gates as quickly as possible, utterly killed everyone, and children and women acted manfully against them. The leaders of these returned, weeping at the same time and wailing. But the God-loving people of Constantinople, dedicating their thanks to the Mother of God, chanted the Akathistos Hymn to her all night long, as she had kept watch for them and by supernatural power had brought about the trophy over the enemies. From that time, therefore, in memory of such a great and supernatural miracle, the Church took up such a festival to dedicate to the Mother of God at the present time, when the trophy also occurred through the Mother of God. They called it "Akathistos" because the clergy and all the people of the city acted thus at that time. After the passing of thirty-six years, in the reign of Constantine Pogonatus, the Aga-- A renes, again bringing an infinite army, attacked B Constantinople, and for seven years they besieged it, during which time they also wintered in the parts of Cyzicus, destroying many of their own men. Then, despairing and returning with their fleet, and having arrived at Sylaion, they were all sunk in the sea by the protection of the all-pure Theotokos. But a third time again, under Leo the Isaurian, those from Hagar, numbering many tens of thousands, first destroyed the kingdom of the Persians, then overran Egypt and Libya, and the Indians, Ethiopians, and Spaniards; later they campaigned against the Queen of Cities herself, bringing with them one thousand eight hundred ships. Having surrounded her, they remained as if they would seize her immediately. The holy people of the city, bringing the sacred wood of the precious and life-giving Cross and the venerable icon of the Theotokos Hodegetria, circled the wall, propitiating God with tears. Thus, judgment having befallen the Hagarenes, they were divided into two parts; some campaigned against the Bulgarians and more than twenty thousand fell there, while those who remained were to take the city. But being hindered by the chain which stretched from the Galata to the walls of the city, they turned back and arrived near the so-called Sosthenion. Even there, the North wind having suddenly fallen upon them, most of their ships were torn apart and perished. Those who remained fell into such famine that they began to touch human flesh and to mix and eat excrement. Then, fleeing, and having arrived at the Egean sea, they gave all their ships and themselves to the depths of the sea; for a violent hail fell from heaven, and having caused a seething on the sea, it dissolved the rear of the ships. And thus that infinite fleet perished, leaving only three to bring the news.
324
For these reasons, therefore, we celebrate the present feast in honor of the super-miracles of the All-pure and Theotokos. It is called "Akathistos" because at that time, all the people, standing throughout that night, sang the hymn to the Mother of the Word. And because, while in all other houses we are accustomed to sit, in the present ones [dedicated] to the Theotokos, we listen standing. By the intercessions of thy champion and invincible Mother, O Christ God, deliver us also from the calamities that surround us, and have mercy on us, as the only lover of mankind....of the Akathistos, an akathistos hymn, an akathistos feast, a day, an account read for the Akathistos. A useful narrative collected from ancient history, and recalling when the Persians and barbarians surrounded this Queen of Cities, who also perished having experienced divine justice. The city, having been preserved unharmed by the intercession of the Theotokos, sings a thanksgiving annually from that time, calling the day Akathistos.
[Akathistos is so called because the whole people sing hymns to the Theotokos that night standing; akathistos, concerning the great canon, concerning the akathistos of the great canon, the vigil of the great canon at the church of the Theotokos called that of the Hodegetroi, the monastery of the Hodegetroi, Hodegetria, Hodegetroi.]
GRETSERI AND GOAR'S NOTES
[Akathistos is so called... Grets. and also Callixtus in the Synaxarion of that day. The hymn itself is such that it finds no interval or rest until dawn and persists to be sung always. Gretserus extracted the history from the Synaxarion of the Triodion; the praised Franciscus Combefis recently published another, more elegant version from the Royal Library after the history of the Monothelites and added notes. GOAR.]
Curopalata himself could have removed this double error for the Calvinist commentator, if he had paid attention. For Curopalata says that from the first of the four vigils the image of the most holy Theotokos, which is called Hodegetria, remains in the palace until the great Sunday of Pascha. To this image, says Curopalata, the emperor proceeds to meet it at the gate of the palace hall. But it accompanies him on the second day as he goes to the high steps. If from the first vigil, which is the... that image remains in the palace until the second day of Pascha, it cannot happen that it was either joined to or near Pentecost: otherwise that image would have remained in the palace for almost the whole year, from Pentecost, to be sure, until the second day of Paschal [week], although it was usually left there for very few weeks, and therefore each year it was received in the hall like some gift sent divinitously, and for a few days it remained there for that grace of protection, namely from the fifth day of the fifth week of Lent until the second day of Paschal [week], on which day it was carried back, as Zonaras speaks in the reign of Michael I Theophilus, to which was joined a monastery as is evident from Nicephorus Gregora, book II: hence the image itself was called the guide of the way. Nor was it brought from the Blachernae temple, as the scholiast thinks, but from the temple and monastery of the... which was distinct from the Blachernae temple. But he proves this from the high steps, concerning which Curopalata, c. [12] and c. 15, as if they were in the Blachernae temple. But this proof is worth little: for wherever the emperor was going, he was always led to the high steps by the Varangians, as Curopalata says, c. [15]; therefore these high steps must have been elsewhere than in the Blachernae temple, or on the road to the Blachernae temple alone, because the im-
emperor did not always go to the Blachernae temple, and Curopalata distinctly distinguishes these steps from the Blachernae temple, when he says the emperor riding on horseback was always escorted as far as the high steps, but on the feast of the Meeting (or, as we call it, the Purification of the Blessed Virgin) even as far as the Blachernae temple; for on this day, the emperor would betake himself to this temple for the sake of divine grace. GRETS.
B Junius and Gretser contend with great energy concerning the *Hypse-la* [the Highs], about the elevated steps of Constantinople—where are they to be placed? The former contends they were in the Blachernae temple, the latter in the palace. As an arbiter between the contenders, I do not judge the case entirely in favor of either, for both err regarding the true meaning of the *Hyp-sela*. For who would think that by this word steps are to be understood, and not rather a high building, sublime in its summit? But lest I, like a blind and ignorant judge, settle the dispute, or rather fight with both like those blindfolded gladiators, let the authority of Nicetas Choniates (in the life of Isaac Angelus, book 1) shed light: "He shows the window" (another copy reads "the door") "in the palace of the Blachernae, to the so-called Highs, through which were visible the hippodrome fields outside the ramparts in the Philopatium lying below." Note that the *Hyp-sela* indicates a high building of the Blachernae palace, from which the Philopatium plain below might be surveyed, and not steps—however high—nor should one invent other higher steps in the major palace where the emperor was accustomed to stay. For this reason, since in showing and rendering honors, the honored person is always escorted much further upon departure than he is met upon arrival, it is fair to assume that if the emperor meets the image of the Hodegetria first at the gate of the palace courtyard, he would escort it much further when it leaves, not merely to some fictitious high steps, but to the so-called *Hyp-sela* in the palace of the Blachernae. And as this author says, "as far as the *Hyp-sela*," with a long stretch of road, whose inclusion is indicated by the particle *kai* [and/even], to the place explicitly called *Hyp-sela*, which the author himself places in or near the Blachernae palace (c. 15, p. 80), where he says the emperor was escorted by the Varangians to the Blachernae temple—to which the palace of the same name was adjacent—"as far as the *Hyp-sela*," certainly not to the high steps of the palace from which he had set out, but to the destination of another, to which he was tending. GOAR.
Add to this that the emperor himself was accustomed to follow the image of the Hodegetria, as it returned to its own place on the second day of Easter, as far as the high steps, and even beyond, as Curopalata says, c. 12, p. 72; yet the emperor did not go to the Blachernae temple at that time. But there is no need of [326] more words. Junius refutes himself, writing on p. 326: "The Hodegetria, that is, the guide of the way, was a statue outside the palace of Constantinople, in a noble temple and monastery, which Zonaras calls the temple of the *Odygoi*, and in the reign of Emperor Michael, Nicephorus Gregoras called the monastery the Hodegetria." But in these days it was brought into the palace. So much for him. But what is clearer than that the temple D of the Hodegetria was not the Blachernae temple?
Pachymeres writes (book 7) that the image of the Mother of God wept for several days. Which image is this? Was it the Hodegetria? Was it the Nikopoia? And in the same Pachymeres (book 11) is mentioned the image of the *Photagogos*, the Virgin bringing light, by whose holy oil the son of Emperor Andronicus was cured of a desperate illness.
The third watch of the palace is that of the Annunciation of the Blessed Virgin. Junius calls it the evangelical Annunciation. Evangelical enough: but what else would you expect from a pseudo-evangelical preacher?
The fourth watch was celebrated on the Thursday of Holy Week, because of the solemnities of the approaching Preparation Day. GRETS.
CHAPTER VIII. Observations and explanations on c. 13, concerning the Preparation Day and Great Saturday.
Regarding Great Saturday, there is nothing in the Greek inscription, although this chapter deals primarily with the office of Great Saturday, that is, the Vigil of Pascha.
P. 72. Concerning the Preparation Day, the matter is concluded in three words. See what we have written on this feast in Vol. I, *On the Holy Cross*, book 1, c. 68 and book 1, *On the Feasts*, c. 23 and 24. You will find the homilies of the Greeks on the Preparation Day in Vol. II, *On the Cross*. GRETS.
Ibid. [Al pai. Concerning which the Triodion should be consulted. Ibid. The Liturgy. The first hour of the night must be mentioned. The Triodion: "The ecclesiarch ought to have precision so that, when he performs the dismissal of the church from the liturgy, it may be the second hour of the liturgy." The evening praises, with which it is joined, begin at the tenth hour of the day. GOAR.]
Ibid. "Following the reading of the Apostle," Junius translates: *post lectionem autem Apostoli*, that is, as far as the passage: "Arise, O God, who judgest the earth." Totally erroneously, as if that "Arise, O God" pertained to the reading of the Apostle, whereas it is a verse which the chanter sang after the reading of the Apostle, taken from the Epistle to the Romans: "Exsurge, Deus, judicans terram, quia tu haereditabis in omnibus gentibus." The reader adds: "God hath stood in the synagogue of the gods, and in the midst He judgeth gods, etc." The chanter responds: "Arise, O God, etc.," and this more often, as you have it distinctly in the Triodion. Therefore, either after the reading of the Apostle or after the [327] subjoined verses, whose beginning is "Arise, O God," the readers and honorific boys strew laurels: for it is to be read *pattousi* or *pastousi*, *apopattousi* or *apopassousi*. See what we have written on Great Saturday, book 1, *On the Feasts*, c. 25. GRETS.
Ibid. [Adparas. I think this refers to an argument for joy for the Lord's Resurrection, or a happy omen to be promised to the emperor for victory, should wars be pressing.]
P. 73. "And the table in no way." Because in that same church the meal is held very soberly. The Triodion, where it speaks of the monks today: "But at [the]…
A end we do not leave the church, but sit in our places, and the cellarer enters and gives to the brethren a fragment of bread, and six dried figs or dates, and wine from one vessel."
Observations and explanations on c. 14, concerning the feast of Pascha.
Ibid. "On the feast of Pascha." Thus the title runs, although in this chapter the rite of the fifth day of Bright Week, and the feast of Pentecost, and the feast of the Exaltation of the Holy Cross are also discussed. GRETS.
Ibid. "On Tuesday. It signifies about the hour of the dawn." Vulgo, however, and everywhere around the dawn twilight this office begins. Pentecostarion: Vide the liturgy of Chrysostom. GOAR.
Ibid. The entire ode is this: "Resurrection’s day. Let us be enlightened, O peoples: Pascha of the Lord, Pascha; for from death to life and from earth to heaven Christ God has brought us, singing the song of victory." Vide the ritual book which is inscribed Pentecostarion. GRETS.
Ibid. "He gives a candle." The archpriest in the palace—thus everywhere the superior performs this office. GOAR.
Ibid. Pentecostarion typicon: "Servants, princes." Read "lectors and canonarchs," of whom [he speaks in] ch. 7 and ch. 8, as they are subjects of the protopapas, and palace officials.
Ibid. "The church doors being closed." The Pentecostarion typicon agrees: for it bids the priest, adorned in white vestments, with the brethren carrying lighted candles, to exit to the left and stand in the narthex, and the taper-bearers carrying lit lights to pave the way and perform the celebrated entrance.
Ibid. "Remaining, he says, within the temple only the candle-lighter lights all the candles and the lamps. And having made a fire, he places it in the middle of the temple, and another before the holy doors. And having put incense on them, and having also put much incense into the censer, he suspends this within the sanctuary."
Ibid. "Then he cries out." The priest, after having censed outside the narthex the holy icons and all the brethren, stands before the royal doors, they being closed, and makes a cross with the censer, saying: "And glory to the holy, Christ is risen." B Christ is risen from the dead, by death trampling down death, and to those in the tombs bestowing life. GRETS.
P. 74. [To the others. "As smoke vanisheth," and the rest, "so let them perish," and the rest. [The Litany. [He kisses the Gospel. "Monks, we chant 'Christ is risen' many times, until the brethren kiss one another." AND the kiss is done thus. The priest takes the holy Gospel and stands before the doors of the holy sanctuary. The superior, having come and kissed the holy Gospel and the priest, takes the holy Gospel from his hands and stands to the right of the priest. Then all the brethren according to their rank kiss first the holy Gospel, then the priest and the superior, and they stand where they chance to be and kiss one another.] C
Ibid. [So frequent is this melody in the churches, that it seems to include all Paschal praise to God for the whole Paschal season, as the Latins do with Alleluia. Gretser produces the whole thing. GOAR.]
Ibid. The entire verse is: "Let God arise, and let his enemies be scattered, and let them that hate him flee from before his face"; to which two other similar verses are subjoined. GRETS.
Ibid. [The throne.] Mention of the imperial throne is made here: seek its description in Corippus (the Younger).
Ibid. [On the custom of kissing the foot of the emperor.] At this, the heterodox do not feel any nausea; but as soon as they read or hear that the foot of the Supreme Pontiff is kissed, then they are full of bile and the most bile-filled of men vomit nothing but bile. And yet they very patiently kiss the robe of the Turkish emperor, which was also done by the Lutheran preacher Gerlach; and so that we might not be ignorant of this, Crusius revealed it in his *Turco-Graecia*. Nor would these men be burdened to prostrate themselves for the kissing of the Sultanic foot, if custom permitted it. The ambassador of the confederated states of Belgium, sent and admitted to the Ottoman Porte in the year of salvation [1612], promptly and readily kissed the garment of the Turkish emperor, and indeed on bended knees, as can be seen in the *Ecclesiasticopolitica Chronologia*, inserted in the eighth volume of his work, which is inscribed *Chronicon Chronicorum*. D If he had exhibited such a genus of reverence to the Roman Pontiff, [alt-version omitted]
A he would have believed himself bound by an inexpiable crime. What is it that the Dutch Calvinists did not suffer with difficulty to have kisses applied to their feet? For in the southern voyage of Jakob le Maire, printed at Leiden in Holland in the year of the Redeemer 1619, these things are produced concerning certain Indians: "Those of them who entered our ship, falling on their knees, kept kissing our feet." A little later: "As soon as he (the king of the Indians) had boarded the ship, falling on his knees and prostrating himself, he poured forth his prayers. Brought to the lower parts of the ship, prostrating himself again, he worshipped, etc. His companions kept kissing our feet, and having taken them in their hands, they placed them on their heads to demonstrate submission and subjection." And who are these, to whom such honor is willingly paid? Robbers and pirates from Calvin's workshop, who perhaps might not even have repudiated sacrifices had the Indians offered them, just as was done by Paul and Barnabas in Acts 14, when the Lystrians were preparing a sacrifice for them as if to Jupiter and Mercury. With what shouts would they not fill the earth and the heavens, if they were to read in books or learn from the report of others that the Roman Pontiff not only permits one to kiss his feet, but even tolerates that one should place his feet on his head as an argument of subjection?
Lib. 1, *Hist. Cantacuzeni*, c. 16, the younger Andronicus kisses the foot of his grandfather, the elder Andronicus; where it is added: "It was a custom received among the Roman emperors, that when any of their kinsmen, or those otherwise flourishing in favor with them, had touched the emperor's foot with a kiss according to the adoration, the emperor in turn would kiss his face. Thus, when the grandson had kissed the grandfather's foot, he [the grandfather], so that he would not be believed to burn with inexpiable hatred if he did not deign to the grandson and emperor those things which were granted to private citizens, kissed his face in return." The same Andronicus the younger kissed his grandfather's foot publicly again, 1, 34; which is repeated in c. 50 as an express sign of subjection. 11, 5: The Persians worshipped the younger Andronicus the emperor by bowing their heads to the ground before he approached. But the prince of the Persians, approaching him at his feet, both worshipped and kissed his foot. 1, 38: The Protostrator with his company kisses the foot of the emperor John Cantacuzenus. The same is done by others, c. 40. The same by another, c. 42, and by the Persians, iv, 10; iii, 45, the Triballi kiss the knee of the same Cantacuzenus. Examples of a kiss fixed on the eyes and face you have in Cantacuzenus 1, 16, [on] the right hand, c. 34 and c. 41. Grets.
Ibid. [Regarding the lesser emperor greeting the greater and kissing his feet and receiving a kiss on the mouth from him—Grets. here speaks exceedingly well. But if one knight meets another, what then? Cantacuzenus 1, 35: "An ancient custom prevailed among the Roman emperors, that whenever they were about to meet one another, those following the horses of each side would dismount and follow on foot, but they themselves, having met while mounted, the younger would bow to the elder emperor and embrace his hand, having first removed the hat from his head, and then, looking up, would kiss the face of the emperor himself."] B *philo* [kissing the father]. The younger would kiss only the hand of the elder: for Basil the Macedonian, having brought Michael to the bed, kissed his hand and left.
P. 75. [Neither indeed to the kiss. To expel the Franks and Venetians from the city of Constantinople, the Genoese had promised auxiliary forces to Michael Palaeologus: hence common treaties of peace and concord. But the Venetians, as those who had campaigned with the Franks, refused to enter into a foul treaty with the Greeks that smacked of concord and the disgrace of subjection. See the aforementioned Gregoras, and also Peter Justinianus describing in his *History of the Venetians*, lib. v, the wars of the Venetians and Genoese contending against each other in various battles of Mars, and finally the same Michael, elated by victories, though not becoming insolent, beseeching the Venetians, from whom he thought he had to be on guard, to confirm peace.]
Ibid. [Caputium. A type of hood most used in Europe a few centuries ago. The Latins called it *caputium*, the French *chaperon*, the Italians *capuzzo*. Concerning which consult Stephanus Paschasius, *Disquisitionum Francicarum*, viii, 18, and 45. Paulus Aemilius, in his first book on John, calls it *capitium*. Goar.]
Ibid. *Treuar*. In Latino-Barbarous, *treuga*. It is also called *treba*.
Ibid. *Buaulus*. So it must be read. Junius ineptly [read] *lupailos*. He cites Gregoras falsely, lib. iv, as if *typailus* were read there, when the Greek text distinctly has *buaulos*, and the interpreter [translates it as] *baiulus*, and rightly so. Meursius is in vain when he corrects it to *bapaulos*, with a single letter transposed, as if it were a pure, unmixed Italian idiom. But since Codinus has not hitherto used Italian articles, it is credible that he did not use one here either; and since recent Greeks usually place the letter mu (μ) before [words] beginning with beta (β) or pi (π), as Meursius himself shows with many examples in his *Glossary*, it is entirely consonant with reason to believe that Codinus wrote *buaulos* here, in the manner of other writers from more recent Greece.
P. 76. To the Franks. "In the writings of the more recent Greeks, 'Franks' are to be understood not only as the French," says Junius, "but also the Italians and Sicilians, because once the kingdom of Sicily and part of Italy were held by the Franks." Grets.
Ibid. [Quietly chanted. Lest the song disturb the royal adoration, or seem linked to the church office.]
Ibid. [This one and all the magistrates. On the celebrated feast of Palms, the patriarch is accustomed to distribute crosses and candles to the people, as if greeting those who have conquered the entire struggle of the fast with the sanctification of precious and holy crosses and the gift of light-bearing wax tapers. For he does not wish to shadow-box the faithful like those simple-minded ones, but as those already seeing the Sun of Justice illuminating the new Zion by a foal. On the following third feria, which is dedicated to the instruction of catechumens, he gives fine incense into the hands of the gathering people.]
around the time of dawn, speaking as if to these things, and suggesting not in a festive, but in a strenuous manner that the stadium of the following three days be undertaken. “Let us therefore be watchful henceforth, and let us keep vigil with the watching Jews,” etc. On the fourth Day [of Holy Week], he again scatters incense and candles, so that the people may once again set sail upon the sea of fasting, and light up the night of the holy passions of Christ with torches. On the holy day of Pascha, after the morning prayers are completed, he receives the whole people for the holy kiss described above, and at the same time distributes small coins—called *trichephala* because they bear the image of the three simultaneously reigning emperors—saying: “As a loving father, now for the first time seeing his blameless children, who have returned safely after a long and dangerous journey, he joyfully embraces them with a holy kiss, and opening the treasuries of his blessing, he gifts them coins that are few, indeed, according to outward appearance, but many in their inward meaning.” These things are from Balsamon’s *Meditation on the Incense which is accustomed to be given by the Patriarch*, etc. Juris Gr.: “To these, if conjecture be pleasing, I would willingly add the courtly nobles who assemble at the royal residence for ecclesiastical offices on those days and at the same hours; and although they are not received by the Patriarch with the gift of incense or a kiss, they are nevertheless honored at the evening prayers with the incense already burning, so that they may not appear to have missed the hoped-for portion of price or blessing. GOAR.]
C Ibid. The more recent Greeks, not unskilled in the art of flattery, attributed to their emperor almost all functions, even those that are episcopal and priestly; among other things, the entry into the altar and the right to cense the holy table, a canon having even been established by the Trullan Synod, and it is canon 69: “Let it be permitted to no one at all, who is in the number of the laity, to enter within the sacred altar,” although the power and authority of the emperor is not at all prohibited by this, whenever he might wish to offer gifts to the Creator according to a most ancient tradition. Where Balsamon says: “Some have spoken concerning the emperors, insisting on the words of the canon, that they shall not be prohibited from entering within the sanctuaries of the temple when they are about to offer gifts to God, though not if they might wish to enter for the sake of adoration alone.” But it does not seem so to me. For the Orthodox emperors, who by the invocation of the Holy Trinity advance the patriarchs and are the Lords of Christ, without any impediment, whenever they wish, approach the sacred altar and cense and with wax set a seal, just as do the bishops. But they also instruct the people toward Him; which is granted only to the bishops of that region. Therefore, Balsamon egregiously fawns upon the emperor; and he had causes for his action, because he was soliciting the patriarchate of Constantinople, the best means of obtaining which did not appear to be other than that he should place himself in the highest favor with the emperor through flatteries. But the fox, although crafty, was outwitted by other equally crafty foxes. Concerning his yearlong annual *rogai* and monetary gifts, hear, I beseech you, the lament from the epistle regarding the circumspection of the emperors and the magnificence of the patriarchs, which among other things once made even the annual *rogai* and the distributions of the *bajia* more meager. For the patriarchs and emperors used to sit every year, and through these things they invited their subjects to benevolence. Let this most ample order of the fathers known to be added know of this, and perhaps also some who live in this age of ours. For these were not produced as trifles before the times of Euclid, nor are they tales of dreaming old women, but that August manner endured up to the reign of the lord Constantine Ducas, as much in the royal palace of God Himself as of the emperors; and this completely good thing was propagated even to us 332, passing from ancestors to descendants, from generation to generation. But if, which I do not think, the abyss of oblivion has absorbed this too, and this gracious water of Castalia does not proclaim the providence of the princes of a previous memory, at least the parchment of historical books and the monuments of courtly ordinances will proclaim these things in the manner of Stentor. You also, who are a most acute interpreter of any educated writing, will be superior to many even in this matter of no light moment, and you will assist me, an old man, by speaking. Furthermore, the most sacred edicts of the emperor, the lord Constantine Monomachus, by which the offices of the prefect of the courts and the *nomophylax* are ordered, and which determine that they ought to receive each year, besides other things, by reason of the *roga*, a certain *auritalis* and such a quantity together with the customary *bajia*, are not in heaven nor across the sea, so that one might have to say: “Who will bring these to me?” But they are in your hand and in your heart and in your mouth. And you will collect the truth of the matter from these, by the acuteness of your mind. Moreover, when the emperors and patriarchs display their magnificence, as it has been said, by the *bajia* and *rogai*, it was surely fitting that the patriarchs, who have hitherto kept the ancient custom and distribute golden coins to the clergy, should also give *bajia* to them, as it has been indicated. GRETS.
Ibid. [Here the more recent Greeks are censured by some as not unskilled in the art of flattery, who attributed to the emperor almost all functions, even those that are episcopal and priestly, among other things the entrance to the altar and the right to cense the holy table; they might even add the giving of sermons to the people. But did the pontiffs of the West or the East truly fawn upon the Emperor Theodosius, who before the sterner rebuke of Ambrose had allowed himself and his predecessors entry to the holy tribunal? Did Basil thus stroke Valens, the enemy of religion, when, as Nazianzen says, he willingly received him [ἐντὸς τοῦ πετάσματος]? They are certainly talking nonsense who paint on the more recent Greeks what the Trullan Council, Can. 69, testifies to be accustomed according to a certain most ancient tradition, that when he wills, he may enter within the sacred altar to offer a gift to the Creator. Chosroes, king of the Persians, although an infidel, yet thinking he had received it by the benefit of the martyr Sergius, dedicated a golden cross on the altar of his temple. “He who carried it by his command,” says Simocatta, book v,
A regarding the Sunday of Pascha and the week of the renewal. And in the very heading, enumerating the individual days or feasts of that paschal week, he calls the second day the second of the renewal, the third the third of the renewal, and so on in order until the Saturday of the renewal. It is evident from other books of the Greeks. Pollux in his *Chronicle* wrote: “Third rule. That the two paschal weeks are to be free of work, one before and one after. But [there is] one after the week of the renewal.”
The Calvinist commentator Junius wrongly interprets in his notes *hebdomada diakainisimou* as a week of rogations. He also incorrectly explains the reason for the name, saying it is called *diakenisimon*, dedicated to emptying, because during that time they empty their bodies and macerate them, praying to God for the usefulness of the year. First, it should not be written *diakenisimos* but *diakainisimos*, as have the manuscripts of Alexander, the ritual books of the Greeks, and the codex of the Augustan library, in which are contained the Gospels to be read on sacred days, whose opening is [taken from] the third day of the renewal. Therefore, the week is called, as it were, a week of renewal—*diakainismos*—since with Christ rising, all things have been renewed and restored. Second, so far is this week from deriving its name from the emptying and fasting of those who abstain, that it was the custom to break the fast during that entire week. Balsamon is witness in can. 69 of the apostles, who, after having recounted the days on which one must fast, excepts the fourth days and the parasceves or sixth festivals, which are B from the *apokreo* or carnival, and which are [before] the *tyrophagy*, and the week of the renewal. “For on these days we break the fast,” says Balsamon, “because the Armenians fast on account of the Ninevites.” In that which is before the carnival, and in that which is before the *tyrophagy*, the heretical Tetradites observe a great fast, but the week of the renewal is regarded as the great Sunday (Pascha) itself. Anastasius, bishop of Caesarea in Palestine, teaches the same in his tract *on the Artziburion*, where among the weeks completely exempt from fasting he places the week of the renewal. Patriarch Nicholas of Constantinople counts the same week among those exempt in his verses to Anastasius, the prelate of Mount Sinai.
P. 77. [The *Thesaurus* is sometimes to be understood by the word *bestiarion*, as the present place shows, and also c. 7 of this work.
Ibid. [Regarding the *kata dorean*. Romanus Argyrus ordered eighty pounds of gold, Cedrenus says, to be paid annually from the imperial treasury. Perhaps twenty more were added later.
Ibid. [Regarding *Litras*. Budé in *De asse*, book v, estimates a pound of gold as no less than one hundred gold *solidi*; the *Legal Lexicon* at seventy-two, Paulus Diaconus at ten: for where Theophanes says *one hundred nomismata*, he himself counts [them as] ten pounds. Blastares estimates its price at eight, c. 7. GOAR.]
P. 77. The *Hebdomas diakainisimos* is the entire paschal week, which immediately follows the feast of Pascha and during which the Resurrection of the Lord is celebrated with solemn ceremony. I show this first by the testimony of Maximus Margunius, a Greek bishop, who, when asked what is C signified by this word, answered in these words: “By this name is signified among us the whole first week of the Resurrection of the Savior.” See the Catalog of the Augustan Library edited by Hoeschel. Second, I prove the same from the *Typicon* of St. Sabas, where the following title is prefixed to the chapter: “Information of the rite of the holy and great [week of Pascha] and the week of the renewal.”
The tri-daily Rogations before the Lord's Ascension are unknown to the Greeks; nor do they have any set fasts between Pascha and Pentecost. “For there is no fasting,” says Patriarch Nicholas concerning the time between Pascha and Pentecost, “nor genuflections.” See the *Typicon* of Sabas, c. 51. The *Greco-Barbarous Glossary* agrees with these, except that it orders it to be written *diakainisimos*. But the ritual books generally prefer our spelling.
The Sunday following this week, which for us is *Dominica in albis*, is for the Greeks the New Sunday, where there exists an oration of St. Gregory Nazianzen, and it is oration 43; of the same D author [it is oration 44—*Ed.*].
A regarding the Antipascha, the Sunday of Thomas, the touching of the holy glorious apostle Thomas, [of the Church authorities. of the patriarch's senate] Every time the patriarch comes to the emperor, especially on the Thursday of Renewal Week. After pronouncing the prayer. On feasts and triumphs and when envoys were present, they used to wear variegated chlamydes, of gold and purple, or otherwise sumptuous, but in common assemblies, ones dark-red in color, which they called "Atravatica" from the color (for they call black *atros*), or because they were accustomed to use them with *traveiai*; *traveiai* are called the expensive chlamydes. [A table is indeed set.] At the hour of vespers; he gives the signal more quickly because of the service of genuflexion, Of St. Basil the Great. prostration, diaconicum, *Anabathra*. *Anabathra*, He performs the elevation of the cross. The priest changes all the priestly vestment, and enters with a censer into the holy table, and On the feast of the Holy Spirit. censing the precious cross in the form of a cross, he lifts it with a disk on his head, and with two candles proceeding before him, he carries it as far as the royal doors of the church, and stands there. And as the Doxology and the Trisagion are being completed, the priest says in a loud voice, "Wisdom, arise." And we begin the troparion, "O Lord, save thy people, and bless thine inheritance, granting victories to the emperors over the barbarians, and protecting thy commonwealth by thy cross." And thus he enters with the precious cross. And it is placed on a prepared four-legged stool—the precious cross—it is placed.
[LATIN] 371 IN LIBRO DE OFFICIIS CP. 372 A subjectus, eum iterato velut lugubri Quadragesimæ tempore affligere parat ecclesia. Commune igitur cum aliis templum imperator ipse frequentat, ut pœnitentiæ cum aliis consors communes etiam aliis precum fructus referre mereatur. P. 78. *[Fit in canone Trullano. Vocatur etiam Κυριακὴ τοῦ ἀντιπάσχα, quasi Dominica Paschæ opposita seu respondens, et Κυριακὴ τοῦ Θωμᾶ seu ψηλάφησις τοῦ ἁγίου ἐνδόξου ἀποστόλου Θωμᾶ, quod eo die legatur Evangelium de Thoma apostolo, manum suam in fixuram clavorum, Christi mandato, immit- tente. GRETS.]* *[[Ibid. [Τῆς Ἐκκλησίας ἀρχόντων. li sunt præci- pui Magnæ Ecclesiæ officiales ac in dignitate constituti, quos etiam vulgo patriarchæ senatum dicunt.]]* *[[Ibid. [Εὐλογεῖ. Orationem a patriarcha pronun- tiari solitam reperies in Euchologicis nostris: Ὁσά- κις ἔλθῃ ὁ πατριάρχης εἰς τὸν βασιλέα, ἐξαιρέτως δὲ τῇ Πέμπτῃ τῆς Διακαινησίμου.]* *[[Ibid. [Εὐχὴν ἐπειπών. Oratio secundo a patriar- cha fundenda eodem Euchologii loco reperitur ad calcem operis. GOAR.]]* *[[Ibid. De festo Pentecostes vide quæ scripsimus l. 1 De festis c. 28. Olim in festo Pentecostes pro- cessio instituebatur ad templum S. Mocii martyris, cui ipse etiam imperator intererat. Sed postea abrogata est ob causam quam memorant Græci historici, et in his Glycas de Leone philosopho imperatore. Quare non mirum si Codinus die Pen- tecostes ejus nullam mentionem facit, quando- quidem jam pridem abrogata fuerat.]]* *[[Proeleusin seu processionem imperatoris die Pentecostes ad S. Sophiam admodum festive, quin et ridicule describit Luitprandus in sua ad Nice- phorum Phocam legatione. Sed Luitprandus for- C tassis sinistro suo affectui in Græcos, a qui- bus in hac secunda sua legatione non bene ha- bitus fuerat, nimium indulsit. Longe aliter Co- dinus cum in hoc libro, tum in Originibus CPoli- tanis, ubi ista : [Ἐν ταῖς ἑορταῖς καὶ τοῖς ἐπινικίοις καὶ παρόντων πρέσβεων ἐνεδύοντο χλα- μύδας ποικίλας, ἀπὸ χρυσοῦ καὶ πορφύρας, ἢ ἄλλως πως πολυτελεῖς, ἐν δὲ ταῖς κοιναῖς συνόδοις ξηραμπελίνας τῷ χρώματι, ἃς ἐκάλουν Ἀτραβατικάς ἀπὸ τοῦ χρώματος (τὸ γὰρ μέλαν ἄτρον καλοῦσιν), ἢ ὅτι μετὰ τραβείων ταύταις εἰώθασι χρῆσθαι· τραβεῖαι δὲ λέγονται αἱ πολυτελεῖς χλαμύδες.]* B Nondum enim advenit luctus hora, nec dominica festivitas jejunii molestiæ potest admisceri. *[[Ibid. [Γίνεται μὲν τράπεζα.]* [*alt-version omitted*] *[[Ibid. [Ἐν δὲ τῇ τοῦ ἑσπερινοῦ ὥρᾳ. σημαί|νει ταχύτερον διὰ τὴν τῆς γονυκλισίας ἀκολουθίαν, Fit signum solito citius propter (morosum) geniculationis officium.]]* *[[Ibid. [Τὰς τοῦ μεγάλου Βασιλείου. πρό- κυψιν, διακονι- κόν, Ἀναβάθρα. Ἀναβάθρα. Habes illas orationes earumque legendarum ritum, nec non et totius hujus officii expositionem ex ipso Ba- silio et Matthæo Blastare in Euchologicis nostris; reliquum officium in Pentecostario reperies. GOAR.]]* *[[Ibid. Diaconicum non est conclave diaconorum, in quo illi congregati tractarint negotia muneris sui, sed est locus ubi ministri sacras vestes ad divina officia peragenda induunt, Germanice die Sacrisley, sacrarium. GRETS.]]* *[[Ibid. [A pompa luxuque cum abhorreat præsentis officii Pentecostes humilitas, elevatiora subsellia, θρόνον, sedem honoratam respuit im- perator, et ad dextrum altaris latus, quo διακονι- κῆς data est sedes, humili corporis gestu in altari a sacerdote pronuntiatas Basilii vesperti- nas preces audit. De diaconico plura te doceat eruditus Allatius de recentiorum Græcorum templis opusculo: in Euchologio quoque nonnihil de eo delibavimus. GOAR.]]* *[[Ibid. De festo Exaltationis s. crucis etiam ex more Græcorum fuse scripsi tom. 1 De S. Cruce l. 1, c. 65 et 66, et l. 1 De festis c. 33. Vide etiam Adamannum Scotum, l. 1 De situ Terræ Sanctæ; ubi de nundinis hoc festo Hierosolymis celebrari solitis mira leges. GRETS.]]* *[[Ibid. [Ἀναβάθρα. Elevandæ in altum cruci ad ejus exaltationem etiam corporeo gestu oculis de- monstrandam præparatur in medio triclinio tabu- latum de qua redibit sermo.]]* *[[Ibid. [Τὴν τοῦ σταυροῦ ποιεῖ ὕψωσιν. Quo ritu peragatur, præcipit Menæum 14 Septembris : Ἀλ- λάσσει ὁ ἱερεὺς πᾶσαν τὴν ἱερατικὴν στολήν, καὶ εἰσέρχεται μετὰ θυμιατοῦ ἐν τῇ ἁγίᾳ τραπέζῃ, καὶ θυμιῶν τὸν τίμιον σταυρὸν σταυροειδῶς αἴρει αὐτὸν μετὰ δίσκου ἐπὶ τῆς κεφαλῆς, καὶ προπορευομένων δύο λαμπάδων φέρει αὐτὸν μέχρι τῶν βασιλικῶν πυλῶν τοῦ ναοῦ, κἀκεῖσε ἵσταται. Καὶ πληρουμέ- νης τῆς δοξολογίας καὶ τοῦ τρισαγίου λέγει ὁ ἱε- ρεὺς μεγαλοφώνως· « Σοφία, ὀρθοί. » Καὶ ἀρχό- μεθα τοῦ τροπαρίου, « Σῶσον, Κύριε, τὸν λαόν σου, καὶ εὐλόγησον τὴν κληρονομίαν σου, νίκας τοῖς βασιλεῦσι κατὰ βαρβάρων δωρούμενος, καὶ τὸ σὸν φυλάττων διὰ τοῦ σταυροῦ σου πολίτευμα. » Καὶ οὕτως εἰσοδεύει μετὰ τοῦ τιμίου σταυροῦ. Καλῶς η- τρεπισμένου τετραποδίου τίθεται ὁ τίμιος σταυ- ρός.]* D *[[Ibid. [Ἐν τῇ τοῦ ἁγίου Πνεύματος ἑορτῇ. Lu- ctus et contritionis potius quam alacritatis spiri- tualis argumentum est apud Græcos festum Pente- costes, maxime post meridiem, qua secundo, aiunt, vespertinæ decantantur preces. Tunc fre- quentes audiri gemitus, et ex peccatorum recorda- tione non adeo pectus pugnis quam cœlum tundi suspiriis consuevit, ut si quid luxus in mores in- vexit paschalis solemnitas vel ejus decursu disso- lutionis nonnihil secum attulit hominum in vitia prona libertas, totum id corriget dolor spiritus sponte assumptus, et contractas sordes pœnitentiæ abstergant lamenta. Eo fine sanctum de cœlis spiritum cum lacrymis advocant, ex profundiore humilitate preces ingeminant, ac genuum inflexio- nibus, quibus jam desuetus erat populus sibi.]]*
A And the priest, having also made signs of the cross with the incense, [alt-version omitted]—with the gesture signifying the quality of the foods, not, however, with prostrations (reverentias, inclinationes) and time as [others] might—does so three times, no matter what day it is. Then, taking the precious cross into his hands, bare of the royal branches, he stands before the small table, looking toward the east, and says to the hearing of all: “Have mercy on us, O God, according to your great mercy. We pray you, hear us and have mercy.” And we begin the first hundred [Kyrie eleison]. The priest makes the sign of the cross three times at the starts with the precious cross. Then he bows his head as far as a span from the ground, and gradually raises himself until the completion of the hundred. When he reaches the ninety-seventh Kyrie eleison, the ecclesiarch raises his voice, B and the priest, perceiving that the hundred is coming to an end, makes the sign of the cross again three times. Then, turning toward the southern side, he says: “Again we pray for our most pious and God-protected kings, for power, victory, the preservation of peace, health, and their salvation, and that the Lord our God may cooperate further with them and prosper them in all things, and subject under their feet every enemy and foe.” And we begin the second hundred, and the priest performs the second elevation, as previously written. Then, turning thus toward the west, he says: “Again we pray for the forgiveness of the sins of the servant of God, our father, so-and-so, that is, the superior, and of all our brotherhood in Christ.” And we begin the third hundred. When it is completed, the priest turns toward the northern side and says: “Again we pray for every soul of Christians, for their health, salvation, and the forgiveness of their sins.” And the fourth elevation takes place. Then he turns again toward the east and says: “Again, let us pray for all those serving and who have served in this holy monastery, for their health, salvation, and the forgiveness of their sins.” And we begin the fifth hundred. After the fifth elevation, we chant the kontakion: “He who was lifted up on the cross.” Then thus: “We venerate your cross, O Master,” three times. While the brothers are chanting, the priest lays down the precious wood on the small table, and they begin to venerate it, both the priest and the superior, making three prostrations before the precious cross. Then they kiss it, and after kissing it, they make one prostration, and then proceed to the choirs, right and left. Then the brothers enter two by two in order, and likewise venerate and kiss it. We chant the idiomelon stichera until the brothers have finished venerating, “Come, O faithful,” and the rest. And after all have venerated, the priest says, “Wisdom,” and the dismissal. It should be known that on whatever day this venerable feast falls, whether on a Sunday or a Saturday, we do not eat cheese, eggs, or fish, but only oil and wine. Observe that this fast of the cross is comprehensive, as some transmit it, the C D [index: entries preserved]
A first day of September is rightly recounted, since the Eastern Church begins its year from September. Gregory, surnamed Figulus, Archbishop of Tauromenium, on the indiction or beginning of the year—that is, on the Kalends of September—made an oration in which he sets forth the account of the year renewed on the present day: on this same light the custom of changing the indiction: the same Gregory writes, "Then, in the same: And below:" (now Galata), Theophanes likewise: "I pass over the sacred images in ancient times carried in processions," says Nicetas in *Murzuphlo*. B With the ancient religion of the Hebrews on the feasts of trumpets, of expiation, and of tabernacles celebrated in this month being praised, he adds: "See, I pray, how great mysteries this celebration, which seems small, contains; and it is not without divine counsel that this month has been called September by the Latins, not only because it is the seventh, but also because it is religious and worthy of veneration." Furthermore, that must be considered: the celebrations of many saints fall on that same day, which comprises the beginning and the crown of the year, who are accustomed to be our helpers in leading this life with virtue. First of all, we repeat the memory C of that reading in the synagogue of Christ the Lord; then we venerate the most holy image of the Mother of God: but also we celebrate the anniversary day of Joshua, the son of Nun, and of the seven bloodless martyrs in Ephesus and the forty holy virgins, and of Callista, Evodus, and Hermogenes, who were brothers no less in faith than by birth. Besides whom, the Stylite Symeon—like a most brilliant torch—shines for that celebration; from all these things, something redounds to this beginning of the year, whence the emperor of the Greeks shows an unusual piety in it.
Ibid. [With litany. *Litaneia* is a supplication, *litē* a supplication, *paraklēsis* an entreaty, *peripatos* a walking together or procession. D The first of the processions, to which both the patriarch and the emperor would convene, Theophanes describes under Marcian: "Even so under Justinian:"] Of this column, Nicephorus Callistus, VI, 32: Regarding the same, the Origins of CP: "Because those returning from the road there embraced each other with a salute given, whence the name was made for the place," at the left side of the forum, from the same Origins of CP: GOAR.
P. 30. [Regarding where the cross stands. *Stauros*: On the northern part of the forum it stood, as Constantine saw it, gilded, with rounded, gold-plated globes, where he himself and his sons were depicted, that is, adorned with gilded statues.]
Ibid. [Formerly of the forum. A most brilliant space of the city. *Pōlētērion*: Alias commonly where any goods are put up for sale.]
Ibid. [The emperor goes forth. Or rather going to the church to pray or proceed, the emperor had it on both occasions; and he himself, in imperial regalia, with courtiers accompanying him, each adorned in clothes befitting his office, with the people rejoicing and going out to meet him, would proceed.] Luitprand describes the Emperor Nicephorus in his *Legation* as having gone to the Great Church; Cedrenus describes the Empress Irene: Leo Grammaticus, or some other, in *Leo the Armenian*: "On the second day of Holy Pascha, the empress, having gone forth in the procession made according to custom to the Holy Apostles—and in the evening she came out in a golden carriage drawn by four horses, held by patricians, having desired a consulship in the middle of the crowd." And:
A "Having gone forth at the Nativity of Christ into the church, he entered into the sanctuary. When the feast of the Theophany arrived, he went forth similarly, but upon entering, he did not perform an act of prostration. When the usual procession took place on the day of Pentecost in the temple... B Leo held a *prokenson* [procession]. While Zaoutzas was present and exercising power, and his daughter Zoe was [there] together with the emperor, his wife Theophano was not present there, but remained in the Blachernae at the holy tomb, praying. The emperor, therefore, having deigned to remain there..."
[GRETSER AND GOAR'S NOTES]
B "...I return: At the fourth hour of the same day (namely, the first of September), when the sacred images were gathered by ancient custom at the porphyry column together with the emperor, the patriarch, and the bishops, upon which column the holy cross rests, as the sacred hymns were being sung, a pig slipped out from somewhere and suddenly leapt into the middle of the choir of chanters; having been defiled with much mud, and having wandered about here and there, it finally left with difficulty. To the more prudent, this seemed to signify a certain confusion and faction within the Church of Christ. Such a confusion and faction did follow a little later, when Constantinople was taken by Andronicus the Younger. GRETS."
C "P. 80. '[‘The service performed there.’ You have a part of it in our Euchologion at fol. 810 and in the Menaion of September, celebrating its memory in these words: ‘The commemoration of the conflagration, because for our sins a great fire happened in Constantinople under Leo the Great emperor, and the greatest part of the city was burnt for seven days. They carried his corpse into the monastery of Lips, which his mother Theodora had renovated. And there the mourning, according to custom, was completed for nine days.’] Cedrenus [writes] concerning that fire in the aforementioned Leo. GOAR."
"Ibid. The Greeks celebrate this festival with the Latins on September 8. Andronicus the Elder, once emperor but a monk for two years before the end of his life, is buried in the monastery of Lips. His corpse was carried into the monastery of Lips, which his mother, the lady Theodora, had renovated, says Gregoras at the end of book IX of his History. Cantacuzenus says nearly the same in book I, 40. Observe that Junius erroneously translates *monastērion* as *aedes* [temple/house], whereas it is a monastery: the interpreter errs, that is Junius, who renders it *aedes*, says Meursius himself. GRETSER."
D "Ibid. ['The monastery repaired by Theodora, wife of Michael Palaeologus, where her son Andronicus prepared a sepulcher for himself and ordered that the funeral rites be performed for nine days (a number dedicated to the dead). Gregoras, at the end of book IX: It had previously been built by Constantine Lips while Leo the Wise was emperor. Leo Grammaticus: Leo... when he was called by Constantine Lips to the monastery of his [Constantine's] own that was in the Merdosagares, to perform the dedication and to dine.' GOAR.]"
"Ibid. The Greeks celebrate the festival of Saint Demetrius the Martyr, who has the cognomen 'Myroblyta,' on October 26. Therefore, on this day the emperor would repair to the monastery built by the Palaeologi in honor of Saint Demetrius. GRETSER."
"341 Ibid. ['The monastery of the Palaeologi.' The monastery, having derived its name from the Palaeologi, must have owed its wealth, revenues, buildings, and all its ornaments to them, as they were the first to occupy the seat of empire. GOAR.]"
"Ibid. The Greeks celebrate the feast of Saint Chrysostom on November 13."
"Ibid. I have translated it [as] 'at the presentation.' For thus the matter is understood. It is celebrated by the Latins and Greeks alike on November 21. Of the monastery of the *Peribleptos* [mention is made]..."
A by Gregoras, bk. VII, and Pachymeres, bk. V. It was a monastery of the most holy Virgin Mary, which the Greeks call *Peribleptos*, that is to say, "spectacular" or "admirable." Of this feast, many homilies of the Greeks survive: some are in existence, others still lie hidden in libraries. Grets.
Ibid. [Regarding this monastery, Cedrenus writes in *Romanus Argyrus*: He had written earlier: Cedrenus pursues the subject of at whose expense and with what magnificence it was built; where it was situated, Gregoras teaches, VII, 18; that it was repaired by Nicephorus Botaniates, Zonaras relates at the end of his Life. Goar.]
Ibid. The Greeks celebrate the feast of St. Basil on the Kalends of January, which is the very day of the circumcision.
Ibid. The Greeks celebrate the feast of the Meeting, or Purification, on February 2. The suburban temple of Blachernae was by the seashore, founded by the Empress Pulcheria. For it is her work, says Nicephorus, XIV, 2, a sacred temple of the Mother of God, which is called *Blachernae*, worthy of that very Mother of the Word, whose home it was to inhabit. He says that the person who found her divine tomb and burial wrappings deposited them there with the greatest veneration. (Goar compares this with Cedrenus in *Marcianus*.) The Byzantines honor that temple with great devotion, says the same Nicephorus, XVIII, 38: for it is said and believed that the garments of the Virgin Mary and a certain part of that admirable zone and also her head-covering are kept there in a golden urn. Regarding the discovery of the garment of the holy Virgin, see the same Nicephorus, XV, 24. Grets.
Ibid. [Up to "the heights." Concerning the part of the Blachernae palace, which is called *Ypsela*, it was spoken of earlier.] P. 81. [That *Pexema* is a place in the palace where the emperor walks, chapter 5 manifests, and the same is declared in the note on page 29. Goar.]
Ibid. The Greeks celebrate the feast of St. George the Martyr on April 23. Cantacuzenus mentions the Mangana monastery, bk. I, ch. 50 and 59, and bk. IV, ch. 42 and 45, in which Cantacuzenus, after having resigned the empire, spent his monastic life for some time. Mention of the same monastery is made several times in the History of Nicephorus Gregoras. During this procession to the Mangana on the day of St. George, plots were laid against the Emperor Constantine Ducas, which, however, he fortunately escaped, as Johannes Curopalata writes. The Manganian monastery was built by the Emperor Monomachus, according to the witness of Cedrenus and Curopalata; where he was also buried. Grets.
Ibid. [Cedrenus on the Manganian site: "A work of the King and the house also called the Mangana, and the other one called 'the new'." That this was built with the stated purpose that he might not turn public revenues to private uses. For this reason, he established for them suitable revenues from the proceeds of agriculture, from which they might provide sufficient and just expenses for the imperial banquet for himself and those who might be invited in the course of the whole year. It was far, therefore, from being a storehouse for military instruments, as Xylander and others have opined; nor was the one whom Zonaras and Curopalata mention regarding Isaac Comnenus anyone other than he who had the care of this house and its revenues. Cantacuzenus, III, 72, places the tower, or bulwark, outside the city in the plain of the Mangana, and he affirms that it was so fortified that it could either defend or besiege the city of Constantinople. Constantine Monomachus built the monastery there, and it is read in Cedrenus and appended: B *fortunate*. Goar.]
P. 81. [The Greeks celebrate the feast of the Emperors Constantine and Helena on May 21. Grets.]
Ibid. [The Greeks proclaim Constantine not only a saint but also "Equal to the Apostles" because of the faith propagated and defended through his zeal. All histories say that he built the temple of the Holy Apostles in both Romes, and that the Roman porphyry casket was granted to him on their threshold as his tomb. Goar.]
Ibid. The Greeks observe the birthday of St. John the Baptist with us on June 24. Cantacuzenus mentions the monastery which is called *Petra*, III, 55. Grets.
Ibid. [The name of the monastery *Petra*. A monastery called *Petra*, writes Cantacuzenus, III, 35. That sacred edifice is the work of Basil the Macedonian, about which Cedrenus: C as for the monastery, to which he gives the name, those who even today look around Constantinople with their own eyes see that it bears the shape of a spinning top (*strobilos*). Goar.]
Ibid. Among the Greeks, the thirtieth day of June is dedicated to all the apostles together. Grets.
Ibid. [Regarding the feast of the Apostles being celebrated more solemnly in Constantinople, Theophanes says this: *Phaestus, a senator of Rome, sent to Anastasius for certain political needs, requested that the memorials of the holy apostles Peter and Paul be celebrated more festively.* And this prevails even until now. Goar.]
Ibid. The Greeks celebrate the feast of the Transfiguration on August 6. The Emperor Manuel Comnenus was buried in the monastery of the *Pantokrator*, as Nicetas writes at the end of book VII *On the Deeds of Emmanuel*. Grets.
Ibid. [Regarding Irene, the wife of Andronicus the elder, who was buried in this monastery, Gregoras tells, VII, 16; and while the Franks were reigning in the East, the same person writes, IV, 4; he had earlier granted regal burial to Manuel Comnenus, as Nicetas is the author in his Life. Cedrenus is the author that it was first built by Basil the Macedonian and endowed with an annual tribute: *He built*... And below: D *a temple by Basil* and anew in the royal courts in the name of the Lord Savior Christ. And many other divine temples...]
A And on the 15th of August, that [feast] concerning the second Assumption should not be supposed to have been taken from Bede, but from some poor hand. Nor does the custom of the Germans, who celebrate the thirtieth day of the assumed Virgin, assist this persuasion: for they do not do it as if on the thirtieth day she was at last restored to life and exalted into the heavens, but during those entire thirty days the Assumption into heaven, having taken place immediately after death, is celebrated. The Greeks do not observe this thirtieth day, as is evident from the Typicon of St. Sabbas, [and] from the Menaion in August and September. It is a German devotion, and exists in most Missals and Breviaries, in those of Eichstätt, Regensburg, Salzburg, Freising, [and] Chur; and in many places, early in the morning during those thirty days, the office of the B. Virgin, *Gaudeamus omnes*, etc., is sung, with a frequent crowd of people attending. And here at Ingolstadt, daily for thirty days, by the foundation of the Academic congregation, litanies and other songs are sung in the temple of the B. Virgin, and the same is done in the Maurician parish. And although, as some object, it might have had its origin from the Greek schismatics, which nonetheless is otherwise, this custom should not for that reason be condemned; for some good institution can indeed proceed even from schismatics. The custom, therefore, is from the Germans, who are accustomed to observe the thirtieth day for the deceased; and B if anyone of higher standing has died, they not only hold funeral rites for him on the third, seventh, and thirtieth day, but they go daily in mourning attire to mass and to vespers, and they offer money at the altar, but wine, bread, etc., at the cenotaph (*auf der baar*). Therefore, the Germans, being most addicted to the veneration of the divine Virgin, also wished to hold funeral rites for the divine Virgin for so many days—not mournfully as for one who is dead, but joyfully as for one assumed into heaven: hence, no funeral dirges are heard, but everything is arranged for joy.
Ibid. On the 15th of August, the Latins, along with the Greeks, celebrate the Assumption of the B. Virgin. The Greeks, as appears from the Menaia and Menologies, call this feast the *koimesis* (falling asleep) of our all-holy Lady Theotokos. And under this title exist homilies of the Fathers for this feast, such as those of the B. Damascene C 343 and Andrew of Crete. They therefore hold that she died on the 15th of August; and they add that on the same day she arose and was assumed into heaven, both in soul and body. Wherefore, after the aforementioned title concerning the Dormition, the Menaia add: "On the same month on the twenty-fifth... the august *metastasis* (translation) of our Lady Theotokos and ever-virgin Mary." Thus, on the same day the all-holy Mother of God both died and departed to the heavens, her soul being brought back into her body. The Latin Church also seems to hold this, which on the 15th of August celebrates the Assumption of the B. Virgin with a solemn ceremony, although it hands down nothing concerning the Dormition, whether it happened on the same day or on some preceding one. Some Latin martyrologies, such as Ado and Usuard, designate the Dormition, not the Assumption; for which reason Baronius rises sharply against them in the year of the Redeemer 48, and challenges them to the most ancient vestiges of the Roman Martyrology, where not Dormition but Assumption is read. Let the great founder of the *Annals* grant me pardon if I say something in defense of the aforementioned martyrologies. The Roman Martyrology, the most ancient of all others, often sought by Baronius but nowhere found, lately published at last by the diligence of our [friend] Heribert Rosweyde and inscribed to the Supreme Pontiff Paul V, this, I say, Martyrology presents this inscription on the 15th of August: *S. Mariæ Dormitio*. If, therefore, those martyrologists followed this primitive Martyrology of the Roman Church, what did they err in? Nor is it a wonder, because perhaps for them the Assumption of the Mother of God with body and soul was not as clear as it is for us today, because truth is gradually more and more uncovered and elucidated, so that what in earlier centuries was held [to be] somewhat obscure, that in later times is placed in clear light. There is added the fact that Rabanus and Notker use in their Martyrologies the appellation today customary among the Latins: for in both one reads "Assumption of the B. Mary Mother of God," just as also in Bede. Wherefore, D that we may return to the path, we believe with the Greek Menaia that the most blessed Virgin died, was buried, and was raised from the dead on the same day, although the Damascene fixes the resurrection on the third day after her passing in his oration on the Assumption of the B. Mary. Although those are more probable than others in Bede, who refer the Assumption of the Mother of God to the IX Kalends of October, that is, to the 24th of September, so that between her death on the 15th of August, which was the first Assumption, namely according to the soul, there would have intervened forty days until the soul, conglutinated once more with the body, arose and sought the heavens. But these things are entirely without probability, and are opposed by both the Latin and the Greek Church; and Baronius rightly notes in the Roman Martyrology...
P. 81. The 29th of August is sacred to the Decollation of St. John the Baptist both among the Greeks and among the Latins. There exist various homilies of the Greek Fathers on this feast. Perhaps no fewer are still waging war with moths and bookworms in libraries.
P. 82. On the second day of July, the Greeks celebrate the anniversary memory of the deposition of the garment of the Virgin Mother of God in the Blachernae temple under the Emperors Leo and Verina. See the Menaion on said day of July. But on the 31st of August, the same Greeks celebrate the anniversary memory of the deposition of the girdle of the Virgin Mother of God in the temple of the Chalcoprateia. See the Menaion on said day of August and Nicephorus XIV, 49. But of which feast is what Codinus writes to be understood? It seems to be the former, since he names the deposition of the venerable garment; and the emperor used to go to the Blachernae on this feast, where that garment was deposited. Why, therefore, did Codinus not list that in its place, that is to say, in July? Let him who has the note tell the reason: I confess it is unknown to me. Unless perhaps it should be read here "of the precious girdle." But then the Blachernae temple stands in the way, to which on this day the emperor with his courtiers used to go: but the girdle of the Mother of God was reserved in the temple built in the Chalcoprateia, as the Menaion testifies. GRETS.
A The first words of the chapter are: "The cause of this appellation is briefly thus," and following the summary of the traces, Philotheus, Patriarch of Constantinople, narrates in the first homily recited on the Sunday of Lent: "On this Sunday, which is the first of the fasts, the Church of Christ has received the tradition of celebrating Orthodoxy—that is, the restoration of the venerable and holy icons—which took place under the Emperor Michael and Theodora, his mother, the blessed empress, and the holy Methodius, Patriarch of Constantinople. It came to pass thus. When Leo the Isaurian, by the permission of God, had seized the scepter of the empire, the iconoclastic heresy began and displayed itself. But when he had miserably cut short his life, his son Constantine Copronymus became the successor to his rule and his heresy. And when he too had ended his life more shamefully, his son, born of the Khazar woman, was established in the empire. When he also had measured out his life, Irene and Constantine became heirs to the rule. And they, being guided by the Most Holy Patriarch Tarasius, convened the Seventh Synod, and the Church received back the holy icons and was adorned with its own proper splendor. When these had departed this life, Nicephorus, from the office of General, was raised to the empire, then his son Stauracius, after whom Michael Rangabe, who venerated the holy icons. But the beastly Leo the Armenian succeeded Michael Rangabe, and he stirred up the second iconoclasm, and again the Church of God was known to be in disorder. Him succeeded Michael from Amorium, and him again his son Theophilus, who even exceeded the others in his mania against the icons. But when Theophilus had also died bitterly and violently, his spouse, the blessed Empress Theodora, and her most pious son Michael became heirs to the rule and the empire, and they opened a door of freedom of speech to the orthodox; whence all those who were then the champions of orthodoxy—bishops, priests, and famous monastics—arose and proclaimed Orthodoxy. And the Church of God put on her own beauty, celebrating this day today." B
Order of the first Sunday of the holy fasts, that is, of Orthodoxy. We process in common with the holy lifegiving woods of the Cross and the venerable icons. We depart to a specific place, where it is necessary to read the Synodikon.
C Fasciae (swaddling clothes) of the Blessed Virgin were deposited by the Empress Pulcheria in the Blachernae temple, as Nicephorus witnesses (lib. XIV, c. 2). With the swaddling clothes of the infancy, in which the infant Christ was wrapped, she honored and adorned the temple, as the same Nicephorus writes in the same place. Baronius (vol. I, in the year of Christ 1) says that in honor of the swaddling clothes in which the infant Christ was wrapped, a feast day was instituted among the Greeks on August 31st. Casaubon, the mercenary calumniator of Baronius, says that in the Ritual books of the Greeks nothing is held regarding a feast dedicated to the swaddling clothes, but only to the girdle. Even if it be so, that this day was nevertheless sacred to the swaddling clothes is attested by two Greek authors, Germanus and Euthymius, who lived in Greece and through whose encomiastic orations, which exist in Lippomannus and Surius, this feast was illustrated. The accuser protests that Euthymius and Germanus are not to be believed. And shall we believe Casaubon, who cries out from his Genevan lair? Why, therefore, is there no mention in the Ritual books? I believe it is because the sacred swaddling clothes were only an appendix to the feast of the sacred girdle.
P. 82. The Sunday of Orthodoxy is the first Sunday of Lent, as is clear both from other Greek ritual books and from the Typicon of St. Saba, c. 42, whose title is: D "On that day in memory of the restored orthodoxy, the procession is not without crosses and images." Typicon of Saba, c. 42: "We act in common with the holy wood of the cross and the venerable icons." The decree of the Second Council of Nicaea regarding the repairing, retaining, and honoring of images is read on the same day, the Typicon says. [alt-version omitted] From these, I judge it is clear how truly the Calvinist scholiast of the Curopalata wrote that the Sunday of Orthodoxy was either joined to or certainly near to Pentecost. If it was joined or near, how could it be the first Sunday of Lent? And even if it were most closely joined or near to Pentecost, it still should not be cast on a day in May, since no Sunday...
A can have a fixed and stable place among the days of the month, because Pentecost is a movable feast dependent on Easter. Therefore, the Sunday of Orthodoxy cannot always fall on the 21st of May, since Pentecost itself can either precede or follow this day. GRETS. Ibid. [Ex Typico Sabæ: Gretser has described the history of the brief "Orthodoxy" to you; another, fuller and more copious account has just been published by the recently mentioned Combefis from Royal manuscripts, titled: *An Account dealing with the holy and venerable icons, and how and for what reason the holy Church of God received the 'Orthodoxy' to be celebrated annually on the first Sunday of the holy fasts.* See Leon Grammaticus, Cedrenus, Zonaras, and others regarding Michael and Theodora.]
Ibid. [The Synodicon. The Eastern Church has an ecclesiastical procession to a set place on the Sunday of Orthodoxy, with crosses and venerable images raised on high. In the same place, the heresies of the ancient Fathers, 347, formerly pursued by writings, doctrine, speech, and labors, are held in solemn rite, with the very heresies themselves and the perverse dogma of each being published, and all B cry out "anathema," and they execrate the names of all heretics: thus is it called the Synodicon of the holy and ecumenical seventh council, to be read. You should consult the Triodion where it is found in full.]
Ibid. [Statū. See the Emperor venerating the decrees of the Church. GOAR.]
P. 82. On the day before Palm Sunday, the anniversary memorial of the resurrected Lazarus is celebrated by the Greeks: in his honor, the Emperor Leo the Philosopher built a temple, as Zonaras testifies, and within it he placed his sacred body, having had it translated from Cyprus. GRETS.
Ibid. [Just (Δικαίου). The Greeks divide all the blessed into various classes. And certainly, with some, such as Barnabas, Luke, and Stephen, being counted in the college of the apostles, and others being honored with the title of "Equal-to-the-Apostles," they subjoin: *hieromartyrs*, meaning bishops who are also martyrs; *martyrs* (understand these as simple and unadorned ones); *confessors*, those who suffered various torments or exile for the name of Christ; *holy martyrs*, monks who are also martyrs; *the holy*, meaning monks; *the just*, whom we commonly call confessors; *virgins*; *virgin martyrs*; *female martyrs*, and so on.]
Ibid. [In the name of his own monastery. Concerning its founder, Leo the Wise, another source, Leo Grammaticus, relates in his *Life*: "Leo built the holy Lazarus in the so-called Topoi, having constructed a male monastery for eunuchs, where he also moved and deposited the body of the holy Lazarus and of Mary Magdalene, having performed the consecration of that same church. While the fleet was distracted with the construction of such churches, Taormina in Sicily was captured by the Africans."]
Ibid. [The feasts celebrated in the monasteries. If you take away the churches, the others listed here, to which the Emperor goes out of devotion on appointed days, assigned to monks and constructed by imperial magnificence, just as you will observe the three enumerated from among the catholic ones.]
Ibid. [Oblique. The royal vexillum is held obliquely when the Emperor is absent; when he is present, it is held straight.]
Ibid. [To light a lamp on the *dibellion*. What is this rite, to light a candle or lamp on the vexillum? Whether I might be guessing correctly, friendly reader, be you the judge. In the bronze figures scattered throughout this work (they depict the last Greek Emperor, John, making his journey to the Council of Florence), I notice at the side of the Emperor sitting in the trireme a vexillum, which I named *dibellion* in note 5 attached to p. 39 above, from the middle of whose staff a lantern or beacon protrudes; I persuade myself that it is nothing other than fire carried before the emperors. Does the way "to light a lamp upon the *dibellion*" allow for my conjecture? Approve, or tell me something else more congruent in its place. GOAR.]
Ibid. It is ridiculous what Junius suspects, that the *horaias pylas* (beautiful gates) are so called as if they were "horary," because that first entrance of the temples is the most convenient place for sundials and clocks. I will believe it when Junius has also demonstrated that in the Jerusalem temple, the gate called "Beautiful" was so called as if it were "horary," because it was a place for sundials and clocks. GRETS.
Ibid. [The vestibule of monastic churches is met by those entering through the *pylai horaiai*, sometimes called *basilikai*. That vestibule is called a *pronaos* by the author, which is commonly called a *narthex*, and it is an exterior portico attached to the church gates, always open and receiving those first arriving at the church, such as I implore you to observe in Paris at the doors of the temples built in the name of St. Germain, St. Victor, and St. Genevieve. Having passed through this *pronaos*, one encounters the said larger gates, *horaiai*, or "beautiful" ones, either on account of the holy images painted there, or because they refer to the beautiful gate of Solomon’s temple, or finally and more truly because at them the monks sing the minor hours—the first, third, sixth, ninth, and the part of the morning service (matins) preceding this module, "Open to us the gate of thy compassion, Theotokos," etc. GOAR.]
CHAPTER XI.
Observations and explanations on chapter 16, which is about the *fossatum* (trench/camp).P. 83. [Tent, scene, court, *katouna*, tentorium.] Ibid. [To carry his own. Cantacuzenus tells in 11, 7, how the royal and domestic vexillum was carried into the battle line and returned from the conflict to the camp. GOAR.]
P. 83. Junius is foolish, when he says that *fossatum* means "to plant the foot," or rather when it means to move the *fossatum* or set out for another place. For "to make a journey" is the meaning here, as appears most clearly a little later, where Codinus says no one *ephossateusen*, that is, to begin a journey, [before any great domestic...]
A assigned his own place. Junius falls into the same error a little later.
Ibid. *Katountopion*, castra, a place of tents. To "katouneuein" is to pitch tents, to pitch camp, or even absolutely to encamp. Junius here, if I am not mistaken, makes his usual joyful leap in these matters and derives *catunas* from Arabic. GRETS.
Ibid. *Katountopion* which is properly *aplekton* and *fossaton*. *Aplekta* are those things outside the blow [or reach], that is, the tents and encampments of the *aplekta* and the *fossaton*. *Katounai*, tents, *katountopion*; *aplekta*, *fossaton*. He used to make his *katountopitia* in the middle of the field, having neither exact sentinels nor watches, nor even throwing up a rampart. And they came to the *katouna* of the Caesar. All the *katounai* were snatched away by the barbarians. Therefore, one must [render] the *aplekta* or *fossata* (for properly the *aplekton* of the whole army is called the *fossaton*) so as to be safe, and if it is possible, to encamp the military forces in more sparse places, but if not, [then] in all [cases], not carelessly but tightly and strongly to *aplekeuein* [encamp].
Ibid. *Katounai*, *kantounai*, *kantounia*, through the word "my angles," through the word "your angles," *kantounotai*, *kantounota*, "angles of the great church," *katounai*: the *katounopoiein*.
P. 84. Understand "place" as order and sequence.
Ibid. "Before marching the *fossaton*." This was the order B of Leo in *Tact.*, const. 9, 61 and 62: "Lest they be concealed in some ruin. And these things must be scouted out beforehand by light-armed soldiers and a few cavalry, and at the same time [one must] drive away the concealed enemies, and then in this way move past the line of battle. Eat and feed the horses." And below: "On the infantry march in flat ground it is necessary for you to station watchers both behind them and in front of them, and for no one of the infantry to be seen outside of the watch." GOAR.
P. 84. The Codex Lautherianus and another Boicus: "Eat and feed the horses." GRETS.
Ibid. "The more recent Greeks placed only the cavalry on guard at night." Leo *Tact.*, const. 55. GOAR.
P. 85. [Of the *fossaton* being counted. Germanus numbered the soldiers, and having gathered the books of letters in which the names of the soldiers were inscribed. There were, therefore, C gatherings and enrollments of the Roman armies, and the mercenary [fund] was also collected, not uselessly.]
[The great domestic in the place where the emperor is. The great domestic was honored beyond all viceregal power, so that even many of those most esteemed according to the royal lineage would descend from their horse and offer him obeisance, encountering him by chance. The great domestic sends for his own bodyguards, whom he used in time of battle as useful to himself and as good men-at-arms.]
Ibid. *Kephalades* and *kephalada* are word-for-word our "capitanei." GRETS.
Ibid. Moderns call them *capitaneos*; concerning which word Rigaltius [writes] learnedly, which is the same as the other, more corrupt *kephaladas*.
Ibid. [The *Rogatores*. The Greeks had, whose custom the Turks imitate, other soldiers called *timaretes*, others *logatores*. To the first were assigned fields for a perpetual stipend, which are commonly like labor compensations. Cantacuzenus, 1, 33: "But indeed of the mercenary army D he increased the pay and provided ten gold *plethra* of land to each." The second *rogai* [paid] once a year, divided among the nobles and soldiers, Balsamon writes in his "Meditated on Incense," etc. Luitprandus describes it neatly in his "Legation," and from antiquity Simocatta, 3, confirms it was so distributed: "With spring arriving and providing a pleasant and gracious aspect to the earth, the distribution of gold to the fighting men was sent out by the emperor." Yet in winter, the same author notes, stipends were paid to them, and the circular distribution of money to the Roman army took place.]
A P. 85. Junius, as is always his custom here, thinks that *armata* are chariots, whereas they are weapons taken from a Latin word. *Ibid.* “Tί γένεσθαι.” It seems that “δεῖ” should be added. GRETS.
CHAPTER XII.
*Observations and explanations on ch. 17, concerning the coronation of the emperor.* Emperors proclaimed, whether promoted to rule the empire by the election of subjects, by right of blood, or by the violent seizure of tyranny: furthermore, those crowned, and adorned with the insignia of empire—crown, scepter, and chlamys—and anointed with holy oil. This present type is entirely concerned with the transmission of these insignia, omitting any other promotion.*Ibid.* It is certain that successors to the empire, or those called to obtain it by the election of the people or the military, possess the palace as their own residence; and it is granted that those adopted into the empire by a senior prince should immediately inhabit it. Therefore, on the evening prior to the coronation, they gather there, so that they may proceed from it as a companion, or rather as a senior leader, to the church on the following day. See Michael, son of Theophilus, in Leo Grammaticus, noting something of this kind in his own time: “On the Saturday of Pentecost, the emperor signaled to Patriarch Photius through Randacius, the first-steward, to perform the proclamation of Basil as emperor.” And on the next day, two chairs (*sellia*) were taken out. But the people were disturbed as to how, since there was one emperor, two chairs were taken out. On the following day, at the Great Church, “the sacred halls were reached to be crowned,” as he went on to say. (Observe again that Andronicus, the first of this name, who was promoted by flatterers and rebels to invade the scepters, was first adorned in a tumultuous fashion with the insignias of power, and later, as mentioned below, proceeded to the Great Church itself or the sacred inner shrines to be crowned, a rite now accepted, as Nicetas reports regarding Alexius II.)
*Ibid.* “Συναθροίζονται.” They do not gather in a way that is overly curious, but rather for the purpose of the coronation being approved, the principal men from all orders gather together. Tiberius, about to declare Mauricius emperor according to Simocatta: “Having gathered together the one presiding over the hierarchical seat, and having gathered the assembly of sacred dignitaries, and the bodyguards and the guards, and all those appointed for the honor of the emperor, and indeed also the more distinguished members of the people, he holds an assembly of his kin and friends and as many as were in positions of eminence and dignity,” so that “the state of holding dignities” and being “dignitary” exists. The *fossation* is accepted here not for a camp, but for the soldiers themselves. GRETS.
*Ibid.* “Εἰς τὴν ἁγίαν Σοφίαν.” That it is indubitable in my mind that the first Christian princes were received in the church. But although there is some suspicion concerning Marcian, who, as Theophanes writes, was declared emperor by Pulcheria through the help of Patriarch Anatolius, yet the same Theophanes says that Leo the Younger, grandson of the senior, adorned the father Zeno with the diadem by his own hand. Anastasius was crowned in the same place. Justin in the palace, Justinian in the same place. Mauricius, too, was saluted as emperor in the presence of the patriarch and the senate, but in the tribunal of the palace, at the bedside of Tiberius who was already about to die—to which place Simocatta himself writes (I, 1) that he was carried. Copronymus, finally, was declared in the tribunal of the nineteen *accubita* with the royal crown, as we shall refer from Theophanes below. Phocas was the first of all to be “crowned with the royal crown in the church of the prophet and Baptist John,” by which perhaps he might color his tyranny with piety and cover sacrilege with a sacred place; Heraclius then [was crowned] in the church of the remains, and others [in other places]. GOAR.]
*Ibid.* Note the profession of faith and the oath by which the emperor and the future emperor bound themselves. GRETS.
*Ibid.* [Anastasius was the first among emperors to give public testimony of the faith that he held in his mind, in a gathering of the Church. Theophanes relates the history in this way: The patriarch kept that written promise in his custody: “τῷ δευτέρῳ ἔτει,” says Cedrenus, “he received his profession by force from Euthymius.” Phocas issued a profession of faith, with the same Theophanes as witness: “Πάντων ἐν τῷ Ἑβδόμῳ,” having arrived (at the place seven miles distant from Constantinople), Patriarch Cyriacus demanded from the tyrant a profession concerning the orthodox faith and that he would keep the Church undisturbed. Leo, therefore, entered the palace, and having taken everything, and having made a procession, he entered into the church, and having ascended the ambo, he was crowned by Nicephorus, who was patriarch at that time, having previously made a handwritten document with those who were with him never to act against the Church or to disturb any of the sacred dogmas well-defined by the holy Fathers. By this precaution, that is to say, by the given oath and testimony of faith, the patriarchs guarded themselves against emperors suspected of perverse belief, whence the custom gradually prevailed that the orthodox should also [pledge] faith toward God and benevolence toward the people.]
A Regarding Michael Rangabe, the fourth emperor after the Isaurian, Zonaras writes: Leo Armenius [was] crowned with the royal diadem by the patriarch Nicephorus, [but] was required by him to provide a written promise that he would not disturb any of the Church’s institutions, nor even be stained by the blood of Christians. Being crowned by the patriarch Nicephorus, he confirmed his orthodoxy in writing. Then Andronicus himself swore to his father, firstly to worship the Church of God rightly, to observe its privileges in every way, and to keep them inviolate. And upon these terms the entire race of the Romans swore to the new emperor Andronicus the things customary for emperors. Yet the patriarch and the whole assembly of the Church inscribed their oaths in the holy codices, confessing that they would maintain [the emperor's] reign free from treachery, both they themselves and those succeeding them in the matters of the Church. Driven by irrational anger and a less reasonable mind, [the leaders of the themes] B left no evil undone against Andronicus. Consequently, having received another mortal wound in his heart, the aforementioned logothete [caused] the vessel of cinnabar, adorned with gold and stones, to be given to the Styppiote, and [appointed] him to oversee the oaths at the great church in Blachernae, which they pledged for the succession of power to Alexius and the daughter of the emperor, Maria, being appropriate to the office of the logothete, as it were. C
36. [Someone.
[Having forgotten the autograph which he made, and the cross which he planted, along with those with him. And having trampled upon his own conscience, and having set at naught the cross and the inscription which he made. Leo took steps for others to plant crosses in accordance with the truth. He himself, fearing to plant a cross because of his prior signature [made] when he was becoming emperor. D [...] A [...] B [...] C Andronicus [testifies] that Leo the Armenian, having invoked curses, promised to keep faith with God and his grandson, according to Nicetas in his *Alexius* regarding Manuel. The third [emperor] of this name, called Andronicus the Younger, performed the same, from Gregoras, book iv, 15: Thereafter the same [emperor] Andronicus swore to his father, first to worship the Church of God correctly, to observe its privileges in every way, and to keep them inviolate. And upon these terms the entire race of the Romans swore to the new emperor Andronicus the things customary for emperors. [...] C The governors of the themes, moved, entered all together with the multitude of the people, requesting his son to be [their] emperor. He, however, as is the custom for emperors, declared to them: "My son is my only-begotten; I fear to do this, lest something human should happen to me, and while he is still a child, you kill him and proclaim another." But they, with [the high priests], persuaded him not to be emperor except with his son, even if [it is not] God’s will that he should die. This matter was agitated by the people from Palm Sunday until the Great Thursday. And when they were gathered in the Hippodrome and making their request, on Great Friday he ordered them to swear. And all the people swore by the venerable and life-giving wood, both those of the themes and of the senate and of the inner regiments and of all the citizens and the craftsmen, not to accept as emperor anyone other than Leo and Constantine and his seed. And they made documents, just as they had sworn, in their own hands. And on the following day, which was the holy Sabbath, the emperor went out to the tribunal of the nineteen accubita, and he brought forward his brother, the *nobilissimus* Eudocimus; for his father had brought forward Anthimus while [he was] alive. And the emperor went forth with the two Caesars and the *nobilissimoi* and the new Constantine to the Great Church. And having changed his attire, as is the custom for emperors, he ascended the ambo with his son and the patriarch, and when he had entered, all the people deposited their documents upon the holy table. The emperor then spoke as follows: "Behold, brethren, I fulfill your request, and I grant you my son as emperor; behold, you receive him from the Church and from the hand of Christ." And they shouted with a great voice, saying: "Antiphon, Son of God, because we receive from your hand the lord Constantine as emperor, and [we swear] to guard him and to die for him." Subsequently, the divine logia being set before them, the matters of loyalty and faith toward everyone are ratified for Manuel. "And if I see or conceive or hear anything to your dishonor and the ruin of your crown, I will give you notification concerning this, and I [myself] will prevent this, as it is permitted to me." They bound the faith [they owed] to him with fearful oaths [and] benevolence, though in their irrational anger and more unreasonable mind they left no evil undone against Andronicus. Therefore, having received in his heart another fatal wound, the aforementioned logothete [ensured] that the vessel of cinnabar... of the same color, three crosses were placed in front, as Theophanes [says] in [the life of] the Isaurian Leo: [And] below: The same: Again: But not only [of] this oath, but also...A of those who violate such leagues, namely, those in which a cross is inserted, the violators were thought to provoke the divine Numen; and having suffered injury, when they had fixed the charters marked with the cross and promising a peace that was vain, upon spears, they would proceed with an army drawn up against the treaty-breakers. Andronicus the younger, in the writer Cantacuzenus II, 3, threatens this to the perfidious prince of the Moesians: "And if he does not deliver the fortress, the cross, which I formerly sent to him, having had it placed upon the standard, I shall come against him." And below: "And since you answer nothing reasonable, trusting in the power of the cross, which you yourself provided to me as a guarantor that you would never violate the treaty, I shall march against you." And invoking God as witness and vindicator of these things, having hung the written parchment of peace upon a standard and advancing, they rushed against the Romans. B Idem: And if the son is his, if the father gives him out, he too writes, prefixing it thus. Leo Grammaticus in [the life of] Michael the son of Theophilus: The procession having taken place to the Chalkoprateia of the Annunciation, and the entrance having occurred, and the Gospel having been finished, both the Patriarch Photius and the Emperor went up with the Caesar and Basil the Parakoimomenos into the catechumena; and the Patriarch held in his hands the precious body and blood of our Lord Jesus Christ; and both the Emperor and Basil, having dipped, signed with the precious crosses, confirming with an oath that the Caesar would go out with them on the journey. C Idem: He permitted him (Andronicus) his father, and [he permitted him] to sign the commands through red letters, though not the month and indiction, but, "Andronicus by the grace of Christ Emperor of the Romans." Idem: I do not understand what this "to so many" means; for what Junius translates "to so many days" does not satisfy me. Gretser. Idem: [What this might mean, I confess I do not understand, writes Gretser. It is no wonder: for the mode of speaking by which the Greeks note the day of the month is corrupted and vulgar. And from common grammar I perceive that they use not ordinal adjectives but substantives to count the days of the month: for they do not say on the second, tenth, or twentieth day, but "at two, at ten, at twenty days" of the month. At the same time, the use of the preposition *eis* joined to the accusative is more frequent among them than *en* with the dative. D You see, therefore, that "at so many days of the month" is written in place of "on such a day of the month." It is subjoined "on the day," supply "on the first, second, or third day of the week."] Idem (for the other Bavarian and Lauberian codices have it so): "I have prefixed with my own hand." Thus writes the one being crowned, prefixing his own confession. Absurd: for what does this "I have prefixed" and "prefixing" mean? Translate: "I have written these things with my own hand," or "I have placed them before my confession of faith." In this manner he who is crowned (or rather who is to be crowned) marks his own confession with the prescription and notation of his name and dignity. For these were wont to prescribe: to this "subscribing" responds, concerning which Curopalates, p. 87: "And he who prefixes this, again, after the exposition of faith, writes as one subscribing," that is, "[Name] in Christ the God faithful Emperor and Autocrat of the Romans," or "Emperor of the Romans," having subscribed with his own hand. Therefore, to prefix and to subscribe is to write and to subscribe; in the notion of which Junius was clearly blind in understanding and explaining. Gretser. Idem: Do not think that "synod" is called here all the bishops collected from one province, or some prelates from all the provinces subject to the patriarch, about to deliberate on the morals or the faith of the Church, but either the clergy of Constantinople, or the prelates who by chance are staying in Constantinople. See Juris GR. l. III and IV, which contain [synodical decisions], that is, pontifical constitutions issued privately by the patriarchs, to which it is recorded that only a private and small number of bishops gave counsel. Hence "a wandering and uncertain synod," and "the council of a synod occurring and [chance] at the city," p. 271. Goar. P. 88. Thomaites. The great triclinium of the sacred palace, as it is named in the reign of Irene by Zonaras, which was burned under the same empress; and there are said to have been burned also in that place some commentaries on the sacred letters of Saint John Chrysostom, as Zonaras writes. Gretser.
A Ibid. *Augusteon*. In the *Origines CP.* and in Suidas, under the word *Augusteon*, these things are read concerning the Augusteum: "On the fifth day of the month of October, the prefects of the city regions used to hold dances in the Augusteum—that is, the sweet-seller's market—in honor of their emperor." The common people therefore call this place the Augusteum, in which the columns of the great Constantine and his mother are also situated. For this reason he also named the place the Augusteum, which was formerly called the *Gustium*, that is, the cupedinarian market. Nicetas Choniates writes much concerning the Augusteum in his *Life of Alexius Manuel Comnenus*. Gretser.
Ibid. The interpreter of Suidas—not the famous one, but an unknown one, cited by Gretser—is completely blind and ignorantly confuses the two. Suidas wrote about the second, our author about the first. *Augustalia* were games celebrated in honor of Augustus at Rome, which the Latin common interpreter calls *Augustalia*; the same is reported by Dempster in his *Roman Antiquities*. The place is in Constantinople, namely the atrium of St. Sophia below the Thomaite. And now the author himself will explain it. Hence also Nicetas calls it so in his second book on Alexius. Note also that a column of Constantinople is found, namely the bronze one, upon which Cedrenus in his *Life* of Justinian relates that his statue was placed: below: "Which [matters] concerning the Augusteum [in the sense of] the sweet-seller’s market and the cupedinarian market, which do not exist in the Greek text of Suidas, the cited interpreter reports according to Gretser, as being the stuff of dreamers, insipid, senseless, and vain." There is also a triclinium, of which Theophanes writes in the life of Copronymus: "It is the same as that which is said to have been built by Justinian II," of which more elsewhere. Goar.
B Ibid. *Epicombia*. Junius says these were "missilia" [coins thrown to a crowd], so called because they were *komboi* [knots] upon them, that is, that there were knots upon them to which coins were attached so that they would not injure the people into whom they were thrown. But without a doubt Curopalata knew better what they were than did Junius. He says, therefore: "Cutting pieces from cloths, and tying three gold coins and the same number of silver ones and three obols to each piece of cloth, they throw them into the crowd." They throw such bundles, and, if I may put it so, ligatures; in Latin they can be called *missilia*. And these bundles are called *epicombia* from the way in which they are tied, or because they are constricted, which is done by knots. Concerning the same, p. 97, he disputes whether the word is Greek or barbarian. Photius in the same place... C And concerning these, Joannes Cantacuzenus says almost the same in his first book on the wars between the Andronici, grandfather and grandson; except that he says they are scattered after the emperor has left the church, already crowned and inaugurated. Again, concerning the same [gifts] accustomed to be scattered on the day of the coronation, the same Cantacuzenus writes in the same book: Curopalata, p. 98, defers this to the following day; on which day Cantacuzenus, book 1, ch. 41, writes that this was also accustomed to take place. Our Curopalata writes similar things in ch. 17. Concerning this custom, Pachymeres is also to be understood in his 9th book of his *History*, where, writing about the coronation of Michael Palaiologos, son of Andronicus the Elder, he says—and here the interpreter, who has deserved well of the Greeks, is in vain in conjecturing that bundles of scented flowers were accustomed to be scattered. Gretser.
D Ibid. [These *epicombia*, royal gifts scattered by grace—you will find them signified by the term among the ancients.] To the aforementioned, Cedrenus suggests an argument in *Justinian*: Theophanes in *Tiberius*, in *Copronymus*: Simocatta, viii, 10, concerning Phocas newly crowned in the Hebdomon: Leo Grammaticus or anyone else in *Armenian Leo*: "That these retained the name of the consular *congiaria* [largesse given by consuls] and imperial donatives is undoubted. With what pomp, acclamations, munificence, and donatives Mauricius entered [office], Simocatta, 1, 12, recounts in words that equal the procession."
Ibid. *Sitting on a shield to be carried through the camp*. The ancient Romans were accustomed to carry newly proclaimed emperors around. Zonaras in *Justinian*: Theophanes in *Mauricius*: In the same place: Simocatta writes almost the same words, viii, 7. However, he correctly calls him *centurion*, whom Theophanes—Gregoras, iii, 1: "He was proclaimed later by the will of the subjects..."
A regarding all things, being seated upon a shield according to the custom prevailing among them. In this place, about Magnesia, those who are preeminent in glory and birth, having seated Michael Palaiologos, proclaim him emperor. Those who are excellent in dignities. They lift him upon a military shield before the people; which signifies both generalship and imperial rule. And he is raised by those in dignity as their beginning and head, and he is worshipped by the soldiers and the populace as having become their master.
B Infra: "First, then, the emperor Romanos, having seized the aforementioned landing stage, received Symeon." "And on the third day after the wedding, the emperor having made a feast at the landing stage of the Pēgai, at the very landing stage of the imperial *dromōn* as it stood, he feasted together with Peter."
In a similar board-platform, the last of this name, Manuel, entertained the prince of the Turks at a banquet, according to the interpreter of Phranza, Pontanus. GOAR.
Ibid. "Upon the *ambōn*, into the *ambōn* I ascend." "Ambon" is thought to have derived its name from *anabainō*, which means "to ascend," although Walafridus Strabo, in *De rebus ecclesiasticis* ch. 6, derives *ambon* from *ambiendō* (encircling), because it encircles and surrounds the one entering. Moreover, the *ambon* of the Great Church must have been large, inasmuch as it is recorded here that at one and the same time it received the patriarch and the ministers and the emperors, and in it the rites of inauguration and coronation could be performed. Therefore, let no one conceive in his mind anything similar to our *suggesta* (lecterns); rather, let him conceive of what the Germans call *Porkirchen*, that is, elevated parts of a temple, such as are seen in temples, supported by columns or fixed to walls, or constructed high up in the vestibule of the sanctuary for the purpose of receiving men. The *ambon* had two ascents, as we learn from Codinus, p. 91. Nor did Onuphrius, in the booklet where he explains certain obscure ecclesiastical terms, s.v. *Ambo*, forget to warn about the double ascent into the *ambon*. In certain churches two ranks of steps are perceived, one on the left, by which the ascent is made toward the east, another on the right, looking toward the west, by which the descent is made. GRETS.
C After the people and the *phossaton* had shouted their acclamations. It is known to no one that soldiers and the people followed the newly promoted prince with auspicious acclamations and happy wishes; yet these passages occur, manifesting their testimony to a custom so frequented. Leonis Grammatici concerning Leo the Armenian: "He caused them to acclaim Leo and Constantine, wishing them to live many years." The same in *Michael, son of Theophilus*: "I wish Basil to be acclaimed by all as emperor." Now he is proclaimed emperor; you see the shield-bearers, you hear the acclamation. And infra: Hear the brilliant acclamation. He sends to the church, saying the emperor is dead and seeking himself to be acclaimed as emperor. Each of the magnates, standing distinct with his own rank, and declaring the acclamation to the new king. Indeed, they also lead the acclamation, and in this way they dispose the announcement: "Alexios and Andronikos, great emperors and autocrats of the Romans of the Komnenoi, may your years be many." With wide-open mouths, and almost bursting with their voices.
D Ibid. [De ambone quædam...]. Concerning what sort of mass or figure the *ambon* of Hagia Sophia was constructed, an anonymous description in the *Regia* sets forth; in what precious material and at what expense it was perfected, the *Origines CP* include in a few words: "Justinian made the *ambon* and the *soleas* (chancel screen) golden, with sardonyx and sapphire stones, through pearls and cast gold." And infra: "For the *ambon* and the *soleas* there was an expenditure of the time of the pact of Egypt of CCCLXV *kentēnaria*, as were fixed by the great Constantine." "Of all, *pantōn*."
P. 90. [The prayers composed for the anointing of emperors.] [He anoints.] We have added these prayers, extracted from the manuscript patriarchal Euchologia of Bessarion and another Greek Father, an assessor of the Council of Florence, to the common Euchologion, and we published them this year.
Ibid. We read that the ancient emperors of the Greeks had been crowned often, but never anointed. Cedrenus records that Charles, great in name and deeds, was the first to be anointed by the Roman pontiff Leo, from his own Greek [alt-version omitted]
nullum. A Leo, rewarding Charlemagne, crowned him Emperor of the Romans in the church of St. Peter the Apostle, having anointed him with oil from head to feet, and having clothed him in the imperial garment and crown. "Vouchsafe to anoint with the oil of gladness," by the perfume sealing him with the mark and anointing of the Almighty, and in imitation of Him establishing him upon earth. B *In the form of a cross.* After the first prayer, he pours the perfume upon his head in the form of a cross, showing that Christ anointed him. *Holy.* He shouts "Holy," showing that he is sanctified by the Holy One, and that it is the King of the sanctified who is consecrated by Christ. *Even if some say.* Since the Emperor had given the crown to Patriarch Photius, having taken it from his own head in order to bring it into the holy table, just as he had made a prayer over it, and the praepositi, having brought the divitision and the tzangia, dressed Basil, who, having put on the chlamys, fell at the feet of the Emperor. The patriarch went out, and took it from the head of the Emperor, and gave it to the Emperor. And the scepters having fallen, as is the custom, Michael crowned Basil; and all shouted: "Long years to Michael and Basil!" He crowns him. He was crowned, moreover, on the Thursday of the Great Passover in the seat of the Hippodrome. He sends for those in office and declares the Emperor's nephew, Justinian, [Emperor], having himself placed the diadem upon his head. He was crowned C by Patriarch John; he was crowned by Patriarch Eutychius. Of the administration of public affairs, he took hold [after having been] crowned by Patriarch John. He was crowned in the palace by Patriarch Sergius, in the oratory of St. Stephen in the palace; he crowned both the children with the imperial diadem; he was adorned with the diadem of the kingdom, having been crowned by his father. He deemed Theodora and the child worthy of the name of kingdom and crowned both. On the Sunday of Pentecost, the people having gathered in the Great Church, he was crowned by Patriarch John. On the day of the Passover, Constantine was crowned by his father Leo in the tribunal of the Nineteen Accubita, while the blessed Patriarch Germanus performed the customary prayers. Constantine the impious crowned Leo his own son as emperor through that pseudo-patriarch and companion in his heresy, Anastasius. He went out into the church to be crowned while Tarasius still held the throne. D *Both he and the patriarch.* He sends for the patriarch and the senate, and proclaims Marcian emperor. By divine vote having been revealed emperor, Leo, a Thracian by race, a tribune in rank, was crowned by Patriarch Anatolius. Leo, having crowned as emperor Leo the son of Zeno and of his own daughter Ariadne, his own grandson, proclaimed him. Having chosen Leo, the son of Zeno and Ariadne, while he was still an infant, as Emperor in the month of January, Leo crowned his own father Zeno in the month of February in the seat of the Hippodrome.
A And [he was] wearing a diadem, as he claimed, being autonomous and owing account to no one, and for this reason having the power to crown an emperor. He took the royal cap with his own hand, which was lying on the ground before the image of the immaculate Theotokos, and placed it upon his head.
Soleas, the solea. B Being the only one to be crowned at the ambo of the Great Church by the Patriarch Nikephoros. In the first year of his reign he crowned his son Theophylaktos. Leo the Armenian, the apostate, reigned for seven years and five months, having been crowned by Patriarch Nikephoros. He had gone to the great church of Hagia Sophia, wishing to be crowned by the hand of the Patriarch. He had a son by Euphrosyne, named Theophilos, whom he also crowned in the Great Church. And the Emperor, passing through the soleas, finds the Patriarch standing at the holy doors. He himself, entering alone, finds the Patriarch standing at the holy railings of the soleas.
On the day of Pentecost, Leo the Emperor crowns his son Constantine through Patriarch Euthymios. He is crowned with the imperial diadem by Emperor Constantine and Patriarch Nicholas. He is crowned by Emperor Constantine. He crowned his sons in the Great Church of God, Stephen and Constantine. He puts on the diadem, after Patriarch Theophylaktos had performed the prayers. He crowns his son Basil emperor by the hands of Patriarch Polyeuktos. He crowns [him] at the ambo of the Great Church.
P. 90. [Worthy. Holy. The Patriarch alone. To offer the proclamation prayers to God and the inaugural prayers. He is troubled, concerning the one who will bind him with the imperial crown at the New Lord's [Church]. The Archbishop of Bulgaria puts on the imperial attire. C
Cantacuzenus tells of himself, 27, when the Patriarch was absent at Thessalonica, where he was taking the imperial insignia, Goar.
P. 91. Junius also brings [it] forward, I do not know if from manuscript codices; and interprets it as *soleum*. More correctly *soleam*, since the correct form is of the first declension, or whether it is derived from *sol* (sun), for there was a place which was called *soleas* toward the rising sun, contiguous to the *bema* or tabernacle, as is clear from Curopalata, c. 17, p. [94]. Michael, having been made Emperor, says he who is thought to be Leo Grammaticus in the royal manuscripts—which in others is certain—writes about Leo the Armenian: Michael Balbus, after Leo was killed, had gone to the great church of Hagia Sophia, says Cedrenus, wishing to be crowned by the hand of the Patriarch, as Grammaticus testifies, Michael the son (whose hand was the one that crowned him, the histories do not reveal) crowned Basil the chamberlain with such a solemn rite in the ambo of St. Sophia that it appeared as wondrous as it was unusual: concerning him, something in the note above. Basil did not exalt Leo's son to the empire by giving him a crown. The crown of Alexander with his nephew Constantine alone in the year of his reign, so the history relates. Romanus Lekapenos, father-in-law of this Constantine, is crowned with the diadem of the empire by Emperor Constantine and Patriarch Nicholas. Christopher, son of Romanus, is crowned by Emperor Constantine. Romanus again. To his son Constantine, son of Leo the Wise, according to the writer Cedrenus, Romanus—to his son Basil, Emperor, through the hands of Patriarch Polyeuktos. This Polyeuktos crowns Nicephorus, who was invading the tyranny at the ambo of the Great Church. Up to here, the equal, painstaking care regarding emperors or patriarchs, either joined in one or set separately, with the heads of other princes being adorned with crowns. The histories themselves have deprived us of the desire to recount the others, because they were passed over in silence by them regarding the coronations of some of those who followed: John Tzimiskes, Constantine Porphyrogenitus, Romanus Argyrus, both Michaels, Paphlagon and Calaphates, etc.
P. 90. [Worthy. Because he was previously announced as holy. Ibid. The patriarch alone crowns the emperors, so that they would not want to receive the crown by a simple bishop. You will see indeed Manuel Comnenus in his Life, bk. 1. But because he had bound the scepter to the deceased patriarch, Niketas says—see what is added more extensively about the accepted crown. The Archbishop of Bulgaria brought this service to the Comnenian, but acting as a patriarch and boasting that he was inferior to no patriarch. Cantacuzenus: or whether one might wish to derive it from *solum* or paved floor rather [than the sun], turning the name from the floor to that whole place which we in our temples call the choir, which is less probable to me. That place, however, was, as were the other parts of the temple, far more ornate. Wherefore in the *Originibus Cpolitanis* it is reported as having been founded by Justinian, [but] when, by the fall of the dome or vault, it was shattered, it could not be restored to the pristine splendor and glory by Justin, successor of Justinian. To Meursius, *soleas* is a *solium* or throne. But Curopalata indicates clearly enough that it was something else: for the phrase which Cantacuzenus uses implies something else than a throne or *solium*. GRETS.
Ibid. [Soleas is a step or higher place, as it were a throne, placed at the holy doors, from which Christ is distributed to the people for Christian communion. The doors to the *bema* are holy, as being consecrated by the passage of the sacred gifts, of the Gospel, and of Christ himself under the sacrament; sometimes they are called so because they concede a path to Christ the king, brought from the holy *bema* to another throne. To the region is the ambo, to which the ascent is given by steps both from the east and from the west side: this [Ambo] looks to the other, the beautiful doors, placed behind the ambo and between the vestibule and the temple itself. Concerning the beautiful doors, [see] above. Concerning all these things the most learned Allatius has published lucid dissertations; we have recorded some things within our capacity in the Euchologia.
Ibid. Gregoras, vii, 8. The Roman customs have chosen to adorn the empresses with imperial insignias.
Ibid. [Baton. This word *βατον* does not refer to a branch or a palm, but a scepter, not a light one indeed and D
A in every way equal, but distinguished by globular knots and round protrusions, as if made on a lathe, in whose upper part the knot is larger, or a small flower blooming with gems all around by means of protruding wires. That it is round, and not broad in the manner of a palm branch, the word *κυκλόθεν* placed here demonstrates, by which it is declared that the gems are affixed in a circle. The rest—unless I was previously deceived—the sight will confirm in the portrait of Helena, wife of Manuel, to be found in the imperial, and now royal, manuscript of the works of St. Dionysius in the royal abbey of the same name.
Ibid. [By the eunuch himself. That is, by the chief of the eunuchs, the *Euchologion* type commands him to be led. Simocatta, IV, 15: "He is brought in [by the eunuch.] An eunuch assigned to the imperial bodyguard is a very high-ranking person, whom the Romans were accustomed to call *praepositus*."
P. 92. [Regarding *solea*, *soleion*, *suleia*, *solea*, etc.
Ibid. [If it happens. If it happens that the emperor has already been crowned at the ceremony of the wedding, the emperor likewise crowns his own wife; and then both ascend the *anabathra* or platform, and again sit on their throne. And this interpretation is confirmed from B. 1 of John Cantacuzenus, in which he describes this ceremony of the emperor being inaugurated and the empress being crowned in almost the same words as Curopalata; for he says: "If it happens that the emperor is already crowned at the time of the wedding ceremony, the emperor in the same way crowns his own wife, and again both [ascend] to the *anabathra*; [also regarding] the *sakkos* and the purple; he puts on the *sakkos*, and is clothed in a golden cloak over the diadem and the purple.]
[She places on the head. He crowned Lupicina as Augusta. Justinus II had a wife named Sophia, whom he crowned Augusta. Phocas crowned Leontia, his own wife, as Augusta. Epiphania, the daughter of Heraclius, was crowned by the patriarch Sergius as Augusta. Heraclius married Martina and proclaimed her Augusta, having been crowned by the patriarch Sergius. Procopia was crowned Augusta in the triclinium of the Augustus.]
P. 93. [They sing certain hymns. The crowds, as Theophylact writes to the child of Michael Curopalata, crowned before his parents (or someone else, as recently related), "composed poems in every mode for their praise, offering every pleasure of flattery."]
Ibid. [Metaxa. Suidas: Silk is the *metaxa*, from which they have been accustomed to make clothing, which in ancient times the Greeks called *Medica*, but now they call it *serica*. Hence the *metaxaricus*, a merchant of silk. Nicephorus writes, XVII, 32, that silk was finally brought to Constantinople under the emperor Justinian. Add to this *examiton*, *samitum* (samite). The Latins also used it. In the *Chronicle of the Slavs*, c. 5: "The queen gave to the duke many samites, so that she might clothe all her soldiers in samites." See the *Glossarium Graeco-Barbarum*. Tyrius, XIII, 27: "Covered with *exameto* (samite) of the highest quality." GRETS.]
P. 95. [The reason is asked. D Ibid. I will dare, though hesitant if not certain, to offer a reason. Perhaps as formerly, when princes were celebrating a triumph (which Theophanes narrates was done concerning Heraclius), the people, carrying olive branches and torches, went out with acclamations; so finally, as those silken little cloths were raised on high, this new [emperor], in the ancient manner, seemed to be referring back to that. Nor can it be said without reason that the choirs of the cantors and the lectors—with soldiers seen in the atrium divided by cohorts, carrying their own standards before them (for each of the grandees, standing separately with his own order, as we have related elsewhere from Nicetas in the *Life of John*),—also [displayed] the three mentioned spears, instead of the three of the protopsaltae of the domestic and lectoral turns, from each line, so that they might receive to their own proper standard, or ...]
intended for display alone, he wished to bring forward. But truly we have said in earlier sections that the white and red colors—appearing as though they looked to the Church itself—laid claim to them. A GOAR.]
*Ibid.* Codex Lauth. for *semnou hymnou* [solemn hymn]. Correctly: When the hymn begins—that is, by the singers, which is accustomed to be chanted at the Great Entrance, that is to say in the supplication or solemn procession, in which, the Gospel having now been read, the material of the future sacrifice is carried around through the temple, starting from the prothesis to the altar on which the sacrifice was being immolated. Concerning which procession, let Cabasilas be read in *Exposit. Missæ*, c. 34. GRETS.
*Ibid.* [Double *eisodos*—entrance—in the liturgy, small and great. The first is for leading the Gospels to the altar before their reading, a book; the second is destined for carrying the sacred gifts, namely bread and wine, to the same altar; and this occurs in that part of the mass which, after the Gospel has been read, is called the offertorium by us.]
*Ibid.* [*Hymnos*. That hymn is the Cherubic, again to be called offertorium by the Latins, which is sung while the offerings are carried to the altar, concerning which see Allatius, Arcudius, the liturgy of Chrysostom, and the Euchologium.]
*Ibid.* [*Prothesis*. The altar of the Greeks, commonly called the *hagion bēma*, is separated from the rest of the temple by *kigklides*, chancel screens, or even solid partitions, just as in our churches other partitions divide the choir of sacred men from the people—more august partitions. In that transverse partition there are three doors, the middle one larger, the others at the sides smaller. The Greeks call the middle one the *hagia thyra*, B *hagias pylas*, *hagias thyras*, etc. From the sides, the right, where the *diakonikon* is, is the southern part, the left the northern part, and they also call it the *prothesis*. Finally, the *prothesis* is the table where the sacred gifts, to be consecrated in the mass, are first placed, [*protheontai*], and before the beginning of the mass are prepared by the priest and deacon and stored until the offertorium. Hence also the name *protheseos* is given to it.]
*Ibid.* [*Ta hagia*. Understand the gifts, bread and wine.]
*Ibid.* [*Mandyas* is the royal pallium, and if you prefer, the chlamys; except that the chlamys is shorter, and used to be fastened at the right shoulder with a brooch or knot; the *mandyas* is longer, to the breast and the front root of the neck. The whole is depicted with Phrygian workmanship in golden branches and circles, in which golden double-headed eagles swell out.]
*Ibid.* [*Tou staurou*. A golden rod, of course, on the summit of which is a golden cross adorned with gems, commonly [*dikikion*]; concerning which see above.]
*Ibid.* [*Narthēka*, a ferula, a lighter rod, which Simeon of Thessalonica mentions, c. 6, note 44, reported. GOAR.]
364 P. 95. *Taxin ekklesiastiken, hen kalousi...* [Ecclesiastical order, which they call...]. Incorrectly, but Junius corrected the error from another codex. For it should be read *tou despotatou*, as John Cantacuzenus has in his *History*, book 1, concerning the wars between Andronicus the grandfather and the grandson, where he describes the rite of inaugurating an emperor. Cod. Bar. C *despotatou*, correctly, if you remove a single sigma.
The meaning is: the emperor holds at that time (namely in that procession) the place of a deputy. The office of deputy is counted by the Curopalata among the offices of the Great Church in the catalogue of officials of that same court, c. 1. GRETS.
*Ibid.* [As soon as anyone received supreme power, says Zosimus, the priestly garment was offered to him by the pontiffs, and immediately he usurped the title of *pontifex maximus*; and so great was the connection between imperial and pontifical dignity that the former could not consist without the latter, and the subjects were impelled to conspire more boldly against him whom they did not contemplate as consecrated by the religion of the fathers; but whom they observed to have been raised up by it, possessing such great authority at the same time, they venerated, so that they asserted that all magistracies were inferior to him, and by his nod and will all matters—public, private, of war, of peace, external, domestic—depended. Which was the cause that among Christian emperors the first—Constantine, Constantius, Valentinian, Valens, and others up to Gratian—did not shun the title and stole of *pontifex maximus*. Hence that saying of Ambrose concerning Christian princes, also moved by ambition within the boundaries of Christian religion: "It is commonly said that emperors desired the priesthood more than priests desired the empire." Where, however, religion being increased, it eliminated even the shadowy titles of superstition from the palace, and a sincere dejection of mind repudiated false or vain appellations; to find a place among the lowest ministers of the Church and to perform some duty of theirs in the Church was held in value by them; whence I think it arose that later successors of the empire converted ancient chlamydes into *mandyas*, the pallia of lectors; they performed the office of deputies in the Church and paved the way for clerics and priests in the solemn deportation of the sacred gifts to the altar; and finally, the Church, to compensate for such religious humility, bestowed upon them that power, sometimes of lighting incense at the altars, of imparting blessing to the subjects with a three-pronged candle, and of bearing sacred speeches to the nobles and the people, which I believe is vindicated from the crime of unjust or sacrilegious usurpation in the note to chapter 14 of this our author, to p. 76. Which if anyone should more persistently seek to condemn, it is necessary that he also accuse the most Christian kings—who were elected to the rank of canonical leaders by many ecclesiastical colleges—of being culprits, and the others, supreme princes of the age, who presume some ecclesiastical duty and depute them to a part of the privileges. GOAR.]
P. 94. *Proēgeitai tēs eisodou pasēs.* [He precedes the entire entrance.] Unskilfully [rendered]. Rather, "he precedes the whole supplication," he is the first in the procession. Cantacuzenus: *hēgeitai*.
*Ibid.* Perhaps for *alla* one should read *epipla*. For thus Cantacuzenus: *Epipla te kai skeue tōn hierōn kai auta hagiotata epipheromenoi*. GRETS.
*Ibid.* [*Skeuē de te alla*. At the greater entrance of the liturgy, in the sacred rite of proceeding, the lectors, subdeacons, dea-
deacons, and priests proceed in order; if the pontiff celebrates, never elsewhere. But returning, he receives them in the sacred doors. The lectors and those delegated and interspersed among them, as well as the subdeacons, carry burning candles or fans; the deacons carry the thuribles; the penultimate, however, carries the pontiff’s pallium 365, folded decently; the last, who is prior in dignity, carries the sacred bread, placed upon the diskos, and veiled, placed upon his head. The first of the priests carries the chalice mixed with wine, others the sacred lance, the sacred sponge, the star, or empty chalices, or those filled because of the necessity of those participating in the holy things of the people. And these are the sacred vessels which are read to be held here. The Euchologion and the work on the temple and the liturgy by Symeon of Thessalonica, recently edited by us, treat these things abundantly.
*Ibid.* *Pareirchomenos*. From the prothesis, of which above, to the outer door of the church, and from it they proceed to the middle and sacred doors of the altar.
*Ibid.* *Ton patriarchēn histamenon*. Celebrating the sacred gifts and the liturgy with him, that is to say, the priests and ministers, excepting.
*Ibid.* *Oude protopsaltēn*. He is, however, enumerated among the ecclesiastical officials, c. 1.
P. 96. *Hōsper kai hoi hiereis*. This is, he receives both species of bread and wine separately, in the manner of priests, the people having been relinquished, receiving the bread dipped in wine, by the hand of the priest, in the spoon called *lachos*, to communion. GOAR.]
*Ibid.* *Antidoron* has already been treated above at p. 48. It is described elegantly by Symeon of Thessalonica in his booklet on the temple. After the holy things have been removed from the prothesis, with the deacon certainly holding the diskos over his head, and the priests holding the chalices in their hands, having himself given thanks and washed his hands, he goes forth; and he distributes to the people what is called *antidoron*. For since the bishop represents Christ, as we have taught, he both sacrificed, and partook, and imparted to the sacred men. But it is necessary for the people to participate in the sanctification, as much indeed as has been communicated to the faithful in an intellectual way through the prayers and the tremendous sacrifice. And since it is necessary to receive sanctification through certain garments, as those which cover the body, it is done through the *antidoron*. But thebread is sanctified having been placed in the prothesis, from which the middle part, cut out, is offered for the sacrifice. This, later, as if sealed by the lance, and with divine words spoken over it, in place of the tremendous gifts, is distributed to those who have not communicated. When the bishop has done this, and has prayed well for the people, he puts an end to the liturgy. GRETS.]
*Ibid.* [*Antidōron*, blessed bread, *anti tōn hagiōn dōrōn*, taken in the church in place of communion, of which Balsamon in can. 2 of Antioch: "It was devised, as it seems, the distribution of the *antidoron*, so that there might be every necessity for even those who are not able to partake of the holy and life-giving mysteries to persevere until the end of the divine rite and take it from the priestly hand for sanctification." See why the author calls it *hagiasmos*, because it truly works sanctification for those taking it, because it first received sanctification, as it was taken from the mass that was offered, because it touched sacred things and was always present at the liturgical prayers. The rite by which it is distributed is shown in the Euchologia. GOAR.]
*Ibid.* [*Catechumena*. It is also written *katēchoumena*, the place in which the catechumens attended to the divine work. It ought to have been ample and spacious. GRETS.]
*Ibid.* [Nowhere here is it to be taken for the lodgings of the catechumens, but for places built at the walls of the temples for hearing the word of God and ecclesiastical offices. Such we see today either at the naves of the temples, as they are called, above and inward, or porticoes projecting outside, erected on high, 366 from which a view is had over the whole space subject to the temple. Hence Canon 93 of the Trullan council orders those cohabiting with wives to be expelled: "We order those catechumens in sacred houses to be removed." But that you may not understand with the Latin interpreter or others that these are places added for catechumens, the Scholiast Balsamon teaches abundantly on the same canon. And if you seek a stronger argument for the sense brought forward, take this. It was once forbidden for catechumens to stand at the sacred mysteries: but behold, how "from the catechumens," from these higher places looking out into the church, some woman with others, when sacred things were being done by Basil, as Amphilochius is author in his Life, was present, and she provoked the deacon ministering to Basil to lasciviousness with the winks of her eyes. Thus, there was not a place assigned in church for catechumens but for the faithful, especially women, where, just as the Apostle orders veils to be placed on the heads of women on account of the angels, so Basil commanded veils to be hung thence for their sake, looking out: "And immediately he commanded veils to be hung in the catechumena." Some inquire whether there were other *katēchoumena* of the catechumens than these about which the argument is, distinct and different seats. I do not deny it. But I contend that these which still remain in the temple of St. Sophia were common for the faithful when they were attending the sacred rites; and Greece today grants similar prayers in church for women in some churches as well.]
P. 97. [*Despoinēs*. The appellation of emperors' and despots' concubines raised to the highest degree of honor by their lover, Zonaras writes: "The woman was held worthy and venerable, she herself first having been formerly assigned the dignity and name of the empress, and she was called *despoina*." The logothete critiques the insignia of the *despoina* again having been usurped by the concubine of John, with custom protesting: "He was overcome by female loves, especially that of the Italian Marchesina, so that she even received scarlet sandals and cloaks and bridles, and more followed her than the *despoina*." Consult Nicetas on Manuel Comnenus, 1. 1.]
*Ibid.* [*Aperchontai eis to palation*. A triumph having been led, and no pomp of equipment having been omitted, such as the cited Simocatta describes, VIII,
10, the brothers of the empress, John and Manuel, and the nephew of the emperor, John Angelus. A]
P. 99. It must absolutely be read *in the feast* (en te euochesei), not *in the blessing* (en te eulogesei); *eulogesis* means nothing at all to the matter, but *euochesin* means a great deal. For he says the emperor wears his crown while dining, if he has been crowned beforehand, and sits in a more elevated place, that is, on a platform or a higher dais, just as he is accustomed to sit on the day of the coronation. Junius is totally scandalous: "It must be known that the emperor wears his crown in the benediction, if it is proposed; but [he sits] in the anabathron, as was said before, in the coronation." Entirely wrong. [GRETS.]
*Ibid.* [*Rhōmphalai*. These were carried about the emperor as a badge of honor even in battle. Alexius saw them standing in the opposing army of Bryennius, and soon, once the emperor's horse was overthrown and captured—which they were accompanying—he proclaimed by the herald's voice that the tyrant and enemy had perished. *Annal.*, 1. X: "The father sees the horse of the groom of Bryennius dragged along, adorned with the purple housing and having gold-plated head-trappings; and indeed also those holding the swords (*rhōmphaias*), which by custom were escorted to the emperors, running along there beside him." And below: "He strikes down the groom, B but also takes away the swords, and secretly sneaks out of the army. When he had arrived at a safe place, he sent away that gold-trapped horse and the swords that were turning on either side of the imperial body."] [GOAR.]
Furthermore, emperors in their inauguration also honored others with dignities, if the occasion offered, and decorated them with new titles: for when John, the son of Andronicus the Younger, was being crowned, almost all the nobles, as the empress, the patriarch, and the council had judged each one to be worthy, attained dignities. And Isaac Asanes was indeed declared *panhypersebastus*, Apocaucus *megas doux*, Chumnus *megas stratopedarches*. Andronicus Palaeologus, son-in-law of Apocaucus, is also himself designated *megas stratopedarches*, Gabalas *protosebastus*, and so all the others likewise, according to their votes, of which C we spoke above. Because the patriarch could not change his rank, he made himself more august in habit, and used a blue color in his signatures; and the flame-colored cloth or head-covering—which before this it was the custom for patriarchs, if they were not from the monks, to wear white—he himself embellished with gold, with icons of our Savior and his immaculate Mother, the Mother of God, and John the Baptist depicted upon it. Cantacuzenus, III, 36. Thus, to cover up ambition, arguments of piety and images had to be assumed.
Yet more ambitious was the archbishop of Bulgaria, who, having been examined by George the Logothete in the *Chronicle*, D puts on the imperial form and diadem, as he claimed that because he was autonomous and owed no accounts to anyone, he therefore had the authority to crown an emperor. See the *Novel* of the Emperor Justinian.
When John Cantacuzenus was being initiated as emperor at Didymoteichon, he himself first [put on] the imperial garment
and then, in the sight of all, A adorned himself with purple footwear; those closest to him in blood led the right [foot], and those from the Latin mercenaries, by reason of their nobility and the splendor of their birth, led the left one. He then took with his own hand the imperial tiara, which had been placed on the ground before the image of the immaculate Virgin Mother of God, and placed it upon his own head. Cantacuzene, III, 27. Note here the custom of placing the crown on the ground, so as to insinuate humility, and before the image of the Blessed Virgin, so as to show the emperor's piety toward the saints.
The same Cantacuzenus was crowned a second time at Adrianople, as he himself sets forth in these words, III, 92: "But now it also pleased me to be crowned in the manner of emperors, since the Patriarch of Jerusalem and several bishops were present." And when he had ordered craftsmen to make the crown and others to make everything else fitted to that celebration and ceremony, when all things were prepared, he was crowned by Lazarus, Patriarch of Jerusalem, in the month of May, when the memory of Constantine the Great and his mother Helena, equal to the apostles, is celebrated. He also crowned Irene his wife, as the custom held; and all things were performed with the customary rites, as much as could possibly be done. For silver and gold coins were scattered, and banquets and invitations for drinking were frequented for many days. Finally, he was crowned for the third time in Constantinople in the church of the Theotokos of Blachernae, as he sets forth at length in book IV, 4.
At the end of this chapter concerning the coronation of the emperor, take this custom observed in the coronation B from Peter Damian, book I, ep. 17, which I would wonder had been omitted by Codinus, were I not aware that it was not his objective to record everything in writing. Thus, therefore, Damian: "Among the Greeks this custom is said to be held, that when any man is created in the dignity of emperor, as soon as he is girded with the imperial insignia and adorned with the glory of both crown and scepter, and when at last he is surrounded by the obsequies of the nobles and received by the chanting choirs of those singing psalms, a certain man suddenly stands before him, who indeed offers in one hand a vessel full of the bones and dust of the dead, C and in the other a bunch of finely combed flax, which is softened by hanging threads, to which fire is immediately applied, and suddenly in the blink of an eye it is consumed by the devouring flame, so that in the one he may consider what he is, and in the other he may be able to see what he has; for in the ashes he recognizes himself as ash; in the flax he gathers how suddenly the world will burn on the day of judgment; so that, while he considers himself and his own things to be so vain and so contemptible, he may in no way grow arrogant from the ascent of the imperial height; and while it is not doubted that both the possessor and the possession are subject to the common fate of all, he may not now be puffed up, as it were, from the unique pinnacle of dignity to which he has been raised. Therefore, let a man consider the beautiful order of the worldly condition, and while he sees that all things have been attributed to his own uses, let him return thanks not to himself, but to his Creator; let him suppress the alluring glory of the world beneath the soles of his judgment, let him believe the greenery of the flesh is now but dry dust, D and let him prefer to his own gaze the day of his vocation as a mirror; let him tremble at the strict judgment of the final discussion, so that, while he is now subject to the laws of his Creator, he who seems magnificent among creatures that are earthly may also be truthfully sublime in heavenly glory." And to this end the *akakia* also tended, which the emperor was accustomed to carry in his other hand, about which much has already been said. Now *akakia* signifies innocence, and *Acacius* the Innocent, as we noted in its place. GRETS.
CAPUT XIII. Observations and explanations to c. 18 and 19, concerning the coronation of the despotes, the sebastocrator, and the Caesar.
P. 100. [ *Ta oikeia*. Distinguished in ch. 4 of this work. GOAR.]
Ibid. *Libothea pedila*, footwear of double color. Hence it appears that the word *libothea* refers to a double color. (These things are in c. 3. GOAR.) From the word *pedila* is born *pedoulion*, and even among the Latins *pedulis*. The interpreter of Juvenal, Sat. I: "New *pedules* on the breeches, which they call *pedornes*." GRETS.
Ibid. [*Hypoopsēphos*. Properly he who has been elected and deputed to some office, but does not yet have it imposed or committed by his superior. Thus, one elected to the episcopacy, but not yet ordained, is *hypoopsēphos*. *Euchologion*: "The *hypoopsēphios* (so it reads) is offered by his clergy," that he may be consecrated.]
Ibid. [*Aspazontai poda*. See what is said in the note to p. 92.
Ibid. [*Kamaras mikras tessaras*. The crown of the despotes is a single circle surrounding the forehead, which two semi-circles rising above into a cross adorn. The root of one is on the forehead and at the back of the head, and above each ear is the other: thus four arches rise: for *kamara* is the middle part of the semi-circle. The Dauphin, successor to the Empire of the Franks, wears a crown distinguished by two semi-circles of this kind crossing into a cross and having *kamaras mikras tessaras*. Consult Marcus Vulsonius in *La Science Héroïque*.]
Ibid. [*Emprosthen monon*. The part of the semi-circle rising in the middle, indeed, on the front of the circle. GOAR.]
Ibid. *Stemmatogyrion*, from *stemma* and *gyroi*, of which it consisted. Junius calls it a *gyrata* crown. GRETS.
Ibid. [The circle of any crown-like machine is usually a base, which is called *kyklos* or *gyros*. That circle, fashioned by the same work and appearing equal in the more famous crown of the emperor, is the *stemmatogyrion*, which is as it were bare, with only a semi-arch attached, the circle of the *stemma*: but the *stemma* itself is the emperor’s principal insignia. Its lower rim is surrounded by a *stemmatogyrion*. Attached to the part of the forehead, two semi-circles grow, more joined together at the bottom than at the top, where they incline to the side. The *stemmatogyrion*, just as the prominent semi-circles, appear to have been finished by metal and artisanal work; they veil the cap, but not above the ears, or in the space where they differ from each other, where the cap, just as they themselves together]
A *Geraneos* (cranecolored). "All the *katounai* and the gold-embroidered robes of the Caesar were carried off by the barbarians, being marked with crane-colored hues." *Xeraneos* (dry-colored). Crown. Crown. "He laid aside the red sandals and the pearl-adorned pyramid, upon which also a red stone rests, which are imperial symbols." Entering the door of the chamber, which was of marble, as he was fitting the threshold, it happened that the stone on his head struck against the marble. P. 104. [For matters of old are requested. ...for the sole purpose that the footwear of the color not common to the multitude should mark the rank of the Caesars.] "He promoted his sons Christopher and Nicephorus as Caesars, the patriarch having offered a prayer, and the emperor having placed upon them both the mantles and the Caesarian head-coverings." Likewise, having made Nicetas, their youngest brother, a *nobilissimus*, he placed upon him a gold mantle and the crown. And thus they proceeded, the emperors casting consular gifts, *trimisia*, *semisia*, and new coins, as far as the Great Church. Zeno puts forward Basiliscus, the son of Armatius, as Caesar; and he made him sit with him in the *sensus*, and he honored the charioteers together with the emperor, in the *sensus* (the *kathisma* of the Hippodrome). Michael is put forward as Caesar by his uncle Bardas, who, having mounted a chariot, gave consular gifts in the middle of the city. He sat with the emperor, but when Bardas the Caesar was passing in the procession wearing a light *skaramangion*, Damianus, sitting at the horologium, did not rise to honor him; the Caesar, seeing this, was greatly angered. B [By crane-colored stones. *Geranios*... wrap around, thy gold-Persian tunic.] "Sharp..." [Into their own houses. ...upon the appointment of a Caesar, a *nobilissimus*, or a curopalates, upon the promotion of officials, that is, patricians, having gone down, as is the custom, to receive a prayer. ...of the word "to seal" of the letter K. The legal advocates, says the 56th Novel of the emperor Leo, are those stationed in the civil courts and those under the *primmikerioi* and those being sealed by secular officials. As for the abbots whom the metropolitan has appointed to the monasteries, it shall be permitted to you to bypass them and seal others, if the ones previously sealed do not seem pleasing to you. The seal of an abbot... concerning ordination. The word *cheirotonia*, as well as "to ordain" and "to be ordained," is homonymous, signifying sometimes the designation itself, the election and renunciation, at other times the consecration, the ordination, the initiation, and the sacred inauguration. Wherefore, one must see what sense these words bear in this place or that. Junius is therefore in error when he translates these words of Codinus, c. 20, thus: "The patriarch is designated by the metropolitan of Heraclea." Rather, he is consecrated, ordained, and, so to speak, inaugurated; for the designation or election of the Constantinopolitan patriarch was not the work of the bishop of Heraclea alone. Or if it was, it was only as one part, since, as this Codinus teaches us, many were to gather for the election of a patriarch. That the patriarch was accustomed to be consecrated by the bishop of Heraclea is also testified to by Zonaras in the reign of Constantine the son of Leo, fol. 156, who, when the Heraclean had offended the emperor, records that the bishop of Caesarea consecrated the patriarch Polyeuctus.
A And he received it, and placed the patriarchal see there, as it is in the Political History of the Turco-Greeks, p. 15. But this benevolence of the sultans toward the patriarchs did not last long. For under this very Mahomet there were nine patriarchs, and besides Gennadius, who voluntarily resigned, there was scarcely any whom calumniators did not cast down from the throne or conspire to cast down through the Turkish Pashas, after the introduction of a fee of two thousand florins, which a newly elected patriarch paid, and an annual tribute of the same amount, which was called the *charazium*.
Furthermore, even until these our times, there has scarcely ever been peace for the schismatics with a schismatic patriarch. Emulations, envy, and secret machinations for the destruction of this one or that one have always sprouted up; so that it seems to me that it was not without divine counsel that the political and ecclesiastical or patriarchal history of the affairs of Constantinople was published in the *Turco-Græcia*, from which it clearly appears that the schismatics are not only not joined in charity with the supreme head of the Catholic Church, which is evident in itself, but not even with each other, since under the most grievous servitude to the infidels they harass one another with wondrous tunnels, and by the aid of the Turks raise now this one and now that one to the patriarchal throne. Truly, this holds good: "He who can, exerts more pressure."
Phranzes, *Chronici*, III, 19, describes the custom of declaring a patriarch by the emperor almost more accurately than Codinus. GRETS.
P. 102. [The emperor from these.] The freedom of the emperor is not so restricted in nominating the third of the three candidates for the patriarchate that, omitting the suffrages of the bishops, he could not, as custom permits, designate whomsoever he wished. Blastares, *Syntagma* (Alphabetical Index), c. 32: Truly, Blastares writes that the services of the bishops, as well as the election, are subject to the will of the emperor, with a pen that flatters beyond measure. Concerning the election and inauguration of the patriarchs of Constantinople, the most illustrious Bishop of Vabres, worthy of that prelate, has learnedly and excellently illustrated the matter. Regarding the making of the election of the three, he has a more accurate narrative, p. 481 et seqq.
Ibid. [A *minyma* is sometimes called a bail/guarantee, sometimes a prince’s mandate or rescript; here it signifies his credentials, a brief, which we call a *pittakion*, strictly or a decree. For the emperors confirmed dignities conferred by royal diplomas. Anna, *Alexiad*, II: "For it was necessary that the golden bull should be sent to him more quickly than it was fitting, which granted him the dignity of Caesar," etc. B C D
A P. 105. [Of the seating of the throne. He gave him a *dekanikion* that was worth much, that is, a staff of silver, gilded, beautiful, and a good horse, and a portion of gold from the Chronicle of Constantinople. Goar.]
Ibid. [Both stand up. It is not the custom for emperors to stand up for private individuals.]
Ibid. [Of the dignities. One does not exercise dignities or ranks without them being acknowledged. They were permitted to have whatever each had obtained from that person, whether he was acting as a tyrant, or whether he was in positions of rank or authority, or even in possessions.]
[Of the Patriarch’s *dikanikion*. Then the hierarch gives him a hierarchal staff, saying thus to him: "Take this staff, that you may shepherd the flock of Christ before you, and for those who are obedient, let it be for them a crutch and support from you, but for those who are disobedient and refractory, use it as a staff of correction, a staff of discipline."]
Ibid. [They sing *polychronia*. From this custom, that a *polychronion* is chanted for a newly installed patriarch, Theophanes relates regarding Copronymus: "Constantine went up into the ambon, holding Constantine the monk who had become bishop of Sylaeum, and having prayed, he said with a loud voice: 'Many years to the ecumenical patriarch Constantine.'"]
B P. 104. [The knight departs. ...And the emperor having called him within the palace, with his own hands...]
P. 101. Junius does not translate these, but utterly subverts them. It must be known that other high priests, when making an election, seal twice. The patriarch is designated alone, because the designation made by the emperor is taken for the minor seal. Correct this: one must know that other high priests (that is, bishops, archbishops, etc.) are elected by a double seal; that is, by double suffrages or sealed votes, or by a double scrutiny. *The men prote sphragis kalousi mikran*. They call the first seal "minor." The first seal, that is, as many now call it, the first scrutiny, they call "minor." But they elect the (Constantinopolitan) patriarch by one seal only, that is, by one scrutiny, because the *problesis* or renunciation made by the emperor takes the place of the minor seal. What Junius says, that the first seal or scrutiny is called "nomination" or "presentation," and the second "collation" or "collature," he would not have said in the least if he had learned from law what the right of nominating, the right of presenting, and C the right of conferring truly was. Nor should this be omitted, in *Turco-Graecia*...
P. 104. [They call the election and deputation to any office, as well as the actual installation into it, by the ecclesiastical rite, as if it were accustomed or confirmed by the sign of the cross. That is the first and minor seal; this is the second and great one. But because the emperor does not sign the patriarch with a cross, since the lesser indeed is blessed by the greater, his election is in virtue equal to the first seal, yet it does not gain the name of it. Goar.]
P. 105. In the same way that the Constantinopolitan patriarch and the other three patriarchs were elected, so too was the archbishop of Achrida; and because this was the homeland of the emperor Justinian, it was called by him "Justiniana Prima," increased with great privileges, both ecclesiastical and political; he raised it to an archbishopric, and subjected to it all the provincial bishops of the diocese, of Dacia and Moesia Second, of Dardania, Praevalitana, and Macedonia Second. Gregoras, l. 11: "Formerly the emperor Justinian had adorned that province, from which he was born, having adorned it with many other things, then he had named it Justiniana Prima, and had bestowed upon it perpetual liberty, with this exception, that its archbishops should not anoint the Roman emperors; which prerogative is granted by other laws," etc. The royal seat of them (the Bulgarians) then began to be that city which the emperor Justinian adorned with the honor of an archbishopric and, as we have said, with the name of First Justiniana. After the name of that nation became common, the place itself was called Bulgaria, and the metropolis of Bulgaria was Justiniana Prima. See Novella of Justinian and the scholia of Cujacius upon it, and Novella 131. Another Justiniana, called Second, was on the island of Cyprus, the homeland of the empress Theodora, as is in Nicephorus XVII, 28, and XVI, 37, although Procopius, l. 4, *On Buildings*...
affirms that Ulpian, a town of Dardania, was called Justiniana the Second. A The third Justiniana is not Chalcedon, as Junius foolishly says, but Carthage in Africa; for neither is Chalcedon called *Kapchedōn* (as Junius also has in his edition), but Carthage; which was called Justiniana because the emperor Justinian restored Carthage, along with Africa, to the Roman Empire after the Vandals had been driven out. See Novella 131. Another new Justiniana exists in the *Notitia*, note 8, and another in note 28, as Cujacius notes on Novella 11.
Ibid. The formula of this prayer is inserted in vol. VI of *Jus Graeco-Romanum*, p. 441. Grets.
Ibid. B [*Archimandrites*. The Greeks no longer call a den, but a herd of sheep or goats, a *mandra*; and this word, when transferred to men living a communal and peaceful life together, immediately produces another, and indeed *archimandritēn*, the one who presents himself as a leader and ruler to those who lead such a quiet, solitary, and communal life in the mountains and caves of the earth. Having perceived this, a no less significant difficulty arises: of how many or what kind of monks is the archimandrite the leader and ruler—whether of many or few (for these are they who, as Basil testifies, dwell *"in caves and dens of the earth"*), or whether he is the supreme governor of the abbot of one or many monasteries, like him who is called provincial or general among us. Whatever view you take, you will run no risk of deception, for it signifies sometimes the superior of one monastery, and sometimes even the president of several. The argument for the first meaning is the title of Eutyches, which in the Council of Chalcedon and in Theophanes is *archimandrite*, but in Theodorus the Presbyter, *On the Incarnation of the Lord*, it is *hegoumenos*: "Eutyches," he says, "being the *hegoumenos* of one monastery." Therefore, the *archimandrite* is the same as the *hegoumenos*, the abbot of one monastery alone, its father, superior, and rector. To the second meaning, however, manifold proof is not lacking: first, that the superior of a private monastery does not suffer himself, on account of his too humble status, to be called *archimandrite*; second, that only those who rule many monasteries by supreme right, or who at least preside over a major monastery to which many others are subject (*metochia*), as our ancient abbeys had lesser priories, support that title; third, that in the text we are working through, the *archimandrites* are placed between the *hegoumenoi* and the *protosyncelli*, which shows they differ greatly in dignity from one another—indeed, the exaggerating particle *alla* [but rather] declares they are altogether diverse things. The work of the most illustrious prelate of Vabres, truly pontifical in that place, concerning the "question of the *archimandrite* and the *exarch* and the *hegoumenos*," shifts to the mind of our author, certainly not as if it were a question of one, but of many, for whom, just as their title is not one, it should not be rashly supposed that their office was one.] Furthermore, whom Cantacuzenus (1, 32 and 33) calls the *protos* [first] of the Holy Mount, where many monasteries are seen and up to four thousand monks dwell, I do not believe to be other than the archimandrite of whom we are speaking. Goar.]
Ibid. Here the Curopalata mentions *protosyncelli*. Junius reads *protosyngelos*. A compound word, he says, from *protos* and *syngelos*, which is a name said by syncope for *synangelos*, that is, as is more accepted today, *coenobite*. But in these coenobia, the archimandrites are the abbots or fathers, while the *protosyncelli* are the elders of whatever sort. If a *protosyncellus* is the same as a coenobite, then every monk living with others in a monastery will be a *protosyncellus*, because every such monk is a coenobite. But this is unheard of. Then, if the *protosyncelli* are elders in their own order, what need have they of their own ordination and imposition of hands, like archimandrites? For that someone should be an elder or senior in his own order is not granted by election and consecration, but by time and age.
D Who, then, is the *protosyncellus* and the simple *syncellus*? Formerly, he who was to succeed the patriarch upon his death was called *syncellus*. Zonaras and Cedrenus in the reign of Constantine Monomachus are witnesses, the former of whom, explaining who was called *seriphus* or *seriphes* among the Saracens, writes thus: "He is for them what with us was long ago called the *syncellus*. For as the *syncellus* of the deceased patriarch replaced him in his place, so the *seriphus* replaces the deceased Caliph." Cedrenus says the same. Where the word *palai* [long ago] should be noted, by which they signify that this name was indeed used in this sense in the past, but ceased later on. Thus Anastasius was *syncellus* to the patriarch Germanus (Cedrenus in the reign of Leo the Iconoclast, p. 456). Stephen, brother of the emperor Leo, was also *syncellus* (Cedrenus, p. 594), substituted in the place of Photius. Theophylact, son of Romanus Lacapenus, was also designated *syncellus* to patriarch Nicholas, although he did not succeed him, but Stephen, metropolitan of Amasea (Cedrenus, in the reign of Romanus Lacapenus, p. 624). Regarding John the *syncellus*, read Zonaras in the reign of Theophilus, as well as Cedrenus regarding Michael the *syncellus*. The same Cedrenus makes mention of a *protosyncellus* in the reign of Michael Stratioticus, and sufficiently indicates that the dignity of which he speaks there was political, not ecclesiastical, since he says that the care of administering the republic resided with him. "They approached," he says, "the *protosyncellus* Leo, who was administering the public affairs at that time."
The *syncellus* is, as it were, a sharer of the same cell, and the *protosyncellus* is the first among the sharers of the cell. The matter finally ended in a title of dignity, so that those who were neither *syn-kapnoi* [fellow-smokers] nor *syncelli* were nevertheless called such. Just as many today have that title and are called domestics of Our Most Holy Lord, so too did those who perhaps had never lived in the patriarchate eventually become patriarchs' *syncelli*. To this dignity later was annexed *protos*, making *protosyncellus*, from the usual ambition by which they are accustomed to dress up simple titles with *protos*. The Greeks had long ago found the title of "most noble." The matter did not stop there; ambition wanted [to become] *protonobelissimos*. Nor did it [stop] here, even though in a long...
sequence [of years it was found]. What a monstrosity of a title! Among the Greeks there were *proedroi*: this title needed to be augmented by the written term *proto-*, as in *protoproedroi*: a term which is common in Greco-Roman law. Although that spelling *syngellos* or *protosyngellos* is found among some writers, I have no doubt that it is corrupt, and that the genuine one is *syncello*, because it is clear that *concella*—that is, from the same *cella*—is derived from it. Hence William of Tyre (XIV, 12) calls them *concelli*. Ennodius (Book I, Epist. 5) calls them *sellulani*, and—what expresses the Greek more accurately—*concellanei*. B The Emperor Heraclius, as is set down in a certain constitution of his which exists in Book I of the *Greco-Roman Law*, reduced the number of *syncelli* to two. It is strange, however, that Codinus made no mention of the *syncellus* or *syncelli* while weaving together his catalogue of the officials of the Great Church, unless perhaps one says that the appellation of *syncelli* was not of an office, but of a dignity.
A And under Justin the elder, the same. Since greater increases always follow custom, Stephen, the brother of Leo the Wise—whom his father Basil had joined to the clergy of Constantinople to be educated, and had given to Photius to be adorned with the dignity of *syncellus*, as Leo Grammaticus says—was immediately after Photius had been deposed for the second time, raised to his place as patriarch. B Cedrenus, at the beginning of the life of Leo: "He commanded the *syncellus* to be ordained patriarch." And in the case of the same Leo: "He is proposed as patriarch, the *syncellus* Euthymius." C This custom, as if it were a law held to be valid, is narrated by the same Cedrenus in [the life of] Monomachus: "For when he (the patriarch) had died, the *syncellus* was immediately installed upon his throne." He had said considerably earlier: "For in the age of Monomachus, the custom or law regarding the *syncelli* being raised to the patriarchate had perished and was entirely abrogated." D Yet in that and subsequent times, not only one but several *syncelli* existed; and finally, the one holding the first place among them was [called] *protosyncellus*, whose name many thereafter coveted. But having sometimes marveled at the entire cohort of *syncelli*, and having conversed with them about these things with the Greeks themselves, I perceived that it resulted from the ambition for dignities or the greed for titles that always flourished among them, so that those who sought the patriarchate or wished to emulate the *syncelli* in their office, would covet the name of the first. But the *syncellus* of the earlier time, although designated as the successor to the patriarch, in order to remove from himself suspicion of a desire for succession, when he would co-celebrate sacrifice with the patriarch, urged the people to pour out prayers for him and for his health and for obtaining for him a long life. Since other presbyters did this likewise throughout the churches of Constantinople, they subsequently earned the name of *syncelli* as if by right, and took care to be promoted by that dignity; and as the greed for honor, which is strong in the church, seeks to be preferred to others, the one who would announce that such prayers should be made was called the *protosyncellus*, as being more worthy and to be placed before the rest; D and when priests or metropolitans officiating with the patriarch had performed that duty, they also arrogated to themselves the honor of *syncelli* and *protosyncelli*. Hear Cedrenus in the life of Romanus Argyrus: "He honored, furthermore, three metropolitans with the [honor of] *syncelli*." And so, many became *syncelli*, moved by such a desire for an even more sublime honor that they strove to be preferred to metropolitans when a meeting was held by priests at the Mass. The same Cedrenus writes further down: "The metropolitans themselves nevertheless sometimes [became] *syncelli*, as [I] previously [noted]." The same Cedrenus in [the life of] Basil and Constantine Romanus: "*proedros*." I had almost passed over not only the *syncelli*...
A who [was] the patriarch’s *concellaneus* and his spiritual father, but also the one who rendered the same office for the emperor, and was called by that name 379, because he always accompanied him most closely, and as he resided in the palace at his cell (for *kellion* was indeed also the name used earlier for the emperor’s more secret inner chamber), he was called *concellaneus*, that is, *syncellos*, and was more worthy than the others, [being called] *megas protosynkellos*. He was attended (if one is to believe the interpreter Phranza) by his own priests (those of the palace, indeed) and his spiritual father, the great *protosynkellos* Gregory. He speaks of Emperor John who was embarking on the path to the Council of Florence. Furthermore, the *protosynkellos* writes, as others do, *sygkellon*, because of that same pronunciation as *syngkellon* and [because of] an ignorance of the signification and origin of the word *syngkellon* itself.
P. 105. [“*Kathegoumenoi*.” Whom we also call *hegoumenoi*; but [we call] *proëgoumenous* those who preceded them in office, and who have discharged the duty of their superiors, from which they have resigned, these are the *functi*.]
*Ibid.* [“The seal.” Understand *problesin*, *procheirisin*, [as] a promotion, which would be completed by the sign of the cross. Consult the *Euchologia*; and let [the reader] consult the last note of the previous chapter. Goar.]
*Ibid.* “And the high priests, for the obeisance to the emperor, as has been said, coming with those who have their *mandyas* [adorned with] *potamoi*.” Junius, p. 212 of his edition, I, c. 20, n. 16: “The high priests, however, in coming to salute the emperor, as we have said, with others having their *mandyas*.” Incorrectly. Read from the Lauther codex: *meta ton echonton mandyon auton potamous*, “with their *mandyas* having rivers.” This means with wavy *mandyas*. In the *Græcobarbarum* script, l. II, *Turco-Græcia* p. 108: “And the *mandy* with the rivers.” “*Mandeion*,” says that Greek in *Turco-Græcia* p. 189, “they say [it] which the patriarch wears upon [him] with rivers, because of the [need] to be didactic.” It is called, therefore, *mandyas*, *mandeion*, *mande*, and *mantion*, from which in *Turco-Græcia* p. 189 in the plural number *ta mantia*. “The high priests bear on the *mantia* the red and white rivers.” The pontiffs wear on their *pallia* rivers (borders) that are red and white. In German, *Mantel*, from the Latin *mantelum*. The *mandyas* is a form similar to that sacred garment which we commonly call a *Rauchmantel*; and [it is the garment] with which the Roman emperor himself is still accustomed even now to be adorned at his inauguration and depicted with the electors. Simeon, Master of Offices in the *Pandectes Historia Turcicæ*, c. 199, calls it *diketesion*; which the Greeks, when asked by the author of the *Pandectes*, interpreted as *epimandyon*, as if one were to say “supramantellum” (over-cloak). Perhaps *diketesion* is derived from *dike*, as is *dekanikion*, because it is a mark of empire and power. And this garment was common to emperors as well as to patriarchs and other pontiffs, as is evident from Curopalata and *Turco-Græcia*; nor is *paludamentum* a very fitting translation, as even Leunclavius admits, since this word signifies a military garment, whereas the *mandyas* was also accustomed to be worn outside the camp; and [it belonged] not only to the emperor, but also to the prelates of the Church, upon whom no one would fittingly bestow a *paludamentum*. And these things [can be] adapted to the various A places of Codinus in which he makes mention of *mandyas*. That Junius deduces the origin of the *mandyas* from the Persian language, p. 336, he does so, I think, so that we might know he is not ignorant of the Persian language. He could have deduced it far more easily from the Latin *mantellum* or the German *Mantel*. Nor do I agree with Meursius, who reads it as: *erchomenoi meta ton echonton mandyon me potamous*. For the sense would be: “The bishops come 380 to the veneration of the emperor with those who have a *mandyas* without rivers,” since they themselves come clothed in wavy *mandyas* to render homage to the emperor. Nor is it probable that he used that barbaric Hellenism *me* for *meta* according to Curopalata, especially in this one and only place. This would rather befit some recent *Malaxos*, who in his patriarchal B history inserted into *Turco-Græcia* [wrote]: “he presented a *kappasion* garment with *kamoucha*, and a *mandi* with rivers, and a white horse.” GRETS.]
*Ibid.* [And the high priests, for the obeisance to the emperor, as has been said, coming with those who have their *mandyas* [adorned with] *potamoi*.] Junius, p. 212 of his edition, I, c. 20, n. 16: “The high priests, however, in coming to salute the emperor, as we have said, with others having their *mandyas*.” Incorrectly. Read from the Lauther codex: *meta ton echonton mandyon auton potamous* with their *mandyas* having rivers. This is with wavy *mandyas*. In the *Græcobarbarum* script […], *Turco-Græcia* p. 108: “And the *mandi* with the rivers.” “*Mandeion*,” says that Greek in *Turco-Græcia* p. 189, “they say [it] which the patriarch wears upon [him] with rivers, because of the [need] to be didactic.” It is called, therefore, *mandyas*, *mandeion*, *mandi*, and *mantion*, from which in *Turco-Græcia* p. 189 in the plural number *ta mantia*. “The high priests bear on the *mantia* the red and white rivers.” The pontiffs wear on their *pallia* rivers (borders) that are red and white. In German, *Mantel*, from the Latin *mantelum*. The *mandyas* is a form similar to that sacred garment which we commonly call a *Rauchmantel*; and [it is the garment] with which the Roman emperor himself is still accustomed even now to be adorned at his inauguration and depicted with the electors. Simeon, Master of Offices in the *Pandectes Historia Turcicæ*, c. 199, calls it *diketesion*; which the Greeks, when asked by the author of the *Pandectes*, interpreted as *epimandyon*, as if one were to say “supramantellum.” Perhaps *diketesion* is derived from *dike*, as is *dekanikion*, because it is a mark of empire and power. And this garment was common to emperors as well as to patriarchs and other pontiffs, as is evident from Curopalata and *Turco-Græcia*; nor is *paludamentum* a very fitting translation, as even Leunclavius admits, since this word signifies a military garment, whereas the *mandyas* was also accustomed to be worn outside the camp; and [it belonged] not only to the emperor, but also to the prelates of the Church, upon whom no one would fittingly bestow a *paludamentum*.
*Ibid.* [The upper garment of the pontiffs outside the solemnity of the mass is the *mandyas*, very similar to a *pallium*, tied at the throat with a brooch, very ample in folds and pleats, and altogether distinguished. On its sides around the belly there are attached three ribbons of white and red color, by which it is variegated and adorned on all sides. Those ribbons are the *potamoi* (rivers), of which [we speak] at present, and they designate that grace and knowledge which Christ the Lord Himself understood, saying, "rivers shall flow from his belly," etc. And for that reason they are depicted around the belly. Higher up at the neck and the lower corners are the *pomata*, that is four square little cloths, concerning which individually Simeon the Bishop of Thessalonica [wrote]: “This the high-priestly *mandyas* also teaches, having rivers because of those things said beforehand, but *pomata* as a figure of the old and new grace, and they lie above the rivers.” GOAR.]
CHAPTER XV.
*Observations and explanations on c. 21. concerning the mourning garments of the emperor.*P. 106. Another title has *peri basileos apothanontos* (concerning the deceased emperor). But the inscription which we have prefixed to this chapter is better. Casaubon cites this chapter of Codinus in his *Exercit.* 56 against Baronius. And, alas! what labor does he not endure, what sweat does he not pour forth, what bottles of his collected notes does he not empty, so that he may teach us that *lamprophorein* is one thing, *leukophorein* or *leukheĭmonein* another, [and that] the color *lampron* is one thing, and the color *leukon* another, [and] yet sometimes *lampron* and *leukon* are taken for the same [thing], [or] are correctly distinguished. By Codinus, he says, white garments, signs of mourning, are called *leukai*; opposed to these are the *lamprai*, that is, all the more shining ones; for example, those shining white and fresh from the fuller, such as were once those of the candidates, which Plutarch and other Greeks translate as *lamprai*, or purple, or of some other color, especially a more intense one. For not only the white ones are called *lamprai*, but whatever are very shining, of which kind were in the first place those chlamyses of true light, concerning which we spoke to Trebellius Pollio. How much obscurity does that laborious man clear up for us...
as if all these things were not sufficiently and more than sufficiently known from Codinus himself, especially when the things which the same Codinus relates in chapter 14 are added!
Ibid. Luke xxiii: Christ was clothed by Herod, in mockery, in a 381 bright garment. Beza translates it "splendid," our interpreter "white." Casaubon approves this, because λαμπρόν and λευκόν are often used to mean the same thing. He censures this with critical rod thus: "The Latins would more habitually have said 'white' (candidam)." It is strange that Beza was not mindful in this place of his own "candid" (candidæ), of one made white by a fuller, of which he again forgot in James 1, while he interprets the bright (λαμπράν) garment as "splendid" again. Good labor, indeed, but this scholar bestows it on us far too late, whereas he teaches us what *margellium* is, but by negation—for he says the emperor assumes yellow garments, but without borders and precious trimmings; this signifies *margellium*, not pearls. Do you hear, Junius, what Casaubon, a former inhabitant of your city and school of Geneva, formerly taught you? Cast your pearls, therefore, at last. I have called the labor late with respect to us, because we have long since learned from Balsamon and others what *margellia* are. GRETS.
P. 106. A *Quadraginta* (Forty). The third, ninth, fortieth, and annual days from death are sacred for the commemorations of the deceased. "For the dead," says Nicephorus Callistus, "are performed the third, the ninth, and the fortieth days." He adds the reasons: on the third day, the distinction of the face, by which a man is recognized, is lost; on the ninth, the body wastes away, with only the heart still remaining incorrupt; finally, on the fortieth, even the heart, together with the rest of the body's mass, yields entirely to rot and corruption. Others more aptly assert that among the Greeks [this signifies]: the third [day] the resurrection of Christ after the three-day burial; the ninth, the nine choirs of angels, to whom they pray that the dead may be joined; the fortieth, the mourning of the Israelite people at the death of Moses, prolonged until the fortieth day, so that we can offer tears and prayers for the dead. Neophytus the Rhodian is of this opinion in his vernacular *Synopsis*, following Clement in the *Apostolic Constitutions*, bk. VIII, c. 49. GOAR.
P. 107. B *Concerning the customary nine days*. Concerning which [we spoke] in the note above. Blastares records that nine days are sacred for performing rites, under the letter Δ, c. 8, so much so that the Emperor Alexius, by an issued Novella, ordained that it is not permitted to anyone to accuse the parents, or wife, or heirs, or sureties of a deceased person, or to bring a cause against them, or to drag them into court before the specified time of nine days of mourning allowed: "We decree that it is not permitted to anyone to accuse, or to harass, or to drag into court, the parents, or wife, or heirs, or sureties of the deceased before the nine-day period of mourning." GOAR.
Ibid. Moreover, what Codinus writes at the end of the chapter, that it is impious for anyone to wear black clothes in the palace C when the emperor is mourning: for then all are "black-clad" (μελανειμονοῦσιν), as Codinus was saying a little before. GRETS.
CHAPTER XVI.
Observations and explanations on c. 22, *On the future bride and empress.*Ibid. *To dismount*. To jump down from a horse or chariot and proceed on foot. GOAR.
Ibid. *At the fountain*. The *Pēgē*, or fountain, is a most celebrated temple outside the walls of Constantinople, whose highest lover, admirer, and encomiast 382 was Nicephorus Callistus, as is evident from his *Ecclesiastical History*, bk. xv, c. 25 and 26; who says that he wrote an entire commentary on the miracles performed at the fountain. D It exists in Vienna in the Imperial library, perhaps the only copy in all of Europe; if it is not quickly succored (for I have seen and perused the one brought to Munich and here to Ingolstadt), it will be utterly consumed by moths and bookworms; and even now it is very poorly received by water in some places, so that many things cannot be read, especially near the end.
To this temple also resorted Helena, daughter of Cantacuzenus, about to marry John Palaeologus. Cantacuzenus himself narrates the matter, IV, 1. GRETS.
Ibid. The site of the city of Constantinople is triangular; and two of its sides are washed by the sea, the third rests against the continent. Therefore, the empress arriving at it by a land journey dismounts at the most celebrated church of the Pēgē and the royal palace at the same time, where the city looks toward the continent; but if she arrives by sea, she greets the land near the Blachernae, in a most convenient harbor, where there is another palace called the Blachernite. Moreover, the name of the church of the *Pēgē* is from a fountain that is no less overflowing with a continuous flood of miracles than with perennial waters. It is advised that if a blind man were carried to its healing waters by Marcian, who later obtained the Roman empire, he would recover the light of his eyes through divine vision. Marcian led the blind man to the *Pēgē*, and the blind man brought back vision from the waters. Thence, says the Greek *Menaion*, the origin of the miracles of the *Pēgē* and the most celebrated name of the place was made: "In the precinct is the *Pēgē* (the Fountain) of healings." In the temple itself, not so much a spring as a liquid flows out, abounding with miracles, says Cantacuzenus. Justinian built a temple over the fountain: "Justinian built the Theotokos of the Pēgē," write the *Origins of CP*; the place still exists, an object of veneration for Christians and Turks, and the temple, surviving as it does, defiled by no ruin, venerable not a little for its antiquity, and on account of the waters surpassing all price, has received from the common people the appellation *Chrysopēgē* (golden fountain). GOAR.
P. 107. We have spoken of the church of the Blachernae in its place. It was itself also outside the city by the seashore, about which Nicephorus says many things in the place cited. In the beginning, there were only churches; with the passage of time, most splendid palaces were added. How it was received...
by Andronicus the younger, the betrothed of Anna of Savoy, [is written in the] laws of Cantacuzenus, 1, 42. GRETS.
B Ad urbis eum angulum, qui Chrysopolim oppidum Asiaticum ex adverso respicit, ubi hodie principis Turcarum regia [est]. The common people call it "horn".
Ibid. [Ἀρχοντιαστῶν]. It should be read as *archontissōn* because neither usage, nor lexicons, nor authority teach [the other form]. But *archontissa* means a lady, a noble woman. Simon Portius... [as for] *archontissa*, mistress, lady. Among the chief of this kind as *archontissas* with a girdle, Cedrenus has those who would use the patrician girdle and the badge of honor.
Ibid. [Ὑποδοῦσιν αὐτὴν τὰ ἐρυθρά]. Red footwear were no less badges of the emperors for their feet than the crown was for the head. The Logothete concerning John abdicating the empire: [He brought] to the kings of Alba, both at that time to himself, and transmitted this color of footwear to the later Roman emperors, Julius Caesar. Dio, Book XLI: Ammianus calls them purple foot coverings, which were kept by the Count of Largesses. Hence, repeated so often in Greek histories: [from many, I select one or another example]. Boloniales in Anna Comnena, divesting himself of the empire but not its insignia; Gregoras writes concerning Alexius, who [ordered] to be bound in red buskins... C As for the empress, noble women wore red footwear, so only the leading men were accustomed to put them on the feet of the emperor. Cantacuzenus, who designates who they were, III, 27: That there were these [high] foot coverings, Dio has shown, calling them "high [footing]". Procopius, *De Aedificiis Justiniani*, I, attests that they reached to the knee: therefore I think they were called [by a barbarian name]; of these we have treated above.
Ibid. ['Εν ἡμέρᾳ ῥητῇ]. He puts an end to these writings from the Royal manuscripts, and adds the word *telos*; so that we may conjecture that what follows is the work of another author. Goar.
Ibid. That addition, *it is to be noted also this*, etc., that it is truly an addition and does not pertain here, is clearer than that it needs to be shown to many. But because Junius found it in a certain copy provided to him by Freher, and because another Bavarian codex is fuller than the others by the same addition, let us leave it in this place, lest while we seek and assign another, we happen to attribute a less suitable one. Let it be certain that this [passage] resides here altogether as a foreign and exotic element. However, the Bavarian codex exhibits *pardobagilos* for *pardoballos*. GRETS.
Ibid. [Παρδόβαλλοι]. Another reading is *pardoballoi*, who care for panthers: for princes nourish wild beasts for display or delight. *Batouklou* above, we said to refer to a procurator, a *bajulus*; sometimes in Theophanes we read *blagnon* in place of *batoulon*, or even *bagilon*. Here it has *pardobagilon*; for which reason I explain it as a curator of panthers. GOAR.
Ibid. I remember reading somewhere in the observations of Bellonius that the sultan of the Turks even today holds in high value [the cooling of] drinks. GRETS.
Ibid. [Παρσινόχοι]. Correctly *paroinokhoi*, who serve the cupbearers, and carry waters or those that are purer or healthier, or at least snow or ice, from elsewhere for cooling wine for horses. GOAR.