Comprehensive Index

when they knew nothing of the God of this universe, nor of the setting up of idols, nor of demons. 63

WHAT IS CONTAINED IN THIS VOLUME

BOOK SECOND

BOOK THIRD

BOOK FOURTH

BOOK FIFTH

^A CAP. XV. - That they delight also in inanimate matter. 350 CAP. XVI. - That Apollo himself has testified to the defection of the oracles. 350 CAP. XVII. - On the destruction of the demons, whom they venerate in the place of gods. 354 CAP. XVIII. - On the oracles of the ancient Greeks celebrated by proclamation. 358 CAP. XIX. - Against Apollo, because he ordered seven youths and as many maidens to be sent by the Athenians to be slaughtered in Crete. 359 CAP. XX. - That Apollo was the cause of death to many through the ambiguity of his responses. 359 CAP. XXI. - That the same Apollo, through the ambiguity of a response, was the cause why Croesus should fall from his empire. 363 CAP. XXII. - How they, mocking those by whom they were consulted, impelled them by their responses into deceit. 366 CAP. XXIII. - That they were accustomed to conceal their ignorance in the darkness of obscure speech. 367 CAP. XXIV. - Since they could bring no help in times of war, their clients were deluded by the ambiguity of their responses. 370 CAP. XXV. - The response delivered to the Lacedaemonians. 375 CAP. XXVI. - The response delivered to the Cnidians. 378 CAP. XXVII. - That they incited those by whom they were consulted more vehemently to mutual wars. 379 CAP. XXVIII. - That the things recorded concerning Lycurgus, the legislator of the Lacedaemonians, are unworthy of a god. 382 CAP. XXIX. - That they give no response at all concerning serious and honorable matters. 386 CAP. XXX. - That they were authors of things to be done according to common human sense. 387 CAP. XXXI. - That many things are also unskillfully suggested by them. 387 CAP. XXXII. - That they attached themselves to the side of the injurious. 390 CAP. XXXIII. - That poets also, who contributed nothing to honorable studies of life, were rashly praised by them acting on the opinion of the vulgar. 390 CAP. XXXIV. - That they were the authors of those tributes, that boxers and athletes should be honored with divine honors. 393 CAP. XXXV. - That they were wont to flatter even tyrants themselves. 399 CAP. XXXVI. - That they even ordered that inanimate matter should be worshipped. 402

BOOK SIXTH.

BOOK SEVENTH.

BOOK EIGHTH.

CONTENTS OF THIS VOLUME

CAP. XII. — Again of the same. 643 CAP. XIII. — From Philo on God, and that the world had an origin. 650 CAP. XIV. — That Divine Providence administers the world. 651 LIBER NONUS. 679 CAP. I. — How many of the Greek writers have made mention of the Jewish people. 679 CAP. II. — On the Jews, from Theophrastus, whom Porphyry praises in the first book Of Abstinence from Animal Food. 682 CAP. III. — From Porphyry, concerning the ancient and noble manner of philosophizing among the Hebrews. 682 CAP. IV. — From Hecataeus concerning the Jews. 687 CAP. V. — Of the same, from the first book of Clearchus, On Sleep. 691 CAP. VI. — Of those who have made mention of the Jewish nation, from Clement, in the first Stromas. 694 CAP. VII. — On the Jews, from the first book of the Pythagorean philosopher Numenius, On the Good. 694 CAP. VIII. — On Moses and also the Jews, from the third book of the same. 695 CAP. IX. — From the poet Choerilus, concerning the Jews. 695 CAP. X. — The oracles of Apollo concerning the Hebrews, from Porphyry, our contemporary. 695 CAP. XI. — From Josephus’ Antiquities, how many pagan writers have made mention of the Mosaic flood. 698 CAP. XII. — From the writings of Abydenus, on the flood. 699 CAP. XIII. — From Josephus’ Antiquities, that many record the longer life of the ancients. 702 CAP. XIV. — From Abydenus, concerning the building of the tower. 702 CAP. XV. — That many others also make mention of the same, from Josephus’ Antiquities. 703 CAP. XVI. — Of Abraham, the ancestor of all the Hebrews, from the same. 706 CAP. XVII. — Of Abraham, from Eupolemus, whom Alexander Polyhistor praises, where he writes of the Jews. 706 CAP. XVIII. — Of the same, from Artapanus, whom the same Polyhistor cites. 710 CAP. XIX. — Of the same, from Melo, as the same author reports. 710 CAP. XX. — Of the same, from Philo. 711 CAP. XXI. — Of Jacob, from Demetrius. 714 CAP. XXII. — Of the same, from Theodotus. 722 CAP. XXIII. — Of Joseph, from Artapanus. 726 CAP. XXIV. — Of the same, from Philo. 726 CAP. XXV. — Of Job, from Aristaeas. 727 CAP. XXVI. — Of Moses, from Eupolemus. 727 CAP. XXVII. — Of the same, from Artapanus. 727 CAP. XXVIII. — Of the same, from Demetrius. 738 CAP. XXIX. — Of the same, from Ezekiel. 741 CAP. XXX. — Of David, Solomon, and Jerusalem, from Eupolemus. 747 CAP. XXXI. — King Solomon to Vaphres, King of Egypt, his friend and ancestor, greeting. 750 CAP. XXXII. — King Vaphres to King Solomon, greeting. 750 CAP. XXXIII. — King Solomon to Suron, King of Tyre, Sidon, and Phoenicia, his friend and ancestor, greeting. 750 CAP. XXXIV. — Suron to King Solomon, greeting. 751 CAP. XXXV. — Of Jerusalem, from Timochares, as it is contained in the same book On the Affairs of Antioch. 755 CAP. XXXVI. — Of the same, from the measurer of Syria. 755 CAP. XXXVII. — Of the waters which are at Jerusalem, from Philo. 755 CAP. XXXVIII. — Of the same, from Aristaeas. 755 CAP. XXXIX. — Of the prophet Jeremiah, from Eupolemus. 758 CAP. XL. — From Berosus, whom Josephus praises, concerning the captivity of the Jews under Nebuchadnezzar, and regarding the Babylonian kings from Nabopolassar to Cyrus, from Josephus. 758 CAP. XLI. — Of Nebuchadnezzar and the building of Babylon by him, from Abydenus. 759 CAP. XLII. — Of those who have made mention of the Jewish nation, from the book of Josephus, On the Antiquity of the Jews. 763

LIBER DECIMUS. 766 CAP. I. — That all excellent disciplines were transferred from the barbarians to the Greeks, and on the antiquity of the Hebrews. 766 CAP. II. — From Clement, on the thefts of Greek writers. 767 CAP. III. — That the Greeks are thieves, from the first book of Porphyry, On Erudite Hearing. 771 CAP. IV. — That not without cause have we preferred the theology of the Hebrews to the philosophy of the Greeks. 779 CAP. V. — That there is nothing that the Greeks have not received from the barbarians. 787 CAP. VI. — The words of Clement to the same effect. 790 CAP. VII. — From Josephus to the same effect. 791 CAP. VIII. — From Diodorus to the same effect. 798 CAP. IX. — Of the antiquity of Moses and the Hebrew prophets. 803 CAP. X. — From the third book of Africanus’ Chronography. 811 CAP. XI. — On the same subject from the work of Tatian Against the Greeks. 818 CAP. XII. — Of the same, from the first book of Clement’s Stromas. 827 CAP. XIII. — From the first book of Flavius Josephus, On the Antiquity of the Jews. 834 CAP. XIV. — That the entire history of the Hebrews was older than the age of the Greek philosophers. 835

LIBER UNDECIMUS. 843 Proemium of the argument undertaken. 843 CAP. I. — That the philosophy of Plato, in those points which are most necessary of all, agrees with the Hebrew [philosophy]. 846 CAP. II. — On the tripartite philosophy of Plato, from Albinus. 846 CAP. III. — On the Platonic philosophy, from Aristocles. 847 CAP. IV. — On the discipline of morals among the Hebrews. 850 CAP. V. — On the philosophy of the Hebrews regarding dialectics. 851 CAP. VI. — On the correct imposition of names among the Hebrews. 854 CAP. VII. — On the natural philosophy of the Hebrews. 863 CAP. VIII. — On the physiology of spiritual things. 867 CAP. IX. — Of the Existent, from the doctrine of Moses and Plato. 867 CAP. X. — From the second book of Numenius the Pythagorean, On the Good. 871 CAP. XI. — From the pamphlet of Plutarch, On the Letter inscribed at the Temple in Delphi. 875 CAP. XII. — That God cannot be explained by words. 879 CAP. XIII. — That there is one and only one God. 879 CAP. XIV. — On the second principle of the Hebrews and Plato. 883 CAP. XV. — On the second principle, from Philo. 886 CAP. XVI. — On the second principle, from Plato. 887 CAP. XVII. — On the second principle, from Plotinus. 887 CAP. XVIII. — Of the same, from Numenius. 891 CAP. XIX. — On the theology of John the Evangelist among us, from Amelius. 899 CAP. XX. — Concerning the three substances, having the power of a principle. 902 CAP. XXI. — Of the nature of the good. 902 CAP. XXII. — The words of Numenius on the good. 903 CAP. XXIII. — Of the Platonic ideas. 907

^A CAP. XXIV. — Of Mosaic ideas, from Philo. 911 CAP. XXV. — Of the same, from Clement. 914 CAP. XXVI. — Of opposing natures, from the doctrine of the Hebrews and Plato. 915 CAP. XXVII. — Of the immortality of the soul, from the doctrine of the Hebrews and Plato. 918 CAP. XXVIII. — Of the same, from Porphyry. 923 CAP. XXIX. — That the world had a beginning. 927 CAP. XXX. — Of the luminaries of heaven. 930 CAP. XXXI. — That all the works of God are good. 930 CAP. XXXII. — Of the alteration and mutation of the world. 930 CAP. XXXIII. — Of the resurrection of the dead, from the same. 934 CAP. XXXIV. — Of the supreme end of the world. 935 CAP. XXXV. — That Plato writes that certain dead have returned to life, agreeing with the Hebrews also in this matter. 935 CAP. XXXVI. — From Plutarch on a similar matter. 938 CAP. XXXVII. — That Plato, concerning that earth which they call celestial, taught things very similar to the Hebrews. 939 CAP. XXXVIII. — Of the judgment that follows death; that Plato thought things akin to the Hebrews. 943

^B LIBER DUODECIMUS. 947

CAPUT PRIMUM. — That the Hebrews, even with Plato consenting, wished those whom they instructed to be grounded rightly, by a certain faith in their disciplines, which, because they were still more imperfect, would inquire into nothing further. From the first book of the Laws. 951 CAP. II. — That faith is held by Plato himself as well to be the greatest of all virtues. 954 CAP. III. — That faith must be had in things that are said about the soul and similar matters; from the eleventh book of the Laws. 954 CAP. IV. — That the minds of children are to be instructed by the form of fables with first precepts; from the second book of the Republic. 955 CAP. V. — That no fables are to be recited to children that are pernicious, but only those that are useful. 955 CAP. VI. — That faith is approved by Plato not only in word, but that he also professes from the heart that he himself believes those things which we ourselves believe. From the Gorgias. 958 CAP. VII. — That the graver dogmas of truth are not to be published indiscriminately to all. 966 CAP. VIII. — What kind of magistrates and princes Plato wishes to be created: that idiots and men of no learning are not rejected by him, if only they have excelled in integrity of morals. From the third book of the Laws. 966 CAP. IX. — That magistrates are to be avoided. From the first book of the Republic. 968 CAP. X. — Of the just, according to the mind of Plato. 968 CAP. XI. — Of the paradise of Moses. 970 CAP. XII. — That it is taught by both that woman was taken from man. 971 CAP. XIII. — Of the first life of men. 974 CAP. XIV. — That they were conversant even with irrational animals. 974 CAP. XV. — How both remembered the flood. 975 CAP. XVI. — How excellently our doctrines begin the reasons from divine things, and end in human things. From the first book of Plato's Laws. 978 CAP. XVII. — How excellent it is to accustom children immediately from their first age to pious and religious morals. 979 CAP. XVIII. — That only that doctrine is to be established in the place of learning which fortifies the way to virtue, but not that which serves in any way either to increase money or to prepare for life. 982 CAP. XIX. — That Plato was in agreement with the Hebrews in the opinion that inferior things are images of divine things. 983 CAP. XX. — That juniors are to be commended to memory by certain honorable hymns and odes, and are to be prepared for undertaking the labors of virtue. From the second book of the Laws. 986 CAP. XXI. — Of what kind the meaning of those odes ought to be. 987

CAP. XXII. — That it belongs not to any man to write praiseworthy odes and songs, but only to one who belongs to God or to some divine man. 990 CAP. XXIII. — Of those who can approve those divine songs. 990 CAP. XXIV. — That songs also at banquets are to be received, as if they were certain laws of conviviality. 991 CAP. XXV. — That the abundance of wine to be drunk is not to be permitted to all indiscriminately. 991 CAP. XXVI. — That not even Plato himself was ignorant of what laws were being established by him, [and] among which barbarians some lived according to their own commonwealths. 995 CAP. XXVII. — That there is a war to be waged by us with ourselves, and with our desires and perturbations. 993 CAP. XXVIII. — That the blame for those things which are committed by us is to be attributed not to the body, but to the mind. 998 CAP. XXIX. — Of him who philosophizes sincerely and integrally. From the Theaetetus. 999 CAP. XXX. — Of that whole type of sophistry which is accustomed to be found among men. 1007 CAP. XXXI. — That it is sometimes to be used falsely, like a medicine, for the utility of those who have need of such a style of speaking. 1010 CAP. XXXII. — That not only men, but also women, and indeed the whole human race, is to be called into the communion of this discipline. 1010 CAP. XXXIII. — For the sake of those who live less according to the prescription of reason among us, the whole race is to be translated. 1011 CAP. XXXIV. — How Plato expressed certain oracles from the Proverbs, more purely and elegantly in Greek diction. 1014 CAP. XXXV. — Of riches and poverty. 1014 CAP. XXXVI. — Of the honor and observance of parents. 1014 CAP. XXXVII. — Of the possession of slaves. 1014 CAP. XXXVIII. — How he expressed that of Moses: "Remove not the eternal landmarks which thy fathers have set." 1015 CAP. XXXIX. — A passage of Plato similar to this: "Rendering the sins of the fathers upon the sons unto the third and fourth generation, to those who hate me." 1015 CAP. XL. — Of thieves. 1015 CAP. XLI. — Of the thief killed. 1015 CAP. XLII. — Of the beast of burden. 1018 CAP. XLIII. — That Plato used the same similitudes as the writings of the Hebrews. 1018 CAP. XLIV. — Of the same similitudes. 1019 CAP. XLV. — Of the same. 1019 CAP. XLVI. — Of the same. 1022 CAP. XLVII. — That Plato wished to distribute citizens into twelve tribes, having followed the example of the Jewish people. 1023 CAP. XLVIII. — Plato determines that a city is to be founded in a place having a river, which he describes as very similar to the region of Jerusalem. 1025 CAP. XLIX. — How Plato rejects that first instruction of children, which was usurped by the Greeks, as pernicious. 1026 CAP. L. — Of the opinion of the atheists. From the tenth book of the Laws. 1031 CAP. LI. — How Plato philosophizes about God. 1035 CAP. LII. — How the same himself philosophizes that God takes care of the universe. 1046

LIBER DECIMUS TERTIUS. 1057 Prooemium. 1059 CAPUT PRIMUM. — How Plato refuted the inanities of Greek theology. 1063 CAP. II. — Of the same; and furthermore that God is not the author of evils. 1065 CAP. III. — Of the same; from the Epinomis. 1063 CAP. IV. — That besides obscene fables, they contain nothing about the Grecian deities, and that Socrates, because he did not have faith in them, was killed by the Athenians. From the Eutyphro. 1078

1453 ORDER OF THE MATTERS CONTAINED IN THIS VOLUME. 1454

BOOK FOURTEENTH

CAP. V. — From the book of Numenius, *On the Secrets of Plato*. On the same subject. 1079 CAP. VI. — That one must not follow the opinions of the vulgar, nor depart from one's own principles even for the fear of death. From the *Crito*. 1079 CAP. VII. — That one must not return injury on those by whom we are treated injuriously. From the same. 1086 CAP. VIII. — That what one has once rightly decided, must not be abandoned even for fear of death. This is applied to those who, in times of persecution, abjure their religion. 1087 CAP. IX. — What kind of spirit he ought to have who abandons a principle once adopted for fear of death. 1087 CAP. X. — That death is not to be shunned for the sake of truth. From the *Apology of Socrates*. 1090 CAP. XI. — How the death of those who have gloriously poured out their lives ought to be celebrated. From Plato. 1095 CAP. XII. — That Aristobulus the Peripatetic also, before our time, confessed that the Greeks drew their philosophy from Hebrew sources. From that work which Aristobulus inscribed to King Ptolemy. 1098 CAP. XIII. — That whatever has been rightly written by the Greeks conforms to the doctrine of the Hebrews, is further demonstrated by Clement, in the fifth *Stromata*. 1103 CAP. XIV. — That Plato did not judge correctly on all points, and for that reason we have not without cause departed from his philosophy and embraced the oracles of the Hebrews. 1139 CAP. XV. — That the discussion about spiritual natures is to be approved not in all things from Plato, but from the Hebrews. 1143 CAP. XVI. — On the soul; that Plato did not think correctly on all points compared to the Hebrews. 1147 CAP. XVII. — That the nature of the soul is not, as seemed to Plato, composed of two parts, of which one is free from the necessity of suffering and the other is passible. From the dispute of Severus the Platonist *On the Soul*. 1154 CAP. XVIII. — On the heaven and the stars shining in it; that Plato did not think correctly at all. From the *Epinomis*, the *Timaeus*, and the tenth book of the *Laws*. Things which Moses forbade to be worshipped, as does also Philo the Hebrew interpreter. 1158 CAP. XIX. — What things Plato determined less correctly concerning women, both in the *Laws* and in the *Republic*: which the doctrine of the Hebrews does not approve. 1163 CAP. XX. — What Plato settled in the *Phaedrus* concerning base love: to which the things sanctioned by Moses are contrary. 1171 CAP. XXI. — On the laws of Plato pertaining to slaughters, which are unworthy of that great mind of man, and with which the laws of Moses are to be compared. 1175

BOOK FOURTEENTH

CAP. I. — Proemium, in which the argument of the book is explained. 1182 CAP. II. — On the mutual dissension and strife of the philosophers. 1183 CAP. III. — On the general agreement of the Hebrew dogmas. 1186 CAP. IV. — How Plato refutes the earlier philosophers. From the *Theaetetus*. 1187 CAP. V. — On the first succession of the Platonic doctrine. From Numenius the Pythagorean. 1194 CAP. VI. — On Arcesilaus, who instituted the second Academy. From the same. 1199 CAP. VII. — What the life of those former men was; and on a certain Lacydes, successor to Arcesilaus. From the same. 1206 CAP. VIII. — On Carneades, who instituted the third Academy. From the same. 1214 CAP. IX. — On Philo, successor to Clitomachus, who had accepted Carneades. From the same. 1215 CAP. X. — That there are many conjectures, wordy strifes, and very many errors among the Greek philosophers; from the epistle of Porphyry to Nectenabo the Egyptian, not from those things which he wrote back to Boethus *On the Soul*, and from the book which he published *On Philosophy Drawn from Oracles*. 1219 CAP. XI. — On geometry, astronomy, and calculation, from Xenophon’s *Memorabilia*. 1222 CAP. XII. — On those who boasted of explaining the nature of things. From his epistle to Aeschines. 1226 CAP. XIII. — On the arts of gymnastics and music. From Plato in the *Republic*. 1226 CAP. XIV. — The opinions of the philosophers on principles. From Plutarch’s book which he wrote *On the Decrees of Philosophers Pertaining to Physical Matters*. 1230 CAP. XV. — On the opinion of Anaxagoras. From the Socratic discussion in Plato’s dialogue *On the Soul*. 1234 CAP. XVI. — The opinions of the philosophers on the gods. From Plutarch. 1238 CAP. XVII. — Against Xenophanes and Parmenides, who would take away the senses; from the eighth book of Aristocles *On Philosophy*. 1243 CAP. XVIII. — Against the sect of those philosophers who, following Pyrrho, decided that nothing can be understood, and were called Skeptics and inhibitors of assent. From the same Aristocles. 1246 CAP. XIX. — Against the followers of Aristippus, who determined that only those things which we feel can be understood, and nothing else. From the same. 1258 CAP. XX. — Against Metrodorus and Protagoras, who said that one must believe only the senses. From the same. 1259 CAP. XXI. — Against the Epicureans, who wished pleasure to be the end. From the same. 1266 CAP. XXII. — Again against those who define pleasure as the good. From the same. 1267 CAP. XXIII. — Against the Epicureans, who take away Providence and attribute all things to individual bodies. From the books of Dionysius of Alexandria *On Nature*. 1271 CAP. XXIV. — Through examples of things common among men, the dogma of the Epicureans is refuted. From the same. 1271 CAP. XXV. — The same is concluded from the construction of the universe. From the same. 1275 CAP. XXVI. — The same is concluded from the nature of man. From the same. 1283 CAP. XXVII. — That the construction of his works is not laborious or troublesome to God. From the same. 1283

BOOK FIFTEENTH

CAP. I. — Proemium, in which the argument of the whole work is explained. 1289 CAP. II. — On Aristotle, and on those things which have been handed down about him. From the seventh book of Aristocles the Peripatetic *On Philosophy*. 1294 CAP. III. — What the dogmas of Aristotle were. And first, how he dissents from the Hebrews and Plato in determining the end of the good. 1298 CAP. IV. — The discussion of Atticus the Platonist against Aristotle, who dissents from Moses and Plato in determining the reason of the end. 1302 CAP. V. — The same attacks Aristotle for dissenting from Moses and Plato at the same time in the question concerning Providence. 1305 CAP. VI. — The discussion of the same against Aristotle, contending against the origin of the world, which he denied, along with Moses and Plato. 1310 CAP. VII. — The same against the same, introducing a fifth essence of bodies, which neither Moses nor Plato knew. 1314 CAP. VIII. — The same against the same, dissenting from Plato in the treatment of celestial matters; which Moses cared for very little. 1319 CAP. IX. — The same against the same, contending against Plato at the same time and the doctrine of the Hebrews in the question concerning the immortality of souls. 1322 CAP. X. — From the second book of Plotinus *On the Immortality of Souls*, against Aristotle, who defends that the soul is an entelechy. 1327 CAP. XI. — On the soul. On the same, from the work of Porphyry to Boethus. 1354 CAP. XII. — Against the same, in that also concerning the universe 1355

^A 1455 Order of matters contained in this volume: [on] the soul [and] the dispute concerning [its] dissent from Plato. From Atticus. 1338 CAP. XIII. — Against the same, [refuting his] Platonic ideas, which we have already seen, from their own testimonies above, were not unknown even to the Hebrews themselves. From the same. 1338 CAP. XIV. — On the philosophy of the Stoics: and how Zeno determined the principle of the causes. From the seventh book of Aristotle’s *On Philosophy*. 1342 CAP. XV. — What opinion the Stoics introduce concerning God and the construction of this universe. From the Epitome of Arius Didymus. 1342 CAP. XVI. — Against the Stoic opinion concerning God. From Porphyry’s work *On the Soul*, addressed to Boethus. 1343 CAP. XVII. — That which is truly, is not a body, as the Stoics opine. From the first book of Numenius’ *On the Good*. 1346 CAP. XVIII. — What the Stoics think concerning the conflagration of the universe. 1347 CAP. XIX. — How the Stoics philosophize concerning the repeated genesis of the universe. 1347 CAP. XX. — How the Stoics think concerning the soul. 1350 CAP. XXI. — Disputation of Longinus against the Stoic opinion concerning the soul. 1351 CAP. XXII. — Against the same Stoics, [arguing] that the soul cannot be corporeal. From the book of Plotinus, *On the Soul*. 1354 CAP. XXIII. — The opinions of the natural philosophers concerning the sun. 1375 CAP. XXIV. — On the magnitude of the sun. 1378 CAP. XXV. — On the shape of the sun. 1378 CAP. XXVI. — On the moon. 1378 CAP. XXVII. — On the magnitude of the moon. 1378 CAP. XXVIII. — On the shape of the moon. 1378 CAP. XXIX. — On the illumination of the moon. 1378 CAP. XXX. — On the nature of the wandering and fixed stars. 1379 CAP. XXXI. — On the shape of the stars. 1379 CAP. XXXII. — By what reason the world was constituted. 1382 CAP. XXXIII. — Whether this whole is one. 1385 CAP. XXXIV. — Whether the world is animate and governed by Providence. 1386 ^B 1456 CAP. XXXV. — Whether the world lacks integrity. 1386 CAP. XXXVI. — Whence the world draws nourishment. 1386 CAP. XXXVII. — Whence God made the beginning of creating the world. 1386 CAP. XXXVIII. — On the order of the world. 1387 CAP. XXXIX. — Why the world is more inclined and lower. 1387 CAP. XL. — Whether that which is outside the world is a void. 1387 CAP. XLI. — Which parts of the world are the right, [and] which the left. 1390 CAP. XLII. — On the proper nature of the heavens. 1390 CAP. XLIII. — On demons and heroes. 1391 CAP. XLIV. — On matter. 1391 CAP. XLV. — On the Idea. 1391 CAP. XLVI. — On the order of the stars. 1394 CAP. XLVII. — On the proper motion of the stars. 1394 CAP. XLVIII. — Whence the stars receive light. 1394 CAP. XLIX. — On those whom we commonly call Castor and Pollux. 1391 CAP. L. — On the eclipse of the sun. 1395 CAP. LI. — On the eclipse of the moon. 1393 CAP. LII. — On the aspect of the moon, and why it appears earthy. 1395 CAP. LIII. — How far it is distant from the sun and the earth. 1398 CAP. LIV. — On the years. 1398 CAP. LV. — On the earth. 1398 CAP. LVI. — On the shape of the earth. 1399 CAP. LVII. — On the position of the earth. 1399 CAP. LVIII. — On the motion of the earth. 1399 CAP. LIX. — On the sea. How it gathered together, and why it is bitter. 1399 CAP. LX. — On the parts of the soul. 1402 CAP. LXI. — On the principal faculty of the soul. 1402 CAP. LXII. — That Socrates himself, formerly the wisest of the Greeks, also demonstrated that those who were so greatly puffed up with the physiology of such things were, for this very reason, empty-headed and insane, because they wasted their study and effort on matters void of any fruit of life and superior to all their faculty. 1403

THE END OF THE TWENTY-FIRST VOLUME.

ADVERTISEMENT

Within the last ten years, M. Seguier, Marquis a Sancto-Brissone, a member of the Academy of Inscriptions and Belles-Lettres, a man most distinguished by birth and learning, had prepared for the press an edition of the *Preparation for the Gospel*, collated against royal manuscripts and illustrated with notes, together with a French translation. He negotiated with those in charge of the royal press to see if they would undertake its publication. But since it was delayed by them from day to day, the matter remained unfinished. Therefore, setting aside the edition of the Greek text, M. Seguier turned his thoughts to publishing the French translation, which he had prepared after a new collation of the Greek. The project reached fruition, and the *Preparation* in the vernacular French language appeared in the year 1846, with a vast apparatus of notes and emendations, in two octavo volumes. These are the notes and emendations which his heirs, after M. Seguier’s death, most kindly gave us the authority to publish, and for which benefit we desire to render thanks here. Furthermore, we had at hand a copy of Viger’s edition, in whose margins the distinguished man had inscribed various readings from Parisian codices; these are marked with the numbers 465, 466, 467, and 468. He had also collated the Leyden manuscript which Robert Estienne used.

To these notes we add a Dissertation by the same most learned man on the fragments of Sanchuniathon, accepted by Eusebius from Philo of Byblos, regarding which much has been disputed—whether they are genuine or spurious—and the case is still *sub judice*.

VARIOUS READINGS AND NOTES ON EUSEBIUS' PREPARATION FOR THE GOSPEL

^A Col. 40 A 2. *Mētropamein* (Marriage with mothers). So many writers report this infamous custom, which was permitted among the Persians, that there is not even the slightest doubt about it. Diogenes Laertius, in the *Proemium*, ch. 7, reports that a certain passage excerpted from Clitarchus expressly states that the Magi hold as lawful the marriages of their mothers and daughters. Xanthus, in his treatise called *The Magica*, relates that the Magi have intercourse with their mothers, daughters, and also their sisters. This author is mentioned by Clement of Alexandria, *Stromata* iii, p. 515. Eudoxius of Cnidus is mentioned by Sextus in *Outlines of Pyrrhonism*, iii, 24, p. 119: "It is forbidden by our laws to marry mothers, although among the Persians this custom is most usual." The same Sextus, iii, c. 24, p. 178, says: "The Persians, and especially those held to be wise among them, that is, the Magi, marry their mothers." Tertullian also in the *Apology*, ch. 9, brings forward the testimony of Ctesias in this way: "Ctesias relates that the Persians have intercourse with their own mothers." Strabo, l. xv, c. 3, §20, p. 735: "Among the Persians, it is the custom for the Magi not to be buried, as their bodies are left to be devoured by birds. And for the Magi to have intercourse with their mothers is a hereditary custom." That vulgar opinion was the cause for Catullus to publish this epigram, *Epig. 90*:

*Let a Magus be born from the unspeakable* *Marriage of Gellius and his mother, and learn Persian soothsaying;* *For a Magus must be born from mother and son,* *If the impious religion of the Persians is true.*

Antisthenes, as Athenaeus reports, l. v, p. 220, ed. Casaubon, in his book of the younger Cyrus, rebuking Alcibiades for his lost life, adds: "For he has intercourse with his mother, daughter, and sister, as the Persians do."

Quintus Curtius, l. viii, 2, 19, records a certain satrap named Sisimithres, who had two sons born from his mother, which he considered lawful. In the time of Agathias, that custom still prevailed. For Agathias, l. ii, p. 61, ed. Louvre, says: "Not only do the Persians enter into marriages with sisters and kin, but even fathers with their daughters, and what is more shameful (O times! O customs!), sons with their mothers." This report by Agathias fights against Plutarch, in the treatise *On the Fortune of Alexander*, ch. 5, when he says that this incestuous custom had been suppressed by that conqueror, with these words: "He taught the Persians the reverence of their mothers, and forbade them to have intercourse with them." ^B But Strabo has already refuted him, if you believe Servius discussing this verse of the *Aeneid*, l. vi:

*He invaded his daughter’s chamber and the forbidden marriage rites.*

This custom flourished in his own time: by saying *forbidden*, he showed it existed, as it is among the Persians today. The Greeks, prone to calumniating all peoples, accused all other nations of this infamous custom; and in *Andromache*, verse 173, Euripides said:

*Such is the whole barbarian race:* *Father with daughter, son with mother has intercourse,* *Maiden with brother; through murders [the] dearest* *Go, and no law prevents these things.*

"The whole barbarian race lets the father have intercourse with the daughter, the mother with the son, the virgin with the brother; kin plot death against one another, nor does any law prevent such things." Lucian in the treatise *On Sacrifices*, speaking of Jove, says: "He took many wives and finally his own sister Juno, in the manner of the Persians and Assyrians." Those who say this infamous custom had its beginning from the Assyrians name Semiramis, who was killed because she slept with her own son. That fate would not have befallen Semiramis, said Agathias, if her way of acting had not offended public morals; and because the Magi used this custom, the same author thinks this doctrine originated from Zoroaster. Herodotus, however, iii, 31, reports that the marriage of brothers and sisters was formerly forbidden, and that it first had its beginning with Cambyses.

Finally, this custom seems to have prevailed among the Persians, and to have provided writers, both Jews and Christians, with a long and not undeserved place for declamation. The procession is led by Philo in the second treatise *On the Special Laws*, in the beginning: "The Persian nobles enter into marriages with their mothers, and those are considered the most noble among the children who are born from such incest, and, as rumor has it, are destined for the kingdom." Woe to me! What can be found more shameful than to defile the bed of a deceased father, who...

^A rather ought to be revered as a holy temple! › With Brissonius I read ἱερόν, not ἱεράν.

Bardesanes, writing against the Genethliacs, and cited by Eusebius in *Praeparatio Evangelica*, bk. VI, ch. 10, p. 275, said: ‹ Among the Persians, the law permits every man to marry his mother or daughter; not only those inhabiting the fatherland and their own dwellings, but even those who are away from Persia, of the name Magouseeni, perform these illicit marriages; and they pass down the same laws and customs to their children, many of whom are to be seen at this time in Media, Egypt, Phrygia, and Galatia. Yet, Venus embracing Mars in the house of Saturn could in no way have presided over so many and such births. ›

This passage of Bardesanes is found in the pseudo-Clementine *Recognitions*, from ch. 19 up to ch. 29.

Among Christian writers who, along with Eusebius, think that the Christian religion was the reason why the Persians ceased from incest, Theodoret is found first, who in his *Therapeutica*, p. 128 (Sylburg edition), *On Laws*, said: "The Persians, formerly addicted to the laws of Zarades (Zoroaster), would marry mothers, sisters, and daughters, and what is a profanity, they held it as a law; but ever since they heard the apostles, they cast off the laws of Zoroaster as abominable, and with a joyful soul embraced the temperance of the Gospel." › Cf. Saint John Chrysostom, who said in the eighth chapter of *On Virginity*, vol. VI, p. 248 (Savile edition): ‹ We admire the Persians, who do not marry their mothers, as they once did; the same cannot be said of the Romans. › Among the Greek Fathers, notable are Theodore of Mopsuestia, in Photius, cod. 81; Gregory of Nyssa, *On Fate*; Tatian (Würzburg ed., p. 80): *To marry one's mother is the most excellent practice among the Persian Magi.* Finally, among the Latins, Saint Jerome, *Against Jovinian*, bk. I: "The Persians, Medes, Indians, and Ethiopians—kingdoms not mediocre, and equal to the Roman empire—copulate with their mothers and, more so, with their daughters and granddaughters"; and Minucius Felix, 31: "It is the law among the Persians to be joined with their mothers." ›

Col. 40 A 3. *Anthropophage Scythians.* One cannot doubt that cannibalism was a universal custom before the human race provided for itself, through agriculture, sustenance necessary to support life. Wherefore the founders of empires joined agriculture to the precepts of religion and ethics. Once agriculture is removed, what would remain for legislators to impose and sanction laws? Horace says nothing else in these verses:

"Orpheus, the holy interpreter of the gods, Deterred [wild men] from slaughter and foul food."

But ever since cities were founded, this barbarous custom flourishes only among peoples removed from all science and culture. The Scythians, who lived a more wandering life, kept these abominable customs longer than other peoples, compelled by the necessities of life. A sufficient number of writers testify to this, so that no suspicion or intention of calumny falls upon Eusebius.

In the times of Herodotus, a certain part of the Scythians was cannibalistic. "After an eleven days' journey beyond the Panticapes," he says, "along the Borysthenes, a vast, uncultivated region lies; and beyond that desert place dwell the anthropophagi." Herodotus separates those people from the Scythians, but how could it be that in the midst of Scythia a certain people existed distinct and separated from the Scythians? (See Herodotus, bk. IV, ch. 18.) Strabo, bk. VII, p. 298, said: ‹ The Black Sea was from the beginning nicknamed *Axinus* (inhospitable) on account of the ceaseless storms and the ferocity of the peoples who dwell along the shores, especially the Scythians, who sacrifice strangers, feed on human flesh, and use human skulls as cups. › Lucian, alluding to this barbarous custom of the Scythians in the *Dialogues of Juno and Latona*, introduces the latter saying: ‹ As for your children, no one is unaware that your daughter, while wandering in Scythia, learned from the Scythians who are cannibals to feed on slaughtered foreigners. ›

Reporting this, as is known to all, Pliny says (*Hist. nat.*, bk. VI, ch. 20): ‹ Uninhabitable Scythia, the first part from the Scythian promontory on account of snows: the next is uncultivated, due to the savagery of the peoples: Scythian cannibals dwell there, feeding on human bodies. › The same relates in bk. VII, ch. 2: ‹ We have indicated that there are classes of Scythians, and indeed several, that would feed upon human bodies (bk. IV, 26, and bk. VI, 20). › Solinus, the abbreviator of this writer, narrates the same, and Pomponius Mela, *On the Situation of the World*, bk. II, c. 1, notes a peculiar race of Scythians which he calls cannibal, in these words: ‹ Among the cannibals, even banquets themselves are prepared with human viscera. ›

In the wild and rustic state of ancient men, war was a certain kind of hunting, so that men might feed on men. When human and civil culture begins, cannibalism follows from war, but it is no longer a cause of war; and for a long time the Scythian race kept the custom of eating the flesh of conquered enemies, not otherwise than wild men who have recently been found across the Ocean; for they used skulls as cups and skins for linens. Herodotus, bk. IV, c. 64, says: ‹ It is a custom for the Scythians, when they wage war, to drink the blood of the first enemy killed and to offer to the king the severed heads; which having been done, they immediately have their reward. This is the mode of flaying: first they cut the skin around the ears, then, having seized the head, the enemy is decapitated, then using a cow's rib they scrape the flesh, softening the skin with their hands, which, having thus softened, they extend so that they use it in the manner of a napkin. Then they hang it on the head of their horse, and it is a greater honor for them if they have more thus prepared. Some use them as a cloak, and sew them like goat skins. Some amputate the enemy's right hand, the skin of which they use to cover their quiver. ›

‹ Now, the heads of the most hostile enemies they saw open below the eyebrow, then cleanse them with water. If a man be poor and needy, having placed a piece of raw cowhide over it, he thus preserves it; if he is wealthy, the same, with cowhide placed over it, but gilded inside, he uses as a cup. › Pliny, bk. VII, ch. 2: ‹ Isigonus the Nicaean reported that the former cannibals, whom we said to be ten days' journey toward the north, above the river Borysthenes, drink from the bones of human heads and use the scalps with hair as napkins before their breasts. › Enough of so many and such great testimonies.

Col. 40 A 9. *Tous palai*, etc. The passage where Eusebius speaks about the barbarous custom of many peoples of slaughtering the elderly, which others follow—some toward the cultivation of cannibalism, others toward leaving the remains to birds and wild beasts, omitting all care of burial, while some bury living men, dear to them, together with the deceased—is taken word for word from Porphyry's treatise *On Abstinence from Flesh*, p. 375, ed. Rhoer, bk. IV, c. 21.

Col. 40 B 1. *Istorountai Massagetai kai Derbikes.* Saint Jerome drew from the same sources; for he says the same in almost the same words, *Against Jovinian*, second book. ‹ The Massagetae and Derbices think those most wretched who die from sickness, and therefore they slaughter and devour their parents, relatives, and neighbors when they have reached old age; judging it to be more righteous that they should be eaten by them rather than by worms. The Tibareni hang those elders whom they have loved upon gallows. The Hyrcanians throw the living to birds and dogs... The Bactrians cast their elderly to dogs nourished for this very purpose; which, when Alexander's prefect (Nicanor) wished to reform, he nearly lost the province. › Among Strabo, Diodorus Siculus, Stasanor; which is also read in Porphyry, bk. V; Theodoret, and in discourse IX, p. 129, of the *Therapeutica*, edit. Sylburg: "The Massagetae, having made it a law to sacrifice and feast upon those who have grown old, have cast off this filthy food. The Tibareni, accustomed to push their elders down the deepest cliffs, have abolished this most wicked law; nor do the Hyrcanians or the Caspians any longer feed dogs with the bodies of the dead; nor..."

^A Scythians bury alive those whom they loved, along with the departed.

This testimony alone would prove that the narration of this Doctor of the Church is sincere, but it is also supported by many other testimonies. P. Vigerus, in the Observations which he left unfinished, ought to have made known the sources from which Eusebius drew; I shall do so in his place. The Massagetae are so well known that their name is found written in the same way everywhere. This is not the case for the people mentioned above. In Porphyry and Eusebius, they are read as *Derbices*. In MS. 451, they are called *Bebryces*. But "Bebryces" does not mean the same thing as "Derbices."

The name "Bebryces" was given to their territory by the Bithynians before it received the name Thynia and Bithynia. Bithynia was the kingdom of Amycus, who died, defeated in battle against Pollux. Apollonius Rhodius, Book II, at the beginning:

There were stalls for cattle, and courts of Amycus, King of the Bebryces, arrogant, whom once a nymph Bore to Poseidon, having laid with him on her birthday, Melie, a Bithynian, most arrogant of men.

Theocritus narrated the fight of Pollux and Amycus in his twenty-second idyll, dedicated to the Dioscuri; as did Valerius Flaccus, who sang of the Argonauts, Book IV, verse 150. A scholiast says of this verse that Amycus held under his dominion the Bebryces of Bithynia, who at that time inhabited some other maritime regions; the Bebryces also advanced as far as Ephesus and Magnesia. Charon says that the territories of Lampsacus once bore the name "Bebrycia" because of the Bebrycian inhabitants. This nation, like so many others, perished in war. See Plutarch, *On the Virtues of Women*, under the word "Lampsace," Vol. VIII, p. 289, Hutten.

Tzetzes, *On Lycophron*, verse 1505: "The Bebryces are today the Mysians, those most remote from the Bithynians, in whose territories Mount Olympus rises. There are other Bebryces, originating from the race of the Gauls, between the Pyrenees and the Ceraunian mountains and Spain; they are called Narbonenses." (Whom Silius Italicus sang of in Book III, verse 420 and following; and Festus Avienus in *Ora Maritima*). Virgil speaks of the Bebryces of Bithynia in the fifth book of the *Aeneid*, where he says, verse 373, of Butes defeated by Dares: Who claimed to come from the Bebrycian race of Amycus. Commenting on this verse, Servius says: "Bebrycia itself is Bithynia." Sallust, in an uncertain fragment: "Therefore, deep within the first Asia is Bithynia, previously called by many names." Strabo, Book XI, ch. 3, § 3, p. 541, says the Bebryces originated from the race of the Thracians: "The Bebryces were Thracians who inhabited Mysia before the Bithynians, as I suppose." Finally, *ibid.*, ch. 4, it is read: "Theopompus says that Mariandynus, having ruled over a part of Paphlagonia, which was subject to many kings, attacked and inhabited the land of the Bebryces; and having destroyed them (it should be read 'having wiped them out'), he left his own name to it." Theopompus says that Mariandynus, king of a part of Paphlagonia, which was subject to many kings, when he had undertaken to bring the Bebryces under his power, finally, having destroyed the nation, imposed his own name upon it. See Vaillant, *Imperium Achaemenidarum*, Vol. XI, p. 292.

The Derbices, on the other hand, inhabit higher Asia, neighbors of the Massagetae, towards the east of the maritime Caspian region or the Hyrcanians, beyond and on this side of the bank of the Oxus. "The Derbices, whose middle territories the river Oxus cuts, which rises in the Oxian lake." (Pliny, Book VI, ch. 18 or 16.) Strabo, Book XI, p. 514, locates them in Hyrcania; Ptolemy in Margiana: whom Mela makes neighbors to the sea: "Now as far as the strait, the Derbices." Book I, ch. 5, v. 35. Quintus Curtius counts the Derbices among the forces of Darius when that prince was reviewing his army in the Babylonian plains; Book I, ch. 2: "The Derbices had armed forty thousand infantry: to many were attached spears tipped with iron, some had hardened wood in the fire; two thousand cavalry from the same nation also accompanied these." The name of this people is often found obliterated in manuscripts. Sometimes it is read *Derbiccae*, sometimes *Derbices*. Strabo, Pliny, and Mela write *Derbices*. In the first editions of Aelian’s *Hist. div.*, Book IV, ch. 1, it was read *Berdiccae*, where, by the emendation of Casaubon, *Derbices* ought to be read more correctly; Perizonius reads *Derbiccae*. Ptolemy names them thus in Book VI, ch. 10. Aelian says the same as Porphyry, whose words are these: "The Derbices slaughter those who are seventy years old, sacrificing men and hanging women." ^B Dionysius Periegetes, 754, writes *Dercebii*, "The Mards and the Dercebii and the wealthy drink the water of the Bactrians," instead of *Derbicium* or *Derbiccarum*. V. 738, the same author: The Dercebii from the other side by the Caspian waters, And after them towards the east, beyond the roaring Araxes, The Massagetae dwell.

It is read in Stephanus of Byzantium: *Derbiccae*, "a nation near the Hyrcanians." But Apollonius writes the 'K' twice. Ctesias says they are *Derbii* or *Derbissi*. From these examples, it is evident in how many different ways the name of this people was written long ago. Since I possess only the Xylander edition, it is not permitted for me to judge what Holstenius and Berckelius may have said about the aforementioned name and the cited passage of Stephanus.

Berckelius reads *Derbiccae* and alleges Salmasius in *De Solino*, who adopted this orthography. The Palatine manuscript of Ptolemy carries *Derbiccae* who are also *Dercebii*. Regarding that custom of slaughtering and eating parents advanced to old age, Strabo reports, Book XI, ch. 10, § 8, p. 520: "Those who are over seventy years old, their closest kin slaughter them, and they consume their flesh." They slaughter septuagenarian old men whom their kin devour, and they hang the old women and bury them. Furthermore, by their laws, death was prescribed for the smallest offense. Idem, *ibidem*: "For small things they slaughter them." Mela, Book I, ch. 7, said the same thing, speaking generally about the peoples of Asia: "Some slay their closest parents as victims before they waste away from years and disease; and it is considered right and especially pious to feast on the entrails of the slaughtered."

These things are regarding the Derbices. The Massagetae are very well known from Herodotus because of the war that Cyrus waged against them, who died defeated in their borders. This nation, says Herodotus (1.201), is powerful in peoples and in arms. It lies towards the east beyond the Araxes (Oxus); see Hardouin, *On Pliny*, Book VI, 16 or 18; see also Du Cange, *On Nicephorus Bryennius*, p. 301. Conversely, the Issedones, towards the east of the Caspian Sea, Herodotus still said (1.204), wide fields lie open, of which the Massagetae hold the greatest part. The same author confirms the narration of Porphyry with these words (1.216): "A man who has reached extreme old age is sacrificed by all his closest bystanders together with cattle; then feasts follow. And this way of ending life seems most auspicious to them."

Strabo, Book XI, ch. 10, § 6, p. 513, said: "For the Massagetae, the best death is to be torn to pieces when they have reached old age. Human flesh was mixed with the flesh of cattle, and they sat down to these feasts. Those who died from old age were cast out as impious, to be food for birds and wild beasts." Sallust the philosopher in the Gale codex, p. 262, ch. 9, "Why then do the Massagetae eat their fathers?" Herodotus says the same thing about the Issedones, Book IV, ch. 26: "When the head of the family has died, each of his closest kin brings a ram, which being sacrificed, they tear the flesh to pieces, which they mix with the flesh of the dead father and prepare a feast."

^A Zenobius, century V, 25, where for Σιφεῖς one should read Σιδοῦντες. See Herodotus, lib. III, cap. 38, where he speaks of the Calatian nation of India, and cap. 99, where he speaks of the Padaeans who strangle and eat their sick.

The Tibareni are less known: nevertheless, Apollonius Rhodius (Argon. II, 377) places them on the shores of the Euxine and calls them neighbors of the Chalybes: "And near them dwell the sheep-rich Tibareni, Above the cape of Zeus the Hospitable." Xenophon, leading back his army, passed through their territories. Tibarenia, says Stephanus Byzantinus, is a certain region in Pontus, adjacent also to the Chalybes and the Mossynoeci. Finally, Strabo, lib. XII, cap. 3, 918, page 548, says: "Above Trapezus and Pharnacia are the Tibareni, etc." It escapes me whether these peoples are the same as those whom Cicero calls Tibarani, neighbors of the Eleutherocilicians (epistle to Cato, epist. ad diversos, 15-4): "The Tibarani were their neighbors in equal wickedness and audacity; from them, after the capture of Pindenissus, I received hostages." Asia Minor lies between Cilicia and Pontus, which the Tibareni inhabited. Therefore, they seem to me to be two different peoples. Ephorus, as cited by Stephanus Byzantinus, said that they primarily devote themselves to play and jesting. Mela, lib. I, cap. 19, 70, translates1 that with these words: "The Tibareni touch the Chalybes, to whom the greatest good is laughter and play." Finally, Zenobius, Proverbior. cent. V, 25, reports: "When women give birth, the Tibareni cover their head with a veil and lie in bed." The same story is told by Apollonius Rhodius, lib. XI, 1010: "Thence they reached the Tibarenian land, Where, when women bear children unto men, The husbands themselves groan, lying in their beds, With heads bound about; but the wives well tend the men With food, and prepare baths for those who are in childbed." This narrative, I know not whether true or false, is excerpted from Metrodorus of Amphipolis' *In the Customs*, and not *In the Laws*, as the scholiast teaches; that which pertains to the correction of *Nomimois* is recommended by reason and by Clement of Alexandria in his *Protrepticus*, page 56: "Nymphodorus in *Barbarian Customs*," lib. I of the *Stromata*, page 383: "Nymphodorus of Amphipolis in the third book of the *Customs of Asia*." I am surprised that in the latest edition of the scholiast of Apollonius, Mr. Scheffer, who supervised it attentively, should have overlooked this error. However, this nation, absorbed by the domination of the Persians and Mithridates, has left behind few things for history, and what Porphyry and Theodoret relate—that they cast their parents from precipices, *katakremnizousi*—seems to me fabricated or at least doubtful. St. Jerome, on the contrary, says that they hang their parents: "Those whom they loved, the old men, they hang on gallows." It is from the similarity of the words *katakremnizo* (to cast down a cliff) and *katakremnao* (to hang) that St. Jerome erred. To this custom of throwing the aged from cliffs, the peoples of Sardinia were accustomed, as Aelian reports (Var. hist. cap. I, § 4). I read the text of D. Coray, *Law of Sardinia*: "The boys, armed with clubs, strike their fathers whom they thus inter, considering it a great disgrace to themselves if they reach extreme old age, for it is necessary to go wrong while the body is consumed by age." This text is clear from the edition of the scholia of Plato made by Ruhnkenius, page 144. From that edition, it is clear that Timaeus is the author of this narrative, which Aelian translates poorly. In his own time, Zenobius reports the same passage of Timaeus (Proverbs, V, 85), but only in part. The scholiast speaks thus: " 'He laughed a Sardonic laugh'—a proverb. The inhabitants of Sardinia, as Timaeus says, when their parents grow overly old (attain senility), and they think they have lived long enough, they lead them to the place where they are to be buried, and there, having dug pits, ^B they seat those who are about to die on the edges of the lips [of the pit]. Then each of them, having a stick, strikes his own father and pushes him into the pits; and the old men go to their death rejoicing as if they were blessed, and they perish with laughter and mirth. Since, therefore, it happened that they laughed, but the laughter was not for any good thing, the before-mentioned proverb was established among the Greeks." The inhabitants of Sardinia, as Timaeus reports, if parents have reached extreme senility and are in such a state that they are about to die, lead them to a place where they are to be buried; then, having dug the earth, they place those who are to die on the edge of the pit, and having grabbed a club, they strike them; and thus, killed and cast down, they bury them. The old men rejoice at the sight of death and signify their happiness with laughter and a joyful gesture. But because such laughter portends a final and ill-omened day, it has been called by the Greeks a "Sardonic laugh."

Col. 40 B 6. "Hyrcani and Caspii." The Hyrcani and Caspii, whom Eusebius names as peoples who have the same customs, even though they live similarly on the shores of the Caspian or Hyrcanian Sea, are nevertheless quite far removed from one another. "Called by many names, by the two most famous, the Caspian and the Hyrcanian," Pliny VI, 15. If you examine the whole phrase, it seems to be discovered that the parents, while still alive, are thrown to the birds and wild beasts only by the Hyrcani, but when dead, by the Caspii. Nevertheless, T. Cicero, treating of this custom of the Hyrcanians, seems to me to have spoken of the dead only (Tusc. I, 45): "In Hyrcania, the common people feed public dogs, the nobles feed them at home; and we know that that is a noble breed of dogs; but each one according to his means provides those by whom he may be torn; and they consider that the best burial." Silius Italicus in *Punicis*, lib. XIII, verse 471: "In the Iberian land, as they say, this is the ancient custom: The obscene vulture consumes the lifeless bodies. When royal limbs have laid down the light, it is approved By the Hyrcanians to employ dogs...." But the Caspii are accused by Strabo or Onesicritus, whom Strabo cites in lib. XI, cap. 11, 3, page 517, of having consumed with hunger their parents who were burdened with years. Speaking of the Persians, Agathias, regarding men who are still alive, reports a certain custom of theirs which seems to agree with Porphyry's narrative. In the second book of this author (page 60 of the Louvre edition), when he had spoken of the burial of the Persians, who are devoured by dogs, no differently than Cicero had, he adds: "If during military expeditions some soldiers have fallen into grave illness, they are placed in a remote spot while still living and fasting. When they have been thus segregated, a piece of bread, water, and a staff are placed beneath their hands so that they may sustain their life and be able to repel wild animals. If they have not died after being thus exposed, and if the grave disease indeed binds the limbs of the sick, then the birds of the sky and wild beasts devour the half-living, and thus all hope of salvation departs. There are those who have returned to their homes emaciated, bloodless, and causing fear to those who met them; no differently than certain tragic specters returning from Erebus (Polydorus in the Hecuba of Euripides). But those who return to health in this way are hated by all; they are avoided as if contaminated and considered inhabitants of Acheron; no one, although once a table-companion, uses their company before they have been purified by the Magi for the unspeakable death to which they had been destined and from which they had drawn a new life." Stobaeus, in his 124th oration, reports this saying of Diogenes the Cynic, who says: "If the dogs were to tear his body, he would have a Hyrcanian burial; if the vultures, a Bactrian one." This method of burial was not only the custom of the Hyrcanians and Caspii, but also that of the Persians and the Magi. Cicero, *Tusc.* I, 45: "It is the custom of the Magi not to entomb the bodies of their kinsmen unless they have first been torn by wild beasts." Strabo, lib. XV, cap. 5, § 20, page 753: "The Magi..."

^A do not bury their dead, but leave them to be devoured by birds."

Let us pass on to the Scythians. The author of whom we now speak says: "The Scythians bury the living or slaughter them, in honor of the dead whom the deceased had loved the most." Herodotus (lib. IV, cap. 71), narrating specifically the funerals of the Scythian kings, concludes with these words: "One of the concubines, having been strangled, they bury; then the cupbearer, the cook, the armorer, the attendant, the messenger, the horses—in a word, whomever he had as his principal attendants." Stobaeus, Sermo 120: "The Tauric tribe of Scythians bury with their kings their dearest friends." What Porphyry adds concerning the custom of slaughtering certain persons upon the pyre does not apply to the Scythians, who did not burn the bodies of their dead, but to the Indians, as everyone knows.

Col. 40 B 9. *And Bactriani*. Bactriana is situated at the roots of the Paropamisus, towards the Araxes, and used the same customs as the neighboring peoples whom we have treated one by one. Strabo supports the statement of Porphyry—or rather of Onesicritus, which is cited by Porphyry—lib. XI, cap. 11, 3, page 517. The Sogdians and Bactrians formerly behaved little differently from the nomad tribes. Yet the Bactrians were of milder character. Onesicritus, however, speaking of them, spares his praise; for he said that they expose their sick while they are still alive to dogs, which they raise for this purpose and call, in their own tongue, "burial dogs." Outside the walls of the metropolis of the Bactrians all places were clean, but within, all was filled with human bones; but Alexander put an end to this nefarious custom. Plutarch says: "Hyrcanian dogs and Bactrian birds, by order of law, devour the dead."

Col. 47 B 9. *Above these things*. That is, nothing more than what appeared in the heavens.

Col. 53 A 15. *Being a disciple of Anaxagoras*. Euripides could not have used Anaxagoras as a master. This anachronism of Diodorus is evident.

Col. 57 A 2. Censorinus, cap. 4: "He says the Milesian [Anaximander] believed that there had originated from water and earth heated, either fishes or animals very similar to fishes, in which humans had grown, and the fetuses remained enclosed within until the age of puberty, then finally, having burst, came forth as men and women who could already nourish themselves." Plutarch, *Symposiac* 8, problem 8, near the end, said the same concerning Anaximander, namely, that men had first been fashioned in the bellies of fish and reared inside like infants, then finally came out, nature providing them with strength, and took possession of the land.

Ibid. B 4. *Of the air*. Valckenaer, *Diatribe*, p. 45, where *birds*; thus also Wessel[ing] on Diodorus 1, 4.

Col. 56, D 2. *Productive of hot and cold*. Ritter, *Hist. philos.*, t. I, *of the productive hot and cold*. Cf. the same in the following.

Ibid. 5. *To grow around*. *To grow around*, Willembach.

Col. 60 C 5. *That to you*. Diogenes Laertius, in the *Life of Socrates* (lib. II, seg. 21). Demetrius of Byzantium says that Socrates, who led men away from the arcane mysteries of nature of little importance, began to teach ethics in workshops and marketplaces; he used to say that one should seek: "That which for you in your halls, of evil and good, has been wrought." The same, lib. VI, seg. 103, in the *Life of Menedemus*: Diocles attributes this saying to Diogenes, which others claim for Socrates. See Aulus Gellius, lib. XIV, 6: "My *Attic Nights* inquire mostly about that one verse of Homer, which Socrates said was always dearer to him than anything else: 'That which for you in your halls, of evil and good, has been wrought.'"

Sextus Empiricus, *Adv. mathem.*, lib. VII, 21, p. 374: "Socrates openly said that nothing else should be sought except: 'That which for you in your halls, of evil and good, has been wrought.'"

Finally, Eusebius himself (lib. XV, cap. 62, pag. 865) ^B: "Socrates justly professed that some things are above us, some things are useless to know. Thus physics is above us. What happens after death we are not to care about: only human affairs concern us; wherefore, leaving aside the school of Anaxagoras and Archelaus, he applied himself to that one science: 'That which for you' etc."

Col. 61 A 6. Wittembach thinks something is missing.

Col. 64 C 5. *To the cause of everything*. Schaubach (*Anaxagora fragmenta*, p. 155) conjectures *of the cause*. The authors of the history of philosophy do not agree among themselves here. Anaxagoras was the first to set intelligence, that is, *nous*, before the rest, as the cause of sublunary things; which Eusebius also said, toward the end of book X, p. 504, of the *Evangelical Preparation* in these words: "Anaxagoras, son of Hegesibulus of Clazomenae, was the first to teach the true principles of things. Not only did he teach the secrets of things in the manner of the ancients, but also the causes by which they are moved. In the beginning, he says, all things lay commingled; but intelligence, approaching, substituted order for confusion: *Nous [Mind] entering in, led them from disorder into order*: whence it is to be supposed that, before Anaxagoras, the efficient and motive cause was unknown as being intelligence, that is, *nous*."

Now let us come to the authors who say that Anaxagoras was the author of this doctrine; later we shall see whether other philosophers before him professed this great doctrine, and who finally should be considered its author.

Diogenes Laertius thus begins the history of this philosopher: "Anaxagoras, son of Hegesibulus or Eubulus of Clazomenae, was the first to set matter beneath intelligence." Diogenes, relating such words, says the same and in almost the same words as Plato in the *Phaedo* (t. I, page 97). Eusebius says the same in lib. XIV, 15, page 752, of the *Evangelical Preparation*: "By chance," says Eusebius, "I heard, after reading the book of Anaxagoras, some man saying that intelligence alone had disposed all things in order; I was pleased, and it seemed to me a very excellent statement that intelligence was the cause of all things. Joyfully, therefore, I accepted Anaxagoras as a teacher occurring to me and teaching that the cause of all existing things is placed in intelligence."

And Plutarch, in *Life of Pericles*, cap. 4, says: "Anaxagoras was the first to place before the universe not fortune or force, as the principle of things, but a certain pure intelligence, free from admixture." The same Plutarch, in the *Placita philosophorum*, or whoever wrote under his name, lib. I, cap. 3, relates the same concerning Anaxagoras. This passage is missing in Eusebius (*Præp. evang.*, lib. XIV). It is found mutilated in Stobaeus (lib. I, Eclog. Physic. § 28). The same Plutarch said that there is a double principle of evil in Anaxagoras, *De Iside*, cap. 48: "*Anaxagoras [spoke of] mind and the infinite.* Anaxagoras found intelligence and the infinite." But it is an error of Plutarch.

In the third chapter of the first book of the *Metaphysics*, Aristotle reviews in order the various opinions of the philosophers concerning first causes, and shows by what reasonings Anaxagoras found intelligence (that is, *nous*) to be the cause of all things. He separates accurately the diverse principles of inert matter, which he calls *homoeomeria*. Lucretius said that this word could not be translated into Latin (I, vers. 830): "Now let us also examine the *homoeomeria* of Anaxagoras, Which the Greeks call by name, and which our native tongue Refuses to let us name, due to the poverty of our ancestral speech."

^A Once these principles have been distinguished, the philosopher concedes the property of infinity; then, finding that the change of forms is the efficient cause of the universe, he inquired whether this cause was single or multiple, for, he says, the substratum is not changed by itself. To seek that principle, he says, would be the same as seeking the motive cause. After he has explained that other philosophers have labored much and in vain in this investigation, and that others, having grasped nothing certain, have fluctuated in doubt, Aristotle adds: "Having found no sufficient cause for natural things, they were necessarily forced to embrace a certain superior creative cause. For neither earth, nor anything like it, can be the cause of the good and right; but it is no more admissible that fortune or chance is the cause of things." ^B Therefore, the philosopher who first said that a certain intelligence is present in nature, as it is in animals, as the cause of all existent order, was held in higher regard than the others who preceded him, as a man using a sound mind. Now, if fame is to be believed, Anaxagoras first discovered that doctrine; yet there exists some doubt and perhaps a certain accusation, namely, that Hermotimus of Clazomenae was the inventor of that doctrine. But that preposterous assertion of Aristotle has met with no favor among the ancients and is held to be of little moment. It is considered by me to be all the more fabricated and fictitious because Anaxagoras is said to have drawn the principles of his philosophy from Anaximenes of Miletus. Cicero, *De nat. deor.*, I, 11: "Anaxagoras, who received his instruction from Anaximenes." Strabo, book XIV, p. 645. Diogenes Laertius, in his *Life*, at the beginning, reports the same. As for this Hermotimus, who is opposed to Anaxagoras by some, he ought to be considered a charlatan: who used to say that his soul went out from his body so that it might wander here and there; from that he took the faculty of predicting eclipses of the stars; from that, also, death was procured for him. These things are read among the *Fictitious Histories* of Apollonius Dyscolus, edited by Meursius, ch. 3. Anaxagoras the physicist, of Clazomenae, was a disciple of Anaximenes of Miletus. Yet the commentators on Aristotle, namely Alexander of Aphrodisias, in Simplicius, book V of the *Physics*, p. 321, and indeed Philoponus, have revoked what had been said by their master. Sextus Empiricus, *Pyrrhonic Sketches*, *Adv. Math.*: "Anaxagoras says that all things were once confused, and that all things were ordered by a supervening intellect; but Aristotle reports that Hermotimus of Clazomenae, Parmenides of Elea, and long before them, Hesiod also, held this opinion." ^C This skeptic tells a shameless lie, who, in order to destroy all the sounder doctrines and opinions, supposes a statement of Aristotle which that philosopher never made. We have seen that this opinion was attributed by him first to Hermotimus... Regarding Parmenides and Hesiod he speaks thus, *Metaphys.*, book I, ch. 4: "It could be supposed that Hesiod sought something similar, because, before others, like Parmenides, he called Love the principle of all things, because it is necessary that a cause exist in beings, so that they may be moved and contained." We shall solve this difficulty later, namely, who first held this doctrine? Very little praise is won for Aristotle by such a confusion of the doctrines of Hesiod, Parmenides, and Anaxagoras. What parity is there between the physical and animal motion which is called Love, and the pure notion of intelligence? But in fact, Aristotle does not absolutely say that Hesiod and Anaxagoras held the same mind. Did he wish, driven by envy, to make the profession of Anaxagoras obscure, and therefore to compare this illustrious philosopher with Hesiod and Parmenides and the very obscure rival Hermotimus? But, I repeat, he did not absolutely say that they thought the same thing, *ταὐτὸ φρονεῖν*, as Sextus contends; which he could not have done without injury to his own reputation, nor did he put forth this opinion again, at least in the works that have come down to us. ^D He speaks much better and in a far different way about Anaxagoras in book VIII, chapter 5, p. 588, ed. Duval, *De auditione physica*: "With the greatest reason Anaxagoras professed, when he said that *nous*, the mind, is impassible and one in its substance, when the principle of motion was attributed to it." Here Hermotimus is no longer revoked. Simplicius in his commentary on the same treatise, folio 285, recto, edit. Ald., 1526, says: "He confirms without any doubt that the author of motion is immovable, by celebrating the doctrine of Anaxagoras, who posits *nous*, that is, mind, as the principle, being the first author of motion, and that the same mind is immovable and perfectly one in substance." The same Aristotle, *De caelo*, book III, ch. 2: "No result of nature happens by chance; it seems to me that Anaxagoras acted rightly when he posited this principle, namely, that the order in the world had been established by immovable agents." Simplicius, having found this occasion, cites this sentence of Anaxagoras: "All things were together; then *nous*, mind, having separated them, arranged them." He wrote, as it seems, *εἰσελθών* (having entered), instead of *διακρίνας* (having separated), folio 143, edit. Aldin, 1517, verso. But this sentence of Anaxagoras was not always set forth in the same words. Finally, book X of the *Metaphysics*, ch. 6, designates him under the generic name of "the physicists": "as the physicists say: 'All things were together.'" Proclus, in Plato's *Timaeus*, at the beginning, seems to report wittily what Aristotle had written in the place cited above in the *Metaphysics*: "Anaxagoras seems to be the first who, while all others were giving themselves to sleep, perceived that intelligence is the cause of all things." Themistius, *Orat.* XXVI, p. 317: "Anaxagoras first admitted mind and divinity in the creation of the world, and did not refer everything to the nature of bodies." Let him who wishes look at the compilation of Cedrenus, p. 158, tom. I, edit. of the Louvre. Clement of Alexandria, *Strom.*, book II, p. 435: "Anaxagoras was the first to set mind over things"; but, says the Father, he did not remain prudent in the truth; he removed the dignity of creation by absurdly inventing vortexes... In this place, Clement contends to demonstrate that Moses surpasses the ancient authors in the doctrine of the creation of the world. Omitting Thales and the others, he comes to Anaxagoras, whose doctrine surpasses others, because he says mind is the cause and orderer of things; then, however, Clement says that Anaxagoras in some way abandoned the first doctrine, because he foolishly admitted vortexes. Who does not see that Clement erred here, or wished to deceive us? There is no contradiction in the philosopher's doctrine. The explanation of the general laws of physics, which Anaxagoras was teaching, as in our own days Descartes did, by means of intervening vortexes, in no way contradicted the principle by which he admitted that the cause of the motion and order of the world was spiritual and immovable. This creator or orderer confirmed his work through the intervening laws of general physics which govern motion; these laws are the vortexes, *δῖνοι*, which cause the rotation of the world. What is absurd in these? Before Newton, Descartes had given a second cause for natural effects through vortexes or impulse: from this time, the Englishman learnedly admits attraction. But Newton overthrew the Cartesian theories, not because they were absurd, but because his own exposition of the general gravity of bodies was more obvious to the difficulties of science. First Anaxagoras set mind over things. From these testimonies taken from the Greeks, I will add the testimony of Cicero, and I will show him contradicting himself. For in the place already cited of this author, it is read: "Anaxagoras who received his instruction from Anaximenes, first of all intended the description and manner of all things to be designated and accomplished by the force and reason of an infinite mind." And yet in the same chapter he had written a little before: "Thales of Miletus who first sought about such things (about natural things) said that water was..."

the principle from which all things were born, but that God was the Mind which fashioned all things from water." This final statement requires explanation. No writer before Cicero had said that Thales admitted a God who was the creator of the world and independent of matter. Aristotle says, *Metaphysics*, bk. I, ch. 3: "They thought that the only principles were those in the form of matter." Most philosophers did not admit a spiritual cause of things, and Thales, as the head of this school, must certainly be numbered among them. A new and almost unique testimony was alleged in order to defend Cicero's assertion: Cyril of Alexandria, in his *Invectives against Julian*, bk. I, ch. 4, says as follows: "Thales of Miletus says that God is the mind of the world." But in the first place, these words do not appear sufficiently clear, and furthermore, this Father is not always scrupulous in his citations, since in the same work he mentions Sanchoniathon from the *Stromata* of Clement of Alexandria and from the version of Josephus, although in these passages there is no mention of Sanchoniathon. Virgil expresses the opinion of Anaxagoras thus, *Aeneid*, bk. VI, 726: "And the Mind, infused through all the limbs, stirs the mass and mingles itself with the whole body." Thales admitted the existence of gods, as did Anaximander, Anaximenes, Empedocles, and all the physicists who placed the principle of things in matter, and certainly, without disparaging them, they cannot be called atheists like Theodorus of Cyrene or Diagoras of Melos; but the doctrines of Christianity differ from the opinions of the ancients, who for this reason are often judged unfairly by us. This error, by which we confuse revealed notions with notions discovered by the light of natural reason, was already noted by Warburton, whose work was translated into French by Silhouette, *Dissert.* 12, vol. II, p. 176. Bishop Sherlock's fourth sermon is entirely on this question. Thus we often call those philosophers atheists who did not admit God as Creator, God drawing all things from nothing, or at least a mind entirely separate from the matter it fashioned. Anaxagoras was the first to profess this, and he was followed by Socrates and Plato and Aristotle and others; but no one before Anaxagoras, not even Thales himself, had set forth these truths. The apophthegm of Anaxagoras, cited by Diogenes Laertius and again by Stobaeus, reports that when he was asked what was more ancient, he replied: "God, for he is not himself generated." Thus Cicero, *De legibus*, bk. II: "Thales, who was the wisest of the Seven, said that men should believe that all things are full of gods." He admitted gods, but not as existing before all else nor as creators. He is immersed in the opinion of Homer, who calls water the origin of things and of the gods, *Iliad*, E, verse 202: ^A *Ocean, the origin of the gods, and mother Tethys.* And in the same place, verse 246: *Ocean, who is made the origin for all.* Hesiod thinks the same, who does not present the gods until after chaos is ordered and they are brought forth from the earth, *Theog.*, v. 116: ^B *Truly CHAOS came to be first, but then wild-breasted Earth, the ever-sure foundation of all the immortals who hold the peaks of snowy Olympus.* This opinion was so prevalent that Aristophanes says in the *Birds*, v. 477: "If birds were before the earth, then they were created before the gods." ^C Hesiod, says Plutarch, *De Iside*, ch. 57, can hardly be said to have admitted the first principles, except those he calls primary, namely earth, chaos, tartarus, and ^D "Eρως, love. "Hesiod, and all the theologians," says Aristotle, "attended only to what would capture the minds of their readers; but what can we philosophers believe, when they say that other gods were born, whom they call principles, and, lacking nectar and ambrosia, are mortal?" For if they eat this food for pleasure, neither nectar nor ambrosia is the cause of their divine existence; if, on the other hand, they exist because of this food, how could they be immortal, needing nourishment? These fabulous sophisms are hardly worthy of attention. But I ask those who have employed reasoning: how are essences, derived from the same origin, then divided into those immortal by nature and those mortal by nature? Since there is a contradiction in this doctrine, these are not the principles of things. Empedocles, who may be called most wise, is involved in the same contradiction. He says that strife (νεῖκος) is the cause and principle of destruction: why then would it not also be the principle of generation? For indeed, if you exclude God, all things come from it; for he says: "All things that are, all things that will be, are from it, and will be, and grow; namely trees, men, women, birds, fish that are nourished by the bitter wave, and the gods themselves who enjoy infinite life," etc.

Thus the philosophers who flourished before Anaxagoras, according to Aristotle, one and all believed that the gods themselves were generated from a universal, material principle, simple or multiple—some from water, some from fire, some from air. *Arist. Metaphys.*, bk. III, ch. 4. Anaxagoras was the first to attack this error. After him, Chaos—that, I say, of Sanchoniathon and Hesiod—was held by some as a principle. "Acusilaus," says Damascius in *De Principiis*, codex 1987, folio 567, "in my opinion, thought Chaos was the first principle, as being altogether unknown; then he admitted Erebos, the masculine principle, and Night, the feminine principle; the former signifies immensity, the latter signifies a finite thing." *Irenaeus, Contra Haereses*, bk. II, ch. 4. "Antiphanes, in his theogony, says that Chaos was emitted from night and silence: then from Chaos and night, love, and from this, light: then according to him the remaining primary creation. After which he introduced a second generation of gods and the fabrication of the world. Then from the secondary gods he narrates the creation of men." Thus, before Anaxagoras, the elements of matter, darkness, and immensity were thought to be the principle of things; and he, first, abandoned this opinion and awarded preeminence to Mind, whence he was called νοῦς (Mind). Plutarch, in the place already cited, *Life of Pericles*, says that Anaxagoras of Clazomenae, who was nicknamed *Nous*, constantly visited the house of Pericles. We read the epitaph of Anaxagoras in book VIII, ch. 19 of Aelian's *Various Histories*: "Here lies he who came nearest to the truth, as far as the existence of the celestial world is concerned, he is Anaxagoras." An altar is said to have been erected to him, upon which, according to some, *Nous* was inscribed, according to others, *Truth*. Certainly such honors would not have been attributed to him, nor would he have been nicknamed *Nous*, if he had only brought back to light things that had been said by Thales, by Parmenides, by Hesiod, or things he had heard from Hermotimus.

Col. 65 D 6. 'Εφ' ἑστίας. Read ἀφ' ἑστίας, as de Rhoer already saw regarding Porphyry. It is a proverbial expression which signifies "from the beginning." Zenobius explains this, *Proverb.* 1, 40. Cf. Casaub. on Strabo 1, 24; Runkenius on the scholia of Plato, p. 256. The scholiast of Aristophanes cites this formula on the *Wasps*, v. 842, as do many other good ones. Delete *Of* as a gloss for *ut*. Col. 68 A 4. See Eusebius, *Demonst. Evang.*, bk. I, p. 54 of the Montagu edition. Col. 73 A 7. 'Αμμωνίων γράμμασι. Reinesius

^A *Varia lectiones* book 1, ch. 22, p. 27: "To the Egyptians and Ethiopians it was a solemn custom to set forth their sacred doctrines and arcane wisdom regarding natural and civil matters by means of certain symbolic figures of animals and other sublunary things, carved as it were in mystical books upon pyramids and obelisks; and they also preserved a part of them in the shrines of the temples, for the sole use of their keepers and teachers, ^B the *ammounes* or priests, of whom mention is made in the lives of Solon, Pythagoras, Democritus, and Plato." Cf. J. Bryant, *New system, or analyse of ancient Mytholog.*, London 1775, 4°. See Wittembach, *Biblioth. critic.* 1, 53.

Col. 76 B 1. *ὁμοίως σχήματι*. Damascius, in his book *Of Principles*, thus explains the cosmogony of the Sidonians: "The Sidonians give to all things as a foundation Time, Desire, and Cloud. Desire and Cloud, coming together, brought forth Air and Abram, from whom the egg is produced." The same author, explaining the Phoenician cosmogony from Moschus, says: "The first, he says, and before all things was ether, then air, from which proceeded Oulomos, who, having impregnated himself, brought forth first Chousoros (whose name signifies 'he who opens'), then the egg, and afterward Lips and Notus." The egg is divided into two parts: the former part makes the heaven, the latter the earth. Regarding the egg and the symbolic signification of the world, see Macrobius, bk. VII, 16; and Apion as cited by Clement of Rome, in *Hom.* 6, p. 687 of the Cotelerius edition; then this poem transcribed by Damascius: "Then great Chronos fashioned an egg in shining ether." Eusebius, *Præp. evang.* bk. 1, p. 115, makes mention from Porphyry of the Egyptian god Kneph, from whose mouth an egg issues from which the god Phtha is produced. ^C

Ibid. C 11. *ἐπιθύσεις*. This passage is already mentioned above in the beginning of ch. 9, with a variant reading in that place: *ἐπιθύσεις*.

Col. 77 A 15. *Κάσιον*. Jupiter Casius was worshipped until much later times; the *Anthology* contains a curse of Trajan toward this god: "Aeneas’ descendant Trajan, ruler of men, grants this votive offering to Casius, ruler of the immortals." For whose honor coins of the Phoenician Syria were struck. Concerning Mount Casius, see Salmasius on *Adrianus* of Spartianus, ch. 14; Wesseling, in *Itinerarium Antonini*, p. 152; Suidas under the word *Κάσιος*; Reland, *Palæstina*, vol. II; Boivin the younger, in *Commentaria Academiæ*, vol. II, p. 279; and regarding the cult of mountains in general, Maximus of Tyre, *Diss.* 8, p. 129; Dion Chrysostom, *Dissert.* 12, p. 212; Giraldi, p. 90, *De diis*.

Ibid. B 2. *Μηρούμος*. I have admitted the reading proposed by Bochart in MSS 466 and 467, *Geographia sacra*, bk. II, ch. 2, p. 706: *Σαμημροῦμος* instead of *Μηρούμος*.

Ibid. B 6. *Τύρον*. This does not refer to the city of Tyre, since it points out below that Byblos was the first city to be surrounded by walls, but to a place called Tyrus. See Bochart, *Chanaan*, bk. II, ch. 17.

Ibid. C 5. *Ἀγρέα*. Agræus is the name of an Arabian tribe, whose capital city was Agra, which was later called Petra. A coin of this people, which Reland mentions in *Palæstina sacra*, vol. I, bk. III, p. 933, bears on one side *Ἀγρεύς*, and on the other, *Ζεὺς Κάσιος*.

Ibid. C 14. *Δία μίχιον*. Jupiter Machinator. See Bochart, *Chanaan* II, 2; Lucian, *De sacrificiis*. This name, Zeus, given to various gods by Philo, is the name of a class by which divinity is indicated. Another is Zeus, the son of Cronus, the god of Crete, and then of Greece.

Col. 80 A 9. *Ζυγοφορούμενον*. ^D The temple treated here, which was carried by a few pairs of yoked oxen, recalls a custom peculiar to the Orient. Many similar temples are pointed out by us: First, the Ark of the Covenant, whose various journeys are described in the Holy Bible, in 1 *Kings*, ch. 6; in the *Acts of the Apostles*, ch. 6, v. 43; for the first men lived a wandering life. Among the Egyptians, they were called *pastophori*, "bearers of the gods." See bk. 6 of Clement of Alexandria's *Stromata*; see Macrobius, *Saturnalia*, 4: "The image of the Heliopolitan god is carried on a litter, just as the images of the gods are carried in the procession of the circus games; and the provincial nobles, with shaven heads, pure from a long period of abstemiousness, generally carry it."

Servius on verse 68 of bk. VI of the *Aeneid*: "To give the Teucrians a place to settle in Latium, And the wandering gods, and the agitated spirits of Troy." Certainly he says *edava*, that is, small images which were carried in litters, and moved by themselves, diffused prophecy.

Eustathius, on verse 423 of the *Iliad*, Vol. II, p. 128, Roman edition: "Some interpret this historically, saying that..." Some interpret this verse historically, and say that in Diospolis in Egypt there exists a temple of Jupiter, from which the Ethiopians take the statue of the god and of the companion deities, in order to carry them around Libya. Herodotus likewise makes mention, in ch. 63 of *Euterpe*, of the Papremitian divinity, whose statue was in the temple made of gilded wood, which was taken the day before to another chapel, so that it might be brought out from there on a four-wheeled chariot. See Diodorus Siculus, I, p. 88.

If you give credence to Goguet, *Fragmenta historicorum Sinensium*, vol. VI, p. 320, *De origine legum*, this custom flourishes among the Chinese.

Ibid. 10. *Παρὰ δὲ βιβλίοις*. Read *Βιβλίοις*, among the Byblians, as Vigerus has already seen.

Ibid. 15. *Μάγος*. A name common to the Carthaginians.

Ibid. B 5. *Ἑρμῆν*. For the various ways of writing this name, see what is read on p. 133 regarding the Cabirian Dioscuri; see also Hemsterhuys on Lucian, vol. I, p. 281, 4to edition.

Ibid. B 10. *Ἐλιοῦν... ὕψιστος*. Pausanias, *Bœotica*, ch. 8: "In Thebes, near the Hypsistæan gates, is the temple of Jupiter Hypsistos." Hesychius: "Elieus is Zeus in Thebes." From Hesychius, a certain Cyprian god is indicated by the same name. It is evidently a question of the Phoencian god translated to both regions. Valckenaer recalls Melchisedech: "Priest of the Most High."

Ibid. B 13. *Οὐρανόν*. Lactantius, *De falsa religione*, ch. 15: "Privately, individual peoples of a nation or city worshipped their founders, or men remarkable for their fortitude, or women for their chastity, with the highest veneration; as the Egyptians worshipped Isis; the Moors, Juba; the Macedonians, Cabirus; the Phoenicians, Uranos; the Latins, Faunus."

Ibid. C 7. *Κρόνον*. Cronus, in Latin Saturnus, among the Orientals Bel or Bal.

Theophilus *ad Autolycum*, bk. 1, p. 394, edition of Christoph Wolf: "Some worship Cronus and call this same god Bel or Bal, especially those dwelling in the eastern climates. Among the Romans he is called Saturnus."

Ibid. C 8. *Σίτον*. Scaliger, in *Collectione fragmentorum*, p. 3, reads Dagonem, who is called a fish (*ichthys*). Bochart, *Hierozoicon*, I, 6, contradicts this. See Valckenaer, p. 15 of his *Dissert. sur Aristobule*.

Col. 81 C 4. *Βαιτύλια λιθούς*. This opinion concerning Baetylian or animate stones rests upon many testimonies of the ancients. Falconet collected these testimonies. See vol. VI of the *Commentariorum Academiæ Inscriptionum*. According to this author, these are the same as the Ophite or ethereal stones, which Orpheus indicates,

^A regarding stones whose Phoenician name is Abadir. Priscian, bk. V, p. 647, Putsch edition: "Abadir is a god (the third son of Ouranos); and that stone which Saturn is said to have swallowed in place of Jupiter, which the Greeks call *Baitulos*, is also called by this name." See the *Etymologicum Magnum* and Hesychius under that entry. Damascius, in *De Vita Isidori*, cited by Photius in his *Bibliotheca*, said many impious things about this: "He utters wonders worthy of an impious tongue." According to Falconnet, they are also called thunder-stones, and in French *aérolithes*. Iotacus, says Pliny (37.25), admits two kinds of thunder-stones, namely, black *cerauniae* and red *cerauniae*, which resemble axes. Falconnet says that the name *betylae* is not derived from the Greek language, but this is without merit. Priscian contradicts him; the *Etymologicum Magnum* says the name is derived from *balen*, which means sheep's or goat's fleece, as from *stoma* comes *stōmulos*, and from *chremēs* comes *chremulos*; in the 4th epistle of Chion to Matris, from the collection of *Epistolographi*, it is a proper noun. Thus was called the stone offered to Saturn to be swallowed in place of Jupiter, because it was wrapped in a goat-skin. The syllable *ir*, with which the name Abadir ends, belongs entirely to the Phoenician idiom: Gadir (Cadiz), Cabir, etc. From these, the *Etymologicum Magnum* (p. 192 Sylburg) must be corrected.

*Baitulos libanon to oros, tēs Iliou poleōs*. In St. Cyril it should be read: *Baitulos lithos, genomenos kata ton Libanon to oros, tēs Ilou poleōs*. "Ilou" being substituted by some for "Iliou" is incorrect. The correction by which "to Ilou" is supplemented as "hēliou" is also invalid. *Hil* or *Hel*, among the Phoenicians, is a name for Saturn, who has no relation to the sun. It is probable that the name of the city Heliopolis is derived from *Hel* or *Hil*, which signifies Saturn, and *polis*; Saturn was called Elgabal at Edessa: "Mount Saturn, god-mountain, god Saturn."

Ibid. C 14. *En paraia*. Stephanus Byzantinus, under that entry: "Nisibis, a city in Peraia toward the Tigris river." Philo, in his *Phoenician History*. "It signifies, as Philo says, the stelae." This Philo is likely the one who inserted notes pertaining to grammar, geography, and other sciences into his History; hence follows the authenticity of the history. From this, moreover, it must be inferred that the borders of the empire of Cronus far exceeded the limits of Phoenicia properly so-called, for they extended even to Nisibis, to the Tigris, the most famous city of the Oriental empire.

Col. 81 C 14. *Apollōn*. The temple of Tyrian Apollo at Utica was the most famous, according to Pliny, bk. XVI, 79. The temple of Apollo within the walls of Carthage, in the district called Cotho, was destroyed by Roman soldiers when the city was captured by Scipio Aemilianus. See Appian, *De bellis Punicis*, c. 79. The name of this temple is recorded in the treaty formed between the Carthaginians and Philip, king of Macedon, father of Perseus. See fragments of book VII of Polybius.

Col. 84 A 12. *Adōdos*. Concerning this name, see Macrobius, *Saturnalia* I, 23, and Josephus, *Antiquities of the Jews*, passim. "Sons of Adad" or "Benadad" is a very frequent name among the kings of Damascus.

Ibid. B 1. *Astēra*. Bochart understands *astēra* as an eagle of the large variety (Canaan II, 2, p. 709).

Ibid. B 5. *Athēna*. The Phoenician Minerva, whose worship was introduced into Greece by Cadmus, was called *Ogga* or *Ogga*; this was the most famous palladium of Troy captured by Ulysses. "The dolphin-signed thief of the Phoenician goddess," says Lycophron, *Alexandra*, v. 658. The city of Thebes retained this name of Minerva; the Scholiast of Euripides, on verse 1068 of the *Phoenissae*, records the inscription of this temple: "This is the temple of Onga Athena, which once Cadmus dedicated, and sacrificed an ox when he founded the city of Thebes." ^B This same Minerva had given that name to a certain village in Boeotia and to one of the gates of Thebes. See Aeschylus, *Seven Against Thebes*, lines 146, 468. Pausanias, bk. IX, c. 12: "There stands an altar with a certain statue of Minerva consecrated by Cadmus under the name Ogga; whence it must be concluded that Cadmus was a Phoenician and not an Egyptian, as has pleased some authors."

Ibid. B 6. *Monogenē huion*. This passage is explained more fully and clearly at col. 86 and in bk. IV, c. 16. According to Porphyry, they did not call him his only son, but the one he had from Anobreta, a nymph of this region, for this reason, because *monogenēs* today is translated in the Phoenician tongue as "only son," as Philo testifies.

Ibid. B 10. *Mouth*. *Muth* is the name of Death or of an infernal deity. Stephanus Byzantinus: "Muth, a village of Arabia, which is in the Arab tongue, 'Place of death'." Hadramuth, a Phoenician city on the shores of Africa, 3000 stadia distant from Carthage, is called *Epaulis Ploutōnos* (Dwelling of Pluto) because of the unhealthy air. Plautus mentions this city in his *Poenulus*: "Acherontis ostium [the mouth of Acheron] is in our territory."

Ibid. D ult. *Phoinikos*. Stephanus Byzantinus, under the entry: "Chna was called Phoenicia." Phoenicia was called Chna.

Col. 85 A 5. *Kyklikoi*. "The Epic Cycle began," says Proclus, whom Photius cites, "from the mythological union of Ouranos and Gē: The Epic Cycle begins from the mythologized union of Ouranos and Gē." See Salmasius, in *Exercitationes Plinianae*, p. 595, Batav. edition; and Casaubon in *Athenaeum*, bk. VII, p. 302 of the *Animadversions*.

Ibid. B 9. *Sourdoubelos*. Porphyry, *De abstinentia*, bk. IV, p. 349, cites an author named Symboulos, who wrote the history of Mithras in several books; St. Jerome, in his second epistle against Jovinian, makes mention of Euboulus. See Theodorus Canterus, *Variar. lect.* II-16, and Porphyry, *De antro nympharum*, c. 6. Do these diverse ways of writing the same name indicate one and the same author?

Ibid. B 13. *Ethous*. This same passage is repeated lower down in bk. IV, c. 16.

Ibid. C 3. *Israēl*. Thus Vigerus, which evidently arose from a scriptural abridgment *I* used in writing the name Israel; *Il* is the true name of Saturn among the Phoenicians, as we said above; therefore *Il* must be read.

Ibid. D 6. *Opheōn*. One may consult concerning the worship of serpents: St. Epiphanius, *De ophitis*, c. 37; Tertullian, *De praescriptionibus*, c. 47; Macrobius, *Saturnal.* bk. I; the Scholiast of Aristophanes, on line 733 of the *Plutus*; Spanheim, *De praestantia numismatum*, tom. I, p. 217. Finally, Joannes Lydus, *De mensibus*, p. 44 of the Schow edition, transcribes this passage to the letter, with certain variants in the text. See Plutarch, *De Iside*, § 74.

Col. 88 A 12. *Ethōthiōn*. We read *Aithiōpikōn* for *Ethōthiōn*; the Royal MS 466 reads *ethouōn*. See Antigonus Carystius, *Mirab. hist.*, c. 10, in whose book Philonis Aethiopica are cited.

Ibid. B 13. *Pherekydēs*. Pherecydes Syrus, who is clearly distinct from Pherecydes of Athens, the genealogist (historian), was a famous philosopher who was the first to profess the immortality of the soul. No one, says Suidas discussing him, had him as a master, but he formed his doctrine for himself from the secret books of the Phoenicians, which he had readily at hand; and this doctrine was the origin of the book which he entitled *Theologia*, cited by Clement of Alexandria, *Stromata*, bk. V; and by Apollonius Dyscolus, *De pronomine*. The same Clement, bk. VI, p. 741, cites the following passage of this work: "Zas makes a large and beautiful cape; and in it he weaves the Earth and Ogenos, and the dwellings of Ogenos." Ogenos is nothing other than Oceanus. Maximus Tyrius, *Dissert.* X, p. 107: "Weigh the doctrine of the Syrian philosopher: Jupiter and Earth, with Love who holds the middle place between them: generation."

^A Ophionei: the battle of the gods: the tree and the cloak. Celsus, cited by Origen, *lib.* vi, p. 303, Cambridge edition: See Pherecydes, who flourished long before Heraclitus, as he places both battle lines in view, with Cronus holding the head of one, and Ophioneus the other; and as he describes the alternating provocations of each. Regarding this philosopher, see, besides Diogenes Laertius in his *Life*, Salmasius, *Plinian exercitations on Solinus*, p. 590, vol. I; Giraldi, *History of the gods*, syntagm. 15.

Col. 88 C 1. *The Egyptians*. Laurentius Lydus, in his book *On the Months*, p. 53, Schow edition, cites this passage word for word.

Col. 96 B 1. *Beer*. D. Letronne, *Researches on Egypt*, p. 241, conjectures *xvi*. See Wesseling. Read *thyb*, beer. See infra col. 106 B. Cf. Diodorus Siculus.

Col. 108 B 4. See Casaubon, *On Satiric Poetry*, 1, 2.

Col. 112 B 6. *Antiochus*. Antiochus, son of Hercules, is said by Apollodorus, *lib.* II, 8, to be "Hippotes, son of Phylas, son of Antiochus, son of Hercules." One must believe that Phylas, son of Antiochus and father of Hippotes, took his name from his grandfather, which name ought to be written with a single lambda; his mother was Midea, according to Pausanias, x, 10, 1. This grandson of Hercules is more frequently confused with Tlepolemus, whose mother, Astyoche, was likewise the daughter of Phylas or Phyleus, as it is named above; but Apollodorus calls him Phylas, *lib.* II, 6. He, as the same mythologist writes, was king of Ephyra (Corinth), and, according to Pausanias, iv, 34, 6, king of the Dryopes: this complication of names and persons is explained rather than clarified by Reinesius, *letter* 24, p. 88.

Ibid. *Astydamia*. Diodorus calls her Astydamia.

Ibid. B 7. *Ormenius*. He is called Ormenius by Diodorus and Strabo, ix, 438, Casaubon edition; but by Eusebius, Armenius; I have followed Strabo.

Ibid. C 14. *Phoronis*. We should read, with Diodorus (v, 74) and Apollodorus (II, 10, p. 314, Heyne edition), Coronis instead of Phoronis.

Ibid. A 11. *Euhemerus*. For Euhemerus, consult Aurelius Augustine, *to Maximus*, epist. 44; the same, *On the City of God*, lib. vi and vii; Strabo, lib. I, c. 3, p. 47, lib. II, c. 3, p. 102 and c. 4, p. 104, lib. vii, c. 3, 299; Athenaeus, lib. xiv, p. 658; Lydus ed. Hase, p. 277; among the moderns: *Academic Commentaries*, vol. VIII, p. 107; Sevin, vol. XV, p. 268; vol. XVI, p. 61; Fourmont, elder, vol. XXXV; Foucher.

Col. 117 B 3. *On the sides*. Ms. 466: *on the seas*.

Col. 118 C 8. *Pan*. In Diodorus, it reads "Titan." ^B

Col. 121 B 12. *Female serpent*. This is also [noted by] Epiphanius in *Exposition of the Faith*, who adds that the name *Eva*, without aspiration, sounds like "woman" in Hebrew.

Col. 124 B 13. *Secret mysteries*. Regarding this word, see Lubeck in *Aglaophamus*.

Col. 129 B 10. *You have come, etc.* Regarding these verses, compared with the Latin version of Arnobius, *Against the Gentiles*, lib. v, c. 25, and those which differ from the original specimens, see Lobeck, *Aglaophamus*.

Col. 131 A 5. *Mystical*. Mystically, Villoison, *On Triple Theology*, p. 76, as Clement of Alexandria.

Col. 133 A 15. *To heal*. This verb is accepted in the same sense in col. 6: "But because he did not know the ancestral error, having been eager [to correct it], they transformed the myths into physical narratives and theories." Vigerus in his notes compares this locution with this place from the *Life of Alexander* written by Plutarch: "To restore the myth to truth," i. e., saving the fable through the truth. But Lobeck, in *Aglaophamus*, vol. I, p. 156, wishes this locution to be expressed as "to explain allegorically," with *therapeia* signifying allegory more and more frequently. Scholiast Ambros on *Odyssey* Γ, 174: "Healing of the myth, because they said that those who were dying young were snatched away by Dawn." Eustathius, on *Iliad* Δ, v. 19: "A certain allegory, and the healing of myths through histories, seems to be to the ancients." The same in *Dionysius Periegetes*, p. 66: "Perhaps Dionysius in these places invites a certain historical healing of the mythical column-bearing of Atlas." Eustathius, on *Iliad* A, p. 128, Rom. edition: "That Jupiter goes into the ocean to the blameless Ethiopians, and all the gods at the same time follow, and on the twelfth day he returns again to Olympus, some interpret historically," all interpret historically.

Col. 137 A 10. *Ismarus*. Regarding this, see Faes on Gyraldi, *On Burials*.

Col. 140 A 10. Consult Demosthenes, p. 1401: *Erotic*. "You must first know the intention of the speech." Prerogative.

Col. 141 C 1. *The parts of the body having an attraction toward lewdness.* The word *holka* seems to be noted by Valckenaer in the *fragments of Callimachus*, p. 288: therefore he advises that it should be read as *epholkia* in the same sense as "to entice," and he calls the reader back to the note of Perizonius on Aelian: *Various History*, vili, 42, p. 551. Creuzer, in his treatise on Plotinus, *On the Beautiful*, p. 249, says: "It is characteristic of the verb *helkein* concerning garments which are luxuriously trailed." Plato, *Alcibiades* 1, 92. Scholiast of Aristides, *Orat. Platon.* 1: "I see, that many things of the cities are like *epholkia* (towing-ships), to which it is necessary to yield. As in a body, *epholkia* are certain things naturally dragged along by the *holka* (towing-vessels) which are carried along by a small boat for necessities." Whence it is to be observed that a double sense can be brought to this word: namely, to drag after oneself and to drag toward oneself; and the word *epholkia* agrees with this latter sense; but since Eusebius speaks with contempt about this part of the body, the sense of "to attract" cannot suit it. This is what they call *pondera* (weights) in Latin. Catullus, *Galliambics*, 6: *He rolls onto himself the sharp weights with a stone.* Petronius, 92: *He has a weight of groin so great.* Consequently, against the mind of Valckenaer, the word *holka* is to be retained.

Col. 155 C 2. *In the myths about the gods.* Codex Reg. 451 omits "in the," and has *mythous* for *mythois*.

Ibid. 12. *Euresilogias*. Codices Reg. 465 and 468, *euresilogias*.

Ibid. D 5. *Of the ears*. Codices 451 and 465, *of the asses*.

Col. 156 A 2. Codex 451 adds *eis* after *Zeus*.

Ibid. A 5. *Dædalia*. Dædalia festivals were celebrated at Plataea every sixty years, as the rhetorician Menander testifies in his *Epidictics*, vol. IX, p. 211, of the Walz edition of Rhetoricians. Speaking of a certain supposititious panegyric, he says this: "It is not sought after due to rarity as are the others that happen continuously, nor is it wanting in dignity compared to those, as the Lenaea, or the Eleusinia, and if it is triennial as the Nemean and Isthmian, and if it is quinquennial or quadrennial or of more years as the Pythian and Olympic, and the Daedala in Plataea; for it is held every sixty years." The religious motive of these festivals was the reconciliation of Jupiter and Juno, concerning which Plutarch {speaks} here; whose abridged narration is found in the *Boeotics* of Pausanias, c. 3. "They say," he says, "that Juno, having been angered at Jupiter, withdrew into Euboea; but Jupiter, when he could not win back her soul to better things, went to Cithaeron, who was then king of Plataea, and surpassed everyone with his ingenious arts. He therefore ordered Jupiter to erect a wooden statue, which, veiled and adorned, he should carry in a chariot drawn by oxen, everywhere proclaiming that he was marrying Plataea, the daughter of Asopus: Cithaeron executed what he advised, and Jupiter did so. But immediately as Juno heard, she flew there quickly, and, approaching the chariot, she removed the veil that concealed the statue, and she rejoiced, seeing that it was wood instead of the wife she feared. Therefore peace was entered into with Jove, and in memory of this reconciliation Juno instituted the festivals which were called Daedala: for wooden statues were called by this name long before Daedalus, son of Palamaon, was born in Athens, and I think that name was given to them afterward because of his skill

The Plataeans, therefore, every seven years, as my interpreter asserts, celebrate the aforementioned festivals; but, in reality, at this time the minor Daedala are celebrated; for, wishing to measure with fidelity from the time of one festival to the next, I have never, I confess, reached a fortunate outcome. ... This celebration is called the minor Daedala. The major ones were not peculiar to the Plataeans alone; but they were celebrated by all the inhabitants of Boeotia. They were renewed every sixtieth year; which period of time corresponds to the time during which the Plataeans were exiles from their own country.

Ottfried Müller, in *Orchomeniaca* p. 221, refers to the cycle of sixty-three lunar years, or sixty solar years, the recurrence of the minor Daedala in the seventh year, and the major ones in the sixtieth. For a long time the Thebans, most bitter enemies of the Plataeans as long as they were free, were excluded from any participation in these festivals. The explanation of this chronology is found from page 556 to 590 of the collection of Greek historians edited by Didot, bearing the title *Fragmenta historicorum Graecorum*, under the care and study of Carolus and Theodorus Müller. Regarding this matter, consult Meursius, *Graecia feriata*, lib. 1; Welker in the Appendix of the book; Schwenkian, *Mythol. Andeutungen*, p. 278.

Col. 157 B 8. Εἰληθυῖαν. Cod. 465 Εἰληθυῖαν. Col. 159 C 3. Ἀπότροπον. Ἀποτρόπων in mss. 451 and 465. Col. 160 A 8. Αὐτάρ. Ἀτάρ 465, 466, 468. Ibid. B 3. Διαφερομένης καί. In mss. 466, 468. Ibid. 9. Τεμόντας αὐτούς. Cod. 451: τεμόντος αὐτοῦ. Ibid. C 3. Πεταιίδων. Πλαταιάδων 451; ἀλατεί δων, 466, 467. Ibid. C 5. Παρανατέλλουσι. This locution, which pertains to judicial astrology, as well as the *decani*, the horoscope, and the *kratanioi hegémones*, of which there will soon be mention, are explained by Salmasius in *De annis climactericis*, p. 553. It seems they gave the name *paranatellontas* properly to those who are ministers and *leitourgoi* to the decans, and they were considered different from the planets and the signs themselves. He cites Diodorus of Tarsus against the *Genethliaci*. Porphyry, in his *Introduction to Ptolemy*: "Those aforementioned [beings] in the zodiacal circle are called *dekanoi*—(that which rises alongside)—and they also possess the faces of the seven stars." Ibid. 6. Δεκανούς. Decans are explained by the same author in the same place. Firmicus thus defines them, lib. II, c. 9: "That the decans are of great divinity and power, and that through them all good and bad fortunes are decided." Bardesanes, whom Eusebius cites, infra, lib. VI, p. 278: "For there are not seven laws according to the seven stars, nor twelve according to the signs, nor thirty-six according to the decans." One may read on this matter Scaliger, *Ad Manil.* lib. v; Kircher, part 2 of the *Oedipus Aegyptiacus*; Gale on Iamblichus, *De mysteriis*, p. 304. There were thirty-six, whom Salmasius describes, p. 610. The manuscript codex of the Royal Library numbered 2256 has in its title: *Hermes, On the Decans to Asclepius*. See V. P. Petit, *Observ.* lib. II, c. 16. Huetius, in *Manil. ad usum*, v. 298 lib. IV, resumes the dispute between Scaliger and Salmasius, the former of whom derives *decanus* from the Latin language, the latter from the Chaldean. With both opinions set forth, he follows Scaliger, asserting that this word was unknown to the Chaldeans, and that the words of Porphyry, "Those whom the ancients called Decans," should be understood as referring to authors anterior to Augustus. Porphyry speaks thus in his *Introduction to his Apotelesmatica of Ptolemy*. Ibid. Ὡροσκόπους. The horoscope seems to be the same as the Decan. Persius, *Satir.* VI: "You produce twins, horoscope, with a varied genius."

Dio Cassius defined the horoscope thus: "The portion that observes the hour when one comes into the light." Properly, the horoscope, in the language of astrology, is the sign at the ascendant, that which rises as a person is born; they thought this sign had influence over the entire life. Manilius lib. III, v. 537: "There are those to whom it pleases, from the rising of the birth star, That which they call the horoscope... Because from that part the hour is described for the days, And every kind of reason is conducted through the times and the stars."

Ibid. 7. Κραταιοὺς ἡγεμόνας. I think these are the same as those of the *Life of the Lord*, the *Nativity of the Lord*, and more commonly in Greek, *oikodespotai*. They are found in the epistle of Iamblichus. Salmasius is silent about them. Ibid. 8. Ἁλμενινιακοῖς. From the epistle of Iamblichus and the Royal manuscript 465, we must read *σαλμενινιακοῖς*. See Salmasius in the same place, p. 605, who corrects Eusebius from Iamblichus; these are the same as what we call Almanacs. Chæremon is poorly regarded in Strabo, who had seen him among the companions of Ælius Gallus, prefect of Egypt, when he was traveling through the Thebaid, lib. XVII, p. 806: "When Ælius Gallus, the prefect, having set out from Alexandria, was sailing toward upper Egypt, he had as a companion of his journey a certain man named Chæremon, who boasted of great knowledge, but who was generally mocked as a foolish and fatuous man." Origen followed him, and as Suidas testifies, he clung too much to allegory. See Suidas, at the word *Ὠριγένης*.

Col. 161 A 1. Κατεκάλυσε. *Κατέλυσε* Rob. Stephan; *κατέκλυσε* cod. 468; *κατέκαυσε* 467. Ibid. 9. Τεμόντας αὐτούς. Cod. 451: *τεμόντος αὐτοῦ*. Ibid. C 3. Πεταιίδων. *Πλαταιάδων* 451; *ἀλατεί δων*, 466, 467. Ibid. C 8. Cod. 451 adds *γενομένων* after *ἀνθρώπων*. Ibid. D 3. Ἐπονομάσαι. *Ὀνομάζεσθαι* 451; *μετονομάσαι* 466.

Col. 165 B 11. *Καί* om. 451; shortly after, the same *ὑπάρχει* for *ὑπάρχειν*. Ibid. C 16. Τετευχότας. *Τετυχηκότας* cod. 466; shortly after *ὁμωνύμους* 451.

Col. 168 A 6. Εἰδότων 467; *δοθέντων* 466. Ibid. C 2. Σώματος. *Σχήματος* cod. 466. Ibid. 5. Γαλιάγκωνα. Schol. "One having short elbows in length, just as the weasel, the animal, is such." Ibid. 6. "Apn. *ἄρην* codd. as in Plutarch, correctly.

Col. 172 B 2. Δόξα. I cannot give a reason whether there was craft or negligence in Eusebius, when he attributes to the ancient Egyptians the doctrines of Chæremon, completely alien to their doctrine. It is the same as if someone were to call Homer a Stoic. Chæremon distorted the Egyptian religion, just as Zeno and Chrysippus distorted the Greek.

Col. 173 B 11. Κάνθαρος. The cult of the scarab, as an emblem of the sun, suggested a very noted observation to Zoëga, *De obeliscis*, sect. 4, c. 2, p. 449, n. 41, where he gathers many testimonies concerning the cause of that superstition. See Plutarch, *De Iside et Osiride*, § 74. Pliny XXX, 30: "A great part of Egypt worships the scarabs among the gods, by a curious interpretation of Apion, through which he collects that there is a likeness of the works of the sun to this animal, to excuse the rites of his own nation."

Col. 177 A 3. Θεολογίας. *Θεολογίαν* codd. 451, 466. Ibid. 7. *Συγκεχωρίσθω* 466. Ibid. 10. *Πρόσκοπος* 451. Ibid. 12. *Θέλοις* 451. Ibid. B 3. *Ταύτῃ* R. Steph.; so also 461; soon after *φυσιολογία* for *φιλοσοφία*. Ibid. *Ὥσπερ* for *ὡς* 466. Ibid. 5. *Αἴσθησίν τε* 451. Ibid. C 3. *Τροφόν* 451. Ibid. 6. *Ἀοράτοις* 451. Ibid. 7. *Τῶν καθόλου* 451. Ibid. *Δημιουργόν* 466. Ibid. 8. *Ὁ* 451 for *νοῦν*. Ibid. 9. *Τὴν* 466 for *ἐκείνων*. Ibid. 14. *Διὰ πάντων* 451, 466.

Col. 177 D 2. *Διαρκῆ*. Thus 451 and 466; Stephanus *διαρκεῖ*. Ibid. 4. *Ἀνέκφραστον* 451. Ibid. 5. *Τοσούτων*. Here in 465 begins chapter VII. Ibid. 6. Codex 451 omits *σοφίας*. Ibid. 12. *Τοῦ δημιουργοῦ* 451, 466. Ibid. 14. *Καὶ ἐν λογισμοῖς* 451. Col. 180 B 3: *Φθέγξομαι οἷς θέμις ἐστὶ, θύρας δ᾽ ἐπίθεσθε βέβηλοι.* This verse, which is found repeated in innumerable places, and which gave rise to infinite allusions, seems to have been a proclamation of the hierophant when he was about to celebrate the great mysteries. Brissonius, *De formulis init.*, and De Sacy, in the work of Sanctacrusius, *De mysteriis*, p. 345, confirm this with many citations. Moreover, *βέβηλοι* is a technical term. Lobeck, who published the work *De mysteriis* at Königsberg in 1829, 2 vols. in 8°, outstanding for the immense erudition it displays, contends on the contrary, p. 451, vol. I, that this verse has no connection with these mysteries. It is true to say that Lobeck removes every secret from the mysteries: an assertion which is very difficult to sustain, given the acclaim of all antiquity; but this is not the place to inquire whether he performed his duty correctly or not. This verse is found at the beginning of the fragment of Orpheus cited below, lib. X, 12; Justin Martyr cites it, *Cohort.* p. 15; Clement of Alexandria, *Protrept.* c. 7; Cyril; Julian, lib. I, p. 25; Tatian *ad Graecos*. Among pagan authors it is frequently alluded to. In the *Florilegium* of Stobaeus, sermon XVI, it is read: *Ἀείσω συνετοῖσι, θύρας δ᾽ ἐπίθεσθε βέβηλοι*. This modification of the primitive verse is ascribed to Pythagoras; it is found again in book V, in an anonymous fragment which Wyttenbach attributes to Plutarch; in Plato’s *Symposium* p. 218, *Πύλας μεγάλας τοῖς ὠσὶν ἐπίθεσθε*; Galen, *De usu partium*, XII, 5: *Θύρας ἐπιθέσθαι κελεύω τοῖς ὠσὶ τοὺς τῆς ἀποδεικτικῆς μεθόδου βεβήλους*; Lucian, *De sacrificiis*, vol. III, p. 78; Libanius, *epist.* 475. Consult Spanheim on Callimachus, *hymn. Apollinis*, v. 2. Brissonius contends that one should read *βεβήλοις* instead of *βέβηλοι*; Wesseling, however, stands for *βέβηλοι*, which version he proves is universal in all manuscripts in which the same verse is found, and that it fits better. It is not my intention to enter into this controversy: Wesseling published this opinion in the dissertation which follows Valckenaer’s treatise, titled *De Aristobulo*. This fragment of Porphyry pertains to the treatise *Περὶ ἀγαλμάτων*. Valckenaer notes the sequence regarding this matter in the book just cited, *De Aristobulo*: "Among the booklets which Eusebius interwove almost entirely into his work, from p. 97 to 118, are Porphyry's *Περὶ ἀγαλμάτων* (an apology for the images of the gods), from which are derived the Orphic verses, lib. XIII. From the book *Περὶ ἀγαλμάτων* are those things which are read in the Cantabrigian eclogues of Stobaeus, as manuscripts used by Gale for Cornutus’ *Nat. deor.*, c. 2, p. 143, and the most learned man in *Misc. criticis*, vol. VII, p. 191, clearly show." Ibid. B 6. *Ὑποτυπώσαντες* cod. 466. Ibid. 8 F. *Μεμαθήκασι*. Ibid. 13. *Κατακοσμήσας* 451. Ibid. C 5. *Ἐνῆγον* 451, correctly, because of the following word *ἐδήλωσαν*. Ibid. D 5. *Σχήματα* 451. Col. 181 B 3. *Ἡ δέ.* I have admitted the negation in this text in place of the affirmation, upon the advice of Valckenaer, *Diatriba in Euripidis fragmenta*, p. 216, against the reading of the manuscripts; but the sense and the correct arrangement of the phrase require this. Ibid. B 9. *Καλλίμαχος*. Bentley corrected these verses of Callimachus cited by Plutarch; see Callimachus, ed. Ernesti or Blomfield, *Fragm.* 105. *Οὔπως Κλεινίου ἔργον ἦν ξόανον, ἀλλ᾽ ἐπὶ τεθμοῦ δὴ δηναιογλύφου, ὦ ἄνα, ἦσθα σανίς.* Ibid. 10. *Δυνατόγλυφον* 465. Ibid. 12. *Λίθῳ* 465; then *λίθον* instead of *λεῖον* 451. *Δαναὸς* instead of *Δαναόν*. Ibid. 14. *Καλλιθόη*. This name is changed in the citation of the *Phoronis* cited by Clement of Alexandria, *Stromat.* lib. I, p. 418: *Καλλιθόη κλειδοῦχος Ὀλυμπιάδος βασιλείης, Ἥρης ἀργείης, ἣ στέμμασι καὶ θυσάνοισι, Πρώτη ἐκόσμησεν περὶ κίονα μακρὸν ἀνάσσης.* In Africanus, whom Syncellus cites p. 149, the father is called *Σπείρας*, the daughter *Καλλιθυσία*. Ibid. C. 1. *Δώρων ἀγλήν* 465, 466. Ibid. 3. *Κοπῆναι* 451. Ibid. *Δυσέργαστον* 466. Ibid. 6. *Ἐξανθεῖς* 465, 466. Ibid. 7. *Μώλωπας*. Missing in 465 and 466. Ibid. 8. *Μορφῆς* in the same codices. Ibid. 11. *Καὶ λιθοῖς*. Omit 451. Ibid. 15. *Οἷα* 451 instead of *ὁποῖα*. Ibid. 14 *Ἑστία*. Cod. 451 *ἐστὶν ἃ*. Col. 184 B 2. In the interpretation after "delivered," add: "who handed down the Orphic sentiments in poems." Ibid. 3. *Τερπικέραυνος* 465; *ἀρτικέραυνος* 466. Ibid. 5. *Ἄρρην* 465; instead of *ἄφθιτος*, *ἄφοιτος* 466; *ἄμβροτος* Apuleius and Stobaeus. Ibid. 7. *Ἀρχήγονος ἔθνος* 451; *ἀρχηγένεθλος* 466. Ibid. 9. *Ἔγκρατος* 451. Ibid. 11. *Ἐν ᾧ* Stobaeus; *τάτε* 465; *καλεῖται* 466 instead of *κυκλεῖται*. Ibid. 15. *Πρωτογενέτως* Stobaeus. Ibid. C 2. *Περὶ κάλλεσιν* 451. Ibid. 3. *Χρύσεα* 451, 456. Ibid. 9. *Οὖας* Stobaeus; *υἱός* 451. Ibid. 10. *Ἔχων* 451 and the following verse *ἀπείρατον*. Ibid. 13. *Τέτυχται* 466. Ibid. 19. *Βαρυηχέα* 451. Ibid. D 1. Among the various poems attributed to Orpheus, for which Suidas transmitted a long list to us, assigning a putative author to each one, there are many that bear a merely religious character. It is very difficult to say to whom the fragment inserted by Porphyry in his *Περὶ ἀγαλμάτων* treatise belongs. For the rest, various editions of Orpheus can be consulted, of which the latest is that of Professor Hermann, Leipzig, 1805. These verses are referred to by very many authors; first, a certain part is found in the treatise *De mundo*, which they attribute to Aristotle, who among other signs of supposition brings forward this same citation; without any dispute, they are found in the Latin version of the same treatise, which we owe to Apuleius: and this already indicates the time of the publication of these verses with almost certainty. Proculus, in his commentary on Plato's *Timaeus*, has used these verses; and from this commentary, Henricus Stephanus drew them and placed them in his *Poesi philosophica*; finally, Stobaeus, in his *Eclogae physicae*, of which the author of the latest edition is Heeren of Göttingen, cites them from Porphyry's work *Περὶ ἀγαλμάτων*, with the greater part of those things which follow in Eusebius. This pantheism takes its origin from the second or third epoch of Greek philosophy: how far from the theogony of Hesiod. Ibid. 2. *Τὰ γὰρ ἃ* c. 451; soon the same *ζωῆς* instead of *γαίης*. Ibid. 3. *ἐστὶ* om. 466. Ibid. 4. *Παλίσκελα* 466. The last two verses occur again lib. XII, cap. 13, with various readings. Col. 185 B 3. *Δημιουργικός* 451. Ibid. 9. *Οὗ* Walcknaer to *Aristobul.* p. 86. Ibid. D 1. *Μεγάλου* id. ibid. p. 81. Col. 187 A 4. *Νοῦς ἐστὶ* id. ibid.; *οὗς ἐστὶ* Heringa ap. the same. Col. 188 B 10. *ἑαυτοῦ* 465, 466, 468. Ibid. 11. *δημιουργικόν* 461, 465, 466. Ibid. 13. 467; *οὗ* 451.

Col. 188 C 9. I know not whether there be guile or error in Eusebius’s reasoning; at least, on his part, there is a certain disposition to accept the testimonies that favor him without weighing them. The authority of Chaeremon here is worthless, as he subverts all the ancient doctrine of the Egyptian religion. He was the astrologer whom Strabo calls (lib. xv11, p. 806) an innovator in doctrine, arrogant and foolish: [Gk] Προσποιούμενος τοιαύτην τινὰ ἐπιστήμην, γελώμενος δὲ τὸ πλέον ὡς ἀλάζων καὶ ἰδιώτης [/Gk]. In the preceding sections, Porphyry refutes him: he was blending judicial astrology with Stoic opinions. Ibid. D. The title is missing at 451.

Col. 189 B 9. It seems strange that the verse of Aratus, which St. Paul used before the Athenians (Acts XVII, 28), should be attributed by Eusebius to the sacred books; it is now a part of them, since the Apostle used it, but originally it pertains to paganism. Ibid. 12. [Gk] Αληθείας οἰκείως [/Gk] 465, 466, 467. Ibid. C 5. [Gk] προνοητικάς [/Gk] the same.

Col. 192 B 6. [Gk] Ἐπεὶ μή [/Gk]. Porphyry speaks again.

Col. 193 C 15. Unjustly does he attach the Egyptians to those peoples whose mythology contended that Jupiter was born of Saturn; even if it were proven that the Egyptian Ammon was not the Libyan one, he would nonetheless be quite alien to this genealogy: it is the Greeks who, confounding all things, have transferred their own theology into Egypt; signs of which transfer we see in the traditions of Diodorus Siculus. See Jablonski, in his *Pantheon*, tom. I, p. 139, 140, 141.

Col. 196 C 12. [Gk] Γινομέναις [/Gk] 465 for [Gk] γινομέναις [/Gk].

Col. 197 B 10. Plutarch, *De Iside*, c. 40: The Stoics say that Bacchus is the wind that generates and nourishes; Hercules, the striker and divider; Ammon, the receiver; Ceres and Core (Proserpina), the earth traversing and the fruits; Poseidon (Neptune), the sea agitating. Ibid. C 8. [Gk] Ἄττις δέ [/Gk]. Sallustius, c. 4, p. 250, Gale edition: [Gk] Ὁ Ἄττις τῶν γινομένων καὶ φθειρομένων δημιουργὸς, καὶ διὰ τοῦτο παρὰ τῷ Γάλλῳ λέγεται εὑρεθῆναι ποταμῷ. Ὁ γὰρ Γάλλος τὸν γαλαξίαν αἰνίττεται κύκλον, ἀφ' οὗ τὸ παθητὸν ἔρχεται σῶμα. [/Gk] ‹Attis is the Demiurge of created and destroyed things; and therefore he is said to have been found by the river Gallus. For the Gallus signifies the Milky Way circle, whence all sensible bodies originate.› Ibid. D 5. [Gk] Αὐτοῦ [/Gk]. [Gk] Αὐτῆς [/Gk] Casaub. *De satyrica poesi*, l. 1, c. 2, p. 82.

Col. 200 D 11. [Gk] Θαλασσοποιόν [/Gk]. Mr. Miller notes in the *Diario eruditorum* (April 1839, p. 217) that this word is absent from the lexicons.

Col. 201 B 11. Those things included in the parenthesis are Eusebius’s, by which he demonstrates that Porphyry’s opinion contradicts the opinion accepted among the natural philosophers.

Col. 204 A 3. [Gk] Σχῆμα τῆς χειρός [/Gk]. This passage is evidently corrupt. What does this [Gk] σχῆμα τῆς χειρός [/Gk] mean, and how can a hand placed in any fashion signify a return to darkness? It is read also, col. 85, and another corrupt passage, where Viger suggests [Gk] κυνῆν [/Gk] for [Gk] κύων [/Gk]: [Gk] Πλούτων κυνῆν μὲν ἔχει τοῦ ἀφάνους πόλου σύμβολον [/Gk]. This word [Gk] κυνῆν [/Gk] would please me in this place; for a helmet placed in a certain manner indicates a return to dark places. Ibid. 6. [Gk] Σέβας [/Gk]. I read [Gk] σέλας [/Gk] for [Gk] σέβας [/Gk], from which word the word [Gk] σελήνη [/Gk] cannot be derived. Ibid. 12. [Gk] Ἀθηνᾶ [/Gk]. I read [Gk] ἀθρηνᾶ [/Gk] (sharply seeing) for [Gk] Ἀθηνᾶ [/Gk], which signifies nothing at all: this word [Gk] ἀθρηνᾶ [/Gk] is derived from [Gk] ἀθρέω [/Gk]. Ibid. C 10. [Gk] Παροδεύει [/Gk]. These things relate to the fable of Jupiter educated by the Curetes in Crete, unknown to and against the will of Saturn.

Col. 209 C 10. This passage concerning the worship of Anubis has already been cited from another work of the same Porphyry, namely from the treatise *De abstinentia*, in which it is still read today. The similarity of both texts indicates that the author is repeating his own words; but, moreover, the truth of the fact acquires thereby no small degree of certainty.

Col. 213 B 10. This passage, which makes an end to the citation from Porphyry’s treatise [Gk] Περὶ ἀγαλμάτων [/Gk], is of no small difficulty: for in it there is no mention of the sacrifice of oxen in honor of the gods, which the table of contents suggests; which, moreover, is formally argued against by Herodotus; mention is made only of the consecration of the two oxen Apis and Mnevis, regarding whom one may consult Herodotus, lib. 11, c. 28, and Aelian’s *Hist. animal.*, lib. x1, c. 10. As it regards the node under the tongue, by which I expressed the Greek word [Gk] κάνθαρος [/Gk], my guide was Pliny, *Hist. nat.*, lib. vi, c. 46: ‹A node under the tongue which they call the cantharus;› from the same Pliny, Wesseling proposes that one should read in Herodotus, 1. 11, [Gk] Ὑπὸ δὲ τῇ γλώσσῃ [/Gk] for [Gk] Ἐπί [/Gk]; which clearly seems to deserve admission. In no other place does it appear more clearly how absurdly the book *De praeparatione* was divided into chapters: for the text of Porphyry is split near the end, with nothing in the course of the discourse demanding this interruption; and this, in the middle of a narrative perfectly coherent unto itself, to signify what the author does not say. Ibid. C 3. Whatever the notions of the ancient Egyptians may have been regarding the principles, they are clearly quite different from those notions that Chaeremon attributes to them; this Stoic innovator adulterates the primitive doctrine; and if it can be said that Porphyry adulterated it by allegorizing, Chaeremon certainly does the same and more by turning it into judicial astrology. It follows that Eusebius’s argumentation, which relies solely on Chaeremon’s opinion, has no strength. For Porphyry was not to be refuted by the authority of a more recent author, but by arguments drawn from the very fables of Egypt, and drunk from the true source. Which indeed he did for Greece.

Col. 220 B 10. I translated [Gk] ἐματαιώθησαν [/Gk] as "to provide worship to idols": the reason for which sense I have stated in my treatise *De polytheismo veterum*, on the occasion of the text of St. Paul to the Romans, c. 1, 21.

Col. 221 A 9. In Pausanias, *Corinthiac.*, c. 26, similar verses are read regarding Aesculapius: [Gk] Ὦ μέγα χάρμα βροτοῖς βλαστὼν Ἀσκληπιὲ πάσιν, Ὧν φλεγυηὶς ἔτικτεν ἐμοὶ φιλότητι μιγεῖσα, Ἱμερόεσσα Κορωνὶς, ἐνὶ κραναῇ Ἐπιδαύρῳ. [/Gk] Ibid. C 8. [Gk] Ἀλλ' οὗ τοῦ Παντός [/Gk], etc. Correct to [Gk] Ἀλλ' οἱ τοῦ Πανός [/Gk].

Col. 224 B 1. [Gk] Περιτρεπόντων [/Gk]. Read [Gk] παρατρεπόντων [/Gk]. Ibid. [Gk] Ἐρεῖ [/Gk]. Read [Gk] αἱρεῖ [/Gk]. See lib. VIII, c. 13 init. Ibid. 3. [Gk] Αὐτῶν [/Gk]. [Gk] Αὐτῶν [/Gk] Wyttenbach ad Plutarch, *De sera Numinis vindicta*, p. 8 note. Ibid. C 5. An incantator is he who by magic brings down a deity from heaven. Theocrit. idyll. 2; Virgil, eclog. 8: *Carmina vel coelo possunt deducere lunam.* See Lobeck’s *Aglaophamus*, p. 108; Van Dale, *De idololatria*, p. 280.

Col. 225 A 2. [Gk] Δοκεύς [/Gk] is named in a certain oracle cited in lib. v, c. 9: *As a guest of the divine power and an interpreter.* Lobeck, *Aglaophamus*, loc. cit.

Col. 229 B 8. [Gk] Ποικίλον [/Gk]. Here a certain passage of the *Amatorius* XVIII is translated, cited by Plutarch: ‹It could be, of all other notions that to our mind...›

› ^A come, without intervention of the senses, and motives of credibility must be referred, for some to mythology, for others to law, for others to reasoning. Thus, for us, concerning faith in the gods, the first instructors and guides were the poets; then the legislators; finally, the philosophers. All of whom, though they agree in affirming the existence of gods, differ greatly among themselves regarding the number of deities to be admitted, their ordering, their essence, and their attributes. To the philosophers, the gods are immune to pain, old age, and any labor, as those who have escaped the necessity of crossing Acheron. Therefore, they reject the altercations of the gods which the poets celebrate, and Terror and Fear, whom they assert to be the offspring of Mars. Often they also struggle against the legislators, as Xenophanes against the Egyptians, saying that if Osiris were considered a mortal, he should not be worshipped as a god; if he is contrary to the god, one ought no longer to lament. The poets, in turn, reject entirely the numbers, the monads, and the winds to which the philosophers attribute divinity. Thus, there exists a perfect dissension among these three types of theologians. ^B A triple division of divinity is expounded by Aurelius Augustine, *De civitate Dei*, bk. iv, 27; vi, 5, following the footsteps of Varro; among more recent writers, by Vossius, *De idololatria*, bk. i, 1, p. 124; and by Villoson, *De triplici theologia*, which book is annexed to the work edited by Sanctacrusius, *De mysteriis veterum*.

Col. 229 C 6. *Mὴ κινεῖν τὰ ἀκίνητα*. This was a very common proverb. Col. 232 A 3. *Φέρε* codd. 451 and 466. Ibid. B 6. Cod. 451 omits *οὐκ ἀφυῶς*. Ibid. 11. *Ἀποτελεστικά* 461. Ibid. C 4. *Ὀλίγων* 465, 461, 466. Ibid. D 6. *Δεηθησόμενος* 451. Col. 233 A 4. *Κακεντρεχής*. Toup, in *Longinus*, *De sublimi*, § 54, cites, for the meaning of the word *κακεντρεχής*, "malicious," the glosses of Philoxenus and this passage of S. Ignatius to the Antiochians: ‹Avoid therefore the malicious workers›, which the Latin translator incorrectly renders as "into evil-going workers." See Suidas on the word *Κακεντρέχεια*, and Theophylact on the first Epistle of S. Paul. Polybius, bk. iv, 87: ‹For this manner of detraction has been discovered, not by blaming, but by praising to injure neighbors... and such maliciousness and envy and deceit were discovered most of all and first from those who live about the courts.› There is also a new kind of detraction, which consists not in vituperation, but in malignant praise: this *κακεντρέχεια*, this envy, this deceit, had access especially among courtiers. ^C About the sense of this word *αὐτάζω*, see the note of Ruhnken in the Platonic lexicon of Timaeus, p. 255. Ibid. B 5. *Ἐξ*. I changed *ἐξ* repeated twice into *αὖθις*, and the double reason for this change was mine: the opposition which seems to exist between the context of the phrase and Plutarch's confession in his book *De oraculorum defectu*, concerning the defect of art which appeared in the oracular verses; which defect we ourselves can easily recognize. Furthermore, as it seems to me, it would be contradictory to exalt this poetry beyond measure, in order to subsequently disparage it, as he does in fact. Ibid. 5. *Τευταζόντων*. See Ruhnken on the *Timaeus* of Plato, on the verb *τευτάζω*, p. 253. Ibid. 12. *Εἰς τὸ μή τινα συνεῖναι* 451. Ibid. B 2. *Δοκεῖν*. *Δοκῇ* 451, 456. Ibid. 4. *Παιδιάς* 461. Ibid. 5. *Ποιητικά* 451. Ibid. 9. *Τύφῳ* 451. Ibid. D. 5. *Λαγχάνειν*. In Latin *micare*; among the Italians now *jocare alla mora*. Col. 236 A 14. *Καὶ τότε γοῦν*. ‹Not even then.› Ibid. B 9. *Κόσμῳ* 451. Ibid. *Ἄνοιαν* 451. Ibid. C 2. *Ἤδη*, *γε* 451. Ibid. D 4. *Ἐπὶ τοῖς τελουμένοις* 451.

Col. 237 A 5. *Πτολεμαίων χρόνους*. It is strange that Eusebius brings in the times of the Ptolemies regarding events in Rome; perhaps it would be better to assume another name from Roman history in place of *Πτολεμαίων*, for example [missing text], while he was alive, the Capitol was burned during a civil war. Clement of Alexandria in *Cohortatio ad gentes*, p. 46: ‹It is sufficiently clear to me that the fire could convict them and bring a remedy for superstition. Fire will lead you into the light, if you wish to be freed from this madness. For this fire burned the temple which was at Argos, together with the priest Chrysis. This burned the temple of Diana at Ephesus, which was second after the time of the Amazons, and it has despoiled the Roman Capitol more than once. The same fire did not abstain from the temple of Serapis at Alexandria; and it destroyed the shrine of Bacchus Eleutherius at Athens; but it utterly destroyed the temple of Apollo at Delphi, first with a storm, and then with a sapient fire.› Arnobius, bk. v, p. 207: ‹Where was Queen Juno, when the same violence of flame destroyed her famous temple and the priestess Chrysis, in the Argive city? Where was the Egyptian Serapis when he lay in a similar case, dissolved into ashes with all his mysteries and Isis? Where was Liber Eleutherius with the Athenians? Where was Diana with the Ephesians? Where was the Dodonean Jupiter with Dodona? Where finally was Apollo, etc.? It would be an infinite task to describe throughout the whole world which shrines were shattered by earthquakes and tempests, which were burned by enemies, which by kings and tyrants.› ^D Col. 240 A 7. *Τυγχάνειν*. Origen, *Contra Celsum*, bk. vi, 5, 3, p. 695, likewise affirms that the Peripatetics denied the truth of oracles, just as the followers of Epicurus did: ‹We should therefore admit that it would be very easy for us, regarding the cited oracles, to destroy this whole argumentation for the Pythia and other oracles with many arguments drawn from Aristotle and the Peripatetic philosophers: it would be by no means difficult for us to collect and cite whatever Epicurus and those who have embraced his opinion on this matter have said, and to show also that among the Greeks there are those who fight against and deny the divine predictions which all Greece has believed and admired.› Cicero, *De divinatione*, 1, 3: ‹Dicaearchus the Peripatetic removed all other kinds of divination, leaving only dreams and madness. But since the Stoics defended almost all of them, because Zeno had indeed scattered certain seeds in his commentaries, and Cleanthes had made them slightly more fruitful: there approached a man of very keen intellect, Chrysippus, who explained the whole opinion in two books *De divinatione*, one in addition *De oraculis*, one *De somniis*... but Panaetius, the pupil of the teacher of Posidonius, himself the prince of that discipline, degenerated from the Stoics: yet he did not dare to deny that there was a power of divining, but said that he doubted.› Ibid. C 8. *Περιείχετο* 466. Col. 241 A 14. *Ὑποτετυχότα* 451. Perhaps *ποτέ τε τυχότα*. Ibid. D 6. *Προδηλουμέναις* 451. Ibid. 10. *Ἀνθρώποις* 451. Col. 244 D 11. *Καταμάθωμεν* 465, 466. Col. 245 A 8. *Οὕτω γάρ* 451. Ibid. C 3. *Ἀρεστάς* 451. Col. 247 A 6. See Gale on Jamblichus, *De mysteriis Aegyptiorum*, bk. v, 11, 1; Cuper, *Observ.* iii, 16. Col. 248 C 14. *Εἶναί τινας καὶ* 451. Ibid. D 1. This etymology of the word *daemon* differs entirely from the ancients, as can be seen in Plato, in the *Cratylus*, p. 263 of the Lyon edition: ‹Those who, whenever someone good dies, have a great portion and honor and become a *daemon* according to the appellation of wisdom. In this way, I myself consider every man who is good to be a *daimonion*, both while living and when he has died.› The same, ibidem: ‹This therefore says more than everything, as it seems to me, that he named the *daemones* themselves so because they were wise (*phronimoi*) and knowing (*daemones*).› See

Servius on verse 3 of the third book of the Aeneid, where he brings forward the same etymology. Macrobius, *Saturnalia*, lib. I, c. 25: ‹“Gods” are *daimones*, that is, “knowing the future”; or, as Posidonius writes in the books whose title is *On Heroes and Demons*, because there is in them a nature born and divided from the ethereal substance; or from *daiomenou* (for *deomenou*), that is, “being burned”; or from *daiomenou*, which is “being divided.”› The Gudian Etymologicon: *Daimon* from *daiō*, “I know,” he who is knowledgeable of all things. Lactantius, *Institutes*, lib. I, 15: ‹(Grammarians) say that demons (*daimones*) are so named as if they were *daēmonas* (“knowledgeable”).› Scholiast on Homer’s *Iliad*, A, 222: ‹He calls the gods *daimones*, that is, “knowing ones”; for they are experienced and expert in all things; or because they are the dispensers and administrators of men.› Eusebius has deformed this etymology. See Steuchus of Gubbio, lib. III, *Perennis Philosophia*. Col. 249 B 5. *On them* 451. Ibid. 9. *From them* same. Ibid. 11. *The* same. Ibid. C 15. *Seizing* 451. Ibid. *Whom* 461. Col. 253 A 5. *Aether* 451. Ibid. 9. *Is bound* 465, 466, Vossius. Ibid. 11. *Purifications* 466. Ibid. 12. *Which perhaps* 451; *relaxation* 466. Presently *is scarred* 451; *of me* 465; *similar* 451. Ibid. 13. *To them... to them* 451. Ibid. B 3. *Earth* 465, 466. Ibid. 5. *Setting* 466 instead of *sacrificing*. Ibid. *Of a river* 465, 466. Ibid. 6. *To the Diian one* 465, *dēōiō* Scaliger; then *barley-meal* 466, *thence* 451, 465, 466; *barley-meal thence* Vossius. Ibid. 7. *And both* 451; *sand* 466. Ibid. 8. *Heavy* 451. Ibid. 11. *Began* 466. Ibid. 12. *Sacrificial victims* 465; *supplicants* 451. Ibid. 13. *Might swamp* 465 and Vossius. Ibid. 14. *To distribute* 451. Ibid. C 10. *To slaughter* 451. Ibid. 12. *To bury* 451. Ibid. D 5. *To sacrifice new fat (lambs) of males* 451. Ibid. 14. *Subterranean*. I have no doubt that here *chthonios* should be understood as referring to the infernal gods, as also below, since the victim is buried, and the blood is poured into a trench; in truth, Porphyry, explaining below with what intent the sacrifices were performed, says this: ‹"As for the Hypochthonians, they inhabit trenches and tombs."› To these, therefore, these words are directed, and there is nothing that should be wondered at in this acceptance of the word *chthonios* as “infernal,” since many authors agree on this. Orpheus, *Hymn* 17: *Dwelling in the subterranean house, O strong-hearted* *Tartarean meadow, deep-shaded and devoid of light,* *Zeus Chthonios....* Sophocles in *Oedipus at Colonus*, verse 1568: *O subterranean goddesses....* The same, verse 1606: *Zeus Chthonios thundered....* Herodotus, VI, 134: *Being an under-attendant of the subterranean gods*, and elsewhere. Hesiod, *Works*, verse 465: *But pray to Zeus Chthonios*, which the scholiast on Aristophanes in *Plutus*, verse 727, attributes to Pluto: *Reasonably they consider the same one to be Pluto who is Hades; for indeed Hesiod says: “But pray to Zeus Chthonios.”* Plutarch, *Symposiacs*, III, 1: *The narcissus is troublesome, dulling the nerves and causing heavy, narcotic sensations; therefore Sophocles called it “the ancient garland of the great gods” (that is, of the subterranean ones).* Philostratus in *Life of Apollonius*, VIII, 7, page 341: *Such things the evil demons dedicate to trenches and to subterranean gods.*

^B Vide Artemidorus II-33, concerning Greek inscriptions in general, and especially Muratori, *Anecdota*, tom. XXI, page 4; finally Lambert Bos, *Observ. crit.*, c. 11, page 56. Col. 256 A 7. *About the earth* 451, instead of *birds*. *For to them alone* 465. Ibid. 12. *Of such things* 463. Ibid. B 11. *I lead* 465 instead of *to the trench*. Ibid. C 1. *Things still* 465, 466. Ibid. 2. *They are* 465; *essences* 451 instead of *sacrifices*. Ibid. 13. *Of the same* 465, 466. Ibid. *Let us compare* 451. Ibid. D 4. *Not any* 451; *to offer incense* 466. Ibid. 6. *He compels* 466. Col. 257 A 5. *To sacrifice living things* 451. Ibid. B 5. *Manslaughters* 451. Ibid. B 10. *To have been rendered*. *To render*, in the sense of demonstration or definition, is familiar to the Peripatetic school. Aristotle in the *Organon*, and his commentators in many places. Ibid. C 4. *Sacrifices* 466 instead of *essences*. Ibid. 12. *And upon* 466 instead of *towards*. Col. 261 A 4. This epistle, which is read again in the book of the *Demonstratio Evangelica*, is not found among the epistles of Apollonius of Tyana. Ibid. C 7. *Brought against us* 451; *spoken of before* 465; *against us* 466. Ibid. D 2. *Godless* 451. Col. 264 A 4. *And indeed (to) commoners* 466. Ibid. 9. *Neither* 451. Ibid. B 1. *Of holy things* 465. Ibid. 2. *More honorable* 451, 465. Ibid. 3. *So* instead of *it* 465, 466. Ibid. 5. *Fitting* 466. Ibid. C 8. *For the sake of something*. The text of Porphyry, *“But not even for the sake of any need of goods,”* seems to be the true reading. Col. 265 C 1. *He would not have been immediately* 465. Ibid. D 1. *Would be fitting* 465. Col. 268 A 14. Evil demons, or genii, are found in all mythologies. Among the Persians and Chaldeans, they are called Arimanes. Iamblichus, in his book *On the Mysteries*, says that erroneous transgressions are very often suggested by demons: ^C *“Which are the impious offenses of unholy work, sometimes also introducing evil demons instead of the gods, whom they call anti-gods.”* It seems that Empedocles wrote verses about this kind of deity, which Plutarch cites in his treatise *On Isis and Osiris*, 26, page 137, Hutten edition: *For the ethereal force chases them into the sea,* *The sea spews them onto the threshold of the earth, the earth (back again)* *To the sun that never tires, and he throws them into the eddies of the aether,* *One receives from another; and all loathe them.* Col. 269 C 2. *In the month of May, in Metageitnion according to the Athenians* 465, 466. Ibid. 4. *Diiphilis* 465, 466. See book V, page 203. Ibid. 6. *Aristobulus* 466. Ibid. 8. *Communion* 465, 466. Ibid. D 5. *Of Seleucus*. Who this Seleucus is, who is called the Theologian, a contemporary of a certain king of Cyprus named Diphilus, can be said only by conjecture. Viger conjectures that this is the grammarian mentioned by Suidas, who, he says, was born in Alexandria and was called Homericus, and who had once taught at Rome. He had written a hundred books on the gods, and is cited twice by Athenaeus for his notes on Homer, lib. 1, page 24: ^D *“Seleucus says that the ‘bountiful feast’ in Homer is, by a transposition of letters, ‘a dietary meal.’”* Seleucus in Homer says the poet, by transposition of letters, said *daita thaleian* (“bountiful feast”) for *diaitan* (“dietary meal”), lib. II, page 40. The same Seleucus says that it was not the ancient custom to serve much wine or delicate foods, except in honor of the gods; whence came these words *thoīnē*, *thalia*, *methē*; the former, *thoīnē*, because wine, as he thought,

^A usually was offered to the gods; the latter, *thalia*, because they never sat at banquets, *aeeisábat*, except in honor of the gods. Those two citations look to the same observation; therefore, he adds, it is read in Homer, *daῑta tháleian*. The Venetian Scholiast cites Seleucus eight times; from which one can see that the cognomen 'Homeric' was not unjustly attributed to him. But the theologians, it seems, confused the name he had obtained for his work on the gods with the cognomen 'Homeric', whence a confusion must have arisen. Be that as it may, I leave everything in uncertainty. Seleucus is also cited by Athenaeus, bk. IV, c. 21, p. 172, concerning human sacrifices in Egypt: *Seleucus, in those places where he discourses concerning the human sacrifice among the Egyptians, says that Panyasis was the first to mention cakes in [his work] On the Gods.* This passage was drawn from his work comprising one hundred books.

Col. 272 A 6. Who is the Egyptian Juno, worshiped at Heliopolis? Jablonski in this place thinks she was Bubastis, who was the same as Diana Eilithyia. This passage from Manetho is compared by Jablonski with the opinion of Plutarch from the same author, *De Iside*, c. 75: "In the city of Eilithyia, living men were burned," reported Manetho, "who were called Typhonians: their ashes were winnowed with a fan and scattered and sown." Without doubt, Diodorus, bk. I, c. 88, borrowed the following from the same author: "It was permitted to sacrifice red oxen, because it was believed that Typhon was of this color, who laid snares for Osiris and was punished by Isis for the killing of her husband. In the ancient age, kings sacrificed men of red color upon the tomb of Osiris; in reality, not many men are red in Egypt; most are foreign; and thence arose the fable which tells that Busiris killed strangers, although this name does not designate any king, but in the vernacular tongue merely the tomb of Osiris."

These three testimonies, which are in reality one, namely Manetho's, formally contradict Herodotus; later writers placed more faith in Manetho; for one cannot truly suppose that an Egyptian priest slandered his own people. Whatever the case, it is evident from Plutarch that *Eilithyias polis* should be read instead of *Heliopolis* in Porphyry. This confusion, which is most easily understood because of the greater fame of the city of Heliopolis, was corrected neither by Marsham, *Canon, chronic.*, p. 317, nor by Jablonski, *Pantheon*, vol. II, p. 71, who on the contrary labors much over infinite and worthless arguments to establish a double human sacrifice in Egypt, namely at Eilithyias polis and Heliopolis.

Ibid. 7. *Katharoi moschoi*. Plutarch depicts this for us thus in the treatise *De Iside*, c. 31: "The ox which was to be sacrificed was marked by the officiating priests. The seal which they used, according to Castor, bore the image of a man fallen on his knees, with his hands tied behind his back, and having a sword in the place of beheading." This seal indicates that an ox was sacrificed in the place of a man.

Ibid. 8. *Hoi sphragizómenoi* 451.

Ibid. B 1. *Epi... phon...* Lobeck on Phrynich. 597; *tōi Kronōi* 465.

Ibid. 10. *Adrianoῡ*. This designation of the reign of Hadrian as the time in which human sacrifices ceased comes from the law promulgated by that emperor which forbids them, as Casaubon conjectures on Lampridius' *Commodus*, c. 19. Pliny, however, attributes this honor to laws published in his own time, that is, under Vespasian.

Ibid. *Ethuon... parthenon... elaphon* 451.

Ibid. 13. *Iphicratēs*. The assertion by which the cessation of human sacrifices at Carthage is attributed to Iphicrates rests on no foundation except the authority of Porphyry, whose text is perfectly in accord with the narrative of Eusebius. Vigerus says in his notes that he would treat this question in his observations, yet he refrained from publishing them. Iphicrates the Athenian, whose life Nepos wrote, ^C does not seem to have had any relation with the Carthaginians, neither as enemy nor as friend. Theophrastus, whom Timaeus cites, and whom the scholiast of Pindar, *Pyth.* 2, verse 2, likewise follows, says that Gelon, after the signal victory he won over the Carthaginians at Himera in Sicily, imposed upon them among the conditions of peace that thereafter they should abstain from the immolation of children to Saturn; that this occurred is likewise reported by Plutarch, *Apophtheg.* 22, *De sera num. vindicta*, 6. They certainly did not observe this condition, if after a hundred years Iphicrates was forced to renew this same law. Iphicrates himself did not have much authority, if one considers what happened at the siege of Carthage by Agathocles, according to the narrative of Diodorus, whom Eusebius follows in this same chapter. Finally, Dionysius of Halicarnassus, *Ant. rom.* 1, ^D writes until the destruction of the city: *Tēōs hē polis diémene*. Doctor Munter in his treatise *On the Religion of the Carthaginians*, p. 23, proposed this reading: *Hēn (thusian) Gélōn iphi kratēsas epause*. According to him, the text corrected in this way removes every difficulty. Against this it can be objected that *iphi kratēsas* is poetic vocabulary, which suits neither Porphyry nor the style of the work itself; it would be better to read *Himera kratēsas Gélōn epause*. But this change of the primitive text seems too ambitious; it is better that we leave this subject, of which historians have told us nothing. There are so many other things we are ignorant of! As for the Iphicrates in question, perhaps he was not the Athenian.

Ibid. 14. *Doumátioi*. This name is spelled in a different way in the manuscripts of Porphyry and Eusebius. In Eusebius it is read *Doumátēs*, which Robert Stephanus refers to Iphicrates. All manuscripts are unanimous in Porphyry: the earlier edition of Victorius, 1548, reads *Doumátioi*. Eusebius records this passage in its entirety from his *Oration to Constantine*, which Henricus Valesius edited after the history of that same Constantine. He found in his manuscripts *d’ ou mátēn hoi*, whence he proposes to read *Doumatēnoí*, as it is read in Stephanus of Byzantium: "Doumata, a city of Arabia; the citizen, Doumatēnos; as Glaucus in the second [book] of the *Arabian Antiquities*." Zoega in his treatise *On the Obelisks* confuses this people with the Thamoudenians, *Thamoudēnoí*, whom Diodorus Siculus mentions, bk. III, c. 44: "The Arabs called Thamoudenians occupy this coast."

Ibid. C 1. *Philarchos*. Regarding Philarchus, confer the dissertation of D. Sevin in the *Memoirs of the Academy of Inscriptions*, vol. VIII, p. 118.

Ibid. 4. The slaughter of his own daughters by Erechtheus and Praxithea provided Euripides with the plot for the tragedy titled *Erechtheus*. A sufficiently ample fragment of this tragedy, used by Lycurgus in his oration against Leocrates, supposes in this cruel mother a barbaric dedication to the fatherland, which impelled her to immolate her daughter. Praxithea was also the name of one of the daughters of Leon: the Hyacinthidae are likewise recorded as having been immolated for the salvation of Athens. In all these narratives there is no small degree of confusion. Leon gave his name to the Leontid tribe, just as Erechtheus to the Erechtheid. See Apollodorus IV, 14 and 15, and Heyne there; Aelian, *Hist. div.* 12, 28; Meursius, *De regibus Athen.* XI, c. 9; finally, Henricus Valesius to Eusebius' *Praises of Constantine*, c. 10.

Ibid. 6. *Latiarios Diós*. Henricus Valesius discoursed at length on the worship of Jupiter Latiaris in his animadversion on Eusebius' *Oration to Constantine*, where the same passage from Porphyry is repeated; the authorities which he cites are: Lactantius, bk. I, c. 13: "Jupiter Latiaris and even now is worshiped with human blood"; Prudentius, *Contra Symmachum*, 1, 10: "Human blood is poured in the rite of the Latiar." Dion Cassius, bk. XLII, p. 519, ed. Reimar: "During the Latiar festivals, the praetor performed what was not in the scope of his duties." If credence is to be given to the words by which Eusebius La-

-^Actantius and Prudentius describe the cult of Jupiter Latiaris, one might believe that a human victim was sacrificed to this Jupiter; but it was not so: the libation to Jupiter was made only from the blood of gladiators. Tatianus says, *Against the Greeks*: "I find among the Romans a Jupiter Latiaris, who delighted in human victims and the blood of slaughtered men." Cyprian, *On Spectacles*: "What need is there to pursue the matter further, or to describe the generous directives of the sacrifices in the games; among which a man sometimes becomes a sacrificial victim through the priest's crime, while the blood, still warm, is received in a bowl and, as if for a thirsty idol, is cruelly offered in his face?" Tertullian, *Apologeticum*, c. 9: "Behold, in that most religious city of the pious Aeneadae, there is a certain Jupiter whom they drench in their games with human blood." Col. 273 B 1. Israel. Bel. 451; El 466. Ibid. 5. This one Iouesit 451. Ibid C. 2. *Tais... philonikiais* 457. Ibid. 5. *Anēdēn* 451; *emphoroumenoi* 456. Ibid. 8. *Ithōmitēi*, cod. 451; *theō minnidiō*. Holstenius on Steph. Byzant., 124, says *Ithōmitēi* should be read in Eusebius in this place. Cf. Pausanias in the *Messeniaca*. Col. 273 C 8. Aristomenes. The two wars between the Lacedaemonians and the Messenians seem to have been described in different ways by ancient historians. Pausanias is the only one among the ancient writers who, in his *Messeniaca*, narrated these wars in a systematic order. But he himself declares, c. vi, that Rhianus, Myron of Priene, and Tyrtaeus, who described these wars, were not only at variance with each other, but that Myron attributed the deeds of the second war to Aristomenes, the leader who directed the first. Thus can be explained the anachronism of Clement, who refers the sacrifice of the Spartan king Theopompus in the first war to Aristomenes, who was the leader of the second, at the time of the sacrifice of the three hundred captives made by that prince. Pausanias speaks of the *Hecatomphonia*, or the sacrifice offered to Jupiter Ithomatas for having killed a hundred enemies. He says thus: "Aristomenes sacrificed the *Hecatomphonia* to Jupiter Ithomatas; this sacrifice is held to be the most ancient of the Messenians. Whoever had killed a hundred foes had the right to make this offering." Aristomenes offered it three times: first, after the battle of the monument of the boar; second, after the defeat of the Corinthians; third, finally, after successful excursions. A certain Latin author among the more recent ones, a grammarian, brings forward a report of this history that is utterly incorrect. Fulgentius, *On Old Words*: "(Nefrendes) Diophantus the Lacedaemonian, who wrote about the rites of the gods, says that among the Messenians it was usual to sacrifice to Jupiter a sacred rite which is called *hekatomphonia*. If anyone had killed a hundred enemies, he sacrificed to Jupiter a man (read *Ithomeni*) at Ithome, which was sacrificed by two, Aristomenes the Gortynian (read *Apytiensis*), and Theoclus, as Onesicrates writes." Concerning Theoclus, see c. 15. The Scholiast of Clement has it thus, ms. 451: "Ithome is a city of Lacedaemon, which they also say is Messene. But rather it is the acropolis of Messene, just as the acropolis of Argos is again called Larissa." Ithone, Messene, or the citadel of Messene, just as the citadel of the Argives was called Larissa. See Dionysius of Halicarnassus, *Antiquities of Rome* xxi, p. 55, vol. 1; Stephanus of Byzantium, *In voce*; Strabo, ix, p. 440, Antoninus Liberalis. Ibid. D 2. *Sou*. *Oun* 451. Ibid. 4. *Achaiōn*. *To palaion* 451. Ibid. *Cheirōni*. Vigerus in a note says this Monimus is altogether unknown to him; Vossius omits him from the Greek historians; the Scholiast of Clement of Alexandria says only this: "A writer of history." From Diogenes Laertius, lib. vi, seg. 83, we know a certain Cynic philosopher of this name, who had written jocose works, but which included a very serious meaning. *Paignia spoudē lelethuia memigmena*. Ibid. 5. *Lyctious*. *Dyktious* 451; *lectious* 465, 466. 1490 Ibid. *Aukti-hous*. Lyctos was primarily a colony of the Lacedaemonians which held no ignoble place in ancient Cretan history. See Meursius, *In Creta*. Col. 276 A 1. *Dōsidas*. *Dōsiadēs*. See Athenaeus, lib. iv, p. 143; lib. vi, p. 264; Pliny, lib. iv, sect. 20. *Phōkias* 451 for *Phōkaeis*. Ibid. 2. *Parapempomai* 465 and Clement. Ibid. 3. *Tauropolō Artemidi*. The Tauric Goddess is often confused with Diana Tauropolus, honored in Asia—an error which the Scholiast of Dionysius Periegetes, v. 610, refutes, who locates the temple of Diana Tauropolus in this same region: Having rushed toward the North and reached Icarus, Icarus by the sea, whence the goddess Tauropolus Has altars with the savory odor of burnt offerings. Ibid. 4. *Holokautounta* 465. Ibid. 5. The fragment of Porphyry cited above already made mention of the sacrifice of the daughter of Erechtheus in the Athenian war against Eleusis. Read the observations on this citation. Demaratus, for whom Stobaeus preserved the place, sermon 37; from this it is clear that Erechtheus did not sacrifice his daughter to Persephone (Proserpina), but that the daughter herself was called by the name Persephone, and it is little short of the truth that Stobaeus should be corrected by Clement. However, the sacrifice of the daughter of Marius, which Dorotheus reports in his *Italica*, needs some explanation; it seems certain that St. Clement borrowed this history from Plutarch in his *Parallels*. The text of Plutarch carries *Manius*, and the girl is not called a daughter of Marius, because that name can in no way fit a daughter of Marius. *Manius* is a praenomen which was especially common in the Acilian family. See Gronovius, on Titus Livius, lib. xxx, c. 43, p. 500, vol. iv, Drachenborch edition. Manius Acilius is said by Plutarch to have held command of the army opposed to the Cimbri as a colleague of Marius, when Marius returned to Rome for his fourth consulship. "Leaving Manius Acilius (or Achillius) in command of the forces, he himself came to Rome." Therefore, it seems that in this place the discussion is rather about Manius Acilius, especially because Plutarch asserts that he had been defeated by the Cimbri, which never happened to Marius: "Manius, bearing war against the Cimbri and being defeated, saw in a dream that he would be victorious if he sacrificed his daughter (who was named Calpurnia)." The cognomen of this family was commonly Glabrio; nor is there anything between the Pisones (who were Calpurniani) and the Acilii that would permit them to be confused. But if it should please one to ascend up to the Roman leaders defeated by the Cimbri before Marius took command of the army sent against them, this will be of no avail, because the records of historians about this war are very few. Nevertheless, Tacitus, in *Germania*, c. 37, says thus: "The Germans have captured or destroyed five consular armies of the Roman people: Carbo and Cassius, and Scaurus Aurelius and Servilius Caepio, and also M. Manlius." The names recorded by Florus are different, and he enumerates not five but only three armies destroyed, lib. iii, c. 3: "And neither Silanus could withstand the first attack of the barbarians, nor Manlius the second, nor Caepio the third." The rout of Carbo is described quite prolixly in the fragments, *On Embassies*, from Appian, fragm. xiii. By reducing the question to the names of the conquered leaders, I find no one else to whom this event could apply except Manlius, especially because the orthography of his name varies; manuscripts more frequently write Manilius, says Salmasius. In the *Excerpta* of Dio Cassius, *Fragm. Peiresc.*, p. 633 of the 4to edition, it says Mallius; but all these things do not explain the name Calpurnia given to this girl, a victim of paternal ambition and superstition. What follows in Plutarch, who transfers the place of the battle to Germany, seems to confirm the opinion that this passage is concerned with one of the predecessors, but not with a colleague of Marius: "And even now there are two altars in Germany, which at that time emitted the sound of trumpets." In a word...

it is not credible that a colleague of Marius, in his absence, should have essayed the fortune of war and sacrificed his own daughter in order to serve Marius; this act suits Manlius, or Mallius, much better, since, as it appears in the text of Dio, the cause of their disaster was the envy of Caepio. It was necessary, therefore, that Manlius should have shown himself formidable to the barbarians before the arrival of Caepio, when they themselves offered propositions of peace, which even more kindled the envy of Caepio. The passage cited stands thus: "They had shown themselves formidable to the barbarians, while the dissension among them was unknown; so that they were the first to seek peace; but when Servilius heard that they had sent envoys to Mallius or Manlius, and not to him, he turned to fury, and far from giving a welcome response to the petitioners, he all but killed the envoys themselves." This was the Caepio who had stolen the gold of Tolosa. But why his daughter was called Calpurnia, I leave to the judgment of others. Nevertheless, it seems proven to me that Clement should be emended from Plutarch, and not Plutarch from Clement.

Col. 276 A 5. *Ἔθυσαν* 451. Ibid. 9. *Ἱστορίας* 451. Ibid. 10. *Ἀλόγως* 465, 466. Ibid. 15. *Γάρ* for *γοῦν*, 465, 466. Soon *αὐτοί* 451. Ibid. B 3. *Ἱεροῖς* for *ὁδοῖς* 466; soon *οὐχ ἱερόν* the same for *οὐχ ἱερόν*. Col. 277 A 1. *Ἐκτρέφεσθε* 465 for *ἐντρέπεσθε*. Ibid. 12. *Ἀνθρώπους ἔθυσαν* 465, 466. Ibid. 15. *Ἀβορίννων* 451; *Ἀβουργίνων* 466; soon *πρότερον* for *πρῶτον*. Ibid. B 9. *Τῶν αἰγῶν* 451 for *γυναικῶν*; soon the same *εὐρύματα*. Ibid. 11. *Καὶ ἃ καί* 466. Ibid. C 4. *Εὐθύς* 466 for *ἐλπίς*; soon *εἶπεν* for *ἀνεῖλεν* 451. Ibid. 14. Dionysius of Halicarnassus in book 1, *On Roman Antiquities*, § 19, reports an oracle agreeing in these words: "Go searching for the Sicilian Saturnian land, And the cup of the Aborigines, where the natos travels, Having mingled with whom, send the tenth part to Phoebus, And send the heads to the Cronide and to the father."

Col. 280 A 11. *Ἔξει φησί* 451. Ibid. 14. *Ἐπερωτᾶσθαι* 451. Ibid. B 2. *Τοῦ σταδίου αὐτοῦ* 451. Ibid. 6. *Οὐχ ἑνί* 451. Ibid. 7. *Θεοσεβεία* 465. Ibid. 8. I read *ἐξηλίφθη* for *ἐξηλείφθη*, from *ἐξαλείφειν*. Porphyry, *De Abst.* lib. II, 25: *Ταῖς γὰρ ἐκ τῶν θυμάτων ἀπολαύσεσι, τὸ περὶ τούτων ἀληθὲς ἐξαλείφειν πειρώμενοι λανθάνομεν ἡμᾶς αὐτούς*. It is necessary to restore this word to Demosthenes, *C. Aristocratem*, pag. 672: *Τί συμβαίνει παρὰ ταῦτα, ὅθεν ἐξηλίφθη τὸ πρᾶγμα ἐπ’ αὐτοφόρῳ* for *ἐξηλέγχθη*; Ibid. 8. *Ἤδη* 451 for *ὅλα*. Ibid. 10. *Ἐπεξιοῦσι* 465. Ibid. 13. *Βαρβάρου πόλιν* 465, 466. Ibid. C 1. *Ἀνίασιν* 451; *ἀνήεσαν* 465. Ibid. 4. *Λανθανόντων* 465, 466. Ibid. *Ἦν δὲ πολύτροπος ἔχθρα σὺν προφάσει εὐσεβείας περιελαυνομένη* 451; *συντεῖνον ἦν* 465; *ἀπελαυνόμενον* 466. Ibid. 12. *Πρό* 451; *προεσπερίων* 465; *ἀνδροφονεῦσι* the same. Ibid. 14. *Τῶν σαρτονίων* 451. Ibid. D 1. *Ἀνθρώπων* 466. Col. 281 A 2. *Ἠλογηκόσι* 465 and 466. Ibid. 5. *Ἀπομειλισσομένην* 466. Ibid. 5. *Ἀκρατεῖν* 465, 466. Ibid. 6. *Εἰδωλοποιοῦντες* 451. ^B NOTES BY BRISSON ^C Ibid. B 4. *Εἰδωλομορφῆν* 451. Ibid. C 4. *Λαθόντες* 465. Col. 284 B 14. *Μαιχίου... τάξεως* 465, 466. Ibid. C 2. *Αὐτοί* 451, 465, 466. Ibid. 6. *Ἀπεμπολούσαις*. Euripid. *Phoeniss.* 1243. Ms. note to verse 1025 of *Oedipus Rex*: *ἀπεμπολούσαις* is barbarous, and *ἀπεμπολώσαις* must be restored to Eusebius for the vulgar, least of all Greek [reading], which however does not offend Abrech, *Dilucid. Thucyd.* p. 584. Ibid. 10. *Ἦ* 466 for *οἷα*. Ibid. 13. *Προσφ. ἀνδρῶν ἀπεφύκοι* 466. Ibid. 14. *Πλαστικούς* 451. Ibid. D 1. *Τί δ’ αὖ* 451. Ibid. 5. *Ἀμεταστρεπτεί* 451. Ibid. 6. *Ὧδε* 451 for *ὣς*. Col. 285 A 2. *Τυγχάνειν* 451, 466. Ibid. 9. *Ὅν* omits 466. Ibid. C 2. *Ὑποσώμιον* 451. Col. 288 A 5. *Μεμνημένους* 465. Ibid. 6. See Abbé Sevin, *De vita et libris Phylarchi*, in *Mém. Acad. De Inscriptionibus*, t. VIII, p. 118. Col. 289 A 11. *Παρών* 451. Ibid. B 8. *Καὶ οἱ*. This verse is mutilated and corrupt; it arises from two of Hesiod, *Op. et dies*, 252: "For three myriad are there upon the many-nourishing earth, Immortal guardians of Zeus for mortal men." The modern text has *θνητῶν ἀνθρώπων*; but besides Eusebius, the reading *μερόπων* is cited by Sextus Empiricus, lib. IX *Adv. Mathem.*, p. 571. From Viger's note on verse 121 of the same poem of Hesiod, in which there is the same meaning in other words, we can conclude that he did not know the verse which Eusebius twisted into ridicule. Col. 299 C 4. *Τρέπεσθαι*. It pleases Rhoer more to have *τρέφεσθαι*, which with *ἀποῤῥεῖν* notes decay and nutrition. Col. 304 A 9. Regarding the true meaning of the verb *ἐκτραχηλίζειν*, borrowed from the gymnasium, and regarding its metaphorical sense, one should read Perizonius, *ad Aeliani Var. Hist.* 12-58; *Miscel. Observ.*, vol. III, pag. 212; Alciphron, *Ep.* 3-40; Porphyry, *De Abst.* I, § 42; Plutarch, *De ed. puer.* t. VI, pag. 43; De Reiske, *De dicari. adul.*, pag. 216. Col. 305 A 3. *Προσουδίζειν*, which Porphyry uses here, signifies properly to dash to the ground. Herodotus, 5-923: *ἐβεβούλευτο τὸ παιδίον προσουδίσαι*. The words cited without a name in Suida in the entry: *Ὁ δὲ ἄρας μετέωρον, προσουδίζει*; finally Euripides, *Iphig. in Aulid.* 1151, according to Scaliger's correction: *Βρέφος τε τοὐμὸν σῷ προσουδίσας πάλιν*. Ibid. B 8. For *πεπλησμένης γαστρὸς ἐξ ἑδυπαθείας*, ms. 465 has *ἐμπρησμένης*, which, I think, is the true reading; *πεπρησμένους* is read in the great Etymologicum under the entry *πρήθω*: *ἡμεῖς ἐν τῇ συνηθείᾳ τοὺς πεπρησμένους λέγομεν*, which is repeated by Apollonius, *Lexic. Homeric.*, and Aristophanes in *Vespae*, 59: *Ἔχουσα φωνὴν ἐμπεπρησμένης ὑός*. The scholiast explains it also as *ἐμπεφυσημένης*; for *πρῆσαι* is to inflate, whence also *πρηστήρ*. Hesychius recognizes the form *πεπρημένος, πεφυσημένος*. Therefore, one should read either *πεπρημένης* with ms. 465, or *ἐμπεπρησμένης*. See Buttmann, *Lexilogus*, tom. I, pag. 105. Ibid. D 3. *Ἀπειροτέχνης* is changed to *ἀπειροτέχνης* by Viger, who proposes also *ἀπειροτεχνής*, a word much more customary when dealing with Diana or Hecate. D. Lobeck, in *Aglaophamus*, tom. I, p. 225, follows this opinion of Viger in his note, both here and in Lydus, *De Mensibus* III, 34, where the same words are repeated; but Roether, the most recent editor of this booklet, proposes *ἀπειροτέχνη*.

ἀπειροτέχνη*.

^A Col. 308 A 2. The most detailed traditions concerning Hecate are found in Theocritus and his scholiast. The following verses are read in the second idyll of Theocritus, v. 10: *Ἀλλὰ, Σελάνα,* *Φαῖνε· καλὸν τὸν γὰρ ποταείσομαι ἄσυχα δαῖμον,* *Τᾷ χθονίᾳ θ' Ἑκάτᾳ τὰν καὶ σκύλακες τρομέοντι* *Ἐρχομέναν νεκύων ἀνά τ' ἠρία καὶ μέλαν αἷμα.* *Χαῖρ᾽ Ἑκάτα δασπλῆτι καὶ ἐς τέλος ἄμμιν [ἐπάδει,* *Φάρμακα ταῦθ' ἔρδοισα χερείονα μήτέ τι Κίρκης,* *Μήτε τι Μηδείας, μήτε ξανθᾶς Περιμήδας.*

"O Luna, shine with all your splendor: to you I offer my secret vows, I who will softly sing of the nether goddess Hecate, whom the dogs fear when she moves upon the tombs and the black blood of the dead. Hail, formidable Hecate, come to my aid even to the end, grant me philtres which in no way fall short of the philtres of Circe, of Medea, and of fair-haired Perimeda."

Hecate is said to be the infernal divinity who presides over the fates of the infernal regions. Juno, as Sophron reports, had intercourse with Jove; from this was born a daughter whom the mother named Angelos. Jupiter entrusted this child to the nymphs to be reared. When she had grown up, she stole the myrrh of Juno with which she anointed her face, so that she might inflame [others]; and she gave it to Europa, the daughter of Phoenix. When this theft was discovered, Juno rose to punish her; she, however, fled, first to the house of a woman lying in childbirth, then to the men who carry out the dead; whence Juno abandoned her entirely. Jupiter gave the command to the Cabiri to purify her; they, leading her to Lake Acherusia, purified her; this is the reason why it is said that this divinity has fallen to the share of the dead and the infernal regions. According to another fable, Jupiter, having had intercourse with Ceres, begot Hecate, who was excelling in strength and beauty: she was sent by her father to seek out Proserpina and is named Diana, Phylax, Dadoucha, and Chthonia.

^C Col. 316 C 5. *Κοσμοκράτορας*. Gaulmin, in Psellus, *De operat. Dæmon.*, p. 113; Œcumenius, in Epist. prima Joann.: "The devil is the father of this world," he says, "of worldly pleasure and greed." And others without number. Damascene likewise and Athanasius: *Κοσμοκράτορας τοῦ σκότους τούτου δαίμονας* (The world-rulers of this darkness, the demons). They invoke the manuscript *Testament of Solomon*: "And I commanded another demon to be present to me; and there entered spirits bound together, beautiful in form. And I, Solomon, marveled at these and asked, saying: 'And who are you?' They, however, answered with one accord in one voice and said: 'We are what are called the elements, the world-rulers of this darkness. Deceit, Strife, Clotho, Storm, Error, Power, etc.'"

"I ordered another demon to be present. Immediately the spirits, joined to one another and with beautiful countenances, entered. Struck by this sight, I, Solomon, questioning them, asked who they were; they all answered with one voice: 'We are stars, we are called world-rulers of this darkness: Deceit, Discord, Clotho, Zale, Error, Vis, etc.'"

Col. 317 D 6. *Ὕλην*. It is read in Plutarch, as the manuscripts offer: *ἣν νῦν ὕλην καὶ φύσιν καλοῦσι*, now called matter and nature. I prefer Eusebius’s brevity; partly because this double name is false, since the word "nature" signifies something far different from the word "matter," and this uncertainty in the name introduces ambiguity into the mind of the reader; partly because in philosophy one name is sufficient for one thing.

Col. 324 C 5. Manuscript 451 has, instead of *ἱστορούμενα*, as it is read in Plutarch and other manuscripts of Eusebius, *τετυπωμένα*, which I prefer.

Ibid. 9. I read *πολύ* instead of *πολλῇ* with manuscript 451.

Col. 528 A 10. These names are written in different ways in Plutarch and in the manuscripts; but no one can affirm how these names, alien to the Greeks, were written.

In the fourth book, c. 7, p. 144, this is read: "With their minds thus disposed, he adjures and warns them not to divulge what he is about to say." The words are not entirely dissimilar: *Μαρτύρεται καὶ προκαταγγέλλει μὴ εἰς πολλοὺς ἐκφῆναι τὰ λεχθησόμενα.*

^B Col. 329 B 6. The oracle of Apollo Branchidæ was not far from the city of Miletus in Ionia; it was 180 stadia from this city, says Pliny, book v, c. 31, and twenty from the seashore, eighteen according to Strabo. This was the most famous oracle of Apollo after the Delphic oracle. *Μέχρι νῦν χρηστηρίων Ἑλληνικῶν, ὧν ἴσμεν, μετὰ Δελφούς, κράτιστον.* Conon, cited by Photius, p. 136, ed. Bekker: *Ἔστι τὸ μαντεῖον τοῦ Διδυμέως Ἀπόλλωνος, τὸ ἐν Βραγχίδαις ἀναβάντι ὅσον ἐκτωκαίδεκα σταδίους.* *Ἀναβάντι* signifies here "going up from the sea." It was burned down by Xerxes, like all the temples of Ionia, except the temple at Ephesus, and was rebuilt more magnificently by the Milesians; it was the greatest of all; on account of this magnitude it remained unroofed: it encompassed the space of a village and was surrounded by a grove inside and out (Strabo, book xiv, p. 634, ed. Casaubon). The same author in book xvii, p. 814, says that oracles were given quite often not by voice, but by a motion of the head and by symbols, according to the verse: *Ἦ καὶ κυανέῃσιν ἐπ' ὀφρύσι νεῦσε Κρονίων.*

Porphyry in his letter to Anebo, printed by Gale at the beginning of the treatise of Iamblichus, *De mysteriis*, Oxford 1688, teaches us that the prophetesses of Branchidæ were inspired by the god through the water they breathed in: *Οἱ ἐξ ὑδάτων ἀτμιζόμενοι, καθάπερ αἱ ἐν Βραγχίδαις προφῆτις*. Iamblichus explains, p. 74 on this passage, the various modes by which these oracles were delivered. The priestess delivered them, he says, whether by holding a rod in her hand which the god had given, or by sitting on an axle; or by dipping her feet or the hem of her garment into the water, or, as Porphyry says, by breathing in this water. The mode of delivering them by signs of the head, as Strabo reports, seems to have been used at the time when the spring was dry. The same Strabo, in the same place in book xiv, reports, according to Callisthenes, that this spring became dry when Xerxes was contaminating the sacred rites and plundering the treasures, and appeared again upon the arrival of Alexander. Strabo says that this is [a piece of] flattery. Apollo Didymaeus-Branchiacus was also called Philesius and Milesius. Croesus had consulted him just as he had consulted the Delphic Apollo, and had offered him magnificent gifts, not inferior to the gifts he had sent to Delphi (Herodotus, I, 92). The same historian (I, 159) reports a certain little story about this oracle: The Cumaeans had been ordered by this oracle to surrender to the Persians a certain turncoat by the name of Pactyes. Aristodicus, angered by this violation of hospitality, walked about the temple, expelling the birds that had made their nests there; a voice, issuing from the inner sanctuary, charged him with impiety. "O King" (*ὦναξ*), exclaimed Aristodicus, "do you wish us to spare the suppliants of your divinity, and are the Cumaeans ordered by you to surrender a suppliant seeking their hospitality?" "I do this," answered the god, "so that this impiety may destroy you the sooner, and that you may no longer come to consult my oracle as to whether those who implore your hospitality should be surrendered."

Regarding the origin of this oracle, see Bentley, fragment 36 of Callimachus.

Ibid. C 4. The cognomen *Ἀγροτέρα*, given to Diana, is famous in history on account of the vow by which Miltiades or Callimachus (it is not sufficiently clear) bound himself, before the Battle of Marathon, to sacrifice in her honor as many goats as they had killed of the enemy; Xenophon, *Anabasis*, I, 4, 2–12; Aelian, *Historical Miscellany*, II, 25; Plutarch, *On the Malice of Herodotus*, 26, p. 308, ed. Hutten; Agathias, p. 46, ed. Louvre. Pausanias, in *Attics*, c. 19, believes this name is derived from *ἀγρός*. The *Etymologicum Magnum* says: *ἀγροτέρα* is not [made] from *ἄγριος*, but *ἀγρότερος* is made from *ἀγρός*.

ἀγρός*.

^A In Hesiod the stag enjoys the same epithet, *Shield*, 470: *Αἰγὺς ὀρεσσινόμου ἢ ἀγροτέρης ἐλάφοιο.* Eustath., *Iliad* Φ., v. 470. "That Artemis is also called *Agrotera* attributively among the Attics is shown by others, and by the Comic poet in the places where he says that one should pray to the Agrotera for a thousand [victims]." The passage of Aristophanes is at verse 145 of the *Thesmophoriazusae*: [*See the scholia.*]

Col. 530 D 3. The text has: *τυμπάνων αὐλοῖς καὶ θηλειῶν πατάγοις χαίρειν*. This lacks sense; [it should be] *tibiæ tympanorum*: this is easily corrected thus: *θηλειῶν αὐτοῖς καὶ τυμπάνων πατάγοις*. We are not unaware that the flute was especially an instrument of women among the ancients. As *tibicinae*, they appeared at banquets and gatherings of pleasure or mourning; thus they celebrated the mysteries of the mother of the gods. These verses of a certain oracle are read, p. 192: *Μητέρι μὲν μακάρων μέλεται Τιτηνίδι Ῥείῃ Αὐτοὶ καὶ τυμπάνων πάταγοι καὶ θῆλυς ὅμιλος.* These verses of Euripides in the *Bacchae*, 124: *Βυρσότονον κύκλωμα τόδε Μοι Κορύβαντες εὗρον. Ἀνὰ δὲ βακχείᾳ συντόνῳ Κέρασαν ἁδυβόᾳ Φρυγίων Αὐλῶν πνεύματι ματρός τε Ῥέας εἰς χέρα θῆκαν Καλλίκτυπον εὔασμα Βακχᾶν.*

Col. 531 A 14. *Οὐδὲν ἐν ἀθανάτοισι*, etc. This verse, incomplete and mutilated, varies much in the manuscripts: *Οὐδὲν ἐν ἀθανάτοισι θεείη ποτὲ δῖα μάταιον.* 465 and 468. *θέο ποτέ*, 466. Vigerus retained the text of Rob. Stephanus, correcting this verse. See his note. I believe it should be read *θεοῖς ποτε δῖα μάταιον*, which is found in most manuscripts; from that this verse will emerge: *Οὐδὲν ἐν ἀθανάτοισι θεοῖς ποτε δῖα μάταιον.* Which, however, D. Lobeck disapproves, in *Aglaopham.*, p. 225.

Ibid. *Ψυχή*. Concerning the threefold division of the soul, according to Plato, see him in the ninth book of the *Republic*, p. 506 of the Lyons edition. Above, our author understands the threefold face of Hecate by the phases of the moon.

Col. 532 B 2. *Ἀλογίζεται*, 451. Ibid. 5. *Λογιστοῖς βεβαία*, Vossius. Ibid. 10. *Μήτι ὀνομάσῃ*, 466. Ibid. C 1. *Ὑπακούσαιεν*, 465. Col. 533 A 2. *Μῦθος*, 466. Ibid. 5. *Βυθοσκοπέλους*, 466. Ibid. 7. *Σταχυητρόφα*, 466. Ibid. 9. *Ἀστραπήν*, Voss. Ibid. B 14. *Θυσίαις. Παρουσίαις*, 465, correctly. Ibid. C 2. *Καί*, 466, for *ὡς*. Ibid. 11. *Πειθανάγκαις*, 465, 466. The words *ἀνάγκη* and *πειθανάγκη*, used in pagan magic, are worthy of attention. Vigerus refrained from explaining them in his observations: it is fitting to fill his gaps. Nothing is more known than the evocations by which deities were led down from heaven to earth. The *Pharmaceutria* of Theocritus, the eighth Eclogue of Virgil, the Epode of Horace to Canidia, and the Elegies of Propertius and Tibullus are sufficient to prove this, and readers hold their memory well enough that it is not necessary to bring them forward. I will bring forward a less known passage of Lucan in which the sense of the *Πειθανάγκη* [persuasive-necessity] rites is best explained. Book VI, v. 492: *Quis labor hic superis cantus herbasque sequendi Spernendique timor? Cujus commercia pacti Obstrictos habuere deos? Parere necesse est; An juvat? ignota tantum pietate merentur, An tacitis valuere minis? hoc juris in omnes Est illis superos; an habent hæc carmina certum Imperiosa Deum, qui mundum cogere, quidquid Cogitur ipse, potest? illis et sidera primum Præcipiti deducta polo: Phœbeque serena Non aliter, diris verborum obsessa venenis Palluit, et nigris terrenisque ignibus arsit, Quam si fraterna prohiberet imagine tellus Insereretque suas flammis cœlestibus umbras. Et patitur tantos cantu depressa labores, Donec suppositas propior despumet in herbas.*

The mystical words among the Greeks are: *Ἕλκειν, θέλγειν, γοητεύειν*; among the Latins: *Devocare, deducere, deripere*. The Egyptians and Chaldeans also had mysteries of this kind. The Thessalians were especially skilled in the art of evocation: *... novi quo Thessala cantu Eripiat lunare jubar; quid signa sagacis Ægypti valeant; qua gens Chaldæa vocatis Imperet arte deis.* (Claudianus, *In Rufinum*, I, 147.)

When, however, Thessaly had greater commerce with Greece and Rome, from there are said to have arisen magic and evocations. *Θετταλὴ πειθανάγκη* was an accepted term. Zosimus, l. I, c. 21: *Τῇ Θετταλικῇ λεγομένῃ πειθανάγκῃ χρησάμενος ἐκπέμπει κατὰ τὴν Παιονίαν Δέκιον*: "Philippus, when he had consulted the Thessalian *peithanancia* [persuasive-necessity], sent Decius into Paeonia." Eunapius in *Vita Chrysanthii*, p. 90, Commelin edition: *Οἱ πεμφθέντες στρατιῶται μετὰ τιμῆς τὴν θετταλικὴν ἐπῆγον ἀνάγκην*.

In an anonymous fragment cited by Suidas at the word *πειθανάγκη*: *«Καὶ εἶξα τῇ θετταλικῇ πειθανάγκῃ κτείνας τὸν ἐμαυτοῦ δέσποτα.»* "I yielded to the Thessalian *peithanancia* by killing my master." Cicero indicates the magical origin of this word in the thirteenth epistle of the ninth book *ad Atticum*: "But I do not fear the *γοητείαν* [sorcery] of this man so much as the *πειθανάγκην*. For the requests of tyrants, says Plato, know that they are mixed with constraints."

Psellus, *De oper. dæmon.*, p. 62 Gaulmin: *Μὴ θέλων δὲ ἐξενεγκεῖν τὸ ἀπόῤῥητον, ὅμως τὴν λαχανικὴν (θετταλικήν) πεπονθὼς ἀνάγκην, τ' ἀληθὲς ἐξεῖπε.* This word had come into common parlance to signify urban violence. Clement of Alexandria, in *Protrepticus*, p. 52: "The Magi claim to have demons as servants of their impiety, inscribing them among their domestics, transmuting them into forced slaves: *Κατηναγκασμένους δούλους*."

The result of these evocations was signified by *Ἐπιφάνεια* [appearance] or by *Προσέγγισις* [approach]. The same Psellus, p. 83: *ὥσπερ καὶ παρ' Αἰγυπτίοις τὰς προσεγγίσεις ἐποιοῦντο φωναῖς Αἰγυπτíαις, καὶ δὴ καὶ τὰ παρ' Ἀρμενίαις δαιμόνια καὶ ἀλλαχόσε, εἰ ἀπιόντα τύχοι, τῇ γλώσσῃ τούτων ὡς περιφανεῖ κατ' αὐτὰ χρῶνται.* "Just as, among the Egyptians, the apparitions are made through the use of Egyptian words, so, among the Armenians and elsewhere, demons use the vernacular language so that they may appear." Hecate especially, or the moon, of which she is the symbol, these summoners sought to bring down. Hesychius: *Δειπεῖρα διὰ φαρμάκων εἰώθασί τινες ἐπάγειν τὴν Ἑκάτην ταῖς οἰκίαις.* Thus Lobeck reads, *Aglaopham.*, p. 223, and renders it *persecutrix* [pursuer]: whom see.

Ibid. D 1. Synesius in *Tractatu de Somniis*, p. 147: "Besides that it is unworthy for a god to descend to a mode of acting of this kind, as it seems to me, he ought to abhor being subject to the expected commands of someone, so that he appears as if unwilling, and driven and moved by levers: this violence is of such a sort that, even among men, a legislator would not leave such a thing unpunished."

Plotinus, *Ennead.* IV, lib. IV, c. 40, p. 434, discusses many things about incantations. "Neither desire nor reason," he says, "are enticed by music (incantation), but the irrational mind: which is not at all to be wondered at. Indeed, it aids the demons to be conquered by those who in [...]

incantations are used, even if they do not seek this: because what is overcome in them, by the allurements of incantation, is neither intelligence nor perception. He says elsewhere: "These natures of demons are overcome by magic and incantations: hence it is constant in them to possess an irrational soul composed of parts and material." ^A Nicephorus Gregoras, in his commentary on the Tractate on Dreams of Synesius, p. 402, brings forward all the verses of the oracle of Hecate included in this chapter.

Col. 333 D 1. For ἀπείριτος, "infinite," manuscript 451 has ἀειρίτος. It must be admitted, however, that Nicephorus Gregoras has the printed reading ἀπείριτος.

Col. 336 A 1. Ἕαδε, 465, 466.

Ibid. 3. These verses, likewise cited by Nicephorus, are read on p. 361.

Ibid. 6. These two verses are read in various ways by various authors, and they raise several difficulties: they are presented thus by our author and by Nicephorus on Synesius, p. 402:

Τίπτε μ' ἀεὶ θέωντος ἀπ' αἰθέρος ὧδε χατίζων Τίπτε μὲ κικλήσκεις, 451, ὧδε χατίζω, 466. Θειοδάμοις 'Εκάτην μὲ θεὴν ἐκάλεσσας. Θείο δόμοις, Theodoret., καλέσας, 451.

Ibid. 7. Καλέσας, 451.

Ibid. 10. Nicephorus Gregoras, in the Tractate on Dreams of Synesius, p. 160: "They say the *iynges* is a bird that moves its tail, which they use in magic incantations to induce love: it was once a woman who was changed, as the fable stated, into this bird by Juno, because she had been an assistant to the loves of Jupiter, having employed magic means. Others say the *iynges* is a most melodious cithara, so that by this name is designated everything that is sweet and pleasant." The scholiast of Theocritus, on verse 17 of the second idyll, tells more about the *iynx*: "The *iynx*, he says, was a bird consecrated to Venus, whence magicians contend that it is present in their incantations. Pindar uses this word in the same sense as love; and Aristotle, in the Treatise on the Parts of Animals, describes this bird. This, he says, is smaller than a finch (*spiza*) or... which the Romans call *motacillam* (tail-mover), because it incessantly moves its neck or tail. Callimachus says the *iynx* took its origin from Echo, whom Jupiter had bewitched so that he might inflict force upon her; so that Juno changed her into this bird, which they use in incantations." The first verse is read as follows: Τοὺς μὲν ἀπειρήτοις ἐρύων ΰξιν ἀπ' αἴθρης. Ἀπειρήτοις brings difficulty to this passage. Vigerus observes that Father Petavius, p. 363, in the scholia on Synesius, translates as if it were ἀπειρίτοις, as in the first oracle: he keeps ἀπειρήτοις, which Hesychius explains by *ineffable*, *unutterable*.

Ibid. 12. Ἀήται, 451, for ἀήταις. ^B Ibid. 15. Ἀεικέα. Thus 466; shortly after Ἔργων for ἕρδων, the same.

Ibid. B 5. Ἐπημύσαντες, 451.

Ibid. 6. Μῶμοι, 451.

Ibid. 7. Ἐσόμενα ὑποφῆτορες Voss.

Ibid. C 5. Ἀγάγω, 466.

Col. 337 B 13. Τίπτ' ἐπίδ. I think this text has been inverted. What does a complaint sent to a god by his worshipper mean, when it ought to show that the gods are captured by the power of the incantations by which they are caught? I read therefore: Τί μ' ἐπιδευόμενοι δηρόν, βροτοί, αἰκίζεσθε; "Why, lacking me for so long, mortals, do you torment [me]?" it is understood: by holding me.

Ibid. 15. Σαώσας. I read σαῶσα for σαώσας: which mutation is demanded by τὸ ἔρχομαι, I approach, I arrive.

Col. 338 B 8. These are of Eusebius, not Porphyry.

Ibid. C 11. Δοχέα. Aglaophamus of Lobeck, p. 108: "Guest of the divine power and interpreter" is called Δοχεύς. Proclus in the *Cratylus*, p. 106: "The theurgies command to purify the callers and the receivers." On this the Oracles speak much ^C of Porphyry, just as if he were inspired by a song, he might suddenly fall, boil, prophesy, and so that the god might again be restored to heaven with the linen fillets removed, to himself.

Col. 340 A 2. The text of this oracle is very corrupt. Vigerus, proposing μίγα for μέγα λύετε, which is most incorrect, is the author of an excellent invention, but manuscript 451 indicates to us a far different reading, which is difficult to restore; for Ναϊάδες, he reads ὧδε, and, for μέγα λύετε φοῖσον, he reads μεγάλητό τε φοῖσον, which seems to conform to the meter of the verse, but does not truly offer an understanding of the sense.

Ibid. D 2. Delete καί.

Col. 341 B 9. This passage is found in chapter 7; although it is more contracted, it is nothing other than a new presentation of the verses of Euripides, in the *Iphigenia in Tauris*, p. 380:

Τὰ τῆς θεοῦ δὴ μέμφομαι σοφίσματα· Ἥτις, βροτῶν μὲν, ἤν τις ἅψηται φόνου, Ἢ καὶ λοχείας ἢ νεκροῦ θίγῃ χεροῖν, Βωμῶν ἀπείργει, μυσαρὸν ὡς ἡγουμένη· Αὐτὴ δὲ θυσίαις ἥδεται βροτοκτόνοις.

Col. 344 A 9. I read ἀκούων for τὸ ἀκοῦον: thus, in the *Mysteries of the Egyptians*, by Iamblichus, where this letter is explained and refuted, it is read on p. 154 of Galen’s edition, which alone survives.

Ibid. 13. Many arguments, from Greek and Latin writers, affirm and most pugnaciously show that there was efficacy in magic in words without sense, which Porphyry rejects. Our author has already, in the first chapter of the fourth book, spoken of the prodigies which happen through certain incantations, in uttering words without sense and barbarian: "With some meaningless and barbarian utterance." Origen, *Against Celsus*, book 1, p. 19, and book 5, p. 261, Cambridge ed., contends against Celsus that common words had efficacy in magic acts. Irenaeus, *Against Heresies*, 1, 18: "But others cast about Hebrew names so that they may be for astonishment, and may terrify those who are being initiated; thus, *basyma*, *cacabasa*, etc." Nicephorus Gregoras, in his commentary on the *Tractate on Dreams* of Synesius, p. 362: "As regards the words which they utter, warning that these barbarian words should not be changed, they are names given to each by God (*theodota*), the force of which is ineffable in the mysteries of Sabaoth, Adonai, Cherubim, Seraphim, Abraham, Isaac, Jacob, which, he says, lose all power and virtue when they are translated into the Greek language, according to the wise Origen." He brings forward a certain passage of Asclepius to this effect. To leave the writers of the Church, we will name first Pausanias in the first book of the *Eliaca*, c. 27: "There are Hierocaesarea and Hypepa in Lydia, two temples which have within a closed small shrine, in which is an altar covered with ash similar to all ashes. The Magus, entering into this ^D shrine, places wood on the altar, covers his head with a tiara, invokes in a barbarian language, which the Greeks do not understand, I do not know what god, reads incantations from a book, and the wood is ignited without fire." These superstitious remedies are not wanting to physicians, that is, they bring forward words (Alexandrian Trallianus, book XI, p. 198 R. Steph.) for an antidote for gout, they order words to be written on golden or bronze leaves without sense, which they recite; sometimes they use Hebrew words *Iao, Sabaoth*, to the same end, or even verses of Homer. See likewise Marcellus, *On Empirical Medicines*, cap. 21; finally, one can read Pliny in book xxvii, cap. 2, under this title: "Whether there is some power in words for healing."

Ibid. C 7. The text has εἰ δ' οὐ παρέται, which is a mere solecism and cannot be borne; for if indeed there is some uncertainty about the use of the negation *ou* and *me*, *ou* is never used in structures with a condition in the protasis and *me* in the apodosis, but everywhere it is necessary *ei me... ouk an*; it must therefore be corrected to *ou*, for which I read *oun*, which is of assistance to the sense, so obscure that the Latin of P. Vigerus cannot be understood.

^A we wonder, moreover, that he did not correct this error of language.

Col. 345 B 6. This oracle is cited by Nicephore Gregoras in his commentary on Synesius’ treatise *On Dreams*, p. 561: it begins with *oude telei* instead of *alla telei*.

Ibid. 14. I have followed the reading of the manuscripts 465 and 466, which Nicephore Gregoras gave in Synesius *On Dreams*, p. 361, instead of *kai athroas* of the editors and other manuscripts.

Col. 352 A 1. The Delphic oracle, celebrated under the name of Apollo, had first been Themis’s: Strabo, book IX, p. 422, citing Ephorus, reports that Apollo founded the Delphic oracle together with Themis for the benefit of mortals. Apollodorus, book I, c. 4, § 3, says that Apollo came to Delphi, where the oracle belonged to Themis, while Themis was prophesying at that time.

Pindar in *Pyth.* xi, v. 15: "That she might intone the sacred law of Themis and Pytho and the earth-center’s straight-judging truth, at the late edge of evening;" where the scholiast observes: "The oracle belonged to Themis, whence also the [word] *themisteuein* [to act as judge/prophet]." This etymology of the verb *themisteuein*, which refers back to the oracles given by Themis, is again brought forward by Harpocration from Lysias in his *Oration on Abortion*: "The name originated from [the fact that] Themis once held the oracle before the Sun. Before Apollo," says the *Etymologicum Magnum*, bringing forward the same passage, with the following verse: "I do not consult you; get thee out of the beautiful temple." This verse is recited in a certain oracle by Aelian, *Historical Diversions*, III, 43 and 44; Simplicius also cites it, ad Epictet., c. 37, p. 81 of the Venice edition of 1528.

In Ovid, Deucalion ^B consults the oracle of Themis after the flood: "There, where Deucalion (for the sea had covered all things else), With his bed-fellow, reached [the land] carried in a small boat; They adore the Corycian nymphs and the deities of the mountain And the prophetic Themis, who then possessed the oracles." (Metam. I, 318.)

Plutarch in his treatise *On the Cessation of Oracles* (421, 21), cited above by Eusebius, c. v, p. 188, said that Apollo, while he was in exile after the death of Python, had entrusted to Themis the oracle which he afterwards resumed, "having returned and taken back the oracle which was for a time guarded by Themis." The same author, in his treatise *On the Malignity of Herodotus*, p. 860, accusing him of fault for blaming the Delphic oracle of falsehood to favor certain men, adds: "Which indeed sits very well with the oracle that shared with Themis, fitting for one said to co-prophesy with Themis."

Orpheus in hymn 78, addressing Themis, said: "She first introduced pure divination among men, in the Delphic cave; she gave judgment to the gods on the Pythian stone, while she ruled in these places; for she taught King Phoebus (the *anax*) to adapt justice to the laws; [hence] *themisto-sunas*." On the word *anax* added to Apollo, see V. Biagi, *Monumenta Naniana*, p. 159. However, to these traditions can be added those which contend that the same oracle belonged to Earth (Tellus) before it was Themis’s.

Pausanias, *Phocica*, c. 5: "They say that originally this oracle belonged to Earth, and that the first prophetess of it, Daphnis, gave oracles under the inspiration of Earth. It is also said that Neptune possessed this oracle along with Earth, and while Earth herself was giving oracles, he gave his own [through] the mouth of Pyrcon, his attendant." Which is indeed confirmed by these verses: "And straightway they declared the wise word of the Earth-born one, And with [him] Pyrcon, attendant of the famed Earth-shaker."

"Afterwards, he continues, Earth conceded her portion to Themis, who gave it gratis (*dorean*) to Apollo. But Neptune would not yield his part unless he received [in exchange] the Calaurian oracle, situated ^C near Troezen; which place afterwards became famous through the death of Demosthenes."

Aelian, *Historical Diversions*, book III, c. 1, said that Earth possessed the oracle when Apollo killed Python.

Hyginus, fab. 140, says that this Python himself was the one by whose mouth Earth used to speak the oracles.

At the beginning of the *Eumenides*, Aeschylus narrates the changes of this oracle: "I reverence Earth first in my prayers, the first prophetess (*protomantis*), then Themis, who sat second after her mother on this prophetic throne, as the story goes; third, a certain Titaness occupied it, easily and without force: another daughter of Earth, Phoebe by name, obtained the same seat, which she gave to Phoebus as a birthday gift... therefore the fourth occupied this throne, and Loxias is the prophet of his father Jove."

The scholiast on this passage observes that Pindar says Apollo took possession of this oracle by force. The lines 210 of the *Prometheus* seem to place Earth after Themis: "But to me my mother, not once only, [is] Themis And Earth, one form of many names, Proclaimed beforehand what was to be, and how it should be fulfilled."

Apollo gave oracles sitting on the tripod of Themis, says Euripides in *Orestes*, v. 164: "Unjustly, Since on the tripod of Themis, Loxias gave judgment For my mother."

Finally, the same author puts forth a peculiar opinion in the chorus of *Iphigenia in Tauris*, 1235, which is somewhat obscure. He said that Apollo, still a child, was brought from the island of Delos to Parnassus where a dragon was ruling the oracle of Earth: "Where the many-colored, wine-eyed dragon, Shaded with dense-leaved laurel, Watched the Earth’s monstrous creature, The subterranean oracle."

"While still at a tender age, in the arms of your dearest Mother, you killed him, O Phoebus, and you took possession of The divine oracles and sat upon the golden tripod, Pouring forth oracles to mortals, and ruling in the adyta."

"But after he had expelled from the dwelling Themis, the daughter of Earth, and from the oracles brought by divine spirit, Earth created phantoms, born from dreams, which predicted to most mortals what was to be first and afterwards, evolving the dreams which Earth injects into those sleeping. Thus to avenge her daughter, she stripped Phoebus of all honor for predictions; but the king (*anax*) with nimble feet, rushed into Olympus, wrapped his childish arms around the throne of Jove (entreating him) that he might liberate the Delphic temple from the anger of Earth and the voices of the night. The god laughed, because his son wished to keep the worship obtained by gold, shook his locks, put to flight the nocturnal dreams, removed from mortals the visions seen through dreams, and restored Loxias to his former honors, so that sitting on the usurped throne he might dare to give his own oracles to mortals through poets."

Ibid. A 8. Vigerus thought it useful to explain in his notes the geographical difficulty by which the narrows of Didyme and the waters of Mycale are confused: for Didyme is situated in the territory and vicinity of Miletus, a city of Ionia, as we have explained; clearly Mycale is situated in Caria: the reason for this is that it was falsely believed that the Alpheus, a river of Elis, mixed its waters with the fountain of Arethusa in Sicily. "Just as you, when you glide beneath the Sicanian waves, May Doris not mix her bitter current." Thus the Mycalean fountain, after it had led its waters into the sea of Caria, was believed to cross over and emerge not far from Branchidae. Pausanias brings forward this opinion in the first *Eliacs*, c. 7, p. 391 of the edition.

[D. SEGUIERI A S. BRISSONE NOTÆ.] Kuhn, who affirms this as a matter about which there is least doubt. Col. 352 B 13. *Δημόκριτος εὐχόμενος εὐλόγων εἰδώλων τυγχάνειν*. He hints at the philosophical system of Democritus, which is understood by few, especially the copyists of the codices. The text of Eusebius and all the codices have *εὐλόγων*; the same error occurs in Sextus Empiricus *adv. Math.*, book IX, 19: “Democritus says that certain images approach men, and that of these, some are beneficent, and others malevolent; hence also he prays to obtain beneficent images: these are great and supernatural.” It is surprising that Fabricius did not delete this error corrected by Davies, in his notes to Cicero, *De Natura Deorum* I, 43. The present passage and the one read at the beginning of the *Life of Aemilius* show clearly that Plutarch’s reading must be preferred. Cicero (l.l.) mocked this philosophy: “All of which things are indeed more worthy of Democritus’s fatherland than of Democritus.” In the sixteenth epistle of the fifteenth book of *Ad Familiares*, he derides Cassius the Epicurean regarding this doctrine; he complains of his silence when he had written three letters to him, and adds: “For it happens, I know not how, that while you seem to be present in person, when I write something to you...: nor is this ‘according to the phantasy of images’ as your new friends say, who think that even intellectual phantasies can be explained by Catanian specters.” But even if eyes could be struck by these specters, because they actually occur: how the mind can be, I do not see. You will have to teach me when you have arrived safely, whether it is in my power that your specter, as soon as it pleases me to think of you, should appear. He touches upon this again in epistle 19 to the same person, and in the fourth of book II *Ad Atticum*; *De Divinatione* 2, 67; see Aulus Gellius V, 16.

Col. 560 D 1. *Ἡρακλεῖδαι*. Viger sends the reader to his own observations where he said more extensively, he says, about the Heraclidae. Since those observations have not been published, it is necessary to supply the investigations of this editor, who did not inquire widely, if you judge from this passage, which is more corrupt than almost any part of that book. Let us attempt to supply it. Few parts of Greek history are as obscure as the return of the Heraclidae into the Peloponnesus; nothing remains from the books of historians who, like Ephorus and Pherecydes, had written about it (purposely). Diodorus Siculus spoke of it in the sixth book which has not reached us; from citations scattered here and there it is only possible to form a context of narratives that are most imperfect and especially strongly conflicting among themselves. Such is not my purpose in this digression; I wish only to explain how the names cited by Oenomaus ought to be written and what should be thought of the deeds of the men who are designated by those names. The first man is Aristomachus, the son of Arideus. One would seek in vain for the name of Arideus in any of the writers who gave the genealogy of the descendants of Hercules, and without doubt this name must be corrected. The son of Hyllus, grandson of Hercules, is named variously in Diodorus, Strabo, Pausanias, Herodotus: Cleodeos, Cleodaos, Cleodemos, Cleadatos. Herodotus in book VI, 52; VII, 204; VI, 131, reads Cleodaius *Κλεοδαῖος*, and Valckenaer, in the first place, defends this reading which seems to me altogether to be preferred. I therefore read *Ἀριστόμαχος Κλεοδαίου*. This is also the opinion brought forward by Heyne in *Apollodorus* II, 8, 2. After Aristomachus comes his son Temenus; there is nothing doubtful about his name, the fourth among the grandsons of Hercules. Aristomachus left three sons. The leaders of the recovery of the empire were Temenus, Cresphontes, Aristodemus, of whom Hercules had been the great-grandfather (Velleius Paterculus, I, 11). The writing *Τήμενος*, which some, relying on the authority of certain MSS, wished to restore in Velleius, is rejected by most. This aggression was the fourth. Hyllus had attacked twice: first after the defeat and death of Eurystheus (Apollodorus, II, 8, § 1), when he had taken possession of the Peloponnesus, from which he departed one year later on account of a pestilence which had depopulated that region. When he attacked the second time, he himself fell (Diodorus, VI, 58), and his son returned to Tricorythus or Tricorynthus, a city of Attica.

Later, Aristomachus, having returned to his plan of again bringing the Peloponnesus under his power, consulted the oracle of Apollo, who deceived him with the use of the word *στενωπόν*, which he interpreted as the isthmus, and he was killed in the third aggression. Three brothers undertook the fourth aggression, led by the same oracle, which they interpreted in various ways; that is, they took counsel to cross the strait, feigning that they were choosing a land route; to accomplish which counsel they pitched camp between Naupactus and Eupalium (see Polyen *Strategemata*, book I, c. 9); which reading I will explain below. Then Hippotes, the son of Phylas, killed the seer Carnus: Apollo, being enraged, destroyed the fleet, sent a plague into the army, and killed Aristodemus. This death of Aristodemus is narrated differently. Pausanias, in *Laconia*, says that he perished at Delphi before he had undertaken his plan; others, according to the same author, say that he was struck by the arrows of Apollo himself, because he had not consulted him (Pausanias *ibid.*). But from a more veracious version, he says, Aristodemus was killed by the sons of Pylades and Electra, who were cousins of Tisamenus, the son of Orestes (Pausanias *ibid.*). Be that as it may, this expedition turned out badly, if indeed it was undertaken; nevertheless, according to the Lacedaemonian tradition related by Herodotus, VI, 52, it was not so, and Aristodemus reigned at Sparta. But, with Herodotus admitting it, the Lacedaemonians contradict all the poets, that is to say the historians of this age, *ὁμολογέοντες οὐδενὶ ποιητῇ*. Although Xenophon in his praise of Agesilaus and Velleius Paterculus in the passage cited above seem to lean toward this opinion, all with one voice prove it false: Apollodorus, Pausanias, Strabo. And if Paulmier de Grantemesnil, in his notes to Pausanias, affirms that Oenomaus, cited by Eusebius, said that he, Aristodemus, died in the Peloponnesus, he speaks thus because he understood it wrongly, as we hope to show, as did almost everyone who used the passage in question. However, a new grandson of Hercules appears in that expedition of Aristodemus. It reads: *Καὶ διακοντίζει Κάρνον Ἱππότην φύλανδρον τὸν Αἰτωλόν*, when it ought to read (as in MSS 451): *Καὶ δὴ ἀκοντίζει Κάρνον Ἱππότης ὁ Φύλαντος τὸν Αἰτωλόν*. Hippotes, son of Phylas, kills Carnus the Aetolian. This correction has already been indicated by Henricus Valesius, *Emendationes*, book III; Kuhn, *On Pausanias*, III, 13, p. 258; Simson, *Chronological Canon* year 2901. Apollodorus defends this correction, book II, 8, 2, “*Ἱππότης ὁ Φύλαντος τοῦ Ἀντιόχου τοῦ Ἡρακλέους*.” The Scholiast on Theocritus, *Idyll* 5, v. 83, “Carnus the seer followed the Heraclidae, prophesying things unclear to them, whom one of the Heraclidae, having turned aside, Hippotes by name, struck with a spear and killed.” Pausanias, “...prophesying from Apollo, after killing this man, the son of Hippotes, son of Phylas, the wrath of Apollo fell upon the camp of the Dorians.” From this Carnus and the satisfaction which the Dorians gave to Apollo on account of the death of him whom he favored, begin the Carnean feasts, in honor of this god. The same scholiast: “Carnea, a festival of Apollo Carneius from a certain Carnus,” and so forth. Oenomaus, as will be seen, says the same. Pausanias in the same place: “It is established for all the Dorians to worship Carnean Apollo from Carnus.” Enough about Carnus: let us attempt to explain what has been said about his killer, Hippotes, son of Phylas, son of Antiochus, son of Hercules. We see [that he was] born from a different line than that of Hyllus, Cleodaius, Aristomachus, [and] Temenus, of which we have spoken up to this point, [as it] offers such great difficulties regarding his lineage that he...

^A should, according to Reinesius, be considered his great-grandfather, a king of Ephyra or of the Dryopes, and the father of Midea, from whom Antiochus was born. (See his 24th letter to Rupertus, p. 88, where he corrects his error.) In a fragment of the 4th book of Diodorus Siculus, which is cited again in book 1 of the *Praeparatio Evangelica*, we read that Hercules, having captured the daughter of Phylas and had relations with her, fathered a son named Antiochus by her. In that same author, it is stated that this Phylas, king of the Dryopes, committed sacrilege in the Delphic temple; that Hercules fought against him with the Melians, drove the Dryopes from the region, which he gave to his allies, and, having captured his daughter, etc.

Pausanias, in listing the names of the eponymous heroes of the Athenian tribes (Attica, book 1, c. 5), says that the tribe Antiochide took its name from the son of Hercules. Demosthenes says the same in *In Eubulidem* (p. 2399): "The Antiochidae did not mention that Antiochus was a son of Heracles." His mother was called Midea; Pausanias teaches us this as well, in the same place and in *Phocica* c. 10. Among the statues that were set up from the tenth of the Marathonian spoils at Delphi, "there was also Antiochus, who was born to Heracles from Midea, the daughter of Phylas." But the indications concerning Antiochus are complicated by the fact that the other daughter of Phylas (or Phyleus), the king of Ephyra, named Astyoche, bore a son by Hercules, Tlepolemus.

Hercules, says Apollodorus (book 2, c. 7), waged war against the inhabitants of Calydon and into Thesprotia, and having captured the city of Ephyra, of which Phylas was king, he had relations with his daughter, who gave him Tlepolemus. Diodorus Siculus says the same in book IV, § 36. Pindar, in his seventh Olympian ode, while praising Tlepolemus, says that he was born from Astydamia, daughter of Amyntor, whose scholiast details the genealogy thus: Hyperochus, Eurypylus, Ormenus, Pheres, Amyntor, though he does not designate the region in which they lived. Ormenus, son of Cercaphus, grandson of Aeolus, was the father of Amyntor and the great-grandfather of Phoenix (Strabo, book IX, p. 458). But Tlepolemus is more prominent because Homer sings of him; after he had accidentally killed his great-uncle Licymnius, as Homer relates (*Iliad* B, 660), before the departure of the Heraclidae from Argos—"before he went out from the Peloponnese" (Apollodorus 2.8)—he retreated to Rhodes, where he became king, and alone among the sons of Heracles he took part in the Trojan War, and fell, struck by the missiles of Sarpedon (*Iliad* E, v. 656).

Yet, to return to Antiochus and his offspring, observe this table inscribed by Reinesius in the aforementioned letter to Rupertus: Phylas, king of the Dryopes. Midea and Hercules. Antiochus. Phylantes. Hippotes, father of Aletes, king of Corinth. Phylas or Phyleus, king of Ephyra. Astyoche and Hercules. Polyxo and Tlepolemus, from whom [comes] The child orphaned of his parent: "Polyxo being left with the orphaned child." (Pausanias, *Laconica* 19, p. 259.) ^B

Hippotes departed from the camp of the Greeks after having been given the method to appease the god who was angered by the death of the Acarnanian prophet, says Pausanias (III, 13), in place of Aetolus: from him was born a son, to whom he gave the name Aletes in remembrance of his own wandering life, and who became the head of the line of Corinthian kings. (Pausanias, *Corinthiaca* c. 4, and a fragment of the sixth book of Diodorus Siculus, p. 635, in Wesseling.)

Col. 360 D 9. *Στενυγρῷ*, etc. There is uncertainty regarding the accent; the obscurity of the oracle, which arises from the use of the word *στενυγρὸς*, must be explained by us. This word, peculiar to the Ionic dialect and familiar to Hippocrates, signifies, according to Galen (*Commentary on Epidemics*, 1. VI, p. 457, vol. V of the Basel edition), "contracted into a narrow space." *Στενογρῶσαι* is the opposite of *εὐρυναι*, he says; and therefore it is necessary to pronounce the second syllable without an aspiration, for the word *ὑγρὸν* plays no part in its composition, contrary to what one might believe if one were ignorant of the Ionic usage of employing *στενυγρὸν* for *στενὸν*. A sufficiently clear argument is provided by this passage of Simonides: "Never did any man who had met alone With a lion or a leopard in the thick-wooded mountains, As when he encountered it in the narrow mountain-pass."

Erotianus, on the other hand, says that this word comes from *ὑγρὰ*: "To be *στενυγρῶσαι*," he says, "is to make narrow and to compress a certain place in which there is humidity." ^C

From wherever it comes, it provides senses not very different; and Aristomachus was in error in being unsure whether he should adapt it to the isthmus, which is narrow, or to the strait, which is likewise narrow. If, however, Heraclides had thought that *ὑγρὸν* was present in the composition of this word, it is probable that he would have immediately shifted his mind to the sea.

Mullerius (*De Doribus*, vol. I, p. 57) saw in that oracle a certain fragment of a tragic iambic [verse], published instead of the hexameter verses of the oracle; he persuaded himself of this because *εὐρυγάστορα* cannot be used in a dactylic verse. D. Lobeck, who thinks one should read *ἐριγάστορα* (*Aglaophamus*, p. 852), disputes this.

Ibid. 12. *Τρίτος*. According to the narrative of Eusebius, or rather Oenomaus, this appears to me to be the fourth. Hyllus was killed by Echemus, king of the Tegeans, in the second expedition which he undertook. (*Diod. Sicul.* 1. IV, 58.)

What we have just read shows that Cleodaeus had likewise engaged [in battle]; however, Oenomaus alone relates an expedition undertaken by Cleodaeus under the name Aridaeus; he should have been deterred from this by the response given by the oracle, that three generations of men were destined to pass before they entered the Peloponnese (*Apollodor.*, l. l.). Writers who are ignorant of the oracle think that Hyllus had bound himself by a vow to it, that if he were defeated in single combat with Echemus, his people would not begin a war until after fifty years have passed, says Diodorus, *l. l.*; after a hundred, say Herodotus (IX, 26) and the scholiast on Thucydides, 1. 1, c. 12; from which it should have been deduced that this expedition was not earlier than the age of Aristomachus, who would *thus be* the second and not the third victim.

Ibid. 15. *Καὶ ὃς ἄλλο*, 465.

Col. 361 A 5. *Polyaenus*, *Stratag.*, book 1, c. 9: "Temenus, along with the other Heraclidae, intending to cross over to Rhium, sent the Locrian deserters to notify the Peloponnesians that they were anchored at Naupactus, as if intending to sail to Rhium, but in reality [intending] to cross through the isthmus: upon this matter being verified, the Peloponnesians gathered at the isthmus, and Temenus occupied Rhium without a fight." ^D

Ibid. 6. This passage, *Μέσου στρατοπεδεύεται ναυάτου καὶ τυπαίου*, is so difficult to understand that it is hard to conceive how Vigerus could have left it untouched. Nothing would have been easier than to change the first of these barbaric names. If one turns one's mind even slightly to the expedition of the Heraclidae, it seems that Naupactus was their citadel and port. Naupactus is so named, says Strabo (book IX, p. 427), because of the building of the ships, either [by] the Heraclidae who prepared their expedition there, or, according to Ephorus, [by] the Locrians before them. Apollodorus, 1. II, c. 8: "Temenus gathered his army and built ships in this place in Locris, which for this reason is now called Naupactus." Add Polyaenus to these. Suidas offers the same, saying that this city is situated in Aetolia. Pausanias, in *Phocica*, c. 58: "As for Naupactus, it does not escape me that it is said that the Aetolians, under the leadership of the sons of Aristomachus, prepared ships there with which they crossed into the Peloponnese." See the same in the first book of the *Eliaca*, c. 3.

^A It seems, therefore, that the correction of "Naupactam" lies in "Naupactum"; this correction was proposed by Kuhnius regarding the passage in Pausanias, in the first book of the *Eliaca*, c. 3; by H. Valesius, *Emend.*, I. 1, c. 3; and by Holstenius, on Stephanus of Byzantium, under the entry *Rhypai*. Valesius did not accede to the second part of the correction, regarding "Typaeum," which Kuhnius and Holstenius undertook with little success, in my judgment; I shall set forth what they thought ought to be substituted, and then I shall explain my own opinion.

Kuhnius thought he had found a certain Mount Typaeum in Elis and preserved the text, thinking that Oenomaus had this mountain in mind. But how is one permitted to go from Naupactus to a mountain in Elis by way of the Crisaean or Corinthian gulf? This is difficult to understand, and therefore Burmann, in a note on the *Emendations* of Valesius, says: "What Kuhnius noted regarding Typaeum would have been better left unsaid." Holstenius proposes the reading *Rhypaeum*.

For it is true that Rhypae is a city of Achaia, according to Stephanus of Byzantium, whose ruins Pausanias saw (*Achaica* 23) thirty stadia from Aegium. Herodotus mentions it before the inhabitants were expelled from there by the Achaeans; the cities designated by him are these: Pellene, Aegeira and Aegeae, Bura, Helice, Aegium, Rhypae, Patrae, Pharae, Olenus, Dyme, and Tritaeae. I would object, first, that it is never said that the Dorians arrived at Rhypaeum, but always at Rhium or Molychrion; from this there has arisen a great dispute whether Molychrion is situated in Achaia or in Aetolia; a matter which is, however, of little moment here. But if you are seeking something in Achaia as a substitute for *Typaeum*, one must read *of Rhium*. Indeed, Polyaenus, in the cited passage, defines it thus: "Some of those with Temenus quietly held Rhium." This matches what Pausanias says, in the first book of the *Eliaca*, c. 3: "This route was approved by Oxylus, and he immediately directed the fleet from Naupactus to Molychrion."

Aristides, *Against Plato*, folio 143 of the Florentine edition, 1517: "But, O strenuous one, why do you not also hold it as a charge against the Heraclidae that they did not enter the Peloponnese by land, but rather crossing from Rhium to Rhium?"

Nothing more certain is found among the scholiast of Nicander regarding the site of Rhypae on the southern or northern shore of the gulf—that is, in Aetolia or in Achaia—than what we read regarding Molychrion: specifically, at verse 214 of the *Theriaca*:

"Some near the Scironian mountains, the Pammonian heights, Rhypaeon, and the Corax crag, and the city Aselenus."

"The Rhypaei," he says, "Antigonus says belong to Achaia, since the Achaeans were also called Rhypaei; but it is of Aetolia, as Nicander, narrating about certain ones coming into Aetolia, says... 'And the barren hill and Rhypaeon of the bird [omen].'"

Although the scholiast has said these things, it would be in vain to look in Aetolia for the ruins which Pausanias saw in Achaia; and Nicander alone stands against Stephanus of Byzantium, Pausanias, and Strabo.

If one were to seek something in Achaia as a substitute for *Typaeum*, it would be, as it seems to me, *of Rhium*; which is also faulty, as I undertake to demonstrate. ^B We have seen that Temenus used a ruse: he directed his journey by sea, while pretending he wanted to proceed by land: "Having created the belief that he would enter by land," he pitched camp between Naupactus and...: "He camped between Naupactus and..." This ruse is pointed out by Polyaenus, cited above, and it completely confirms the meaning of this passage as I understand it; furthermore, to deceive, he pitches his camp—not, however, in the water, nor between Rhypaeum and Naupactus, nor between Rhium and Naupactus. Heyne saw this impossibility; and therefore, in his *Observationes in Apollodorum*, p. 203, he says, if you wish to accept the correction of *Typaeum* by Holstenius: "This must be sought in Aetolia, not in Achaia [as] Rhypae." We know, besides, that Nicander speaks about a mountain, but not about the city Rhypaeum, which cannot be found in Aetolia: no other can be there, as I think, except Eupalium. *Typaeum* will be changed very easily into *Eupalium*. Strabo, book x, p. 450: "The acquired territory Aetolia, which borders the Locrians as one goes toward Naupactus and Eupalium." Stephanus of Byzantium: "Eupalia, a city of Locris, which Artemidorus calls Eupalium; the ethnic name is Eupalieus." Titus Livius, 28: "[He] set out for the Erythrae of the Aetolians, which are near Eupalium." In Thucydides, III, 96 and 102, *Eupalium* is read, but the manuscripts cited by Duker have *Eupalium*. Moreover, the arguments brought by me show that this manner of writing is to be preferred to the other.

Col. 361. B 1. "Having killed our messenger, you wiped away the penalty." The use here of the verb *anamassomai*, which I have attempted to translate into French, is approved by Homer, *Odyssey* xix, 92:

"Doing a great deed which you will wipe away upon your own head."

Herodotus, 1, 455: "I did it, and I carry [the consequence], having wiped it away upon my own head."

Col. 364. B 13. Here allusion is made to that place in the life of Croesus, which Herodotus relates, book 1, c. 47: "When he had commanded these things to the Lydians, Croesus sent them so that they might test the oracles. They were to consult the oracle only on the hundredth day after they had set out from Sardis; they were to ask what the king of the Lydians, Croesus, the son of Alyattes, was doing at that time, and, having carefully noted whatever the oracle had said, they were to report it. We do not know the responses of the other oracles; where, however, the Lydians who were sent reached Delphi and entered the temple, they had scarcely questioned the god when the Pythia replied in hexameter verses: 'The bounds of the sea and the number of the sand do not escape me; the smell of a tortoise, boiled in a bronze cauldron with lamb’s flesh, covered by a hard shell, offends my nostrils; the bronze [is] below, the bronze [is] above.'"

Maximus Tyrius, in the 7th oration, § 6, p. 1597, also mocks these prophecies concerning sand, sea, and cauldron: "Would that I had been able to interrogate some oracle of Zeus or Apollo! My requests would have covered neither the cauldron of Croesus, the most foolish among kings and most unskilled of cooks, nor the measure of the sea, nor the number of the sand: I would have concerned myself least of all with these very burdensome questions."

The same, sermon xix, § 3: "God appears to know all things indiscriminately, whether beautiful or base, whether worthy of honor or contempt: let us use our tongue with favor for the sake of the honor of the gods. Certainly it is beautiful to know all things, such as the number of the sands or the measure of the sea, and to detect what is being cooked in the laughable cauldron of the Lydian king: without doubt, God reveals the truth to whoever questions, whether it will be useful to the one receiving the warning, or whether, out of perversity, the one receiving it is going to abuse it. I have amended the text near the end, and thus I read: 'Thus God declares the truth to all who are in need; whether or not it might be useful, even if the one who learns is unjust and will seek gain,' instead of 'whether it is useful.' This oracle is most frequently cited. See Suidas under the entry, *Croesus*."

Col. 365 A 9. He again alludes to the oracle recorded by Herodotus, book 1, 55: "When a certain mule has become master of the kingdom of the Medes, then, O Lydian, [you] with tender feet, flee toward the Hermus flowing over rocks: take care not to stay, nor be afraid of appearing cowardly." This mule was Cyrus, because he was born of a Persian father and a Median mother.

Ibid. B 8. I read *phoras* instead of *phoras*. The final signification of this word is provided for us by Ammonius Hermias in his *Aristotle's Categories*, page 171, on *Sabus*, verso: "Local motion is called *phora*." Which, in the writing of Oenomaus, cannot be accommodated in any way. The word *phora* (the rest of this page is missing).

meaning of *syskeuē* [preparation/machination], which is the name given by Christians to the book of Porphyry.

Col. 365 C16. *Klariē*. The temple and oracle of Apollo were at Claros, near Colophon, in Ionia. Pausanias, *Achaica*, ch. 3, p. 527: "The Colophonians," he says, "believe that the temple and oracle of Claros have existed from the earliest antiquity, from the time when the Carians held this region under their dominion." Tacitus, in book 11 of the *Annals*, speaks of Germanicus visiting the god of Claros and describes the manner in which the oracle’s responses were given. In Ovid’s *Metamorphoses*, Ceyx was setting out for Claros, when he was drowned in a shipwreck. "He prepares to go to the Clarian god..." (Metam. xi, 412).

Col. 368 A 2. This oracle, although most corrupt, was nonetheless restored by Holstenius in Porphyry’s *Commentary on the Life of Pythagoras*, p. 33, Kuster’s edition, written in trochaic verses: "In the land of Trachis is the garden of Heraclitus Possessing everything flourishing, gathered by all day long, ...Nor does it diminish, but is filled with waters continuously." Certain concepts regarding Trachis can be found in book VI, ch. 7. Do not confuse it with Tricca, *Trikkē*, a city where the oracles of Asclepius were, as at Epidaurus, in Cos, and at Pergamum, as Celsus says, cited by Origen, book III, ch. 3. *Panēmadon* is translated as "daily," according to the scholiast of Oppian, *Halieutica* III, v. 360: "The invited and the runaways gather daily." *Panēmadon* means "throughout the whole day."

Ibid. 6. Hesiod’s "sweat," v. 289, of *Works and Days*: "Before virtue, the gods have placed sweat." Socrates, according to Xenophon, *Memorabilia* book II, ch. 1, 20, kept this verse always on his lips: it is also cited by Plato, book IV *of the Laws*, p. 118. The Stoics, as Lucian writes (vol. I of the Hemsterhuys edition) frequently used it (p. 460): "continually stringing together those common verses of Hesiod about virtue, and the sweat, and the ascent to the summit."

Ibid. 14. "As if indeed being deprived of virtue." These words do not fit here. It is not apparent how virtue is destroyed by this common oracle. Should we not rather read *tis phthēns* [price of my worth], upon my pledge, the value of my gifts which are comprehended in the promises of the oracle?

Ibid. B 7. "The mangers in hope." This is a proverb; the manuscript scholiast, p. 451, says: "A proverb for those dreaming of something useful." A proverb for those who dream of some happiness. It is lacking in the collections of proverbs that we have.

Ibid. C 11. Here I will append a note of Holstenius regarding this oracle which is read on p. 33 of the *Commentary on the Life of Pythagoras* by Porphyry, Kuster edition. Nothing is more apt for the elucidation of the oracle: "I cannot but amend the oracle given to Oenomaus, cited in Eusebius, which the most learned interpreter left as hopeless; for it must be read: *En te toisin eumeleesin ēd' Achaiois to chreos* *Thēsetai to d' ektekmar [then] oude mikron hexetai.* For *eumelĕessin* must be substituted for the word of no meaning *eumeleesin*, as the sense of the passage manifestly shows, for Oenomaus mocks the oracle as inept and ill-timed, because when he himself had asked which people he should go to gain profit in trade, Apollo had replied 'among the *eumeleesin* (well-limbed) Achaeans,' that is, among the Achaeans who are well-proportioned in body. For if a sculptor or a painter had asked a master where he might rightly learn his art, he would not have answered badly with these words, since artists of such a kind especially seek what is well-proportioned in body, which they might imitate by sculpting or painting, which has nothing-to-do with profit and trade."

The following oracle, like the preceding one, consists of trochaic verses.

Ibid. 14. "And that which has been inferred will not gain even a little." This iambic, in which the oracle ends, requires no less elucidation than the first verses, which we have said are defective. The words "will not gain even a little" are put for the sake of interpretation, after those that precede: "nor indeed will it..."—the reading found in four of the five manuscripts we have used. The word *skomphyxetai*, which is written in various ways, appears nowhere; lacking the authority of lexicons, it can hardly be admitted by Eusebius.

Col. 369 B 3. That oracle was very famous. It is read in Herodotus, book VII, § 140; Clement of Alexandria, who cites certain verses from it in *Stromata* V, p. 728; Theodoret, in *Therapeutica*; Ammonius Hermiae, in his *Commentary on Aristotle’s treatise On Interpretation*, p. 108: "If the gods know future things, they know them certainly and determinately (horismenōs), such that this foreknowledge cannot be called imperfect. They know that only within the wooden wall can Athens be saved from the imminent barbarians; that divine Salamis will slay the sons of women; that Croesus, when he has crossed the river Halys, will overturn a great empire; and that Laius, when he becomes a father, will destroy his whole race." That oracle is also related by Ammianus Marcellinus, ch. 23. We read of dubious oracles which only the final event has distinguished, such as the credence of the Delphic prophecy... which he had obliquely intended for the Athenians to fight against the Medes by sea. It is also cited by Maximus of Tyre, Diss. 19, at the beginning, "Whether divination and free will can agree with each other." Philostratus, *Life of the Sophists* proem, p. 481; the scholiast of Lucian, *Jupiter Tragoedus*, vol. II, p. 12; Cornelius Nepos, in *Themistocles*; Justin, II, 12; Plutarch, in *Themistocles*; Dio Chrysostom, XXV, 6.

Ibid. C 15. *Ti kathēsthe*. The word *kathezomai* is used to signify the state of a suppliant. Sophocles, *Oedipus Rex*, v. 1: "O children, the new growth of ancient Cadmus, Why do you sit in these seats for me, Garlanded with suppliant branches?" *Iliad* A, v. 500, Thetis implores Jupiter for vengeance for her son’s death: "And she sat down before him, and took him by the knees." The same in Sophocles, *Oedipus at Colonus*, v. 1176: "They say a certain man is here, one who is not a citizen of yours, But having fallen as a kinsman, in some way He sits at the altar of Poseidon..." Oedipus: "Of what place? What do you seek at this seat? Who indeed would this be, sitting in this chair?" Ulysses, in *Odyssey* H, 153, as a suppliant enters the hall of Alcinous: "He sat at the hearth in the ashes." Themistocles, while seeking asylum with the king of the Molossians, Admetus, Thucydides, book I, ch. 136: "And having become a suppliant of his wife, he is taught by her to take their child and sit at the hearth."

Col. 372 A 5. That superstition, whereby it was believed that temples or the images concealed within them were sprinkled with sweat as a sign of great calamity, is counted by Virgil among the portents of Caesar’s death, *Georgics* book I, v. 480: "Indescribable! The rivers stand still, the earth opens wide, And the mournful ivory weeps in the temples." Apollonius Rhodius, IV, 1285: "Or whenever statues spontaneously flow, sweating With blood." Scholiast: "When any calamity was imminent, statues were accustomed to sweat; what happened in Thebes when Philip was preparing war against the Athenians, which the defeat at Chaeronea brought to an end."

[372 B] 8. This second oracle, which is likewise borrowed from Herodotus, is found in book vii, 141. There is a difficulty in the third verse not yet resolved: *Σοὶ δὲ τόδ’ αὖτις ἔπος ἐρέω ἀδάμαντι πελάσσας.* I have accepted the sense which Vigerus gave to the word *ἀδάμαντι*, "indomitable," by which Minerva is designated; on the occasion of this passage, Vigerus attacks Petavius, who in his edition of Synesius translated it (p. 368) as "approaching with adamant," for which interpretation he certainly could not have accounted to himself. Wesseling conjectures *πελάσσαν*, which would refer to the word *ἔπος*, from which its utterance would be understood to be compared to the strength of steel. Steel comes into use in this metaphorical sense among very many [authors]. Kuhn and Perizonius, in Aelian’s *Varia Historia*, book vi, c. 12, report several examples. D. Schweighäuser thinks nothing should be changed in the text preserved by Eusebius and Nicephorus Gregoras in Synesius, and translates: "causing the adamant to approach"—not very successfully, in my opinion, nor does Petavius [do so] otherwise.

[373 A] 8. Here he alludes to Themistocles, who had used the words *θείη Σαλαμίς* to induce the Athenians to leave the city and go aboard their ships. Plutarch, in *Themist.*, c. 10: "He was also addressing the people from the oracle, telling them that the wooden walls signified nothing other than ships, and by the word *θείη*, 'divine,' the oracle was designating Salamis, not *δειλή*, 'unhappy,' or *σχετλίη*, 'accursed,' since from it should be derived the name of an illustrious victory for the Greeks: *Μεγάλου εὐτυχήματος ἐπώνυμος ἐσομένη.*" Plutarch copies Herodotus, book vii, 143: "If the word had been meant for the Athenians, I do not believe it would have been phrased so mildly, but thus: 'O accursed Salamis,' instead of 'O divine Salamis,' if indeed its inhabitants were to die around it." See Polyaenus, *Stratagemata*, i, 30.

Ferula is a plant of warm regions of the rush genus: "It has the whole wood in the form of bark, that is, on the outside, but in place of wood it has a spongy marrow, like the elder; some, however, have a hollow, as reeds do." Pliny, book xiii, c. 42. Asafoetida.

[376 C] 6. This oracle, not cited here in full, is read in Herodotus, book vii, 220.

[377 C] 1. Herodotus also relates that, and all things which pertain to the expedition of Harpagus against the Cnidians.

[580 B] 1. This oracle is read in Pausanias, *Messeniaca*, c. 12. There is a great variety of readings in the second verse: *Ἀλλ’ ἀπάτῃ μὲν ἔχει λείαν Μεσσηνίδα λαός.* Kuhn notes that *λαός* is to be preferred to *ἄλλος*; from the reading *λείαν* instead of *γαῖαν*, the same sense is elicited, with only the words changed. Pausanias alone has transmitted to us the account of this long war between the Lacedaemonians and the Messenians, of which nothing has reached us from elsewhere.

Ibid. 6. The oracle related here by Oenomaus is cited by Pausanias in book iv, c. 9, v. 2, in which it is written in iambic verses instead of hexameters, as follows: *Κούρην ἄχραντον νερτέροισι δαίμοσι* *Κλήρῳ λαχοῦσαν Αἰπυτιδῶν ἀπ’ αἵματος* *Θυηπολεῖτε νυκτεροῖσιν ἐν σφαγαῖς.* *Ἣν δ’ σφαγῇ ἐκφύγῃ γε, καὶ παρ’ ἀλλοίου τότε* *Θύειν, δίδοντος ἐς σφαγὴν ἑκουσίως.* This reading of the oracle differs greatly from that which Amaseus followed in translating it into Latin; it is the one that Siebelis gave, about which I refrain from speaking. It is enough to compare one with the other as to sense and words; it is difficult to say which is true: nevertheless, since it is commonly believed that the Pythian oracle almost always used hexameter verses, for this reason alone the Oenomaus described by Eusebius seems to be preferred.

[381 B] 1. The oracle concerning Lycurgus is borrowed from Herodotus, book i, c. 65; the fifth verse, which we read here, is missing in Herodotus: *Ἥκεις εὐνομίαν διζήμενος· αὐτὰρ ἐγώ σοι* *Δώσω,* which was not the last verse, as Eusebius says. In the following verses, the word *καταινεῖν* was read, which can be numbered among the archaisms, since after Herodotus it does not come into use again among authors who have written in prose. Plutarch, in the *Life of Lycurgus*, c. 5: "The Pythia called him dear to God and a god rather than a man; and to one needing good order, she said that the god gives and promises [it], which will be much better than other constitutions." These are the very words of the oracle rendered into prose, the last part of which has perished. This oracle is rarely alluded to. The same Plutarch, in his oration *against Colotes*, c. 17, says that the Lacedaemonians preserve in their most ancient tablets, *ἐν ταῖς παλαιοτάταις ἀναγραφαῖς*, an oracle about Lycurgus. Themistes, xix, brings forward the same verses as Herodotus. Likewise Themistes, oration 15, p. 193: "Lycurgus, although Lacedaemon was excessively craggy, harmonized it from a disorderly life into good order," where you see the word *κητώεσσα* has been conjoined to the oracle as an epithet for the Lacedaemonians. The word *Λυκοέργει*, which is read in Eusebius, has been corrected in Herodotus, and *Λυκοῦργε* has been substituted in its place from the Florentine manuscript; this reading is confirmed by the text of Homer and Apollonius Rhodius, where the name of the homonymous Laconian legislator is found written in this way.

Ibid. 14. Tyrtaeus. The mention of the name of Tyrtaeus leads [one] to believe that Oenomaus had reported an oracle in which the subject was Tyrtaeus, before he dealt with Lycurgus. Lycurgus lived one hundred and fifty years before the first Olympiad; as Clement of Alexandria teaches us, *Stromata*, book i, p. 390. Tyrtaeus, according to the corrected Suidas, flourished around the twenty-fifth Olympiad; the oracle where he is the subject is the one that exhorted the Lacedaemonians to summon someone from Athens who might be present at their council. *Ἀθηναῖον ἐπάγεσθαι σύμβουλον.*—Ms. 451. Of Tyrtaeus.

Ibid. D 1: *Ἕως ἂν μαντείαισιν ὑποσχέσεις τε καὶ ὅρκους.* This verse limps more than once. Vigerus puts *ὑποσχεσίας* for *ὑποσχέσεις*, and Valckenaer [notes] in the scholia on Euripides, *Phoenissae* 679: "The word *Ἕως* at the beginning of the verse is common in the oracle which Eusebius reports from Oenomaus; it is to be corrected to *Ἔστ’ ἂν μαντείαισιν*, and a little later *Μενέλεων* for *Μενέλαον*, v. 4." Codex 466 has *Μενέλαν*. I have followed the opinion of Vigerus and Valckenaer, introducing into the text these emendations, which change nothing as far as the sense of the translation is concerned.

[384 A] 5. He alludes to a certain narrative of Herodotus, book iv, c. 32, concerning Laodicea and Hyperoche, who came from the Hyperborean region to Delos for the sake of religion, where they were deemed worthy of divine honors.

Ibid. 10. *Παῤῥησία* for *παρ’ ἧς*.

Ibid. B 6. *Ἐφημερίοις*. This word, rarely used, by which the oracle designates mortals, is found in an epigram cited by Villoison in the *Prolegomena* to the Venetian Scholiast, p. 55: *Τὺν καὶ ἀπειρεσίων κοίρανον ἦμερίων.* In the oracle which Athenaeus reports concerning Chariton and Melanippus, book x, p. 602, it is read: *Εὐδαίμων Χαρίτων καὶ Μελάνιππος ἔξυ / Θείας ἀγητῆρες ἐφημερίοις φιλότατος.*

[385 A] 9. Herodotus relates this, book i, 92: A lame daughter was born to Amphion, whose name was Labda; no one among the Bacchiadae wanted to take her in marriage. Hetion, son of Echecrates, took her as his wife; he was born in the village of Petra and boasted that he traced his origin from Caeneus and the Lapiths. He begat an only son by his wife, and had no relations with any other. He came to Delphi to consult the god about his progeny. As soon as he entered, the Pythia accosted him with these verses: Hetion, no one honors you, although you are…

worthy of honor. Labda has conceived: she will bring forth to the light a son who is a destroyer; he will attack men as a king, and will fortify Corinth with his own laws. ^A This was announced to the Bacchiadae, who had not understood the first obscure oracle about Corinth, which coincided with the oracle given to Hetion: «An eagle has conceived in the cliffs; she will bring forth a lion, robust and cruel: he will cut the hamstrings of many. Meditate on these things, you Corinthians, who dwell around beautiful Pirene and in the cliffs of Corinth, etc.» Herodotus narrates how the Bacchiadae conceived the plan of killing this Cypselus, the son of Hetion, and how this Cypselus, having escaped their plots, became the cruel oppressor of his country.

Col. 385 B 6. *γαμήσαι* 465, 466.

Col. 388 A 11. Erginus, son of Clymenus, of Presbon, of Phrixus and Athamas, traces his origin from the kings of the Orchomenians, whose history, briefly written, is read in Pausanias’ *Boeotica*, ch. 6, p. 474: Erginus, having suffered many adversities from Hercules, lived without a wife or children. But when he had become very wealthy, he wished to have a wife and children while now an old man; he betook himself therefore to Delphi, where, having consulted the oracle, he received the response cited above. Having taken a young wife, according to the oracle, he begat Trophonius and Agamedes. ^B For *γέροντι νέαν συνοικεῖν*, Valckenaer in his *Fragments of Euripides*, p. 275, proposes *συνοικίζειν*, to betroth, to give in marriage, to bring home.

An explicit allusion to this oracle is also found in the response of the oracle to Aegeus: «Do not loosen the projecting foot of the wineskin, O most mighty of the [people], lest...» Apollonius Rhodius imitated it, I, 1517: «He caused the bronze-wrought stopper to clash with the swift prow.» The words *κορώνη*, *ἀσκός*, *θύλακος*, *ποδεών* presented this opposite meaning. See Lobeck, *Aglaophamus*, p. 843, and the witnesses he cites. Regarding Erginus, see Diodorus Siculus, IV, 10; Apollodorus, in *Bibliotheca*, II, 4, 11; Ruhnken, *Epistola critica secunda*, p. 382. For the last words of the text, *ἀλλ’ ἐπιθυμίᾳ τοὺς βλάκας ἐξίστησι*, manuscript 465 has *ἀλλ’ ἐπιτυχία τοὺς βλάκας ἐξίστησι*; but *felix successus* (successful outcome) blinds the foolish populace.

Ibid. B 6. Of the *Praeparatio*. It appears here how recent and how absurd is the distribution into chapters; the series of ideas and the deduction of things said previously by Oenomaus is suddenly broken and torn from the beginning. After he said that in disturbances of the soul, responses are sought from oracles, he introduces God forbidding that unworthy things be sought from Him: these have been split into two parts by foolish dividers.

Ibid. C 1. For Antiochus, substitute Archilochus; the reason for this matter must be brought forward. We read, lib. VI, ch. 7, p. 256, the following oracle reported by Stephanus of Byzantium: under the entry *Θάσος*. ^C «Announce to the Parians, Telesicles, as I bid thee, to found in the island of Heria a city situated in a sunny place.» Who is this Telesicles? What is this island of Heria? Our author, or rather Oenomaus, teaches us this in the cited place. «Thasos is the island of Heria; would that the Parians might approach it when my son Archilochus has explained to them that this island was once called Heria... But if you had not wished him to teach this, neither would he himself have announced it, nor would his son Archilochus have offered himself as leader to this colony, nor would the Parians have inhabited Thasos.» It is clear that Telesicles was the father of Archilochus, that both were born on the island of Paros, and that the latter led the colony to Thasos. Strabo, lib. X, p. 487: *Ὑπὸ Παρίων ἐκτίσθη Θάσος*. Thucydides confirms this as well, lib. IV, § 104. This colony was later than the colony of the Phoenicians. From this agreement, it seems to me there is no doubt that *Ἀντίοχος* was substituted for *Ἀρχίλοχος*. Ruhnken, *de Velleio Paterculo*, ch. 5, n. 4, observes that this name has often been adulterated, and the name of Antiochus himself was substituted for it, as in Pollux’ *Onomasticon*, lib. VI, 99.

Holstenius, in his work on Stephanus of Byzantium, has already proposed this correction, and brings forward as an argument the beginning of chap. 33 of the same work of our author, to which we refer the reader.

Ibid. 4. *Φαῖστον*. Phaestus is numbered among the cities of Crete by Stephanus of Byzantium and Hesychius. The former says it was founded by Phaestus, son of Rhopalus, grandson of Hercules. Diodorus Siculus, lib. V, 78, and Strabo lib. X, p. 476, say it was founded by Minos. See Meursius, *Creta*, lib. I, 613. Tarrha, a city of Crete, says Stephanus of Byzantium, in which Apollo Tarrhaeus was especially worshipped, *Ταρραῖος*. The Scholiast of Apollonius, in his *Life of this Poet*, testifies that this city existed, based on Longinus: *Ἐν τοῖς φιλολογικοῖς*. «Distinguished towns of Crete in the Mediterranean: Gortyna, Phaestus, Gnossus, Polyrrhenum, Myrina, Lycastus, Rhamnus, Lyctus, Dium.» Pliny, lib. IV, 20.

Col. 389 A 6. Charilas, or Charilaus, is here the king of Sparta, whose tutor was Lycurgus, and for whom he saved both his life and his throne; he was from the family of the Proclids, son of Polydectes, grandson of Eunomus; he had a colleague in the kingdom from the family of the Eurysthenids, Archelaus, son of Agesilaus. Herodotus wrote the genealogy of the former, lib. VIII, ch. 131: *Τοῦ Εὐνόμου, τοῦ Πολυδέκτεος, τοῦ Πρυτάνιος*, with the order of names inverted from that in which Strabo disposed them, lib. X, p. 482; Justinian, lib. III, ch. 2; Pausanias, *In Laconica*, ch. 7, *Arcadica*, ch. 48; Plutarch, *Life of Lycurgus*, ch. 2. The genealogy of the Eurysthenids is read in Herodotus, lib. VII, § 204, where he deals with Leonidas.

Ibid. 15. The oracle by which the Pythia had expelled the killer of Archilochus from the temple has been cited often. In Pliny, there is a mistake in this which should have been corrected long ago, VII, 30: *Archilochi poetae interfectorem Apollo arguit Delphis*. One must write *arcuit*. Suidas names Calondas as the one who killed Archilochus by accident in battle. Plutarch, in his *Treatise on the Delays of Divine Vengeance*, designates him by this name and in addition by the surname *Κόραξ*.

In the unpublished *Life of Aratus*, which Ruhnken printed, the same name is read, but adulterated: *Ἀδελφοὺς ἔσχε Ἄρατος Λύρην τε καὶ Καλλιῶνδαν*. Ruhnken proposes *Μύρον* for *Λύρην*, and Hemsterhuys speaks of the form *Καλλιώδας*, which he joins with other names: *Ἀρχώνδας, Ἐπαμινώνδας, Θεώνδας, Φιλώνδας, Χαρώνδας*, which are formed from *Ἀορχνίδης*, etc. See Galiani in his *Protrepticus ad artes*, ch. X, vol. II, p. 10, of the Basel edition.

Aelian, in his *Histories*, lib. III, ch. 44, and Simplicius in his commentary on the *Handbook of Epictetus*, p. 81, recto of the Venice edition in-4°, 1528, report a similar oracle according to which a friend who had fled was to be expelled from the temple, having left his friend in the hands of the killers: «Present as bystander to a dying friend, you did not defend him: You have come impure; depart the beautiful shrine.» He admits the contrary regarding the man who had killed his friend while trying to bring him aid: «You killed your comrade while defending him; the blood of slaughter does not make you Impure; you are purer than you were before.»

Col. 393 A 3. *Ἵνα σπεύδωμεν καὶ διώξωμεν τὸν οὐρανὸν κατὰ πόδας τῶν ὑμετέρων ἐπαίνων*. Viger translates the words *κατὰ πόδας* as "with great strides"; I fear he has erred; *κατὰ πόδας διώκειν*, *αἱρεῖν*, *ἐπιπλέειν*, *θηρᾶν* offer the known meaning of following foot by foot; this manner of speaking here signifies the point in time at which the matter is transacted. Plato, in *Sophista*, p. 171 F…

^A Francofurtinæ editionis: *Karà módaç* [following foot by foot], *Intellexisti subito*. This sense is not found in the long passages.

Regarding *τῶν ὑμετέρων ἐπαίνων*, I have written *τῶν ἡμετέρων τόνων*, as it is read in manuscripts 451 (*πόνων*), 466, *ἡμετέρων*.

Col. 393 A 10. Regarding the *διασκευαί* (revisions/recensions), see Valckenaer’s Preface to Hippolytus, 18; his *Diatribe*, p. 89; Wolf, *Proleg. Homeric.*, p. 151; Dion. Chrysost., I, p. 699: *Ὥσπερ ἐν ταῖς κωμῳδίαις καὶ διασκευαῖς* [As in comedies and revisions]. Henrich, *Dissert.*; Kil., 1807.

Ibid. C 2. Viger, in his notes, compared the edition of this oracle which Eusebius provided with the one that Pausanias gave in his *Phocica*, c. 24, p. 857 of Kuhn’s edition: "You would see," says this narrator, "a bronze statue of Homer, sitting on a base, and upon it you would read the oracle that was given to Homer:

'Happy and unhappy, for under both stars you were born, you seek a fatherland: the region of your mother, not indeed your father, you possess: the island Ios is the fatherland of your mother; this shall receive you when you have rendered your last breath, but beware of the riddle of the boys.'"

This oracle, as it is related by Pausanias, was transcribed word-for-word by Stephanus of Byzantium at the words *Ἰος, νῆσος τῶν Κυκλάδων*. It exists more fully, and interpolated, in the *Life of Homer* which is attributed to Plutarch. At the beginning, this is the version of the passage: "Aristotle says in the eighth book of the *Poetics* that Homer, when he wished to know his origin, consulted an oracle, from which he heard: 'The island Ios is the fatherland of your mother, which shall receive you after death; but beware of the riddle of the youths.'"

Another oracle concerning him is narrated: "Happy and unhappy, for under both stars you were born, you seek a fatherland, it exists as the fatherland of your mother but not your father, of which the principal city is situated on an island, neither far from the vast mainland nor near to it (the island of Crete). Here you will find your tomb, as fate has ordained, when you have heard what the boys will say: that is, a hymn expressed in intricate words and difficult to understand; for fate has assigned to you a double life: according to the former, you are bereft of the double sun; but according to the latter, you are like the immortals, living and dead; but after death you will be empty of the infirmities of old age."

Ibid. C 15. *Δυσπάθεων*, 451.

Col. 396. A 10. *Ὁ εἰδὼς ψάμμου τ' ἀριθμὸν καὶ μέτρα θαλάσσης,* *Καὶ κωφοῦ ξυνιείς, καὶ μὴ λαλέοντος ἀκούων.*

From these verses begins the oracle of Apollo to Croesus which we cited in c. 21 of this book and in Herodotus' *History*, book I, c. 47. From the customary allusions of the ancients to these verses, this exclamation of Cicero is understood, *De Divinatione*, book I, c. 19: "What the Pythian Apollo responded to Croesus, what to the Athenians, what to the Lacedaemonians, what to the Tegeates, what to the Argives, what to the Corinthians, who is ignorant of that?" It is not so in more recent times: this verse was cited in the *Diarium Eruditorum*, month of November 1832, p. 671, as if from an unknown oracle. Pindar seems to have had this oracle in mind when he says in the ninth *Pythian*, v. 79:

*Ἐξερωτᾷς, ὦ ἄνα; κύριον ὃς πάντων τέλος* *Οἶσθα καὶ πάσας κελεύθους,* *Ὅσσα τε χθὼν ἡρινὰ φύλλ' ἀναπέμπει, χὡπόσαι* *Ἐν θαλάσσᾳ καὶ ποταμοῖς ψάμαθοι* *Κύμασιν ῥιπαῖς τ' ἀνέμων κλονέονται.*

Ibid. B 5. Why, O hereditary interpreter of the religions of the Greeks, as Plato names you. Here is an allusion to a certain passage of the fourth book of the *Republic*, p. 427 H. Stephanus, 448 Ficinus: "As concerns the consecrations of temples, victims, and the other religious rites ^B of the gods, demons, and heroes, if we are wise, we shall listen to no other interpreter except the one whom our fathers have handed down to us. For this god is the hereditary interpreter (*ἐξηγητής*) of all men, in these matters, sitting in the middle of the earth and in its navel he delivers his oracles."

Ibid. 9. *Προστιμηθείς* 467.

Ibid. C 10. Trustworthy witnesses defend the passage about Cleomedes of Astypalaea, namely Plutarch, in his *Life of Romulus*; Pausanias, in his second *Eliaca*, or book VI, c. 9. The former speaks thus: "The lot of Romulus is not very dissimilar from those things which the Greeks relate concerning Aristaeus of Proconnesus and Cleomedes of Astypalaea; this man was remarkable in virtue and stature, of an irascible and almost frenzied temperament, doing nothing except by force. This is his final deed: having entered a school of boys, he struck with his fist a pillar that held up the house, and broke it in the middle; whence the roof collapsed. When they were pursuing him because of the death of the boys, he fled into a huge chest, held the lid closed, in such a way that many men tried in vain to pull him out. Having broken the chest, they found him neither living nor dead; which, indeed, wondering at, they sent legates to Delphi, to whom the Pythia responded: 'The last of the heroes is Cleomedes of Astypalaea.'"

Pausanias adds certain new things: "In the preceding Olympiad, it is said that Iccus of Epidaurus was killed in a fight by Cleomedes of Astypalaea while struggling against him. He was condemned by the judges as if guilty of an unjust act, and, having lost the prize of victory, he became insane; moved by grief, he fled to Astypalaea and, when he had sat not far from a school in which about sixty boys were shut up, he removed the pillar that supported the roof, which by its collapse crushed the boys. When the inhabitants pursued him with stones, he fled into the temple of Minerva, descended into a chest placed in this temple, and, pulling the lid to himself, he thwarted the efforts of the Astypalaeans who wished to open the chest. Its boards having been finally moved, and Cleomedes being found neither living nor dead, they sent to Delphi to seek an explanation of those things which had happened to Cleomedes. The Pythia gave back the oracle mentioned above. From this time, the Astypalaeans worship Cleomedes as a hero."

Many ecclesiastical writers relate the same things: Origen, *adv. Celsum*, book III; Theodoret, *Therapeutica*, book VIII; Cyril, *adv. Julianum*; Epiphanius the Scholastic; and finally the historian Socrates, book III, c. 23, p. 165 of the Valesius edition, who cites our author: "What shall I say about Cleomedes the athlete, whom the oracle declared a god?" Because of this oracle, Diogenes the Cynic and the philosopher Oenomaus condemned the Pythian Apollo, *κατέγνωσαν τοῦ Πυθίου Ἀπόλλωνος*. As it seems, Oenomaus had other documents than Plutarch and Pausanias concerning the death of Cleomedes, whom he narrates was killed by the kick of a wild ass: it is probable that the Astypalaeans were deceived by Cleomedes who, without their knowing, fled. Whence the rumor crept out that he had been taken from sight, wherefore he was ranked among the gods.

Col. 398 B 11. Theagenes of Thasos is cited by Pausanias in the second *Eliaca*, c. 11: "The Thasians," he says, "threw his statue into the sea, following a certain law of Draco among those which he had given to the Athenians concerning murder. According to this law, inanimate objects which, by falling, have brought death to someone, are to be cast out beyond the borders." This law of Draco, Demosthenes relates in the very words in his *Oration against Aristocrates*, vol. I, ed. Reiske, p. 645. The tribunal of the Prytaneum is the fourth. To what purpose does it look? If a stone, a piece of wood, iron, or something similar should by chance strike someone; if it is not known from whom it came; if the object is possessed or it has been ascertained what was the cause of death, it is referred to these magistrates. Pausanias has spoken at length in the cited place about the life of the athlete Theagenes and about the honors with which he was worshipped as a god.

Col. 400 A 1. Viger says in his note that

in this term, the manuscripts say: *Theagenes is called an athlete, and because of his body, etc.*

Ibid. ^C The history of Cypselus here written is as Herodotus [reports it]. Viger sent back to the reader to his notes on things not edited, which are to be found in Herodius by those who wish to read it, which I think he has sufficiently added. To those who wish to know this history thoroughly, the indication is to be found in book 92 of Herodotus, in which all things concerning him are contained, in chapter 29, Oenomaus cited the oracle of the father of Cypselus, which is found in that same Herodotus:

*Helleion, who is not yet a man of much worth.* ^D Then the text is corrected, *Cypselus, son of Eetion*; which, furthermore, is confirmed by the same Herodotus, who adds the verse: *King of glorious Corinth* *He and his sons, and the sons' sons, are no longer sons.*

*It is just as Cypselus,* the historian says. *He vexed many inhabitants of Corinth, he took away much wealth, and also the lives of many; then, when he had reigned for thirty years, he left the kingdom to his son, Periander.* Cicero, *De Fato*, c. 7: *Necessary it was that Cypselus should rule in Corinth, even though it were destined by the oracle of Apollo a thousand years before.* Davies tries to show this, by calculating the times to the point to which Cicero refers, the age [of the people before], even a thousand years before. * The first of these oracles was frequently invoked by the Pythia; nor is the data given by Tzetzes as an oracle and related in his *Exegesis* similar to this. *Blessed is this man who serves my house.*

Ibid. ^B Melanippus will be of great use to the city of Gela, which will not provide difficulties, but rather some obscurity. Melanippus, a citizen of Agrigentum, had conspired against Phalaris the tyrant; to which the following oracle refers. Aelianus has spoken at such length of this conspiracy in the fourth chapter of his *Various History*; concerning this, we have learned elsewhere in his *Treatise on Providence* [Περὶ Προνοίας] and Suidas, who holds three fragments that are distinct in words [regarding] desire and the turning away.

Athenaeus, in the thirteenth book, p. 602, ed. Casaubon, alludes to this, and mentions Heracleides Ponticus, and cites the oracle, which we see as well; but it is not clear how Melanippus could be [associated] with the city of Gela; it can only be shown by conjecture.

Melanippus, a young man of great beauty and virtue, who had strongly inflamed the soul of Chariton. *A burning lover is Melanippus, and for his soul, a good and beautiful one, [they have] different fates.*

*A contention having arisen between Melanippus and a certain man whom the tyrant favored: a chirograph, which he held before, the tyrant’s judges destroyed.* And indignant at the injustice, Melanippus conspired against the tyrant, and [with] the efforts he made to join the young men to himself, whom he knew to have the same feeling, participants; he revealed the counsel to Chariton, who, because he had been warned not to admit men rashly into this conspiracy, who, because of the fear of the tyrant, might waver, begged that he himself be entrusted with the business. Melanippus agreed. Chariton, having buckled on his dagger, so that he might arrange everything alone, so that as a friend he might be safe from harm, took upon himself the whole thing, to kill the tyrant, the opportunity of approaching; but observed by the guards, he was seized before he could become master of the plan. Imprisoned and tortured with the most cruel torments to declare his accomplices, he stubbornly remained silent, until Melanippus, the report having been spread as the author and instigator of the conspiracy. Phalaris, touched by the marvelous friendship of both, granted them life, and drove them into exile from Sicily. ^C Apollo and Jupiter were pleased by this specimen of humanity offered by the most cruel tyrant, so that he spared his life for two years. ^D Which Aelianus says in the place cited from Suidas, to the word *anagoge*. But what Melanippus has to do with this report, [I shall] try to explain [that].

Gela on the southern shore of Sicily and the river of the same name is near Agrigentum. As Thucydides says, book VI, §4: *Antiphemus of Rhodes and Entimus of Crete, leading [colonists] to Sicily, founded Gela forty years after Syracuse was founded, and gave it its name from the river Acragas. It changed its own name.* Afterwards, Agrigentum, having received such an increase, as Diogenes Laertius testifies, had a population [of] 80,000, which is very doubtful. Book VIII, 61. It seems more probable, since it was the metropolis of Sicily, and especially since Gela had transferred Gela into its own power. Therefore, it is possible that Melanippus was a citizen of Gela, and when Gela had been expanded to such a great extent within two years, after Agrigentum and the cities had recovered their liberty, he returned to his fatherland, which he adorned with great honors and many benefits.

Ibid. ^C Verses which are cited here ironically render the oracle of Apollo to Menalippus and Chariton. As Athens has in the passage cited: *Pythia [gave] the oracle also published for Chariton and his friend, adding the hexameter and pentameter, just as later Dionysius the Athenian, to whom Chalcus (brazen) [was given], made in his Elegies. In the oracle:* *The blessed Chariton and Melanippus [are],* *Of the goddess's guides, of the daily love.*

Aelianus, since he cites the same [lines], reversed the order of the verses, and set them into Attic style instead of Dorian: *Divine guides of daily love,* *Blessed are the Charitons and Melanippus.*

According to Eusebius, it seems that Athens cites it more expressly than Aelianus. I think the parody of the verses was made by Oenomaus, in such a way that it arrived [at its current form], and crept into the manuscript. It is hardly probable that Cynic joined the name Phalaris, that is of the tyrant and the tyrant-slayer, so that they might sow these discords among men themselves; no similarity can exist between Phalaris and Cypselus; but the horrendous monster Phalaris and Cypselus [are] easily understood by the preceding [passage]. The substitution of the name of the executioner of Corinth for Melanippus, [is] a matter of little concern for the excellence of the verse.